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Title: Early western travels 1748-1846, volume 6
Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites
Author: H. M. Brackenridge
Gabriel Franchère
Release date: June 1, 2025 [eBook #76209]
Language: English
Original publication: Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1904
Credits: Carol Brown, Greg Bergquist and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARLY WESTERN TRAVELS 1748-1846, VOLUME 6 ***
Transcriber’s Note:
Words and phrases in italics are surrounded by underscores, _like
this_. Footnotes were moved to the end of each chapter. Words may
have multiple spelling variations or inconsistent hyphenation in the
text. These were not changed. Misspelled words, dialect, obsolete
spellings and non-standard diacriticals in French were not corrected.
Manuscript page numbers are displayed within brackets, e.g. {36}.
Obvious printing errors, such as duplicate words, upside down,
missing or partially printed letters and punctuation, were corrected.
Final stops missing at the end of sentences and abbreviations were
added. Duplicate words at line endings or page breaks were removed.
Early Western Travels
1748-1846
Volume VI
Early Western Travels
1748-1846
A Series of Annotated Reprints of some of the best
and rarest contemporary volumes of travel, descriptive
of the Aborigines and Social and
Economic Conditions in the Middle
and Far West, during the Period
of Early American Settlement
Edited with Notes, Introductions, Index, etc., by
Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D.
Editor of “The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents,” “Wisconsin
Historical Collections,” “Chronicles of Border Warfare,”
“Hennepin’s New Discovery,” etc.
Volume VI
Brackenridge’s Journal up the Missouri, 1811
Franchère’s Voyage to Northwest Coast, 1811-1814
[Illustration]
Cleveland, Ohio
The Arthur H. Clark Company
1904
COPYRIGHT 1904, BY
THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
The Lakeside Press
R. R. DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANY
CHICAGO
CONTENTS OF VOLUME VI
PREFACE. _The Editor_ 9
I
JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE UP THE RIVER MISSOURI; performed in
eighteen hundred and eleven. _H. M. Brackenridge_
Copyright Notice 22
Author’s Preface 23
Author’s Table of Contents 25
Text 27
Appendix (Parts I, II, and IV omitted)
Chapter III. Extract from “Views of Louisiana” 153
A table of distances 164
II
NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST COAST OF
AMERICA IN THE YEARS 1811, 1812, 1813, and 1814; or,
the First American Settlement on the Pacific. _Gabriel
Franchère_, translated and edited by _J. V. Huntington_
Author’s Preface to second edition 173
Note by the Editor. _J. V. Huntington_ 174
Author’s Preface to the French edition 176
Author’s Table of Contents 177
Introduction 183
Text 189
Appendix 405
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME VI
Facsimile of original title-page to Brackenridge’s
_Journal_ 21
“Astoria, as it was in 1813” (frontispiece to original of
Franchère’s _Narrative_) 170
Facsimile of original title-page to Franchère’s
_Narrative_ 171
“View of the Falkland Islands” 205
“Entrance of the Columbia River” 231
PREFACE TO VOLUME VI
In this volume we present reprints both of Brackenridge’s _Journal of
a Voyage up the Missouri_ (1811), and of Franchère’s _Voyage to the
Northwest Coast of America_ (1811-14).
_Brackenridge’s Journal_
Henry Marie Brackenridge, traveller, author, statesman, jurist,
had a long and varied career. Born at Pittsburg in 1786, one of
his earliest memories was the Whiskey Rebellion, in which his
father, an eminent lawyer of that town, was a prominent actor. In
later years, the son’s researches into his parent’s part in this
incident, bore fruit in his _History of Western Insurrection in
Western Pennsylvania, commonly called the Whiskey Insurrection, 1794_
(Pittsburg, 1859).
Henry Brackenridge has also given to the world an autobiography,
in the work entitled _Recollections of Persons and Places in the
West_ (Philadelphia, 1834), from which we ascertain that at the
age of seven years he was sent to learn French among the Creoles
of Louisiana Territory. Having spent three years at the village of
Ste. Genevieve--where his French was acquired at the expense of
his English, which for a time was quite forgotten--he returned to
Pittsburg, where his further education was conducted chiefly under
his father’s supervision.
At an early age he began to read law, and was admitted to the bar
before he had attained his majority. Acting upon his father’s
advice, he attempted to begin practice in Baltimore; but finding his
profession overcrowded in that city, retired for a year to Somerset,
Pennsylvania, thence migrating to the West. Turning first to his
boyhood home, he opened an office at Ste. Genevieve, but soon drifted
to St. Louis, and there wrote sketches of the new territory, which
were afterwards embodied in his _Views of Louisiana_.
While at St. Louis in the spring of 1811, Brackenridge, being fond
of adventure, was easily induced by the fur-trader Manuel Lisa to
accompany him on a voyage up the Missouri. Lisa’s party left the
settlements three weeks later than the expedition under Hunt, which
carried the overland Astorians, whose picturesque adventures as far
as the Mandan are detailed in Bradbury’s _Journal_, reprinted in
volume v of our series. There ensued a stern chase up the Missouri,
in which Lisa’s keel-boat, manned by twenty-two oarsmen, made every
effort to overtake the advance party, in order that forces might be
joined against the hostile Sioux. It was not until the fourth of June
that the Missouri trader overtook Hunt, nearly thirteen hundred miles
above the mouth of the river. Brackenridge, already wearying of his
long absence from civilization, now preferred to return in two boats
which Lisa was sending down the river, being accompanied upon the
home trip by his naturalist friend, John Bradbury. In less than two
weeks upon the descending current, they reached the settlements.
Brackenridge left St. Louis in November following, and on his arrival
at New Orleans was chosen deputy attorney-general for the Territory
of Orleans. When Louisiana was admitted as a state, he was made
federal district judge, with headquarters at Baton Rouge. There he
devoted himself to the study of the Spanish law and language, and
became of much use to the newly-organized government.
Before the close of the second war with England, Brackenridge was
again in Baltimore, and at the instigation of his publisher in
that city wrote his _History of the Late War between the United
States and Great Britain_, which passed through eight editions
and was translated into both French and Italian. The authenticity
and impartiality of this work have been highly praised. The same
year (1814) that he returned from the West, there was issued from
a Pittsburg press his _Views of Louisiana_, including this journal
of the voyage up the Missouri. Two years later, there appeared
a separate edition of the journal, revised and enlarged by the
author--the book here reprinted.
Brackenridge’s later history was replete with adventure, and brought
him in contact with many phases of American life. In 1817 he wrote
a letter to President Monroe, urging the recognition of the South
American Republics. This having been translated into Spanish, was
by many assumed to be an official opinion of the United States
government, and as such elicited an elaborate reply from the Spanish
minister. In the same year, Brackenridge was appointed secretary of
a commission sent by the federal government to visit the revolted
states of South America. Upon his return, he published his _Voyage to
South America performed by the Order of the American Government in
the Years 1817 and 1818 in the Frigate Congress_ (Baltimore, 1819;
London, 1820), which was highly commended by the great authority of
that day, Baron von Humboldt.
Upon the purchase of Florida by the United States, Brackenridge
concluded to cast his lot with that of the new territory. On his
way south, he fell in with a party of the newly-appointed governor,
General Andrew Jackson, and was invited to become one of the latter’s
official family. Brackenridge’s knowledge of French and Spanish
made his services especially useful to the Florida executive, whose
public despatches and proclamations during 1821 were nearly all
drawn by the hand of our author. Jackson then appointed him alcalde
of Pensacola, and the following year secured his selection as judge
of the western district of Florida--a position which he occupied
for ten years. Through some misunderstanding with Jackson, during
the latter’s presidency, Brackenridge was removed from office in
1832, and returned to his old home at Pittsburg. Here he re-entered
public life, was candidate for Congress, and in 1841 served as a
commissioner to draft a treaty with Mexico. His later years, spent
in retirement, were largely devoted to literary labors. He died in
Pittsburg in 1871.
The early writings of a man who in maturer years attained such
eminence as that won by Judge Brackenridge, are interesting for
their promise and suggestion. But the _Journal of a Voyage up the
Missouri_ has in itself much intrinsic value. It is a record free
from youthful exaggeration, being singularly clear and accurate.
Inspired solely by a desire to describe in simple terms the vast
regions lately become our national possession, Brackenridge gives us
a vivid picture of the great plains of the West, clad in their summer
verdure, with vast herds of wild animals giving a touch of vitality
to the lonely scenes. His descriptions of the marvellous atmospheric
effects, and the wide expanses of sky and plain, are the product of
one who possessed keen enthusiasm for wilderness landscape; but he
confesses his disillusion in regard to the simplicity and charm of
the savage in a “state of nature.” His accounts of Indian life and
customs, although slight in volume, are suggestive and valuable; yet
he reaches the harsh judgment that “the world would lose but little,
if these people should disappear before civilized communities.” Our
author’s remarks upon existing conditions are apposite and often
sound, especially upon the value of the Louisiana Purchase to the
growth of the United States--nevertheless as a prophet he is not
always happy. He thought the region about Omaha the highest point to
which settlement would extend for many years, and that the Indians
would hold undisputed possession of the Upper Missouri for at least
a century. This was in view of the difficulties of navigation,
which he well described--the changes and rapidity of the current,
the falling in of the banks, the snags, and the shifting nature
of the river bed. Brackenridge lived to see steam navigation and
transportation transform the entire Missouri Valley into a thriving
centre of civilization; on the sites which his eye had selected for
towns, to be established in a far-distant future, there soon arose
large cities. His opinion that the interests of the West would
serve to break down sectionalism and conserve the Union, was amply
justified by the course of events.
_Franchère’s Narrative_
The expedition organized by John Jacob Astor for the purpose
of founding an American fur-trading post at the mouth of the
Columbia, although unhappy in its outcome, was most fortunate in
its historians. The _Astoria_ of Washington Irving is an American
classic. The journals upon which he based his delightful tale are
less well known, but deserving of wide acquaintance. Among the
“scribbling clerks” whose fondness for keeping journals excited the
ire of the “Tonquin’s” choleric captain, was a young Canadian, whose
narrative is, in charm of style, second only to that of Irving’s; it
has the added advantage of being the account of one who participated
in the adventures which he describes.
Gabriel Franchère was of an honorable Canadian family. His
grandfather Jacques, early in the eighteenth century, had come to
New France as a ship surgeon. Jacques’s son, the elder Gabriel,
established himself in business at Montreal, where our author was
born November 3, 1786. As a young man, Gabriel _fils_ became a
merchant’s apprentice, but was easily persuaded to abandon the desk
and the counter for the more adventurous life of a fur-trade clerk.
He himself tells us in brief but telling sentences of his emotions
on leaving Montreal to join the contingent of the American Fur
Company which departed thence for New York, where Astor’s sea-going
party were to embark for the Pacific. Leaving New York September 6,
1810, the expedition arrived the following spring at the bar of the
Columbia, and after a series of disasters began the construction of
the fort named for the senior partner.
Franchère faithfully narrates the occurrences of the following years,
until the sale of the entire property to the rival North West Company
in October, 1813. One of his fellow clerks (Alexander Ross, whose
journal is to be published as volume vii of this series) intimates
that Franchère was eager to accept employment in the new company.
The latter’s narrative, however, and his subsequent movements,
refute this statement. Indeed, Franchère was singularly loyal to his
American employers; and although offered advantageous terms because
of his linguistic facility, remained with the North West Company only
until the first opportunity presented itself to return to Montreal.
This occurred when the trading brigade left the Columbia, April 4,
1814. After a difficult and perilous trip across the continent,
Franchère reached his father’s home in September of the same year,
being received there as one risen from the dead.
Early the following spring the young Canadian married the maiden who,
in alternate hope and despair, had during four long years waited for
his return. He then entered Astor’s employ as his Montreal agent.
Several years later, he removed to Sault Ste. Marie--whose appearance
during the War of 1812-15 he so graphically describes in his
book--and for several years made this his home. Upon the liquidation
of the American Fur Company’s affairs, Franchère was employed by the
St. Louis firm of which Pierre Chouteau was the head. Later, he
removed to New York, and established a fur-trading firm under his own
name.
Franchère was a loyal citizen of his adopted country, and naturally
much concerned over the Oregon question. Upon its discussion in the
Senate (1846), Thomas Benton invited him to Washington. After citing,
in a famous speech, this work of our author (not yet translated)
as an authority of value upon the matter in hand, Benton presented
him to his senatorial colleagues. One of Franchère’s most cherished
recollections was the deference and honor with which he was treated
by the famous statesmen of that day--Webster, Clay, and Benton.
In 1853 Franchère revisited his early home at Montreal, being
received there with much respect, both as an author whose fame
contributed to that of his native city, and as a philanthropist whose
interest in young Canadian exiles in New York had led to excellent
practical results. Thus, amid honors and pleasant associations, his
last years wore away; and he died (1863) at the home of his step-son,
John S. Prince, of St. Paul, Minnesota, in the seventy-seventh year
of his age.
Franchère’s character was one of much simplicity and charm.
Physically, he was of medium stature, with a gentle, kindly face.
Gifted with abundant health, cheerful spirits, a fund of quiet humor,
and ability to adapt himself to changing environments, the verbal
recital of his early adventures became a never-failing source of
interest to all his associates. His experiences were first committed
to writing, merely for his own entertainment and the perusal of
his family circle. As interest in the Great West increased, he
was persuaded to publish his narrative in the original French.
Unaccustomed to literary effort, he secured the collaboration of
Michel Bibaud _père_, a well-known Canadian editor, and in 1820
the work appeared from the Montreal press of C. P. Pasteur.[1] The
original manuscript of the journal is now preserved in the Toronto
Public Library. Irving, in _Astoria_, makes acknowledgment of his
indebtedness to this narrative, and among French Canadians it at once
acquired a considerable popularity. Much later, when Franchère was a
resident of New York, there arose a demand for an English version,
to which Franchère gave his consent and cordial co-operation.
The translation was made by a Baltimorean, J. V. Huntington, who
incorporated several changes and additions; the whole being published
in 1854 under the title of the present reprint.
Franchère’s purpose in this English version was partly to vindicate
the reputation of his _compagnons de voyage_, whose characters he
considered aspersed by Irving’s account; partly to correct certain
errors in the latter; but chiefly to set before the American public
a simple, unvarnished relation by a participant in an important
historical event, after the period of passion and recrimination had
passed away.
Aside from the excellent style of the narrative, which its American
editor characterizes as “De Foe-like” in simplicity and clearness,
the value of the journal is due to the historical information it
affords. Franchère’s sympathies were evidently with the American
party. Although Canadian-born, he does not appear to approve of
the Nor’ Westers among the partners--characterizing McDougall as a
“traitor,” and describing McKenzie in uncomplimentary terms. His
criticisms, however, are as a rule neither caustic nor severe. Even
for Captain Thorn he has a measure of appreciation; and upon the
mismanagement of affairs he comments but casually. A kindly nature is
revealed in remarks upon his fellow clerks; even the Indians are not
painted by him in as dark colors as they are set forth by some of his
compeers. Slight mention is made of the hardships through which he
passed. While Ross enlarges upon the tediousness of the voyage, the
bad fare and foul water, and the privations at Astoria and upon the
river, Franchère passes over these with few words. On the other hand,
he exhibits much enthusiasm over the beauties of the Columbia and the
Saskatchewan basins, of verdant prairies, and of lofty forests.
Aside from the main historical value of the journal, there are
interesting incidental references to the Western events of the second
Anglo-American War. In the fastnesses of the Canadian wilderness, the
news of Perry’s victory upon Lake Erie brings consternation to the
minds of British fur-traders. At Fort William, much anxiety over the
fate of the yearly invoice of furs is manifested; and the flotilla
bearing a million dollars’ worth of peltries slips silently by the
ruins of Sault Ste. Marie, the voyageurs listening with trepidation
to the bombardment of Fort Mackinac. The wilderness, also, knew its
own wars. Aside from the sharp and sometimes bloody international
rivalry on the Northwest Coast, the struggle between the two Canadian
companies was beginning to reach an acute stage. At the outlet of
Lake Winnipeg, Franchère hears echoes of the strife between the North
West Company and Lord Selkirk’s Red River settlement--a rivalry that
was to produce much bloodshed and hardship before the coalition of
Canadian fur-traders in 1821.
But the main interest of the narrative centers in the Columbia
region. The first white men to penetrate the interior since the
expedition of Lewis and Clark, the testimony of the Astorians, and
of Franchère in particular, in many important details corroborates
that of the famous explorers. In his description of the native races,
Franchère in many ways supplements the accounts of Lewis and Clark.
His ethnological distinctions are less minute; but his remarks upon
the polity, slavery, marriage, warfare, and religion of the natives
west of the Rocky Mountains are worthy of attention. His skill in
Indian languages, as well as long residence in the country, gave
him unusual opportunity for acquiring valuable information of every
sort. At the present time, when we are celebrating the close of a
century after the expedition of Lewis and Clark, the reprinting of
this journal of one who followed closely on their footsteps, is of
peculiar importance.
As in the previous volumes of the series, Louise Phelps Kellogg, Ph.
D., has given valuable assistance in the preparation of notes; and
some further aid has been received from Edith Kathryn Lyle, Ph. D.,
and Homer C. Hockett, B. A.
R. G. T.
MADISON, WIS., July, 1904.
[1] _Relation d’un Voyage à la Côte du Nord-Ouest de
l’Amérique Septentrionale dans les années 1810-1814_
(Montreal, 1820).
BRACKENRIDGE’S JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE UP THE RIVER
MISSOURI IN 1811
Reprint of the second edition (Baltimore, 1816). Parts I, II, and IV
of the Appendix are here omitted, as irrelevant.
JOURNAL
OF
A VOYAGE
UP THE RIVER MISSOURI;
PERFORMED
IN EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND ELEVEN,
BY H. M. BRACKENRIDGE, ESQ.
SECOND EDITION,
_Revised and Enlarged by the Author_.
BALTIMORE:
PUBLISHED BY COALE AND MAXWELL,
_At the Reading Rooms, No. 204 Market street._
Pomeroy & Toy, printers.
1816.
DISTRICT OF MARYLAND, To wit:
BE IT REMEMBERED, that on this eighth day of December, in the fortieth
year of the Independence of the United States of America,
[Seal] Coale & Maxwell, of the said District, have deposited in this
Office, the Title of a Book, the right whereof they claim as
Proprietors, in the words and figures following, to wit:
“Journal of a Voyage up the River Missouri; performed in eighteen
hundred and eleven, by H. M. Brackenridge, Esq., second edition,
revised and enlarged by the author.”
In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States,
entitled, “An Act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the
copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of
such copies, during the times therein mentioned;” and also to the Act
entitled, “An act supplementary to an Act, entitled, ‘An Act for the
encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts,
and Books, to the authors and Proprietors of such copies during the
times therein mentioned,’ and extending the benefits thereof to
the arts of Designing, Engraving, and Etching historical and other
prints.”
PHILIP MOORE,
_Clerk of the District of Maryland_.
PREFACE
The following is the Journal of a voyage, of four or five months,
on the Missouri river, beyond the settlements. The voyage was
undertaken in the spirit of adventure, which characterises so many
of our countrymen, and with little or no expectation of profit or
advantage. The accounts received from different persons had greatly
excited my curiosity. The conversation of Manuel Lisa, a man of an
ardent and enterprising character, and one of the most celebrated
of those who traverse the Indian country, had inflamed my mind with
the desire of attempting something of a similar nature. I set off
with the intention of making a summer excursion, as a simple hunter,
unprovided with the means of making mathematical observations, but
little {iv} acquainted with any of the branches of natural history,
and without once imagining that I should ever publish the result of
my observations. Afterwards, having published a volume, under the
title of “Views of Louisiana,” the present Journal was placed in the
appendix. But having been at first written in a loose and careless
manner, the style, I fear, notwithstanding the corrections it has
undergone, still retains too much of its original defect. There are
certainly many things which might be omitted; there are also topics,
which the reader will be disappointed in finding untouched: to this,
I must answer, that having already entered into a variety of details,
in something like a regular and systematic work, it would be improper
to repeat them here.
The author aims at no higher ambition, than to afford some amusement
to his fellow-citizens, by a simple detail of the incidents of his
tour. On one subject, however, he hopes this little volume will not
be useless to the public; that is, in conveying something like an
exact idea of the extent to which the immense regions west of the
Mississippi are susceptible of population. This is a consideration
{v} to the statesman of no small moment. In developing the resources
of a great empire, destined in twenty-five years hence, to contain
twenty millions of souls, a correct estimate of the amount of its
habitable territory is surely not unimportant. It is with this view
chiefly, that I have been induced to publish this Journal in a
separate volume, as in this way it will have a tendency to produce a
more general acquaintance with a portion of our country, so vast in
extent and so interesting in its character.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
Motives of the voyage--Set off from St. Charles--Navigation of
the Missouri--A militia captain 27
CHAPTER II
Try our sails with success--Account of an extraordinary
female maniac--Adventure of the she-bear--Arrival at Fort
Osage--Gain considerably on Hunt 40
CHAPTER III
Orison of the Osages--Discontents in our party--News of
Hunt--An excursion--Arrival at the river Platte 61
CHAPTER IV
Council Bluffs--Blackbird Hills--Maha villages--Disappointment
in not overtaking Hunt--Floyd’s bluff 77
CHAPTER V
Frightful rapids--News of Mr. Henry--A buffaloe--The
Poncas--Meet the Sioux--Overtake Mr. Hunt 87
CHAPTER VI
Messrs. Bradbury and Nuttal--An excursion--Rupture between the
leaders of our parties--Arrival at the Arikara villages 100
{viii} CHAPTER VII
Arikara villages--An alarm in the village--Manners and
customs 114
CHAPTER VIII
Proceed to the Mandan villages--A buffaloe hunt--Arrival at
the Mandan villages 132
CHAPTER IX
Mandan villages--Return to Arikara--Scene after a battle 138
CHAPTER X
Set off to return--Battle of buffaloes--Fort Clark--Arrival at
St. Louis 146
APPENDIX
Extract from the Views of Louisiana 153
[Table of distances, from the mouth of the Missouri to the
Mandan Villages] 164
BRACKENRIDGE’S JOURNAL
CHAPTER I[1]
Motives of the Voyage--Set off from St. Charles--Navigation of the
Missouri--A militia captain.
Before the memorable expedition of Lewis and Clark, none was found
adventurous enough to penetrate that extensive portion of our
continent, more than a few hundred miles. It was almost as little
known to us, as the interior of New Holland, or the deserts of
Africa. After the return of those celebrated travellers, several
Indian traders were induced to extend the sphere of their enterprise,
and one of them, Manuel Lisa, ascended the Missouri almost to its
source. These enterprising individuals meeting with considerable
success, a trading company {2} or association followed, under the
name of THE MISSOURI FUR COMPANY, formed in the hope of carrying on
this business more extensively than it had hitherto been practised,
and, in time, of rivalling even the British associations in Canada.
The company was composed of twelve persons, with a capital of about
forty thousand dollars. A small sum it is true, but as much as was
necessary for a beginning. The company engaged about two hundred and
fifty men, Canadians and Americans; the first for the purpose of
navigating the boats, but the latter as hunters: for it was their
intention to hunt as well as trade. In the spring of 1808, they
ascended the Missouri in barges, and left trading establishments in
the Sioux country, also among the Arikaras and Mandans. After this
they proceeded with the main body to the three forks of the Missouri;
about three thousand miles from its source. The junction of the three
rivers, Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin, are considered as forming
the Missouri. The surrounding country, when compared with the bare
plains of the Missouri, may be called woody, and from its situation
is well supplied with mountain streams. That ingenious and {3}
persecuted little animal, the beaver, is found here in great numbers,
and this was the principal inducement for the company in establishing
themselves here. But it is not in the power of those who adventure
in untried paths, to foresee all the obstacles which lie in the way.
It is seldom the first adventurer, who reaps the profits derived
from opening a new road of enterprise; it is some one who follows
him, and takes warning from his misfortunes. The country about the
sources of the Missouri, forms a part of the tract wandered over
by a nation of Indians, called the _Blackfoot_, a ferocious savage
race, who have conceived the most deadly hatred to the Americans.
This hatred is partly owing to an unfortunate rencontre between one
of the natives and captain Lewis. On that gentleman’s return from
the Columbia, in pursuing some of these Indians who had stolen some
articles from his camp he killed one of them by a shot from his
rifle. Something may also be ascribed to the instigation of British
traders, and perhaps to the jealousies of the Indians themselves,
on seeing white hunters coming to establish themselves in their
country and to destroy the beaver. However this may be,{4} it was
not long after the establishment of the company and their building a
fort, before the Blackfeet commenced hostilities. A hunting party
of the whites, consisting of ten or twelve, whilst encamped on a
small stream, were suddenly attacked, four of them killed and the
rest escaped with difficulty. It was now found necessary to go out
on their hunting parties in considerable strength, which put them to
great inconvenience, and rendered their success in hunting of little
or no account; they were besides subject to frequent attacks, which
harrassed them exceedingly. Instead of three hundred packs, upon
which they might have calculated had they remained unmolested, they
hardly procured thirty the first year: and the second none at all.
The party was reduced to about sixty persons, by the detachments
left at the different trading establishments below, and by persons
sent off with such furs as had been collected: add to this, about
twenty had fallen in the different skirmishes with the Indians. Mr.
Henry, one of the members of the company, who had the command of the
party, finding his situation extremely precarious, crossed the Rocky
Mountains, and established {5} himself on one of the branches of the
Columbia, where he remained until the spring of 1811, the period at
which I ascended the Missouri.
In the mean time the establishments at the Mandan and Arikara nations
brought no profit, and at the Sioux establishment, after collecting
buffaloe robes and beaver fur to the amount of fifteen or twenty
thousand dollars, the factory took fire and the whole was burnt. It
was now a prevailing opinion that the affairs of the company were
completely ruined. Beside their losses it was not known at this time
what had become of Mr. Henry and his party, who had not been heard
of for more than a year. In this state of things, it was resolved,
in the spring of 1811, to make one more effort, and if possible
retrieve their losses. It was moreover considered as a duty to carry
relief to their distressed companions, and bring them home. Manuel
Lisa was chosen to undertake this arduous task. A man of a bold and
daring character, with an energy and spirit of enterprise like that
of Cortez or Pizarro. There is no one better acquainted with the
Indian character and trade, and few are his equals in {6} persevering
indefatigable industry. Possessed of an ardent mind and of a frame
capable of sustaining every hardship. It would have been difficult
for the company to have found a person better qualified for this
enterprise. I believe there are few persons so completely master of
the secret of doing much in a short space of time; which does not
consist so much in any great exertion, as in the strict observance of
that economy which requires every moment to be turned to advantage.
I feel a pleasure in bestowing this just praise on Mr. Lisa, whose
kindness and friendship I experienced in so great a degree in the
course of the voyage, and for the entertainment I have received at
his hospitable board at St. Louis. Unfortunately, however, from what
cause I know not, the majority of the members of the company have not
the confidence in Mr. Lisa which he so justly merits; but, on this
occasion, he was entrusted with the sole direction of their affairs
from necessity, as the most proper person to conduct an expedition
which appeared so little short of desperate. The funds of the company
were at so low an ebb, that it was with some difficulty a barge of
{7} twenty tons could be fitted out with merchandise to the amount
of a few thousand dollars, and a patron[2] procured. The members
were unwilling to stake their private credit where prospects were
so little flattering. This was also the last year appointed for the
continuance of the association, and there was no certainty of its
being renewed.
With respect to myself, I must own to the reader, that I had no other
motive for undertaking a tour of several thousand miles, through
regions but seldom marked even by the wandering footsteps of the
savage, than what he will term an idle curiosity: and I must confess
that I might have employed my time more beneficially to myself, and
more usefully to the community. Would that I were able to make some
amends, by describing the many interesting objects which I witnessed,
in such a manner, as to enable the reader to participate in the
agreeable parts of my peregrinations.
We sat off from the village of St. Charles, on Tuesday, the 2d of
April, 1811, with delightful weather. The flood of March, which
{8} immediately succeeds the breaking up of the ice, had begun to
subside, yet the water was still high. Our barge was the best that
ever ascended this river, and manned with twenty stout oars-men.
Mr. Lisa, who had been a sea-captain, took much pains in rigging
his boat with a good mast, and main and top-sail; these being great
helps in the navigation of this river. Our equipage is chiefly
composed of young men, though several have already made a voyage
to the upper Missouri, of which they are exceedingly proud, and on
that account claim a kind of precedence over the rest of the crew.
We are in all, twenty-five men, and completely prepared for defence.
There is, besides, a swivel on the bow of the boat, which, in case
of attack, would make a formidable appearance; we have also two
brass blunderbusses in the cabin, one over my birth, and the other
over that of Mr. Lisa. These precautions were absolutely necessary
from the hostility of the Sioux bands, who, of late had committed
several murders and robberies on the whites, and manifested such a
disposition that it was believed impossible for us to pass through
their country. The greater part {9} of the merchandise, which
consisted of strouding, blankets, lead, tobacco, knifes, guns, beads,
&c., was concealed in a false cabin, ingeniously contrived for the
purpose; in this way presenting as little as possible to tempt
the savages. But we hoped, that as this was not the season for the
wandering tribes to come on the river, the autumn being the usual
time, we might pass by unnoticed. Mr. Wilson P. Hunt had set off with
a large party about twenty-three days before us, on his way to the
Columbia, we anxiously hoped to overtake him before he entered the
Sioux nation; for this purpose it was resolved to strain every nerve,
as upon it, in a great measure depended the safety of our voyage.
Having proceeded a few miles above St. Charles, we put to shore,
some of our men still remaining at the village. It is exceedingly
difficult to make a start on these voyages, from the reluctance of
the men to terminate the frolic with their friends, which usually
precedes their departure. They set in to drinking and carousing, and
it is impossible to collect them on board. Sometimes they make their
carousals at the expense of the Bourgeois: {10} they are credited by
the tavern keeper, who knows that their employer will be compelled
to pay, to prevent the delay of the voyage. Many vexatious abuses
are practised in these cases. It was found impossible to proceed any
farther this evening--the men in high glee from the liquor they had
drank before starting: they were therefore permitted to take their
swing.
We had on board a Frenchman named Charboneau, with his wife, an
Indian woman of the Snake nation, both of whom had accompanied Lewis
and Clark to the Pacific, and were of great service.[3] The woman, a
good creature, of a mild and gentle disposition, greatly attached
to the whites, whose manners and dress she tries to imitate, but
she had become sickly, and longed to revisit her native country;
her husband, also, who had spent many years among the Indians, had
become weary of a civilized life. So true it is, that the attachment
to the savage state, or the state of nature, (with which appellation
it has commonly been dignified,) is much stronger than to that
of civilization, with all its comforts, its refinements, and its
security.
{11} The next day, about two o’clock in the afternoon, having at
length succeeded in getting all hands on board, we proceeded on our
voyage. Found an excessive current, augmented by the state of the
waters. Having come about six miles encamped. In the course of this
evening had as much cause to admire the dexterity of our Canadians
and Creoles, as I had before to condemn their frivolity. I believe an
American could not be brought to support with patience the fatiguing
labors and submission which these men endure. At this season, when
the water is exceedingly cold, they leap in without a moment’s
hesitation. Their food consists of lied corn homony[4] for breakfast,
a slice of fat pork and biscuit for dinner, and a pot of mush, with
a pound of tallow in it, for supper. Yet this is better than the
common fare; but we were about to make an extraordinary voyage, and
the additional expense was not regarded.
During the night we were completely drenched with the rain; the
bark itself in a bad condition in the morning. Weather somewhat
cloudy--clearing up. A short distance from our encampment, the hills
approach the river {12} N. E. side; they are not high, but rocky, and
do not continue more than a mile, when the alluvion again commences.
About eight a fine breeze S. E. sailed until twelve--passed several
plantations S. W. side. The bottoms are very extensive on the
lower part of this river, the banks high, far above the reach of
inundation. Timber, principally cotton wood; a few of the trees
intermixed with it are beginning to vegetate. The red-bud, the tree
which blooms earliest in our woods, and so much admired by those
who descend the Ohio, early in the spring, appear, in a few places.
Passed an island, where the river widens considerably; the current
rapid, obliged to abandon oars and poles, and take the towing line.
Above the island the bluffs again approach the river; there is a
brownish colored rock, with a few dwarf cedars growing on the top and
in the clefts. In going too near the shore, we had the misfortune to
have our top-mast broken by the projecting limb of a tree. Encamped
some distance above.
This evening one of the most serene and beautiful I ever beheld, and
the calmness of the water in unison with the cloudless sky. Several
{13} deer, which I descried at a great distance, stepping through
the shoals which separated the smooth sand bars, seemed to move
across this stilly scene, like the shadows of the phantasmagoria, or
Ossian’s deer made of mist. I now felt that we had entered on our
voyage in earnest. He that has not experienced something of these
solitary voyages, far removed from the haunts of civilization, can
scarcely imagine the heaviness which at the moment of departure
weighs upon the heart. We all looked serious. I could see that some
of our poor fellows heaved a sigh at the prospect before them, and at
the recollection of the pleasant homes which they had left behind in
the hopes of gaining a little money; perhaps to support a wife and
children. A fire was kindled on the bank, the pot of mush and homony
were prepared: and after their frugal repast, wrapping themselves
up in their buffaloe robes and blankets, they soon forgot their
woes in sleep.--I observed on the sand bars, a kind of scaffold,
ten or fifteen feet in height, which I was informed was erected by
the neighbouring settlers for the purpose of shooting the deer by
moon-light; these usually come out of the {14} thickets at this time,
to avoid the moschetoes and to sport on the smooth beach: the hunter
ascends the scaffold, and remains until the deer approaches. Came
this day about twenty miles; navigation comparatively easy.
_Friday 5th._ Wind S. E. this morning, enabling us to set off under
sail--continued until ten, when it forsook us. Passed several
plantations, and two islands. The bluffs disappear on the N. E.
side, and are seen on the S. W. for the first time since our leaving
St. Charles. They rise about two hundred feet, and are faced with
rock, in masses separated by soil and vegetation. These are called
the _Tavern rocks_, from the circumstance of a cave in one of them
affording a stopping place for voyagers ascending, or on returning
to their homes after a long absence. The Indians seem to have had
some veneration for the spot, as it is tolerably well scratched over
with their rude attempts at representing birds and beasts. From this
place, through a _long reach_, or straight part of the river, we
have a distant view of the terminating bluffs N. E. side. A violent
storm of rain, wind, and thunder, compelled us to put to shore,
having passed a very {15} dangerous and difficult place. The number
of trees which had lately fallen into the river, and the danger to
be apprehended from others, which seemed to have but a slender hold,
rendered our situation extremely disagreeable. Towards evening a
canoe with six or seven men passed on the other side, but we were
unable to distinguish them. At this place I measured a cotton-wood
tree, which was thirty-six inches in circumference; they grow larger
on the lower parts of this river than perhaps any where else in
America. The bluffs, in the course of this day appeared higher, but
not so abrupt or rocky.
_Saturday, 6th._ Having passed a small willow island, we found
ourselves beyond the hills on the S. W. side. At 11 o’clock the wind
became so high that we were compelled to stop, as it blew directly
down the river. This is Boon’s settlement--about sixty miles from
St. Charles. A number of plantations at the edge of the bottom.[5]
The wind abated in the evening, we proceeded a few miles further and
encamped.
_Sunday 7th._ Water rising. Crossed to the S. W. side, and
encountered a very swift current, {16} at the head of a willow
island. The difficulty of this navigation is not easily described.
Made Point Labadie, so called from a French trader, who formerly
wintered here. Forty years ago this was thought a distant point
on the Missouri, at present there are tolerable plantations every
where through the bottom. The carcases of several drowned buffaloes
passed by us; it is said that an unusual number of them have been
drowned this year--some have been seen floating on the river at
St. Louis. Upwards of forty were counted on the head of an island,
by a gentleman who lately descended the river from fort Osage.
In the spring of the year great numbers of these animals perish
in attempting to pass the river on the ice, which at this season
is easily broken. Immediately below the Point Labadie the river
contracts its breadth, and is confined to a channel of three or four
hundred yards wide. Passed between an island and the main shore; a
very narrow channel, but the current and distance less. A channel
of this sort is often taken in preference, and it is one of the
means facilitating the ascending of this uncommonly rapid river:
but there is sometimes danger of {17} the upper end being closed
with logs and billets of wood matted together, as it turned out
in the present instance; fortunately for us after the labor of an
hour we were able to remove the obstacles, else we should have been
compelled to return. Opposite the head of the island there is a
tolerable log-house, and some land cleared; the tenant, a new-comer,
with a wife and six children, had nothing to give or sell. Here the
banks fall in very much: the river more than a mile wide. A great
impediment in opening lands on this river is the dilapidation of the
banks, which immediately ensue when the trees are cut away, from the
current acting upon a soil of a texture so extremely loose. It will
be found absolutely necessary to leave the trees standing on the
borders of the river. The river exceedingly crooked in the course
of this day. A number of plantations on both sides. These usually
consist of a few acres cleared, on the borders of the river, with
a small log hut or cabin, and stables for horses, &c. They raise a
little Indian corn, pumpions, potatoes, and a few vegetables. But
they have abundance of hogs and horned cattle. Having made about
fourteen {18} miles, we put to shore, after passing a very difficult
_embarras_. This word requires some explanation. Independently of the
current of that vast volume of water rolling with great impetuosity,
the navigation is obstructed by various other impediments. At the
distance of every mile or two, and frequently at smaller intervals,
there are _embarras_, or rafts, formed by the collection of trees
closely matted, and extending from twenty to thirty yards. The
current vexed by these interruptions, rushes round them with great
violence and force. We may now judge what a boat encounters in
grappling round these rafts. When the oars and grappling hooks were
found insufficient, the towing line was usually resorted to with
success. There is not only difficulty here, but considerable danger,
in case the boat should swing round. In bends where the banks fall
in, as in the Mississippi, trees lie for some distance out in the
river. In doubling points, in passing sawyers, difficulties are
encountered. The water is generally too deep to admit of poling; it
would be absolutely impossible to stem the current further out than a
few yards; the boat usually passes about this distance from {19} the
bank. Where the bank has not been washed steep, which is most usually
the case, and the ground newly formed, the young tree, of the willow,
cotton-wood, &c., which overhang the stream, afford much assistance
in pulling the boat along with the hands.
_Monday 8th._ The water fell last night as much as it had risen.
About ten, came in sight of a little village N. E. side called
Charette. There are about thirty families here, who hunt, and raise
a little corn. A very long island lies in the bend in which this
village is situated. About this island, passed under a gentle breeze,
some very handsome bluffs, S. W. side to the _isle aux Boeufs_; they
are about one hundred feet high, and excepting a few places where
rocks appear, covered with oak and other timber. At this place the
river makes a considerable bend. Instead of taking the main channel,
we entered a small one between the island and the shore, which will
shorten the distance; the current not so strong. The channel is about
fifty yards wide, and very handsome, having clean even banks, and
resembling a small river. It is about four miles in length.
{20} Through all these islands, and on the Missouri bottoms, there
are great quantities of rushes, commonly called scrub grass.[6] They
grow four or five feet high, and so close, as to render it very
disagreeable, as well as difficult, to pass through the woods. The
cattle feed upon them in the winter, answering the same purpose as
the cane on the Mississippi.
At the upper end of the _isle aux Boeufs_, we were compelled about
five o’clock in the evening to put to shore, on account of a violent
storm, which continued until after dark. In the badly constructed
cabin of our boat, we were wet to the skin: the men were better off
in their tents, made by a blanket stretched over twigs.
We have been accompanied for these two days past, by a man and two
lads; ascending in a canoe. This evening they encamped close by
us, placing the canoe under cover of our boat. Unsheltered, except
by the trees on the bank, and a ragged quilt drawn over a couple
of forks, they abode the “pelting of the pitiless storm,” with
apparent indifference. These {21} people are well dressed in handsome
home-made cotton cloth. The man seemed to possess no small share of
pride and self importance, which, as I afterwards discovered, arose
from his being a captain of militia. He borrowed a kettle from us,
and gave it to one of his boys. When we were about to sit down to
supper he retired, but returned when it was over; when asked, why he
had not staid to do us the honor of supping with us; “I thank you
gentlemen,” said he, licking his lips with satisfaction, “I have
just been eating an excellent supper.” He had scarcely spoken, when
the patron came to inform Mr. Lisa, the boys were begging him for a
biscuit, as they had eaten nothing for two days! our visitant was
somewhat disconcerted, but passed it off with “poh! I’m sure they
can’t be suffering!”
He resides on the Gasconade; his was the second family which settled
in that quarter about three years ago. He has at present about two
hundred and fifty men on his muster roll. We were entertained by him
with a long story of his having pursued some Pottawatomies, who had
committed robberies on the settlements some time last summer; he made
a narrow {22} escape, the Indians having attacked his party in the
night time, and killed four of his men after a desperate resistance.
The captain had on board a barrel of whiskey to set up tavern with,
a bag of cotton for his wife to spin, and a couple of kittens, for
the purpose of augmenting his family: these kept up such _doleful
serenades_ during the night that I was scarcely able to close my eyes.
[1] As Brackenridge followed closely upon the route
taken by Bradbury, the author of the _Travels_
published as vol. v of our series, references to
notes in the latter will for the most part be made
at the beginning of each chapter. For reference
to Missouri Fur Company, see note 149 of vol. v;
Blackfeet Indians, note 120; Andrew Henry, note 124;
Manuel Lisa, note 64; St. Charles, note 9; Wilson P.
Hunt, note 2; Tavern Rock, note 12; Point l’Abbadie,
note 13; La Charette, note 15; Potawatomi Indians,
note 21.--ED.
[2] _Patron_, a fresh water sailing-master.--BRACKENRIDGE.
[3] Toussaint Charbonneau had been an employé (1793-94)
of the North West Company, at Pine Fort on the
Assiniboin. About 1796 he came among the Minitaree
(Hidasta) on Knife River, living at their central
village, Metaharta. Lewis and Clark found him among
the Mandan, with whom they wintered (1804-05). They
engaged him as an interpreter for their detachment.
His chief qualification for that service was that
he had for his squaw a young woman of the Shoshoni
(or Snake) tribe, who some five years previous,
when a child, had been captured by a war party of
Minitaree. Her name is given by Lewis and Clark, in
their journals, both as Sacajawea and Sahgahjawea,
meaning “bird woman,” but modern students of
Indian linguistics state that the proper phonetic
spelling is Tsakákawea, Sakákawea, Sakágawea, or
Sacágawea--preferably the last. The place of her
capture was Fort Rock, at the Three Forks of the
Missouri (Gallatin, Jefferson, and Madison rivers).
Sacajawea--as she has come to be known in historical
accounts--and her infant son accompanied Lewis and
Clark to the Pacific, her services proving valuable
both as interpreter and guide. Upon the return
journey, the explorers offered to take Charbonneau
and his squaw to the settlements, but they preferred
remaining among the Mandan. Charbonneau was
seen (1833) in the Minitaree villages by Prince
Maximilien (see vols. xxii, xxiii, and xxiv of our
series). Five years later Larpenteur encountered him
in the same region, when he speaks of him as an old
man. See Coues (ed.), _Forty Years a Fur Trader on
the Upper Missouri_ (New York, 1898). This is the
last known of Charbonneau. An Indian visiting St.
Louis in 1902, claimed to be a great-grandson of
Charbonneau and Sacajawea.--ED.
[4] “Lied corn” is that from which the skin of the
kernels has been stripped by the use of lye;
sometimes called “hulled corn.”--ED.
[5] This was the settlement known as the Femme Osage,
made by the sons and several friends of Daniel
Boone, upon land granted to the latter (1795) by
the Spanish governor, Don Trudeau. The plantations
extended for several miles along the Femme Osage
Creek. Bradbury (see vol. v of our series) met Boone
some distance farther up the river.--ED.
[6] This is the case for several hundred miles up the
Missouri.--BRACKENRIDGE.
CHAPTER II[7]
Try our sails with success--Account of an extraordinary female
maniac--Adventure of the she-bear--Arrival at Fort Osage--Gain
considerably on Hunt.
Early the next morning we got under way with a light breeze, enabling
us to carry sail tolerably well. About ten o’clock, from a change
in the course of the river, it was found necessary to haul down the
sail. On turning a point we found the wind once more {23} favorable,
and blowing quite fresh; we now ascended at the rate of four miles
an hour. The captain of the Gasconade, who had thus far kept up with
us, was now left far behind. We passed in the course of the day, a
number of plantations on both sides of the river. We also passed an
island about twelve miles in length, called _isle a la Latre_, which
is separated from the northern bank by a very narrow channel. There
is a compact settlement on this island.
In the evening we passed the Gasconade river, which enters the
Missouri from the S. W. side, and about ninety miles from the mouth
of the latter river. The Gasconade is a considerable stream, takes
its rise with the Maramek of the Mississippi, and has been navigated
upwards of one hundred miles in canoes, but its channel is said to
be rocky. The lands on its borders are broken, and hilly, and badly
wooded. Salt petre caves have been discovered in its vicinity, and
there is no doubt that lead ore may be found in abundance. Before
reaching this river, we passed a long range of bluffs, or low hills,
well covered with wood, and terminating at the entrance of the river,
in rocky precipices: the range appears again on the {24} other side
of the Gasconade. The Missouri has a course nearly straight, of
fifteen miles, washing the hills before mentioned the whole of this
distance. The experience of this day satisfied me of the efficacy of
sails in this navigation, and served to lessen in my estimation the
difficulties attending it. Our men were enabled to repose themselves
while we were carried through places more difficult than any we had
seen since our leaving St. Charles. Six miles above the Gasconade we
put to shore and encamped.
The vicinity of this place recalled to my recollection a curious
story of a female maniac, who is said to be wandering in its
neighbourhood. I had made some inquiries of the militia captain, who
told me she had once come to his canoe whilst he was encamped near
the mouth of the river, and carried away some provision which he
gave her. She had been frequently seen at some of the plantations,
but could not be prevailed upon to stay. This it was supposed was
generally during more lucid intervals. When any thing was given
to her, such as food or clothing, she immediately fled to the
wilderness. Her attention to the {25} latter article I considered as
somewhat extraordinary, as unhappy creatures of this description,
usually manifest a total disregard to their apparel. None could
tell who she was, or whence she came, by what means she is able to
subsist, or how withstand the winter’s cold; for she was first seen
more than two years ago, shortly after the settlements commenced.
I had heard the story at St. Louis, but regarded it as fabulous. I
have seen an account of a female who was found in the Pyrennees under
circumstances still more extraordinary.[8]
{26} _Wednesday 10th._ We experienced heavy rains last night. This
morning cloudy. Crossed to the bluffs, N. E. side, which are high
and rocky. Early this morning passed another resting place for
voyagers, called Montbrunt’s tavern.[9] Shortly after we encountered
the most difficult _embarras_, (N. E. side,) that we have seen since
the commencement of our voyage. After passing the bluffs, we found
extensive low lands on each side of the river. The verdure {27} is
observed to be rapidly increasing; the smaller trees and the shrubs,
are dressed out in the livery of spring. The yellowish colour of
the water, towards the S. W. bank, shews that the Osage is paying
the annual tribute. It is in this month that its floods usually
happen. Throughout the whole of this day the wind was against us,
which retarded our progress considerably. Great exertions are made
by Mr. Lisa, he is at one moment at the helm, at another with the
grappling iron at the bow, and often with a pole, assisting the hands
in impelling the barge through the rapid current. The superiority of
minds is seen in the smallest incidents; on these occasions where the
difficulties appeared to the rest insurmountable, the presence of
this man, his voice, his orders, and cheering exclamations, infused
new energy, and another effort was crowned with success.
_Thursday, 11th._ A fine morning. It had not been long after setting
off, before we found the current so strong from the waters of the
Osage, that we were compelled to cross to an island. The upland on
the N. E. side. We continued to be harrassed on this side of the
river through the day, on account of the different {28} _embarras_
and falling in of the banks. We ascended principally with the
cordelle, usually the last resort: for the close woods and brush
which cover the margin of the river, as well as the trees and logs,
along the edge of the water, render it troublesome for the men to
pass along with the towing line. This is a fine country; the lands
are extremely rich, and covered with a great variety of fine trees,
chiefly the sycamore, cotton wood, (_populus deltoidos_,) ash, oak,
&c. We stopped a few moments at the cabin of an old Frenchman, who
is beginning to open a plantation, according to the phraseology of
the western country. In company with Charboneau, the interpreter,
I proceeded across a point about two miles to the village of _Cote
sans Dessein_, where we arrived nearly three hours before the barge.
In coming to this place, we passed through some open woods, and some
good lands. To our eager inquiries after Mr. Hunt, we were told, that
he passed here about three weeks before. Thus far we have gained
about two days upon him.
_Friday, 12th._ Weather fine--a gentle breeze from the S. E. We
found it necessary to remain {29} here until eleven o’clock, while
our cabin, which leaked very much, was undergoing a repair. It was
constructed of light boards elevated on the sides of the boat, and
covered with shingles badly put on. Mr. Lisa here employed a famous
hunter, named Castor, a Kansas Indian, who had been much amongst the
whites, and spoke French well. I here learned the cause of Lisa’s
anxiety to overtake the party of Hunt. Lisa was apprehensive that
Hunt would do him some ill office with the Sioux bands; that in
order to secure his own passage through these, he would represent
the circumstance of their own trader being on his way with goods
for them. Should this happen, we might expect to be detained in
the country, or perhaps robbed. Besides, we supposed that by this
augmentation of Hunt’s party, which consisted of about eighty men, we
should be so formidable as to impose respect upon the savages, and
compel them to relinquish their designs.
The _Cote sans Dessein_ is a beautiful place, situated on the N.
E. side of the river, and in sight of the Osage. It will in time
become a considerable village. The beauty and fertility {30} of the
surrounding country cannot be surpassed. It is here that we met
with the first appearance of the prairie, on the Missouri, but it
is handsomely mixed with wood land. The wooded country on the N. E.
extends at least thirty miles, as far up as this place, and not less
than fifteen on the other side. The name is given to this place from
the circumstance of a single detached hill, filled with limestone
standing on the bank of the river, about six hundred yards long, and
very narrow. The village has been established about three years;
there are thirteen French families, and two or three of Indians.
They have handsome fields in the prairie, but the greater part of
their time is spent in hunting. From their eager inquiries after
merchandise, I perceived we were already remote from the settlements.
We continued under way, with a light breeze, but scarcely sufficient
to waft the barge of itself, without the aid of oars.--Handsome
wooded upland, S. W. side, gently sloping to the river, and not
rocky. For many reasons, I would prefer these situations to the
bottom, where the soil is richer. Passed the Great Osage river, one
hundred and thirty-three miles {31} from the mouth of the Missouri,
and navigable about six hundred miles. There is much fine land
immediately on its borders, but the prairies stretch out on either
side, and to the westward are almost boundless. The Osage villages
are situated about two hundred miles up.
Passed a long island, called _L’isle a’ Cedre_, Cedar island. A
number of islands on the Missouri bear this name, from the growth of
cedar upon them, in this particular, differing from the islands of
the Mississippi. In this island all the largest trees had been cut
down, and rafted to St. Louis, to supply the settlements with this
wood, of which there is a great consumption.
Throughout the course of this day, we found the navigation less
arduous and painful; owing principally to the falling of the waters,
and to our having passed one of those rivers which add to the
current of the Missouri. The sand bars, begin to present a pleasing
appearance; several miles in length, clean and smooth. Instead of
ascending along either side, we pursued the middle of the river,
along the sand bars. Encamped N. E. side, just above the Cedar
island. The bars and the sides of {32} the river are every where
marked with deer tracks.
_Saturday, 13th._ A fine morning--somewhat cool--set off with a
favourable breeze. Passed hills on the S. W. side--saw five or six
deer sporting on a sand bar. Passed the Manitoo rocks, S. W. side,
and la _Bonne Femme_ creek. The country here-about, is delightful;
the upland sloping gently to the river, timbered with oak, hickory,
ash, &c. The lands on this stream are said not to be surpassed by any
in the territory.
After having had a favourable wind the greater part of the day,
encamped at the _Roche percee_, perforated rock; a high craggy cliff
on the N. E. side.[10] This is the narrowest part of the river I have
yet seen; it is scarcely two hundred yards wide.--Made in the course
of this day about twenty-eight miles, for which we were indebted to
the favourable wind. Some of us considered this good fortune a reward
for the charity which was manifested by us yesterday, in spending
an hour in relieving a poor ox, who was swamped near the bank. The
poor creature had remained here ten or twelve days, and the sand into
which he had {33} sunk was become hard and solid. The wolves had paid
him friendly visits from time to time, to inquire after his health,
while buzzards, crows, and eagles tendered their salutations from the
neighbouring trees.
_Sunday 14th._ Violent wind all night--hoisted sail before day light,
in order to take advantage of the wind. Passed the Manitoo N. E.
side, and high rocks. A delightful country. Wind slackened about ten.
At twelve, came in sight of the hills of Mine river, S. W. side. This
river is not navigable more than ten or twelve miles. Valuable salt
works are established here. The whole of this day we found rich and
extensive bottoms, N. E. side, and beautiful sloping uplands, S. W.
On this side of the river, some beautiful situations for farms and
plantations. The hills rise with a most delightful ascent from the
water’s edge to the height of forty or fifty feet; the woods open and
handsome. The lands on the Mine river, reputed excellent. Bottoms on
the N. E. side the Missouri, uncommonly fine. There is a flourishing
settlement here. Being Sunday, the good people were dressed out in
their best clothes, and {34} came in groups to the bank to gaze upon
us, as we passed by under sail. The sight was no doubt agreeable
to them, and we were no less pleased at catching another glimpse
of civilization, after having for a time lost sight of it. We put
to shore at the farm of Braxton Cooper, a worthy man, who has the
management of the salt works.[11] The settlement is but one year old,
but is already considerable, and increasing rapidly; it consists of
seventy-five families, the greater part living on the bank of the
river, in the space of four or five miles. They are generally persons
in good circumstances, most of them have slaves. Mr. Cooper informed
me that the upland, back, is the most beautiful he ever beheld. He
thinks that from the mouth of the Missouri to this place, the country
for at least forty miles from the river, may bear the character of
rich woodland: the prairies forming but trifling proportions. This
place is two hundred miles up. We inquired for the party of which we
were in chase--they had passed _nineteen_ days before us.
_Monday 15th._ Rain last night, but without lightning--from this it
is prognosticated that {35} the wind will continue favourable to
day. Set off with a fair wind, but the course of the river became
unfavourable. At half past seven, again fair--continued under
sail until twelve. Passed handsome upland S. W. side, and the two
Chareton rivers N. E. Had to oppose in the course of the day some
very difficult places--the river extremely crooked. While the men
were towing, they chased a she-bear into a hollow tree; we set about
chopping the tree, while several stood with guns presented to the
hole at which she had entered, about twenty feet up. In a short
time she put out her head and shoulders, but on receiving a volley,
instantly withdrew. The chopping was renewed; madam Cuff again
appeared, and was saluted as before, but without producing the same
effect, as she leisurely crawled down the tree, and attempted to make
off, amidst the shouts of fifteen or twenty barbarians, who were bent
on the destruction of a mother and her little family. She was killed
with the stroke of an axe, having been previously severely wounded.
In the hollow sycamore, there were found three cubs. At five, hoisted
sail, and continued until seven, having this day made twenty-eight
{36} miles. Towards evening, passed beautiful undulating hills,
gently sloping to the river. What charming situations for seats and
farms!
_Tuesday 16th._ Set off without wind--the river rising. At eleven,
the wind so much against us that we were obliged to lie by. At three
we continued our voyage, and as it was resolved to tow, I set out
with my rifle, expecting to meet the boat at the head of a long bend.
This is the first excursion I have made into the country. I passed
through the bottom with great difficulty, on account of the rushes,
which grow as high as a man’s head, and are matted with vines and
briars. The beauty of the upland in some degree compensated. Clean
and open woods, growth, oak, hickory, &c.; the grass beginning to
appear green. Saw several deer, and abundance of turkeys. We are now
in a country which abounds with game. I came late in the evening to
the boat, having been supposed lost in the woods. Our hunter had been
more successful than I, having killed a she-bear with four cubs. The
river very crooked in the course of this day.--Passed some places of
thin woods--not quite prairie, on the bank of the river.
{37} _Wednesday 17th._ Breakfasted under sail. Passed the Brand
river, N. E. side. It is two hundred yards wide at its mouth; very
long, and navigable six or eight hundred miles; takes its waters
with the river _Des Moines_. The traders who were in the habit of
visiting the Mahas, six hundred miles above this on the Missouri,
were formerly compelled to ascend this river in order to avoid the
Kansas Indians, who were then the robbers of the Missouri. There is
a portage of not more than a couple of days, from the Grand river to
the Mahas.
At the confluence on the lower side, there is a beautiful situation.
The bottom is a handsome prairie, which is seen extending, for
the first time on the Missouri, to the water’s edge, and about a
mile in width: the upland then rises with a gentle ascent, with
here and there a few clumps of trees. Immediately at the point of
junction, there are about fifty acres of well timbered land. Here
is a delightful situation for a village:[12] the distance about two
hundred and fifty miles from the mouth of the Missouri. There is some
beautiful country lying on the Grand river, but deficient in wood. In
fact, this river may almost be considered {38} the boundary of the
wooded upland on that side of the river.
Here the wind failed us. The Missouri very wide--a large bar in the
middle. The beautiful green hills of the Little Osage in sight. But
for the single defect of the dilapidating banks of the Missouri, the
country bordering on it, thus far, would not be surpassed by any in
the world. Spring has already cast her green mantle over the land;
and the scenery every where assumes a more enlivened appearance.
After an arduous navigation, came this day about twenty miles.
_Thursday 18th._ Heavy rain last night, accompanied by unusual
thunder and lightning. Set off at six, weather apparently clearing
up. About ten, compelled by heavy rain to put to shore until three,
when we again shoved off, came a few miles and encamped, N. E. side.
_Friday 19th._ Continued our voyage at daylight, and came through a
long channel, between an island and the shore. The wind S. E. but
the course of the river such as to disable us from profiting by it.
A drizzling rain, and the weather disagreeable. Wind favourable
for an hour. Passed handsome upland and {39} prairie S. W. side.
There was formerly a village of the Little Osage here, but from the
frequent attacks of the Ayuwas, they were compelled to go higher up
the river.[13] The situation is fine. At a distance, the deep green
herbage on this open ground had much the appearance of a wheat field.
What a strange, restless, discontented creature is man! When the
arts of civilization bloom around him, nothing is so pleasing as the
glimpse of the wild irregularities of nature; and yet place him in
the midst of the desert, and every object which reminds him of human
ingenuity and industry, appears supremely beautiful, and at once
awakens all the affections of his heart.
Encamped late, after having got through a channel with considerable
difficulty. The slowness with which we have advanced for several days
past, forms a contrast with those which preceded. Water rising.
On _Saturday the 20th_, we had a cold disagreeable morning; the men
completely drenched by the heavy rain which fell last night. About
six o’clock we hoisted sail, but the wind served us only a short
distance. The weather beginning to clear up, we thought it {40}
adviseable to put to shore in order to dry our effects, which had
suffered considerably. On the S. W. there are some handsome rising
hills. We remained here until three o’clock, and then continued our
voyage on the N. E. side, along a beautiful tract of land, covered
with a great proportion of walnut, poplar, and cotton-wood of
enormous size. On entering a narrow channel, we espied at the upper
end a large flock of pelicans standing on a shoal; we fired on them
at the distance of two hundred yards, and killed one. These birds are
seen in great numbers on the Missouri, but are shy. We daily kill
wild fowl, ducks, geese, brandt, &c. which, at this season of the
year ascend the river to breed. Their eggs are found every moment on
the sand bars.
SUNDAY 20TH [_i. e., 21st._]. A delightful morning, though somewhat
cool. Got under way early--passed through the channel which we
entered yesterday, and at the head of the island, crossed to the
S. W. side. Here we encountered several difficult _embarras_, but
not much current, in the river. After breakfast I took my gun and
ascended the hill. On the opposite side, there is an extensive
prairie bottom, apparently four or five miles wide; and a level
plain of {41} vast extent stretching out on either hand, of fertile
alluvial soil, as I supposed, from the rich and luxuriant appearance
of the herbage. I remarked a curious contrast of the yellow sward,
which has remained unburnt, and the extensive tracts of deep green,
where the young grass of this spring has sprung up unencumbered by
the old. Beyond the plain, the upland rises into irregular and abrupt
elevations, and appears in a thousand fantastic forms, but without
even a shrub, and covered with a thin coat of vegetation. The winding
river, with its islands, willow bordery, and groves of cotton-wood
trees, the whole scene in fact, had something magnificent, though
melancholy. I was reminded how much I must yet traverse before I
can reach the end of the voyage. On this side (S. W.) I found the
soil of the upland of an excellent quality, and, notwithstanding the
ravages of the fire, the marks of which are every where to be seen,
the woods, principally hickory, ash, oak, and walnut, formed a forest
tolerably close.
I did not return until about four in the evening; much gratified with
my excursion. We spent an hour and an half this evening in passing
{42} round a small point, the distance of a few hundred yards. The
current was so swift that oars and poles could be of no service; we
were therefore compelled to grapple round the rocks, by carrying a
cable ahead and fastening it to some object, and then advancing a
few yards at a time. It is about half a mile across the river, its
usual width, and there is a strong current in the bend. Such is the
swiftness of the current that it is found necessary to cross over at
every point. The current being generally very strong in the centre
of the bends. This operation of crossing and recrossing consumes
much time. We encamped this evening above an encampment of Mr. Hunt,
which, according to some of the sagacious is but ten days old. It
is said, these woodsmen shew extraordinary skill in determining the
length of time that a camp has been abandoned. I have heard of some,
who possessed this sagacity, in a surprising degree; but on this
occasion, I was induced to believe that our augurs were deceived by
their hopes and wishes.
_Monday 22d._ We proceeded this morning until eleven o’clock with the
towing line or _cordelle_--the banks being favourable. The hills {43}
or bluffs are here about one hundred feet high, and rise abruptly
from the river. The wind from the S. S. W. becoming very strong, we
were compelled to lie by until three o’clock. These were usually
irksome moments to Lisa. The men composed themselves to sleep, or
strolled along the beach, or engaged in “whetting the brand,” or
smoking a pipe. I usually preferred a ramble with my gun when I
could escape from the boat. I had also had the precaution to provide
myself with some well selected books; among the rest, Don Quixotte in
Spanish; and as Lisa who was a Spaniard by birth, and passionately
fond of this work, took pleasure in reading, and hearing it read,
I availed myself of the opportunity of improving my knowledge of a
language, which will one day be important to a citizen of the United
States. Towards evening we crossed to the N. E. side, and endeavoured
to ascend between the shore and an island, but found a sand bar
running entirely across, at the upper end, so that we were obliged to
go back, and encamp nearly opposite the place of starting.
_Tuesday 23d._ Very high wind this morning. Doubled the island
which had been the scene {44} of so much vexation. Endeavoured to
proceed on the outside, but met with so many difficulties, that we
were compelled to cross to the S. W. side. Towed to Ibar’s channel
and island--then re-crossed to the N. E. side, and found ourselves
about two miles above our last night’s encampment. Remained here
until three, when the wind somewhat abated its violence. Having
arrived opposite the Wizzard’s island,[14] (L’isle du Sorcier)
crossed over and encamped. The superstitious boatmen believe that
a wizzard inhabits this island; they declare that a man has been
frequently seen on the sand beach, at the point, but that he suddenly
disappears, on the approach of any one. These few days have been
in a manner lost, from contrary winds, and bad weather. Heavy rain
this evening--Moschetoes begin to be troublesome, for the first time
during our voyage.
_Wednesday 24th._ Attempted a ripple this morning, and were driven
back five times--we had once got within half the boat’s length of
being through; the oars and poles were insufficient; ten of our men
leaped into the water with the _cordelle_, while the rest of us
exerted ourselves with the pole: and thus by perseverance became
{45} conquerors. This ripple, like all others of the Missouri, is
formed by high sand bars, over which the water is precipitated, with
considerable noise. This bar has been formed within two or three
years. The bend formerly almost impassible from the swiftness of
the current, is now tolerable. There is seldom any great current
on both sides; the falling in of the banks indicate the current to
be there.--Wherever the river has a wider channel than ordinary,
there is usually a sand bar in the middle. This extraordinary river
sometimes pursues a straight course for ten or fifteen miles, then
suddenly turns to every point of the compass: In other places, the
whole volume of its waters is compressed into a channel of two or
three hundred yards: again suddenly opening to the width of one, or
even two miles, with islands and sand bars scattered through the
space.
Passed a canoe with four men, who had wintered up the Kansas, about
five hundred miles: they had beaver, and other furs. They could give
no information respecting Hunt’s party:--we conclude he must have
passed that river before they came out of it.
{46} From the violence of the wind, which blew from the N. W. our
progress was so much impeded, that we were compelled to lie by the
greater part of the day. While in the woods to-day, I saw a she-bear
coming towards me followed by two cubs, and, after waiting until
she approached within a sufficient distance, fired at her head;
but, from too much eagerness, the fault of young hunters, and which
prevents them from taking a deliberate aim, I missed her. She soon
disappeared with her family. I am well aware that I might on this
occasion have availed myself of the privilege of the traveller; but
by this proof of self-denial the reader will be disposed to give some
credit for veracity, a point in which travellers too often fail.
While our old hunter Castor was out, he saw, as he declared to us, a
_white turkey_, but was not able to kill it. But I am rather inclined
to think it is, (for hunters have nearly the same privileges as
travellers,)
Rara avis in terris, nigroque simmillima cygno.
The wild turkey is invariably black: although, it is possible, that
by some _lusus naturæ_, {47} there may be white. A single deer, or
buffaloe, I am well assured has been met with of this colour.
_Thursday 25th._ The contrary winds still continue to-day, but its
violence somewhat abated, so as to enable us to proceed on our voyage
tolerably well. The unwearied exertions of Lisa suffered no moment
to remain unemployed, and his ingenuity was continually exerted in
contriving means of overcoming the difficulties which were constantly
presenting themselves. About eleven o’clock we came in sight of
Fort Osage, at the distance of three miles on the bluff, and a long
stretch of the river before us. We had now come three hundred miles
upon our voyage. And for the last hundred, had seen no settlement
or met with any one, except a few traders or hunters who passed us
in canoes. With the exception of a few spots where the ravages of
fire had destroyed the woods, we passed through a continued forest
presenting the most dreary aspect. The undergrowth generally so thick
that I had little inclination to penetrate far beyond the margin of
the river. And moreover, to one not well acquainted with the nature
of the {48} ground, it is no difficult matter to become entangled
and lost. Our approach once more to the haunts of civilization, to a
fort where we should meet with friends, and perhaps find a temporary
resting place, inspired us with cheerfulness. The song was raised
with more than usual glee; the can of whiskey was sent round, and
the air was rent with shouts of encouragement. The boatmen, from the
severe duty which they had already performed, were much rejoiced at
the circumstance of their having reached _a point_ in the voyage. We
stopped a short time about a mile below the fort, where Mr. Audrain
a settler, had begun to clear a piece of ground for a farm. I was
acquainted with this gentleman in boyhood, but this was the first
place in which I had met him for many years.[15] On approaching
the fort we were met by a number of the Osage Indians of both
sexes, and of all ages. They kept pace with us, strung along the
bank, apparently attracted by curiosity. They were objects rather
disgusting; generally of a filthy greasy appearance, the greater part
with old dirty buffaloe robes thrown over their shoulders; some with
their brawny limbs exposed, {49} and no covering but a piece of cloth
girded round their loins. The women appeared, if possible, still
more filthy than the men. A few were daubed with red, and adorned
with broaches and beads. The men carried their bows, guns, or war
clubs, in their hands. In point of size, they are larger than the
whites. The curiosity which these people manifested in running after
us in a crowd, to gape and stare, struck me as a characteristic
very different from the Indians east of the Mississippi, who observe
studied indifference as to every thing strange which transpires
around them.
On landing at the fort, on a very rocky shore, a soldier under arms,
who waited for us at the water side, escorted Mr. Lisa and myself
to the fort, where we were politely received by the commanding
officer. While Mr. Lisa was transacting some business, accompanied
by Mr. Sibly, the factor, and an interpreter, I went to deliver a
pipe to _sans Oreille_,[16] (a warrior and a principal man of this
tribe,) sent him by general Clark. He received us {50} sitting on
a mat, surrounded by a number of young men, who appeared to treat
him with great respect, and to receive with approbation every thing
he said. He ordered his cook, or herald, (for every great man
among these Indians has a domestic of this description,) a bushy
headed, ill-looking fellow, to bring us a dish of homony. After
having eaten of this, the pipe was sent round. I then presented him
the pipe, which was handsomely decorated with ribbands and beads
of various colours, and told him that it was given at the request
of general Clark, and that it was intended as proof of the esteem
and consideration in which he was held not only by the general
himself, but by all the Americans. He replied “that he was pleased
with this proof of general Clark’s good will towards him, that he
was the friend of the Americans. He declared that he had done much
to preserve a proper respect towards us, but that there were many
foolish people amongst the Osages who thwarted his measures, but
that every man of sense approved of his conduct.” This man though
not a chief, is evidently intriguing to be the head of his tribe,
and at this time possesses much influence with {51} them: the
hereditary chief, young White Hairs, has but little to entitle him
to respect from his own character, being extremely young, and of a
gentle disposition; he is however supported by the reputation of
his father who was a great warrior and a good man. _Sans Oreille_,
as is usual with the ambitious amongst these people is the poorest
man in the nation; to set the heart upon goods and chattels being
thought to indicate a mean and narrow soul: he gives away every thing
he can get, even should he rob or beg, to procure it--and this, to
purchase popularity. Such is ambition! Little know they of this state
of society, who believe that it is free from jealousies, from envy,
detraction, or guilty ambition. No demagogue--no Cataline ever used
more art and finesse, or displayed more policy than this cunning
savage. The arts of flattery, and bribery, by which the unthinking
multitude is seduced, are nearly the same every where, and the
passion for power, and distinction, seems inherent in human nature.
It is not in the savage state that we can expect to meet with true
liberty, any more than in settled hereditary aristocracy or monarchy:
it is only in a republican government like ours of {52} a civilized
people where information is generally diffused.
The fort is handsomely situated, about one hundred feet above the
level of the river, which makes an elbow at this place, giving an
extensive view up and down the river. Its form is triangular, its
size but small, not calculated for more than a company of men. A
group of buildings is formed by the factory, suttler’s house, &c. The
place is called “Fire prairie.” It is something better than three
hundred miles from the mouth of the river in lat. 38°. 40′. The
lodges of the Little Osage, sixty in number, are within gun shot of
the fort; but they are about to remove their village to a prairie,
three miles off. Their lodges are of a circular form, not more than
ten or fifteen feet in diameter, constructed by placing mats, made
of coarse rushes, over forks and poles.
All three of the Osage bands, together with some Kansas, were lately
encamped here for the purpose of trading; to the number of fifteen
hundred warriors. The officer informed me, that about ten days ago,
serious apprehensions had been entertained from them. A war party, of
about two hundred, having scalped a few {53} women and children, of
the Ayuwas, their enemies, had returned so elated with this exploit,
that they insulted the people of the fort. One of these warriors
defied a centinel on his post; the centinel was commanded to fire
over his head, this producing no effect, he was seized by a file of
men, which he at first treated with indifference, declaring, that
if he were confined, he would get some of the white men’s _bread_;
his tune was changed, however, by a liberal application of the
cat-o’-nine-tails to his back. Great commotions amongst the Indians
were excited; they rushed forward with their arms; but the soldiers
no sooner paraded and made ready a few pieces of cannon, than they
thought proper to retreat. They maintained a threatening attitude for
some days, and to give vent to their spite, killed a pair of fine
oxen, belonging to Mr. Audrain. The officer sent for the chiefs, and
told them, that unless two horses were given for the oxen, he would
instantly fire upon their village. This spirited deportment had the
desired effect, the chief complied, and after some counciling, the
pipe was smoked, and all matters adjusted.
{54} These Indians are not to be compared to the nations east of the
Mississippi; although at war with most of their neighbours, they are
a cowardly race. One good trait, however, deserves to be mentioned;
they have rarely, if ever, been known to spill the blood of a white
man:--When a white hunter is found on their lands, they take away
his furs and his arms, he is then beaten with ramrods, and driven
off.
Mr. Sibly informed me, that he was just setting out on a tour towards
the Arkansas, to visit the salines on that river, and also to the
Kansas, and Platte, to see the Pani nation.[17]
Thus far we have gained about one hundred miles upon the party
of Hunt--we are in good spirits, and will renew the pursuit with
augmented vigor.
[7] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of
our series: Isle a la Latre (Loutre Island), note
19; Côte sans Dessein, note 20; Manitou rocks and
Bonne Femme Creek, note 23; Osage Indians, note 22;
Fort Osage, note 31; George Sibley, note 36; General
Clark, note 143; Chief White Hair, note 108.--ED.
[8] The circumstance gave rise to the following:--
_Lines on an unfortunate female maniac, seen on the
Missouri, beyond the white settlements._
What strange--what spectre shape art thou,
The terror of this savage scene,
That glid’st beneath the poplar bough,
With looks so wild, and haggard mien?
Far, far, the haunts of men are past,
Mid silent hills, and lonely woods,
Where Nature rules the dreary waste,
Missouri, pours his turbid floods.
Speak--whate’er thou art declare--
The spirit of the gloomy groves,
Unreal vision of the air,
Or daughter of the oozy waves?
And yet, that loose dishevell’d hair,
Those rent and tatter’d weeds, betray
A human form, in deep despair,
Some wretched child of misery.
Ha! the sad, the silent tear--
Mayhap, some lost distracted maid,
By anguish torn, pursued by fear,
From friends and dearest home hast stray’d;
Forlorn, amid these dreary shades,
The haunt of ev’ry savage thing,
Where death on ev’ry side invades,
And hope no more may comfort bring?
Lo! see, with hollow shriek she flies--
’Tis the poor maniac of the wild:
Soon, soon, she vanish’d from our eyes,
The lost--the heav’n protected child.--
In wonder, long the shore we gaze,
And still we hear the piercing cry--
Our blood still curdles with amaze,
As when red lightning flashes nigh.
Alas! poor hopeless, phrenzied maid,
Who has thus sadly injur’d thee?
Perhaps, by falsehood’s tongue betray’d,
Or stung by vip’rous cruelty.
Sad maniac of the wilderness,
May heav’n still in safety keep,
And when thy darken’d ray shall pass,
The silent grove o’er thee will weep.
--BRACKENRIDGE.
[9] Montbrun’s Tavern was a large cave upon the north
bank of the river, just above a creek of the same
name--that of an early French trader. It is now
known as Big Tavern Creek, in Callaway County.--ED.
[10] A considerable stream in Boone County takes its name
from this rock--Rocher Percé River, sometimes called
Split Rock.--ED.
[11] The Coopers were a Virginia family from Culpeper
County, who had first migrated to Kentucky. They
arrived in Missouri in the autumn of 1807, when
Braxton, with his cousin Sarshall, settled at
Hancock bottom, upon the north bank of the Missouri,
in St. Charles County. There they bought salt of
Nathan Boone, who described to them the Boone’s
Lick country. In the spring of 1810 they removed
their families thither, and built Cooper’s fort,
nearly opposite Arrow Rock Creek. During the War of
1812-15, Boone’s Lick settlement suffered greatly.
The Coopers were leaders of the bands that pursued
the Indians. Braxton was shot by them (September,
1814) while cutting logs for a new house. Sarshall
was shot in his fort, the following spring. These
facts are found in the archives of the Wisconsin
Historical Library, _Draper MSS._, 22 S, 118, 142;
23 S, 119, 125.--ED.
[12] The town of Brunswick occupies this site, with a
population of about one thousand four hundred.--ED.
[13] The Iowa (Ayuwas, Aiouetz) were a Siouan tribe
first encountered by French explorers in the state
to which they have given name. This word lacked
consonant sounds, hence its great variations in
spelling. The Iowa early became allied with the
Sauk and Foxes, and were thus hostile to the French
power. They were a fierce tribe, and raided widely
from their villages on the Des Moines River. Later,
they traded with the English on the Mississippi. In
1808 a treaty was made with them by which the first
American post west of the Mississippi River was
erected--Fort Madison, which served in a measure to
restrain their ravages. There are now about three
hundred Iowa Indians, upon reservations with the
Sauk and Foxes, in Kansas and Oklahoma.--ED.
[14] Lewis and Clark, in their original manuscripts,
designate the channel which Brackenridge calls
“Ibar’s,” as Eue-bert, probably a form of the French
name Hubert. Biddle, in his edition of Lewis and
Clark, makes this Eau-beau or Clearwater. James
(edition of Long’s expedition) has Chney au Barre.
This is now curiously contracted into Sniabar,
which is applied to two creeks in Lafayette County.
Wizard’s Island is mentioned only by Brackenridge,
and has been swept away in the changes of the river
bed.--ED.
[15] For notice of Audrain, an early French republican of
Pittsburg, see André Michaux’s _Travels_, vol. iii
of our series, note 9.--ED.
[16] Literally, “without ears;” a name given to
him in consequence of his being unwilling to
listen to the advice of the sober part of the
people.--BRACKENRIDGE.
[17] The Pawnee (Pani) Indians were of Caddoan stock,
being early encountered by the French in the
Missouri Valley. Lewis and Clark found them in four
separate bands upon Platte River, which continued
to be their habitat until removed to reservations
in Indian Territory and Oklahoma. The Pawnee were
a large tribe, numbering ten to twelve thousand
in 1832. In warlike qualities they were somewhat
deficient, and being frequently enslaved by their
enemies, the term “Pani” became equivalent to Indian
slave. See J. Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii of our
series, note 53. The Pawnee are steadily declining
in population, there now being but about six
hundred.--ED.
{55} CHAPTER III[18]
Orison of the Osages--Discontents in our party--News of Hunt--An
excursion--Arrival at the river Platte.
Friday, _27th_ [_i. e._, _26th_] _of April_. Our situation was
rendered very uncomfortable last night by heavy rains; our cabin,
in spite of all our contrivances, was still in a bad condition. In
the morning, before daylight, we were awakened by the most hideous
howlings I ever heard. They proceeded from the Osages, among whom
this is a prevailing custom. On inquiry, I found that they were
unable to give any satisfactory reason for it; I could only learn,
that it was partly devotional, and if it be true, as is supposed by
some, that they offer worship only to the evil spirit, the orison
was certainly not unworthy of him. I much doubt whether any more
lugubrious and infernal wailings ever issued from Pandamonium
itself. I was also informed that it proceeded from another cause;
when any one, on awaking in the morning, happens {56} to think of a
departed friend, or even of some lost dog or horse, which has been
prized by the owner, he instantly begins this doleful howl; no sooner
is this heard than the whole village, hark in, man, woman, and child,
and at least a thousand dogs, with a howling still more horrible. I
never had before, so good a conception of Virgil’s fine description
of that place of the infernal regions, set apart for the punishment
of the wicked.
It was eleven o’clock before we could leave this place. The time
was spent in procuring some oil-cloth to put over our cabin, and in
purchasing several articles of Indian trade which the factor was
disposed to sell. Having got every thing ready, and feeling anxious
to loose no time, we set off, although the wind was blowing down the
river with great violence. After exerting ourselves to the utmost,
for an hour or two, we found it necessary to stop, after having done
little more than loose sight of the fort. After remaining here a few
hours, the wind abated sufficiently to enable us to proceed on our
voyage. Passed a small encampment of American hunters. Three men were
sitting before a fire, on the edge of the bank, {57} in the midst of
the rushes, having trodden them down for a few yards around. Upon
three slender forks, a few pieces of bark were placed, which together
with the boughs of the poplar afforded some little shelter from the
rain. The remains of a deer were suspended to a tree, and several
skins were stretched out with the fleshy sides to the fire, for the
purpose of being dried. The Missouri is now, what the Ohio was once,
the PARADISE OF HUNTERS. The upper part of the river is still more
pleasant, on account of the openness of the plains, and the greater
facility of pursuing the wild animals, which exist in numbers almost
incredible. We found the navigation more easy this evening, from the
state of the river, than it has been for several days past. We were
enabled to make nine miles, chiefly under oars--weather disagreeably
cool.
We have now passed the last settlement of whites, and probably will
not revisit them for several months. This reflection seemed to have
taken possession of the minds of all. I almost repented of having
undertaken this voyage, without an object of suitable importance.
Our men were kept from thinking too {58} deeply by their songs and
the splashing of the oars, which kept time with them. Lisa himself
seized the helm, and gave the song,[19] and at the close of every
stanza, made the woods ring with his shouts of encouragement.
The whole was intermixed, with short and pithy addresses to their
fears, their hopes, or their ambition. Hunt and his party, were at
least eighteen days before us. In the distance of three hundred
{59} miles we had gained five days on him. By great exertions,
we might overtake him at the little Cedar island which was six
hundred miles further. We should then be safe. For my part I felt
great solicitude to overtake him, for the sake of the society of
Mr. Bradbury, a distinguished naturalist with whom I had formed an
acquaintance at St. Louis, and who had accompanied Mr. Hunt for
the purpose of pursuing his researches in natural history on the
Missouri. In the society of this gentleman, I had promised myself
much pleasure, as well as instruction; and indeed, this constituted
one of the principal motives of my voyage--there was also in the
same company, a young gentleman of the name of Nuttal, engaged in
similar pursuits--my apprehensions with respect to Mr. Hunt, were not
such as Lisa entertained; but, I was well aware that there existed a
reciprocal jealousy and distrust. Hunt might suppose, that if Lisa
overtook him, he would use his superior skill in the navigation of
the river to pass by him, and (from the supposition that Hunt was
about to compete with him in the Indian trade) induce the Sioux
tribes, through whose territory we had to pass for the {60} distance
of six hundred miles, to stop him, and perhaps pillage him. Lisa had
strong reasons, on the other hand, to suspect that it was Hunt’s
intention to prevent us from ascending the river; as well from what
has already been mentioned, as from the circumstance of his being
accompanied by two traders, Crooks and M’Clelland, who had charged
Lisa with being the cause of their detention by the Sioux, two years
before; in consequence of which they had experienced considerable
losses. The quarrel which took place between these two traders and
the Sioux was the principal cause of their present inimical temper
to the whites. I fully believed, however, that if we could unite our
parties, we should present so formidable an appearance, that the
Indians would not think of incommoding us. The conduct of the Sioux
is governed by the same motives as those of the barbarous tribes of
the Nile. They are unwilling to let the traders pass up the river,
and carry supplies to the Arikaras, Mandans, and other tribes at war
with them; and their country affording few objects for the trader
beside the buffaloe robe, they are tempted to pillage, or impose
terms upon the trader, which {61} are almost as injurious. Thus much,
that the reader may enter into our feelings; at least form an idea of
the anxiety we experienced in the pursuit of the party before us.
Now removed beyond the verge of the frontier, not merely out of my
country, but almost in another world; for, considered in reality,
and not according to that imaginary ownership, which civilization
has invented, I was in a foreign land. Thus abstracted, thus removed
from my country, I seemed to look back as from an eminence, and
fancied that, I contemplated it, with more accuracy than I could,
while cherished, and protected in its bosom. I heaved a sigh, when I
reflected that I might possibly never see it again. I felt a thousand
affections, linked to the cords of the heart, of which I had not been
aware. These things are salutary thought I, as they teach a man to
know himself. Should I return in safety, the recollection of these
little incidents, will afford pleasure to myself and to others: and,
should my bones be deposited on some dreary spot, far from my home
and the haunts of civilized man, it is yet certain, that there is no
place however distant in this quarter, where I may {62} be buried,
but will in time, be surrounded by the habitations of Americans;
the spot will be marked, it will be approached with respect, as
containing the remains of one of the first to venture into these
distant and unfrequented regions.
_Saturday 27th._ After a long continuance of bad weather, we are
again somewhat favoured: this is a delightful morning though cool.
At daylight we proceeded on our voyage, and about six o’clock had a
light breeze from the east. Passed Vincent’s island, above which the
river is extremely narrow; the highlands on the S. W. side. About
eleven o’clock the sun shone out warm and pleasant, the wind died
away. Shortly after this we met a large party of traders, in two
canoes lashed together, and a platform raised upon them, constituting
what is called a raft. This was heavily laden with buffaloe robes.
They had come from the river _a Jaque_, on the country of the
Yanktons, the nearest tribe of the Sioux, where they had remained all
winter; they found the Indians peaceably disposed.[20] The party of
Hunt had been passed by them five days before, at the little Nimaha,
and proceeds slowly. The traders {63} being informed of the rate at
which we came, were of opinion that we should overtake them before
they would be able to reach the river Platte, three hundred miles
above us. Our party were much animated by this news.
We passed, towards evening Benito’s island, and sand bar, so called
from a trader of that name having been robbed of his peltry, by a
party of the Ayuwa tribe; and not content with this, the trader with
four men in his employment, were forced to carry enormous burdens
of it on their backs to the river des Moines. Instances of such
insults were formerly not uncommon; several spots have been shewn
me where the like acts have been committed, accompanied even with
murder. Having approached within two leagues of the Kansas river, we
encamped. Large sand bars now make their appearance at every point
of the river; some of them a mile or two in length, and a quarter of
a mile in width in the widest place; but they are uniformly in the
shape of a crescent. It is very pleasant to walk on them; towards the
bank there is a border of willows and young cotton-wood trees; the
rest is a smooth sand beach.
{64} _Sunday 28th._ A cool morning--somewhat foggy on the river. A
light breeze from the east, but not sufficient to enable us to carry
sail. Passed Highland, N. E. side, with some rocks on the shore; we
are constantly delighted with the gentle hills, or rather elevated
upland, of the Missouri. In this part of the river deer are very
numerous; while out this morning I counted thirty sporting on a sand
bar.
This morning we passed the Kansas, a large river, which enters from
the S. W. side. The ground is low and flat at its mouth, and covered
with a profusion of willows; this tree is observed to become more
abundant than below, but the size is very small. The Kansas takes
its rise in the open plains between the Platte and the Arkansas; and
passes through a country almost devoid of wood. The patron of our
boat informs me, that he has ascended it upwards of nine hundred
miles, with a tolerable navigation. The Kansas tribe live in the
country through which it passes. It has a number of considerable
tributary streams.
In the evening we passed the little river Platte, navigable with
canoes fifty or sixty miles, and said to abound with beaver. We {65}
encamped near a mile above it, having made about fifteen miles.
In the course of this day, we find the river, in most places,
extremely narrow, and the sand bars very extensive.
_Monday 29th_. Somewhat cloudy this morning--A light breeze from the
S. E. At seven, breakfasted under sail. At nine, reached a beautiful
island, called Diamond island, fifteen miles above the Kansas. From
this, there is a long reach of six or eight miles. The weather is
fine--the breeze still continuing.
At three o’clock we had made twenty-four miles. The wind, from the
change of the course of the river, could not serve us. We lost two
hours in passing one of the most difficult places I have seen on the
river: after which, we had a fair wind again, until night.
Passed in the course of this day, some beautiful country on both
sides, the upland chiefly S. W. and a greater proportion of prairie
than we have yet seen. The river generally narrow, and the sand bars
of great extent.
Having made about thirty miles, we encamped a short distance below
Buffaloe island, opposite a range of hills, and at the upper end of
a {66} long view. During the whole of the day, we saw astonishing
quantities of game on the shore; particularly deer and turkies. The
buffaloe and elk are not yet seen.
_Tuesday 30th._ Last night there was much thunder and lightning, but
little rain. At day light embarked with a favourable wind, which
continued until seven, when, from the course of the river, the
wind failed us for an hour. The river extremely crooked. Mr. Lisa
and myself went on shore, and each killed a deer. There were great
numbers of them sporting on the sand bars. There are great quantities
of snipes, of a beautiful plumage, being a curious mixture of dove
color, and white. I saw one of a different kind, which was scarlet
underneath the wings.[21]
At two o’clock we hoisted sail at the beginning of a long reach,
to the great joy of the whole company. High prairies S. W.
side--continued under sail through another long reach, and had a
view of the old Kansas village, at the upper end of it. It is a high
prairie; smooth waving hills, perfectly green, with a few clumps of
trees in the hollows. It was formerly a village of the Kansas nation.
There {67} are many of these _deserted villages_, on the Missouri,
with hardly any traces but the different path-ways along the side of
the hills, and down to the river. There is a melancholy feeling in
viewing these seats, once the abode of intelligent beings, now lonely
and silent. But for the scarcity of wood this would be a delightful
situation for a town.[22] At this place, the bend of the river
rendered the wind unfavourable. Continued under oars about three
miles further, having in the course of this day made thirty-three
miles.
_Wednesday, 1st May._ Very high wind all last night. Embarked this
morning about daylight, and continued under sail until six o’clock.
Upland N. E. side, thinly timbered. It may be remarked, that the
hills of the Missouri are not so high as those of the Ohio, seldom
rocky, and rise more pleasantly from the water’s edge. Continued
under sail until eleven, when we were brought up by a considerable
bend in the river. Passed St. Michael prairie, a handsome plain in
front, with variegated hills in the back ground, and but little wood.
At two o’clock we came to a very great bend in the river, but did not
get through until evening. The river {68} from being narrow, changes
to an unusual width, and very shallow. We were detained about an
hour, having been so unlucky as to run aground.
Saw but one or two deer to day, as we approached the open country
their numbers will be found to diminish, there being no thickets to
shelter them. They are said to lessen perceptibly from Nodawa river
upwards.
In the evening, the weather, which has been for some days cloudy,
cleared up, and the wind abated entirely: the Missouri and its
scenery appeared in their natural state. A calm sky and a placid
stream, which harmonize with every other object of nature. The river
is falling fast, approaching to a low stage of water--came to-day
twenty-seven miles.
_Thursday 2d._ Embarked at daylight, the river unruffled by a breeze;
the birds, as if rejoicing that the strife of the elements had
ceased, tuned their sweetest notes.
At seven o’clock, breakfasted opposite some bluffs, N. E. side.
A very large mass appeared at no distant period, to have slipped
into the river, leaving a clay precipice fifty or sixty feet high.
A little above, there are rocks of freestone {69} at the edge of
the water. Below this place, there is an extensive prairie, partly
river bottom, and partly upland, with a considerable rivulet passing
through it. What a delightful situation for a farm, or even a town!
Description of such a country as this, can give no idea of its
peculiar character. The hills, or bluffs, begin to appear, thinly
wooded with dwarf trees, principally oak or ash.
In the evening we reached Nodowa channel, on the N. E. side, which
is about sixty yards in width, the island bordered with willow, but
on the main land there is an open wood, chiefly the cotton tree.
The rushes are now seldom seen, and the variety of trees evidently
diminish. This part of the country is very abundant in deer.
_Friday 3d._ A delightful sunny morning. As usual we set off to-day
at day-break. Not a moment of our time is lost: we stop half an
hour at breakfast; about the same length of time for dinner, and
continue late at night. It is by thus taking less time for repose,
the skill of Lisa in encountering the currents and difficulties of
the navigation, and the continuing our voyage during the contrary
winds, {70} that we gain on the party of Hunt. But our Canadians
are beginning to feel the effects of this effort: they not only make
greater exertions, but continue employed longer than usual by several
hours in the day. It sometimes happens that during the prevalence of
a favourable wind, the veering course of the river suddenly renders
it directly contrary; it therefore becomes necessary to make every
possible exertion for a few miles in doubling the point, before we
can again catch the favoring breeze. By this exertion we are all
sometimes nearly exhausted. The strength of our men begins to fail,
and sometimes murmurs escape their lips, in spite of every reason
that can be urged.
About noon passed the wintering ground of Crooks and M’Clelland,
where there are some log huts. Here they joined the party of Hunt to
proceed up the river. This is four hundred and fifty miles from the
mouth of the Missouri. Here these men must have led the most solitary
lives, with no companions but a few hunters and an occasional Indian
visitor. Their chief amusement consisted in hunting the deer, or
traversing the plains. M’Clelland was one of Wayne’s runners, and is
celebrated for his {71} courage and uncommon activity. The stories
related of his personal prowess, border on the marvellous. Crooks is
a young Scotchman, of an enterprising character, who came to this
country from the trading associations in Canada.
After passing this place we came in sight of the S. W. side, more
elevated than any we have yet seen: in some places covered with wood,
chiefly dwarf oak; but in others entirely bare, or overgrown with
shrubs. The lands on the opposite side are fine. Towards evening a
breeze springing up, we hoisted sail, and continued four or five
miles. Passing along a large prairie, in the hollow of the land in
the S. W. and after doubling the woody point with our oars and poles,
encamped at the commencement of another prairie. Here there is not a
shrub to the abrupt edge of the bank, and the bottom stretches from
the river at least a mile wide, covered with dried grass of a very
luxuriant growth. From the first glance its yellowish appearance, is
not unlike that of ripe oats. This is another object to remind us of
the industry of man.
{72} _Saturday 4th._ Heavy rain last night, and this morning
drizzling. Passed the extensive lowland prairie, along which the men
were able to walk with facility, and drag the boat along with the
cordelle. At ten o’clock passed an encampment of Hunt, where our
augurs once more set to work to find out the length of time which
has elapsed since he was here. After making about twenty miles, with
rather disagreeable navigation, we encamped some distance above the
Nimaha and Tarkio creeks.[23]
This evening, which was damp and chilly, while warming myself at
the fire, I overheard, with much chagrin, some bitter complaints on
the part of the men. These discontents were not a little fomented
by some Thersites of the party, who took advantage of the state
of mind arising from their sufferings. “It is impossible for us,”
said they, “to persevere any longer in this unceasing toil, this
over-strained exertion, which wears us down. We are not permitted a
moment’s repose; scarcely is time allowed us to eat, or to smoke our
pipes. We can stand it no longer, human nature cannot bear it; our
bourgeois has no pity on us.” I endeavoured to quiet their minds, by
representing {73} to them the importance of the object for which we
were exerting ourselves, the safety of their lives probably depended
on it: that great exertions, it is true, had been made, but that we
had already overcome the most difficult part of the navigation; that
on approaching the open country, we might expect to be carried by the
wind: that the weather was now becoming warmer and more pleasant, and
the navigation less arduous, as they could diversify their labours,
when there would be no wind, with the pole, the oars, or by the
cordelle, at this time, little more than a promenade along the edge
of the prairie, or the smooth sand bars. I exhorted them to cease
these complaints, and go to work cheerfully, and with confidence in
Lisa, who would carry us through every difficulty. These admonitions
had some effect, but were not sufficient to quell entirely the
prevailing discontent.
_Sunday 5th._ Passed an encampment of Hunt this morning. The sun
shone out, but the air was cold--wind from N. E. but not so hard as
to form any great obstacle. In the evening hailed two men descending
in a bark canoe; they had been of Hunt’s party, and had left him on
{74} the 2d of May, two days above the Platte, at Boyer’s river.
He had had a fair wind for several days, and ascended with great
rapidity. This information came very unseasonably, and will tend to
dishearten our men.--It thus appears, that we have not gained upon
them as much as was expected.
The weather very fine throughout the day, encamped in the evening at
the upper end of a handsome prairie; opposite a large sand bar.
_Monday 6th._ About ten this morning, passed a river called
Nis-na-botona, after which there are some long reaches very favorable
for sailing. At four o’clock arrived at the little Nimeha, the
course of the river here is for a considerable distance nearly N.
E.[24]--Wind being N. W. were enabled to hoist sail, but having
proceeded about a mile, a squall suddenly springing up from the N. we
were compelled with all despatch, to take in sail, and gain the shore
S. W. side. Here a dreadful storm raged during the remainder of the
evening, and the greater part of the night, our boat lay between the
shore and a number of trees which had fallen into the river, and thus
sheltered us from the waves.
{75} Our encampment is at the edge of a large prairie, but with a
fringe of wood along the bank of the river. The greater part of the
country, particularly on the S. W. side, is now entirely open. The
new grass is at this time about four inches high.
_Tuesday 7th._ Continued our voyage at daylight, the weather fine,
though somewhat cool. Wind still continues N. W. Passed an island and
sand bar, and towed along a prairie S. side for nearly a mile. This
prairie is narrow, bounded by hills which are somewhat broken and
stony.
At ten o’clock arrived at _L’isle a beau soleil_; the wind here
became so high that we proceeded with great difficulty.[25] In the
evening, arriving at the head of the island, were compelled to put
to shore. Mr. Lisa seized this opportunity to replace his mast, by a
young oak which he found in the wood along the shore. All hands were
set to work on it, in order that it might be ready the next day. This
was rendered necessary on account of the old one having given way.
I took this opportunity of making an excursion into the
country--ascended the hills or {76} bluffs, which, though steep, are
not much more than two hundred feet above the level of the river, and
command prospects of great extent. I could see the meandering course
of the stream, between the two ranges of hills, or more properly of
high land, for thirty or forty miles. Some of these hills are cut
into precipices forty or fifty feet high, without any appearance
of stone. It is a light yellow colored earth, with a considerable
mixture of sand. There is an immense extent of prairie on both sides
of the river. The hills are not always abrupt, but in many places
rise gently, and are extremely beautiful. The river hereabout is very
crooked: in following the hills, along which there is an Indian path,
I could go to a point within view, which will most probably be our
place of encampment to-morrow night.
On my return to the boat, killed some pigeons and wild ducks, and saw
a flock of turkies. Lisa and his men continued at work by torch light
until late at night, every man who could assist was busily employed.
_Wednesday 8th._ Last night having finished our mast, we had it put
up this morning before day, and at day break set off on our voyage.
Weather {77} cool, but no wind, and the sun apparently regaining his
empire.
Passed through a country in the course of this day, chiefly open,
with very little wood. The river very wide: in one place it appeared
to me two miles. Encamped at the falling in banks, or _grand
eboulment_. Wind has entirely abated. In nearly all the bends there
are a great many fallen trees, the bank being acted upon by the
current, appears to have fallen in with every thing growing upon it.
We often pass between these trees and the shore.
_Thursday 9th._ Set off at day light--continued a short distance
under sail with a light breeze.
Several of the men are sick; one has a pleurisy, and others slight
fevers and coughs, from frequent exposure in the water.
There appear to be no hills or bluffs on the N. E. side, the whole
distance to the Platte.
Encamped some distance above a hill, called _L’œil aufer_, from an
Indian chief who was scaffolded here some years ago.[26]
_Friday 10th._ A dreadful storm raged during the whole of last night.
Set off this morning under sail, in expectation of reaching the
Platte {78} before twelve, but in the course of an hour it failed
us, and changed to N. W. At ten, it became so violent that we were
compelled to put to shore, where we remained until towards evening,
and then attempted to proceed, but finding the wind too strong, again
landed and encamped, having passed the mouth of the Platte. At the
mouth of this river there is so great a number of bars and small
islands, that its entrance is scarcely perceptible. It enters by a
number of channels or mouths: the color of its waters is the same
with that of the Missouri. The country hereabouts, is entirely open,
excepting in some spots along the river, where there are groves of
cotton-wood, and on the hills a few scattered dwarf oaks.
_Saturday 11th._ The wind continues too high to proceed. This morning
we advance about three miles, and encamp until near noon--very cold.
Set off with my gun to take a walk into the country. Traversed the
prairie which had been burnt, and reached the high land about three
miles distant; the ground rises gradually to the height of about two
hundred feet, and then assumes an irregular surface. The other side
of {79} the Missouri appears extremely bare. I wandered towards the
Platte, or rather to the point of the upland between this river and
the Missouri, which commands a very extensive prospect. I discovered
a great extent of open country, grounds gently rising, with a soil
every where extremely rich. The Platte is full of islands and sand
bars, and appears as wide as the Missouri. On my return, I saw
several Indian mounds.
On reaching camp I found that the wind had abated, and that the river
was rising fast.
The river Platte is regarded by the navigators of the Missouri as
a point of as much importance, as the equinoctial line amongst
mariners. All those who had not passed it before, were required to
be shaved, unless they could compromise the matter by a treat. Much
merriment was indulged on the occasion. From this we enter what is
called the Upper Missouri. Indeed the change is perceptible and
great, for the open bare plains, now prevail. A close wood is not to
be seen, but the face of the land so varied as to be pleasing and
picturesque. The river Platte rises in the same mountains, with the
Missouri and is little short of two {80} thousand miles in length,
but affords little navigation, owing to the great number of shoals
and quicksands which its channel contains. Various Indian nations
reside upon it, the Missouris, Ottos, Panis, and others. This river
takes its rise with the Rio del Norte, and with the Colerado of
California, and flows through an open country like the Missouri.
[18] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of
our series: Thomas Nuttall, note 8; Ramsay Crooks,
note 3; Robert McClellan, note 72; Kansas Indians,
note 37; Oto Indians, note 42.--ED.
[19] The patron usually sings the first couplet, the
chorus is then sung by the whole; the songs are
very trifling, but the tunes not disagreeable. The
following are some verses of a favorite song:--
Derrière chêz nous, il y ǎ un etang,
Ye, ye ment:
Trois canards s’en vons baignans,
Tous du lóng de la rivière,
Legèrement ma bergère,
Legèrement, ye ment.
Trois canards s’en vons baignans,
Ye, ye ment:
Le fis du roi s’en va chassant,
Tous du lóng de la rivière.
Legèrement ma bergère,
Legèrement, ye ment.
Le fis du roi s’en va chassant,
Ye, ye ment:
Avec son grand fusil d’argent,
Tous du lóng de la rivière,
Legèrement ma bergère
Legèrement, ye ment.
&c. &c.
--BRACKENRIDGE.
_Comment by Ed._ A translation of this boating song is
given in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our series,
p. 40.
[20] River à Jaque (Jacque) is the present James or
Dakota River, a large affluent of the Missouri, in
South Dakota. For the Yankton Sioux, who lived on
this river, see Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our
series, note 55.--ED.
[21] Apparently these were the grey and red-bellied snipe
(_macrorhampus griseus_ and _scolopaceus_).--ED.
[22] About the site of the present city of Leavenworth,
Kansas.--ED.
[23] Great Nemaha River, in southeastern Nebraska, and
Big Tarkio River in northwestern Missouri, empty
into the Missouri River nearly opposite to each
other.--ED.
[24] The present Nishnabotna River, flowing nearly
parallel to the Missouri River in Iowa and
northwestern Missouri. The word is said to signify,
“canoemaking river.” Little Nemaha River is a
western affluent in a Nebraska county of the same
name.--ED.
[25] Lewis and Clark translated this term, and called the
island “Fair-sun.” It is now known simply as Sun
Island.--ED.
[26] Lewis and Clark met hereabouts an Oto chief whom
they called Iron Eyes. There is a bluff on the river
still called Iron Eye Hill. On the Siouan custom of
scaffolding the dead, see Bradbury’s description of
a Mandan cemetery.--ED.
CHAPTER IV[27]
Council Bluffs--Blackbird Hills--Maha villages--Disappointment in
not overtaking Hunt--Floyd’s Bluff.
_Sunday 13th_ [_i. e._, _12th_]. Weather pleasant--the river rising
rapidly; the drift wood descends in great quantities, and the current
seems to augment every moment. We were enabled to ascend the greater
part of this morning with the towing line.
{81} In the afternoon, some distance above the old Otto village,
S. W. side, I went on shore, and wandered several miles through
shrubby hills, and saw several elk and deer, without being able to
approach them. Towards evening I entered a charming prairie, and of
the richest soil. Followed a rivulet until it formed a lake in the
river bottom, its banks for six or eight feet a rich black earth.
In pursuing the upland I might have fallen upon the Missouri six
miles above, in the distance of a mile, the river forming here a
considerable bend. The prairies or meadows to the water’s edge,
enabled us to continue the greater part of this day with the line.
_Monday 13th._ Water falling--continued with the towing line. At ten,
a fine breeze springing up, hoisted sail. Passed the river _a Boyer_,
and the houses of M’Clelland, who formerly wintered here. Some woody
country hereabouts; but that on the upland is very inferior, chiefly
shrubby oak. A short distance above this place we encountered a very
difficult and rapid current, but being luckily a little aided by
the sail, we passed tolerably well. We have now reached the highest
point to which settlements {82} will probably extend on the western
side for many years. In the evening passed high clean meadows, called
the Council bluffs, from the circumstance of Lewis and Clark having
held a council with the Otto and Missouri Indians, when ascending
this river.[28] It is a beautiful scene. Encamped four miles above
this place on a large sand bar. The Council bluffs are not abrupt
elevations, but a rising ground, covered with grass as perfectly
smooth as if the work of art. They do not exceed in height thirty or
forty feet above the plain below. On ascending, the land stretches
out as far as the eye can reach, a perfect level. The short grass,
with which the soil is covered, gives it the appearance of a sodded
bank, which has a fine effect, the scene being shaded by a few
slender trees or shrubs in the hollows. In the course of this day
found the river crooked and narrow: it appeared in one place almost
closed up by drift-wood and sawyers.
_Tuesday 14th._ Set off with a slight breeze--compelled by heavy rain
to put to shore for some hours; after which continued under a fine
breeze that lasted throughout the day; but from {83} the winding
course of the river we were not much benefited by it.
At most of the points on the river, the timber, principally
cotton-wood, is large, and tolerably close, but the prairies and
upland are entirely bare of trees. The prairies compose more than
two-thirds of the margin of the stream--the soil extremely rich: for
the three first feet, generally a light mould, another stratum is a
deep black, almost approaching the colour of coal, but not hard or
stiff; the lower stratum is marle. I have no doubt but that these
natural meadows would yield surprisingly. Encamped at the beginning
of a great bend of the river, twelve miles round, and not more than
three hundred paces across.
_Wednesday 15th._ Although the wind is favourable, it was of no use
to us, from the sudden turns of the river. At twelve hoisted sail,
and passed the Soldier’s river, a small stream.[29] After doubling
some points we came into a reach of some extent; wind here became
very violent, and blew almost a tempest; with our sail reduced to
half its size we easily encountered the strongest current. The storm
at length became so serious that it was deemed imprudent {84} to
continue under way. The air was darkened by clouds of sand, and
we found ourselves at the upper end of the reach, in the midst of
sawyers and planters, our situation dangerous in the extreme. Nothing
but our great anxiety to force our voyage would have justified the
running such a risk. It was almost a miracle that we escaped. Had
our boat struck a sawyer she would have been thrown into the trough
of the sea, and we should inevitably have perished. We fortunately,
but not without great exertions, escaped safely to the shore, where
we remained until evening; the wind abating, proceeded a few miles
further.
_Thursday 16th._ A tremendous storm of thunder and lightning last
night--being fortunately in a good harbor we suffered but little.
Were not able to get under way this morning until late. A fine serene
morning, strangely contrasted with the turbulence of last night. Came
in sight of the hills, S. W. every one bitterly regretting that the
wind of yesterday could not serve us here, where there is a view of
twelve miles up the river. There appears to reign an unusual calm,
the sky cloudless, {85} and the river as smooth as a mirror. Words
cannot convey what I feel, and it is only the lover of nature that
could understand me.
The points are tolerably wooded. At the upper end of the long reach
we saw an encampment of Hunt, where the party seemed to have remained
for several days, judging from the quantity of wood burned, the grass
trodden down by frequent going and coming, and the bones of buffaloe
they had killed, which were strewed about. It also appeared that oars
had been made here. It is conjectured that this was his encampment
during the unfavorable weather we experienced for several days, near
the river Platte, and against which we had to struggle so severely.
If this be the case, it is not more than six or seven days since Hunt
has left this place. Our men feel new animation on this unexpected
turn of fortune. The rushes before described are now rarely seen--the
woods more free from undergrowth. Encamped before sunset on a sand
bar below _la coupe a L’Oiselle_.
_Friday 17th._ A charming morning--slight indication of wind from the
S. E. Passed _la coupe a L’Oiselle_. This name originated, in {86}
the circumstance of a trader having made a narrow escape, being in
the river at the very moment that this cut-off was forming. It had
been a bend of fifteen miles round, and perhaps not more than a few
hundred yards across; the gorge, which was suddenly cut through by
the river, became the main channel. This was effected in a few hours.
While remaining a short time at a sand bar in the river, a curious
phenomenon occurred; the sand began to dissolve, and every instant
to diminish like the melting of snow, it was thought prudent to
embark immediately. This I am informed is not unfrequent. Bars are
sometimes formed during the continuance of a single flood, but being
principally of loose sand, without anything to unite, as soon as the
waters begin to rise again, are entirely carried off.
At ten passed a similar cut-off called _la coupe a Jacque_. At twelve
continued under sail, made several long reaches--passed the Yellow
banks, and encamped within a few miles of the Black-bird hill.
Throughout this day the river border is chiefly wood.
_Saturday 18th._ A fine breeze S. W. At seven arrived at the
Black-bird hill. As this is {87} one of the curiosities of the
Missouri, a description may be amusing. It rises on the common
range to the height of four or five hundred feet. The Missouri at
its base, begins a strange winding course, several times returning
upon its steps, and at length coming within nine hundred yards of
where the hills first approach; so that in a course of thirty miles
the Black-bird hill is still near us. It takes its name from a
celebrated chief of the Mahas, who caused himself to be interred on
the top: a mound has been erected on the pinnacle, with a branch
stuck in it, a flag was formerly attached to it. He was buried,
sitting erect on horse back; the reason which he gave for choosing
this spot, was that he might see the traders as they ascended. This
chief was as famous in his lifetime amongst all the nations in
this part of the world, as Tamerlane or Bajazet were in the plains
of Asia; a superstitious awe is still paid to his grave. Yet, the
secret of his greatness was nothing more than a quantity of arsenic,
which he had procured from some trader. He denounced death against
any one who displeased him, or opposed his wishes: it is therefore
not surprising, that he, who held {88} at his disposal the lives of
others, should possess unlimited power, and excite universal terror.
The proud savage, whenever this terrible being appeared, rendered the
homage of a slave. The gods and heroes of antiquity, were, perhaps,
little better. We may learn this lesson, that ignorant and savage
man, is most effectually ruled by fear, or superstitious awe; and in
comparison with these, other motives have but little force.
At four o’clock, got through the last bend, and hoisted sail, with a
fine wind--sailed along some hills, S. W. side, and encamped amongst
some cotton wood, in a low bottom.
_Sunday 19th._ We continued our voyage this morning at daylight where
we remained with the hope of reaching the Maha village in the course
of the day. Here we entertained sanguine hopes of overtaking the
party of Hunt, and with these hopes the spirits of our men, almost
sinking under extreme labor, were kept up; their rising discontents,
the consequences of which I feared almost as much as the enmity of
the Indians, were by the same means kept down. Shortly after starting
we passed along some precipitous bluffs, rising {89} from the edge
of the water, and extending for a quarter of a mile. Some of them
were faced with a curious sand rock of variegated fantastic hues;
at the first glance resembling the decorations of a theatre. There
were mimic groves, the representation of castles, of towns, and
landscapes; on more attentive examination it was found that this
deception, was produced by the different colors and shades of the
rock.
We continued, with little interruption from the course of the river,
under sail until twelve o’clock, when we came in sight of the trading
houses near the village. We anxiously looked towards the place, and
endeavoured to descry the party of Hunt; but as we drew near we
found, alas! they were not there. On landing we saw several traders,
of whom eager inquiries were made, who informed us that Hunt had set
off under sail _four days_ before our arrival, and that he must have
ascended rapidly. This was calculated to depress our spirits not a
little, being now on the borders of the Sioux territory. To this
disappointment was added the unfriendly temper of those tribes; it
seems they have learned that a number of traders {90} are ascending
the river, in consequence of which, instead of going into the plains
as is usual at this season of the year, they are resolved to remain
on the river, with a determination to let no boats pass: that they
had lately murdered several white traders, and were exceedingly
exasperated at the conduct of Crooks and M’Clelland. These gentlemen,
who had set off for the Upper Missouri, having been compelled by
a party of the Sioux to stop against their will, affected to be
contented, and requested that the warriors, excepting five or six,
would go and bring their tribes, in order to trade; they had no
sooner departed than the traders embarked all their effects, and
pushed into the stream; the Indians who had been left with them were
found by their companions tied. This conduct, which was unavoidable,
exasperated the nation very much, and had produced a serious enmity,
the consequences of which we had great reasons to fear. From the
intimation of the traders, we were induced to believe that Hunt would
be glad that we should join his party, and that a sense of the common
danger would induce him to wait for us. It was therefore deemed
adviseable to despatch a messenger {91} by land, who might overtake
him at the Poncas village, about two hundred miles further by water,
and about three day’s journey by land. For this purpose a half Indian
was hired, and set off immediately in company with Charboneau. As the
wind was still favorable, and blowing fresh, we resolved not to lose
a moment, and therefore set off without seeing the Big Elk, the chief
of the Maha village; a piece of etiquette, which is never omitted
without giving offence: a present was left for him, with a talk,
explaining the reasons for our conduct. The village is situated about
three miles from the river, and contains about three thousand souls.
After having remained here but a few hours we again embarked, the
day obscured with clouds, and the wind blowing with great violence.
The clouds of sand which are swept from the sand bars, incommoded
us considerably. Towards evening, the wind having spent its fury,
gradually died away, and we continued under oars--the current gentle.
The scenery now undergoes an entire change; forests are seen no more;
the wooded portions of the river are composed of small cotton-wood
trees, whose slender {92} and delicate growth have a much more
beautiful appearance than the huge giants on the lower part of the
river. The uplands look like old fields, and the bottoms are rich
meadows.
Shortly before sun-down the air became calm, and our disturbed minds,
(such is the effect upon our feelings of the objects which surround
us) appeared to grow composed as the strife of the elements gave way
to calmness and serenity. We had been suspended between hope and
fear, but were now disposed to think all would be well, and that Hunt
would gladly wait for us.
About a mile below our encampment we passed Floyd’s bluff and river,
fourteen miles from the Maha village. Sergeant Floyd was of the party
of Lewis and Clark, and was highly esteemed by them and his loss much
regretted. The place of his interment is marked by a wooden cross,
which may be seen by navigators at a considerable distance. The grave
occupies a beautiful rising ground, now covered with grass and wild
flowers. The pretty little river, which bears his name, is neatly
fringed with willow and shrubbery. Involuntary tribute was paid to
the spot, by the feelings even of the most {93} thoughtless, as we
passed by. It is several years since he was buried here; no one has
disturbed the cross which marks the grave; even the Indians who pass,
venerate the place, and often leave a present or offering near it.
Brave, adventurous youth! thou art not forgotten--for although thy
bones are deposited far from thy native home, in the desert-waste;
yet the eternal silence of the plain shall mourn thee, and memory
will dwell upon thy grave!
The appearance of the river is much changed--it continues a handsome
width, with a diminished current. The banks low, and the trees much
smaller in size; we now rarely see a large tree. The bluffs and
upland on the N. E. side, are not high, and without any appearance of
trees and shrubs.
_Monday 20th._ Passed at day light the great Sioux river, which
takes its rise in the plains, between the Missouri, and the waters
of the lake Winipec; it is five or six hundred miles in length.[30]
I ascended the bluffs, high clay banks of sixty or an hundred feet.
The current is here very strong. We ascended along the sand bars
with difficulty on account of the wind, which blew the sand in our
{94} faces, and our men suffered much from fatigue. Hailed a trader
descending in a large canoe, made of skins of the buffaloe, upwards
of twenty feet in length, who wintered at the river a Jaque. He met
Hunt eight leagues above that river, proceeding with a fair wind, and
is by this time at the Poncas village. These skin canoes are formed
by stretching the skins of the buffaloe over the red willow, of which
a kind of frame is in the first instance prepared. They require to
be frequently exposed to the sun, and dried, as they would otherwise
become too heavy from the quantity of water absorbed.
The water has been rapidly rising for twenty-four hours. The sand
bars are all covered and the banks in many places inundated.
_Tuesday 21st._ This morning fine, though somewhat cool. Wind
increasing from the N. E. Current rapid, but for the eddies in the
bends, it would be almost impossible to ascend. There are but few
embarras, or collection of trees, &c. The sand bars are fringed with
a thick growth of willows, immediately behind which there are young
cotton-wood trees, forming a handsome natural avenue, twenty or
thirty feet wide. The banks are {95} very low, and must be inundated
every season. Passed in the evening, a rapid of frightful appearance,
the water, in the middle of the river, foaming and rolling in waves,
as if agitated by violent wind, while on either side it was calm. We
were compelled to pass along the sand bar, and through the willows.
It was with difficulty that we could obtain dry land this evening,
the water, in most places, flows into the woods. In the night, the
water had risen so much that the men were compelled to abandon their
encampment, and sleep on board. Very little prairie in the course of
the day, but the timber of a small size.
[27] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. V of
our series: McClellan’s (Crooks’s) post, note 41;
Registre Loisel (L’Oiselle), note 105; Blackbird,
notes 47 and 48; Omaha (Maha) Indians, note 49;
Big Elk, note 52; Ponca Indians, note 63; Sergeant
Floyd, note 56.--ED.
[28] The original Council Bluffs were on the left bank
of the river, above Omaha, very near the later site
of Fort Calhoun, in Washington County, Nebraska.
The name was afterwards transferred to the Iowa
city.--ED.
[29] An Iowa affluent of the Missouri, the origin of
whose name is apparently not now known.--ED.
[30] Big Sioux River, which forms the boundary between
the present states of Iowa and South Dakota, heads
near the source of the Red River of the North, which
drains into Lake Winnipeg.--ED.
{96} CHAPTER V
Frightful rapids--News of Mr. Henry--A buffaloe--The Poncas--Meet
the Sioux--Overtake Mr. Hunt.
_Wednesday, 23d_ [_i.e._, _22d_]. A delightful day--the water has
risen to its utmost height, and presents a vast expanse--the current
uniformly rapid, in some places rolling with the most furious and
terrific violence. One of these places, below Vermillion creek,[31]
was sufficient to appal the stoutest heart: the river forms an elbow
at the termination of some bluffs, the water, compressed between them
and the sand bar, dashes against the opposite rocks. The middle of
the river appeared several feet higher than the sides. The distance
to cross, before we could reach the opposite eddy, was not more than
twice the length of the boat, but we were not able completely to
effect it, being swept down with the rapidity of flight, but fell
into the current of the opposite side, before it had {97} gained its
full force, and were not able, without great difficulty, to gain the
eddy.
The high waters enable us to cut off points, which is no small saving
of the distance. The waters begin to fall, though great quantities of
drift wood descend, and thirty or forty drowned buffaloes pass by us
every day.
I observe a much greater variety of trees and shrubs, than below,
and some altogether new to me. There is a shrub which the French
call _graisse de boeuf_, bearing a red berry, of a pungent taste;
its leaves, though smaller and more delicate, bear a resemblance
to those of the pear tree.[32] In the hollows, clumps of trees are
usually found, but what surprises me, they are very low, some of
the oaks and ash are eighteen or twenty inches in diameter, but look
like orchard trees, and have much greater resemblance to regular
plantations than wild woods.
_Thursday 23d._ Water falling rapidly--a fine breeze S. E. sailed
until eleven--passed the Hot, or Burning bluffs, on the S. W. side.
Here I observed enormous masses of pumice, and other matter, which
appeared to have undergone the action of heat, of a very high degree.
{98} I saw what was the fragment of a hill, the greater part at
present composed of pumice. From not being able to discover other
volcanic substances, I concluded these effects to have been produced
by simple ignition, whether of coal banks or not, I was unable to
ascertain. I took several large lumps of the pumice lying along the
shore, and threw them into the river, and found that they floated.
In one place the soil seemed to have all burnt away, and the remains
looked like some old ruined building. The action of fire was every
where perceptible, and no vegetation could be discovered for a
considerable distance. I observed no volcanic appearances.
About noon, we espied at some distance before us, on a sand bar,
a number of persons, whom we at first took to be Indians, but on
a nearer approach recognised to be whites. On coming to the spot,
we found a Mr. Benit, the Missouri Company’s factor at the Mandan
village.[33] He was descending in a small batteaux, loaded with
peltry, with five men. From him we learn, that with the exception
of the Mandans, Arikaras, and one or two small tribes, all the
nations of the Missouri are inimical to {99} the whites, and that
the Sioux have broken out into open hostilities. Mr. Benit, about
eleven o’clock last night, in passing by some fires below the Poncas
village, was fired on as he supposed by a party of the Yankton
band of Sioux, which was returned by him. Benit saw nothing of the
party of Hunt, having probably passed it in the night time. He also
informed us that Mr. Henry is at this time over the mountains, in
a distressed situation, that he had sent word of his intention to
return to the Mandan village in the spring, with his whole party.
Proceeded on our voyage at three o’clock, not a little disheartened
at this intelligence. A gloom overspread every countenance except
that of Lisa, who seized the helm, made an encouraging speech, sent
round the grog, and then raised the song. My thoughts, to say the
truth, were rather unpleasant, but I was inclined to believe that
if the danger was such as we were led to believe, the party of Hunt
would wait for us; or if an attack should be made upon him, or he
compelled to descend the river, we should hear of it in time to save
ourselves. Mr. Benit and an American hunter {100} were persuaded
to return with us. Passed some beautiful upland N. E. side, but
without wood; after a beautiful regular rise of twenty or thirty
feet, resembling a sodded bank, an immense level plain stretches out,
bounded only by the horizon. The hunter informs me that it extends
nearly an hundred miles with little variation. Here we remarked a
Sioux lodge, or tent, made of the dressed skins of the elk, of a
conical shape. It appears to be the custom of these people to leave
their dead in tents like these, in the course of their migrations,
until it is convenient for them to gather up their remains.
_Friday 24th._ Set off early--weather warm. The water is falling
very fast--there is still a very strong current. Passed bluffs of a
chalky appearance, perhaps limestone. A piece of ice floated by us
this morning, probably from the breaking up of some of the northern
rivers, which have contributed to the present rise. In putting off
from a bluff on the S. W. side, to cross over, my attention was
called to an object which attracted the notice of the company. A huge
buffaloe bull made his appearance on the top of the bluff standing
almost at the edge {101} of the precipice, and looking down upon us.
It was the first we had seen. Long and matted wool hung over his
head, and covered his huge shoulders, while his body was smooth,
as also the tail, except a turf at the end. It was a striking and
terrific object: he eyed us with the ferocity of the lion, seemed
at length to “snuff the tainted breeze:” threw his head into the
air, wheeled round and trotted off. It was fifteen minutes before he
disappeared entirely, and I continued to follow him with my eyes,
with a kind of delight. I was told he had gone to join his comrade;
the males at this season of the year always go in pairs, a singular
fact in the natural history of the animal.
Had a fine breeze towards evening--which enabled us to make five or
six miles more than we expected.
_Saturday 25th._ This morning ran aground, and were detained several
hours. Passed the river _a Jaque_; the principal rendezvous of the
traders with the Yankton Sioux. It is a large handsome stream,
navigable several hundred miles, with more wood on its borders than
is generally found in this part of the country. {102} Immediately at
the mouth there is an open wood, of ash and cotton trees.
_Sunday 26th._ At daylight, discovered a canoe descending with two
men, who prove to be those sent by us, to Hunt. They bring us the
pleasing information, that Hunt, in consequence of our request, has
agreed to wait for us, at the Poncas village.
Saw some buffaloe to day, and with Mr. Lisa, went several miles in
pursuit of them, but without success.
Passed a beautiful island _L’isle a bon homme_, upon which there
are the remains of an ancient fortification.[34] In the evening our
hunter killed a buffaloe, upon which we all feasted.
It is becoming very warm in the middle of the day, and our men
suffer considerably from the heat of the sun. As we had no wind this
morning, and ascended with the cordelle, I made my escape from the
boat with my rifle. Passed through a most delightful prairie, the
grass short and close, of a deep blue, and intermixed with a great
variety of beautiful flowers. With what delight could I roam over
these lovely meads, if not under restraint from the fear of meeting
some party of Indians, who {103} may be lurking about. The plain was
strewed with the ordure of the buffaloe, which gave it the appearance
of an immense pasture field. We discovered this morning, a great
deal of smoke up the river, which we suppose to have been made by
the Indians, in order to give notice of our approach; some of their
scouts having probably discovered us. This is the usual mode of
giving warning; the ordure of the buffaloe is gathered up in heaps,
and fire set to it; and such is the clearness of the atmosphere, that
this smoke can be easily discerned at the distance of ten or twenty
miles.
The scenery this evening is beautiful beyond any thing I ever
beheld. In spite of every injunction to the contrary, I could not
help wandering a few miles from the boat. The sky as clear as that
represented in Chinese painting. The face of the country enchanting.
The flowery mead, the swelling ground, the romantic hill, the bold
river, the winding rivulet, the groves, the shrubberies, all
disposed and arranged in the most exquisite manner. No idea can
be conveyed to the mind, but by recurring to one which would be
as sad as this is pleasing. Suppose for a moment, the most {104}
beautiful parts of France or Italy should at once be divested of
their population, and with it their dwellings and every vestige
of human existence--that nothing but the silent plains and a few
solitary groves and thickets should remain, there would then be some
resemblance to the scenery of the Missouri; though the contemplation
would produce grief instead of pleasure. Yet even here, I could not
but feel as if there existed a painful void--something wanting--“a
melancholy stillness reigns over the interminable waste”--no animated
beings--
----scarce an insect moves
Its filmy wing--and o’er the plain, naught breathes
But scouling blasts, or th’ eternal silence
Breaks--save when the pealing thunder roars.
In fact, I saw no living thing in the course of my evening ramble,
except a few buzzing insects. But there is a pleasure in giving wing
to fancy, which anticipates the cheerful day when this virgin soil
will give birth to millions of my countrymen. Too happy, if my after
fame might but survive on the plains of the Missouri. If the vast
expanse of ocean is considered as a sublime spectacle, this is even
{105} more so; for the eye has still greater scope, and, instead of
its monotony, now reposes upon the velvet green, or feeds on the
endless variety of hill and dale. Instead of being closed up in a
moving prison, deprived of the use of our limbs, here we may wander
at our will. The mind naturally expands, or contracts, to suit the
sphere in which it exists--in the immeasurable immensity of the
scene, the intellectual faculties are endued with an energy, a vigor,
a spring, not to be described.
The water has fallen considerably, and the current is much lessened.
_Monday 27th._ Had to oppose a contrary wind until eleven. While
exerting ourselves to pass a difficult and dangerous rapid, Lisa who
was at the head of the boat, with the grappling hook, fell overboard,
and narrowly escaped being drowned. Our boat floated down the stream.
When we renewed the attempt, strange to tell, it was my turn to fall
over, while exerting myself with a pole, in the afterpart: I was near
being swept away by the swiftness of the current, but by good luck
seized the steering oar, and drew myself into the {106} boat, before
the accident was perceived by more than two or three.
At one, arrived at the Poncas village. On our approach we found all
the inhabitants crowded to the bank, and several had waded into
the water up to the waist. The greater part of the men were naked;
the women and children filthy and disgusting. Two of the chiefs
came on board, and immediately began to beg;--“Take pity on us,
strangers--we are very poor--we have no knives to cut our meat, but
are obliged to tear it with our nails--we have no guns--we have no
powder--or lead--take pity on us, we are very poor.” This is the
contemptible whine of nearly all the nations of the Missouri. We made
a few presents; the principal chief then begged for some whiskey,
a small dram was given him, which we afterwards regretted, for in
a few moments he became troublesome--looked like a mad monkey, his
teeth chattered, his tongue moved incessantly, and his countenance
underwent a thousand ridiculous contortions and grimaces. It was with
much difficulty we could get him out of the boat; when he was led
to the edge, he appeared to be afraid to step off, though the {107}
boat was almost touching the shore; his limbs quaked, he burst into
tears, and bellowed like an ox; it was found absolutely necessary
to lift him out and set him on the ground. He had no sooner touched
it, than this babe, was converted into a ferocious demon: he seized
a huge limb of a tree, and fell on the crowd of warriors, women, and
children, and laid about him with the utmost fury; these stumbled
over each other, and ran off helter skelter, exhibiting a scene truly
ludicrous.
We could obtain no information here, further than, that Hunt had
gone off three days before, but we suppose in order to wait for us
a short distance above. Proceeded on our voyage and encamped at the
mouth of the Qui Courre, four miles above the village.[35] In the
evening, two men who proved to be deserters from the party of Hunt,
came to us with very unwelcome intelligence. It seems that Hunt, was
much astonished to find from our messengers that we were so near;
but fearing to be passed, had sent us a feigned answer in order to
conceal his real design, which was to make all possible haste to keep
out of our reach. In order to affect this, he was now making every
possible {108} exertion. Our suspicions are now fully confirmed--Hunt
is apprehensive that Lisa will endeavour to pass, and then induce
the Sioux to stop him, or he is himself resolved upon securing
his passage by the same means. Such is the effect of this unhappy
distrust; this want of mutual confidence, I fear, may in the end,
prove equally injurious to us all. Nothing is now left for us, but to
push our voyage with greater vigor than ever.
_Tuesday 28th._ Weather smoky, and extremely warm. High land on both
sides of the river, with some dwarf trees in the hollows, principally
cedar. At ten, a fine breeze springing up, we continued under sail
the rest of the day, and determining to strain every nerve, in order
to overtake Hunt, we resolved to run the risk of sailing after
night, and fortunately it happened to be moonlight. We continued
under way until eleven o’clock. As the water was in a middling stage,
there was danger of running aground, and being detained several days.
But little confidence can be placed in the soundings, on account of
the bends of the river, and the sudden changes from deep to shoal
water. {109} There is scarcely any lowland from the Qui Courre--the
country hilly.
_Wednesday 29th._ After lying by a few hours, at one o’clock, again
continued under sail--but the moon disappearing, and it becoming
dark, it was thought adviseable to lie by until day-light. The
hills hereabout, high and broken, and little or no river bottom on
either side. At two o’clock, arrived at a beautiful island, called
Little Cedar island, on which grows fine cedar, the trees uncommonly
large.[36] This is a delightful spot, the soil of the island is rich,
and it may contain about three thousand acres--the middle of the
island is a beautiful prairie, but the adjacent country is bleak and
barren. At the point of the island, discovered an encampment of Hunt,
and on examination, we discovered, to the great joy of the company
that the fire was not yet extinguished; it is therefore but a few
days since he was here. Continued under sail until eleven at night,
having in little better than twenty-four hours, made seventy-five
miles.
_Thursday 30th._ This morning, favoured with a continuance of fair
wind. The country is exceedingly rough and broken--the greater {110}
part without the least vegetation. The hills have a very singular
appearance. Near the top they look black, and seem to have been
burnt. About noon, saw some tracks, which we supposed to be of
yesterday.
In the evening, passed a very fine stream, called White river, about
three hundred yards wide at the mouth.[37] Here there is some bottom
land, and wood points; the hills covered with grass. Heard several
gun shots, which we supposed to have been from the party of Hunt.
This evening the wind abated.
_Friday 31st._ This morning, a contrary wind, and some rain.
Proceeded with the cordelle. In the course of the day, saw a large
flock of antelopes--they appear to be numerous in this part of the
country. Observed in the sand, a number of Indian tracks, and a
place, where it appeared that the boats of Mr. Hunt had stopped with
the Indians some time. One of our men discovered a curious place,
contrived by the Indians, for taking fish; it was something like a
fish basket--we found two fine catfish in it.
When about to put into the river, to cross to a point, we discovered
three buffaloes, swimming {111} towards us, and contrary to the
precautions we had agreed to observe, in making no noise, (lest
we should be discovered by the Indians, who were probably in the
neighborhood) a firing was commenced upon the poor animals, which
continued half an hour. The report of the guns, as might have been
foreseen, brought an Indian to the top of the hill, but we were too
far in the river, to return to him, or to be heard.
Towards evening, the boat having received some injury, were compelled
to stop--I went in pursuit of a buffaloe calf--on my return, found
the party somewhat uneasy on account of the length of my stay, having
been drawn by the eagerness of pursuit to a considerable distance.
Set off again, and continued to drag the boat along until late at
night. The men much fatigued.
_Saturday, June 1st._ At daylight we heard the firing of guns on the
hills below us, on the other side of the river; and concluded that
all our precautions and extraordinary exertion had been vain; that
we should be robbed and killed, or at least compelled to return;
for it was in vain to think of ascending the river if these {112}
people were determined to oppose us. In a short time they made their
appearance on the opposite sand beach, hoisted an American flag, and
fired a few shots. There was but one thing to be done, which was to
cross over to them at once, and meet the worst, every man preparing
himself for defence. Each rower had his gun by his side, and Lisa and
myself beside our knives and rifles had each a pair of pistols in
our belts. On reaching the shore, we discovered twelve or thirteen
Indians seated on a log of wood, but we supposed the principal body
of them were concealed in the woods, so as to be at hand if required.
Lisa and I leaped ashore, and shook hands with them. Having no
interpreter at this critical juncture, we were fearful of not being
understood: however, with the aid of certain signs which form a
kind of universal language amongst the Indians, and with which Lisa
was acquainted, he was enabled to hold a conversation. He told them
that he was their trader, but that he had been very unfortunate,
for all the peltries which he had collected among them, as they
well knew, had been burnt the year before; while his young men,
who had passed up to {113} the head of the river, had been greatly
distressed by the natives of those parts, who were bad people. That
he was now poor and much to be pitied, and was on his way to bring
back his young men, having resolved to leave the upper country. He
concluded, by requesting the chief to give notice to all the Sioux
bands that in three months he would return and establish a trading
factory for them at the Cedar island. This speech, together with a
handsome present, had the desired effect; though not without apparent
reluctance. Remaining as short a time as possible, we recrossed the
river. The chief is a fine looking Indian, the others were very
young men, nearly naked, with long braids of hair hanging over their
foreheads, and confined in small tubes. They have all fine features,
and are well formed. I observed a singular appendage to their
moccasins; a fox’s tail was fastened to the heel, and which trailed
along the ground as they walked. It is two days since Hunt passed
here.
We experienced a momentary relief, but did not by any means, consider
ourselves yet safe. It is possible we may have passed the principal
body of the Sioux in the night, while under {114} sail, in which
case, they will be able to overtake us by this evening, or to-morrow
morning. We therefore resolved not to remit our exertions.
About twelve o’clock we reached the great bend, twenty miles round,
and but one mile and an half across the gorge. A remarkable part
of the river. In the evening there was every appearance of an
approaching change in the state of the atmosphere; and the wind, as
usual, veered gradually round to the different points of the compass,
from south to east, from east to north, and from north to west; and
what appeared almost miraculous, shifted with the course of the river
so as to enable us to sail with a favourable wind, nearly the whole
way round the bend. In this, however, we were exposed to considerable
danger, and suffered much from a very heavy rain. Thus favoured, we
have gained a day upon Hunt.
_Sunday 2d._ Set out with my gun early this morning on the S. W. side
of the river--walked about four miles along the hills, and at length
approaching in sight of the point where the great bend terminates,
I descried on the opposite side, with much satisfaction, the boats
{115} of Mr. Hunt. I immediately returned to give the joyful
intelligence to our people. On coming opposite the place where I had
seen the boats, we discovered a great number of Indians, who beckoned
to us to cross; but supposing them to be Sioux, we determined to
continue on until we should overtake the party before us. We suffered
them to shout, to gallop their horses, and to wave their robes
unnoticed. Some distance above, two men came to us, who had been with
Hunt; the Indians we had just passed, were a party of three hundred
Arikaras, who, on hearing of our approach, had come for the purpose
of enabling us to ascend. It appears also, that we have passed all
the Sioux bands, who had been seen by Hunt, but probably finding his
party too strong, they had resolved to stop and plunder ours; that we
must have passed them in the night, or under sail, as they did not
expect to hear of us so soon.
At eleven o’clock we overtook Hunt’s party, to the satisfaction
of our little company. It was with real pleasure I took my friend
Bradbury by the hand; I had reason to believe our meeting was much
more cordial than that of {116} the two commanders. Continued under
sail in company the rest of the day, forming a handsome little fleet
of five sail. Encamped in the evening opposite the larger Cedar
island, twelve hundred miles from the mouth of the Missouri.[38]
[31] Lewis and Clark called this the Whitestone River--a
translation of its Indian name, Wassisha. It is now
Vermilion River, in South Dakota, with a town of the
same name at its mouth.--ED.
[32] This is the plant called buffalo-berry, also (by
Lewis and Clark) rabbit-berry; scientifically it is
_shepherdia argentea_.--ED.
[33] Probably this was Francis M. Benoit (Benoist), a
prominent fur-trader of St. Louis, who had formerly
maintained a post among the Oto and Pawnee. He was
born in Canada in 1768, came to St. Louis in 1790,
and was occupied with Indian trade until his death
in 1819. His son, Louis C. Benoist, was a leading
St. Louis banker.--ED.
[34] Bon Homme Island retains its name, and this has
been extended to a South Dakota county and town.
The fortification which Brackenridge mentions Lewis
and Clark described in much detail. For drawings
thereof, see _Original Journals of Lewis and Clark
Expedition_ (New York, 1904).--ED.
[35] The French name of the present Niobrara River was
L’eau qui court (rapid-running water).--ED.
[36] This was the first of the islands bearing this name,
which is still retained. It is in Gregory County,
South Dakota. The second is near Chamberlain. See
Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our series, note
67.--ED.
[37] White River rises in northeastern Nebraska and flows
through South Dakota, emptying into the Missouri in
Lyman County.--ED.
[38] This was the Cedar Island upon which Loisel’s fort
stood; see Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our
series, note 105.--ED.
CHAPTER VI[39]
Messrs. Bradbury and Nuttal--An excursion--Rupture between the
leaders of our parties--Arrival at the Arikara villages.
Hitherto the rapidity of our movements, and the continual anxiety
which prevailed amongst us, precluded the possibility of making any
distant excursions, or of observing the different objects which
came under our notice, with the attention I could have wished.
These inconveniences were now all passed, and I now promised myself
much pleasure in the examination {117} of the country, and of its
productions; as well as much information from the society of two
scientific men. I had little or no practical knowledge of natural
history myself, and thus far we had passed through a district
affording little else to excite attention. The surface of the
land--its shape--its appearances--was all that I could pretend to
note with accuracy, and this only on the immediate borders of the
river. We are now twelve hundred miles from the mouth; the last
six hundred, with little variation composed of grassy stepps, with
open groves at intervals along the margin of the river, and on the
uplands and hollows at a distance from it, a few copses of wood and
shrubberies. The hills of no great elevation, scarcely exceeding
those on the Ohio, and like that through which this beautiful river
holds its course, a region entirely calcareous. The shores of the
river are seldom bound by rocks; and where the bluffs or higher banks
are precipitous, we seldom see any thing but enormous masses of bare
clay, often sixty or an hundred feet in height, which is constantly
crumbling into the river. The limestone, freestone, or sandstone, but
rarely shews itself on the river. {118} From this it will be seen,
that to the mineralogist, few objects of interest are found. The
masses of pumice, and the burnt bluffs in the country of the Poncas,
are to be attributed most probably to the burning of coal banks;
for it is a well known fact, that such have been known to burn for
several years without being extinguished; and why may not the same
thing have occurred here. In one place above the Poncas village,
the river is bounded on both sides by hills of no great elevation,
bare of vegetation, and the earth from the effects of burning, in
nearly the whole of this distance, of a dark color, quite hard and
heavy, as if containing a portion of iron. Emetites are observed in
considerable quantities, from which it is probable that iron ore
exists.
Mr. Bradbury has met with but little on the subject of mineralogy;
but has been very successful in his botanical researches. He has
encountered nearly an hundred undescribed plants, many very beautiful
and curious. Within a few days he finds a great number which he calls
Mexican. We have now in fact reached that inclined plain over which
the rivers of the Provincias Internas, run into the {119} Gulf of
Mexico. There are also many alpine plants, by which he conjectures,
that we have already attained a much greater height, than any
part, of the Eastern section of the valley of the Mississippi. Mr.
Bradbury, in company with some Indians and hunters has made an
excursion from the river Platte, to the Otto villages on that river,
to the mouth of Elkhorn, which he describes as a deep navigable
stream, containing nearly as much water as the Thames at London
bridge, but this water is swallowed up in the shoals and quicksands
of the river, into which it is discharged. He passed for one hundred
and fifty miles, through a delightful champaign country, of rich,
open, smooth meadows, the borders of the streams fringed with wood:
within eight or ten miles of the Missouri, the country is more
broken and hilly, and with a still smaller proportion of wood.
There is in company a gentleman of whom I have already spoken, Mr.
Nuttal, engaged in similar pursuits, to which he appears singularly
devoted, and which seems to engross every thought, to the total
disregard of his own personal safety, and sometimes to the {120}
inconvenience of the party he accompanies. To the ignorant Canadian
boatmen, who are unable to appreciate the science, he affords a
subject of merriment; _le fou_ is the name by which he is commonly
known. When the boat touches the shore, he leaps out, and no sooner
is his attention arrested by a plant or flower, then every thing
else is forgotten. The inquiry is made _ou est le fou?_ where is the
fool? _il est apres ramassee des racines_, he is gathering roots. He
is a young man of genius, and very considerable acquirements, but is
too much devoted to his favorite pursuit, and seems to think that no
other study deserves the attention of a man of sense. I hope, should
this meet his eye, it will give no offence; for these things, often
constituted a subject of merriment to us both.
The day after this fortunate junction, we continued our voyage, but
were opposed by a strong wind from the N. E. which, compelled us,
after we had proceeded a few miles, to encamp for the remainder of
the day.
Took my gun, and set off to make an excursion. The country is
altogether open, excepting some groves of cotton-wood in the bottom.
{121} The upland rises into considerable hills, about one third
covered with a very short grass, intermixed with a great variety of
plants and flowers, the rest consists of hills of clay, almost bare
of every kind of vegetation. On the tops of the higher hills, at some
distance from the river, there are masses of granite, of several tons
weight, and great quantities of pebbles. In the course of my ramble,
I happened on a village of barking squirrels, or prairie dogs, as
they have been called. My approach was announced by an incessant
barking, or rather chirping, similar to that of a common squirrel,
though much louder. The village was situated on the slope of a hill,
and appeared to be at least a mile in length; the holes were seldom
at a greater distance from each other than twenty or thirty paces.
Near each hole, there was a small elevation of earth, of six or eight
inches, behind which, the little animal posted himself, and never
abandoned it, or ceased the demonstrations of alarm, ‘insignificantly
fierce,’ until I approached within a few paces. As I proceeded
through the village, they disappeared, one after another, before
me. There was never more than one at each hole. I had {122} heard
that the magpie, the Missouri rattle snake, and the horn frog, were
observed to frequent these places; but I did not see any of them,
except the magpie. The rattle snake of the prairies, is about the
same length with the common rattle snake, but more slender, and the
color white and black.
In the course of the evening, I had an opportunity of seeing the
manner in which the antelope is taken in these open plains, where
there is no possibility of approaching by insidious means. A
handkerchief is placed on the end of a ramrod, and waved in the air,
the hunter lying flat on the ground. If any of the animals be in
sight, they run instantly to the place, and perform a circuit around,
approaching often within twenty or thirty yards, which gives an
opportunity of firing on them. This is the most swift and beautiful
little animal on our continent.[40] The description of the gazel of
Africa, the favorite theme of Arabian poetry, might be applied to
the antelope of the Missouri. It is perhaps, the most swift of all
animals; and the most timid. Its course over the country is more like
flight, than the movement of a quadruped. Its color is that of the
deer, but {123} in shape it bears a greater resemblance to the goat,
though larger, and of a form much more delicate; I often amuse myself
with watching the motions of this little animal.
The party of Mr. Hunt consists of about eighty men, chiefly
Canadians, the rest are American-hunters.
_Tuesday 4th._ Set off at seven--wind contrary, though not so strong
as yesterday. After doubling a point, we found that from the course
of the river, the wind would be favorable, and accordingly sailed
for eight or ten miles. We saw at the mouth of a small creek, a
herd of buffaloe of all sizes, crowded together, to the number of
several hundred. We immediately debarked, but they disappeared before
we succeeded in killing any of them. The appearance of the country
has varied but little for several days past. Bleak and dreary--the
bottoms narrow; in some places none at all, and clay bluffs.
_Wednesday 5th._ This morning after proceeding a short distance we
were compelled, by rain, to put to shore, where we continued until
towards evening, and seeing no probability that the weather would
clear up, crossed {124} over to the S. W. side, where Hunt and his
party were encamped. On the side we had left, the hills approach
close to the river, and bare of vegetation; the earth a stiff clay,
which being now moistened by the rain is exceedingly slippery. On
the other side there is a handsome plain, with a row of trees along
the margin of the river, and a handsome wood along the borders of a
little rivulet which flows across the plain. The upland rises at the
distance of a quarter of a mile, to the height of sixty or seventy
feet, in a number of projecting points, or hills. On ascending this
ground we found ourselves on an extended plain, upon which at the
distance of a few miles the hills rose in strange, irregular broken
masses. Mr. Bradbury and I took a stroll from the camp, in quest of
specimens and adventures. Before reaching the upland we observed on
the river bottom a large encampment of Sioux, where they had probably
remained during winter, from the traces of tents, the quantity of
bones, and the appearance of the ground. Their position was well
chosen; the wood of the Missouri, and that of the streamlet I have
just mentioned, at {125} right angles with it, formed two sides of
the camp, on the other sides there is an open plain. In this place
it would have been difficult to have attacked them by surprise. On
coming to the upland we found the points of the hills stony, and
large masses of detached rock here and there on the more elevated
places. The grass short, intermixed with many beautiful small
flowers, but no weeds. A few prickly pears (cactus) were seen, but of
a small size, not exceeding a few inches in length, and the thorns
not strong. The upland was at every little distance, indented with
ravines, or hollows, some of them bare of soil and still subject to
the washing of the rains, others well covered with grass. Upon one
of these projecting points, we observed at some distance a small
group of buffaloes lying down. Stealing along the brow of the hill,
we ascended from a ravine, approached within thirty or forty yards,
and taking aim together, fired at a cow that happened to be nearest
to us; she started up and bellowed, the others seemed to be but
little alarmed, until we rose up and advanced towards them, when
they trotted off slowly to the hills, leaving the cow who went {126}
off in a different direction. The wounded buffaloe, or deer, always
leave the herd. I pursued her for some distance, but found that she
was not mortally wounded. The flight of these alarmed other herds
which were feeding at a distance; there was something picturesque in
the appearance of these herds of buffaloe, slowly winding round the
sides of the distant hills, disappearing in some hollow and again
emerging to view. Wide and beaten roads formed by the passing of the
buffaloe, may every where be seen. While Mr. Bradbury was engaged in
collecting specimens, I ran to a point at the distance of a mile,
where I saw some antelopes, and had the good fortune, by ascending a
ravine to approach within sixty yards. They proved to be six females
and one male; the latter at every instant performed a circuit in
a small trot, and then suddenly stopped short, as if to see that
nothing came near. The tail like that of the goat, and perfectly
white, the limbs small and delicate, the horns like those of the
deer, with several prongs, but they are never shed, and the female
has them as well as the male, though of a smaller size. On shewing
myself they flew off, and I {127} had scarce time to reach the spot
they left, until they reappeared upon another point, as far off as
when I first saw them. We saw in the course of the evening, several
wolves, villages of prairie dogs, a herd of elk, and a hare of the
species called _lepus variabilis_, its color was at this time grey,
but becomes white in winter.
On our return, I found that a disagreeable misunderstanding had taken
place between the two chiefs of the parties: The interpreter of Mr.
Hunt, had improperly relinquished the service of the company, to
which he was still indebted. Mr. Lisa had several times mentioned
to him the impropriety of his conduct, and perhaps had made him
some offers, in order to draw him from his present service. This
was certainly imprudent, and placed him in the power of a worthless
fellow, who, without doubt, retailed the conversation to his
master, with some additions. This evening, while in Hunt’s camp,
to which he had gone on some business, he was grossly insulted by
the interpreter, who struck him several times, and seized a pair of
pistols belonging to Hunt;--that gentleman did not {128} seem to
interest himself much in the affair, being actuated by feelings of
resentment, at the attempt to inveigle his man. On my return to our
camp, I found Mr. Lisa furious with rage, buckling on his knife, and
preparing to return: finding that I could not dissuade, I resolved
to accompany him. It was with the greatest difficulty I succeeded
in preventing the most serious consequences. I had several times to
stand between him and the interpreter, who had a pistol in each hand.
I am sorry to say, that there was but little disposition on the part
of Mr. Hunt to prevent the mischief that might have arisen. I must,
in justice to him declare, however, that it was through him that
Mr. M’Clelland was induced not to put his threat[41] in execution,
having pledged his honour to that effect. I finally succeeded in
bringing Lisa off to his boat. When it is recollected that this was
at a distance of a thousand miles from all civil authority, or power,
it will be seen that there was but little to restrain the effects of
animosity. Having obtained, in some measure, the confidence of {129}
Mr. Hunt, and the gentlemen who were with him, and Mr. Bradbury that
of Mr. Lisa, we mutually agreed to use all the arts of mediation in
our power, and if possible, prevent any thing serious.
_Thursday 6th._ Weather clearing up. The water rising very
fast--supposed the annual flood. This morning passed the ruins
of an Indian village, there were great piles of buffaloe bones,
and quantities of earthen ware. The village appears to have been
scattered round a kind of citadel, or fortification, enclosing four
or five acres, and of an oval form. The earth is thrown up about four
feet, there are a few cedar palisadoes remaining. Probably, in cases
of siege, the whole village was crowded into this space.
_Friday 28th_ [_i. e._, _7th._] Continued under way as usual. All
kind of intercourse between the leaders has ceased. In the evening,
passed several old villages, said to be of the Arikara nation. The
bottoms, or points, become wider, and the bluffs of a less disgusting
appearance; there are but few clay hills, the country being generally
covered with grass.
{130} _Saturday 8th._ Contrary wind to-day, though delightful
weather. This morning, passed a large and handsome river, called
the Chienne, S. W. side. It appears as large as the Cumberland
or Tennessee. Saw at this place, the ruins of an old village and
fortification. The country hereabouts is fine, and better wooded
than any I have seen for the last three hundred miles. A tolerable
settlement might be supported here. Game is very abundant--elk, deer,
and buffaloe without number. We observed this evening, forty or
fifty skin canoes, which had been left by some war party which had
crossed here. Such is the wanton destruction of the buffaloe, that,
I am informed, the Indians will kill them merely for the purpose of
procuring their skins for these canoes.
Encamped a few miles above the Chienne river, in a beautiful bottom.
No art can surpass the beauty of this spot; trees of different kinds,
shrubs, plants, flowers, meadow, and upland, charmingly dispersed.
What coolness and freshness breathes around! The river is bordered
with cotton-wood, and a few elms, there is then an open space of
thirty or forty paces, after which begins a delightful shrubbery
{131} of small ash trees, the graisse de beouf, the gooseberry,
currant, &c. forming a most delightful avenue. We all remark, that
the singing of the birds is much sweeter than in the forests of the
states. This is fancifully accounted for by Mr. Bradbury, from the
effects of society; from the scantiness of woods, they are compelled
to crowd on the same tree, and in this way impart improvement to
each other. Assuming it as a fact, that the birds of Europe sing
better than those of America, he asks, can it be owing to any other
reason than this? There are great numbers of the common field lark;
the black bird, thrush, martin, and wren, are also numerous. Turkeys,
patridges, or pheasants, are not to be seen beyond the Maha village.
The moschetoes have been exceedingly troublesome for several days
past. They disappear in the evenings, which are cool, or with the
slightest wind.
_Sunday 9th._ Got under way this morning, with fine weather.
Discovered great numbers of buffaloe; on the N. W. side, an extensive
level meadow. Numbers began to swim across the river, as Hunt whose
party was before us, {132} was passing along; they waited and killed
as many as they wanted; a number which were started from an island,
swam towards us, and we killed several also.
Mr. Bradbury and I went out on the N. W. side, where the buffaloe
had been first seen, and walked several miles. A very beautiful
and extensive meadow, at least a mile wide, but without a tree or
shrub--the upland bare. Passed a Sioux encampment of last fall--from
appearance there must have been three or four hundred here. Amongst
other things, our curiosity was attracted, by a space, about twenty
feet in diameter, enclosed with poles, with a post in the middle,
painted red, and at some distance, a buffaloe head raised upon
a little mound of earth. We are told, this is a place where an
incantation for rendering the buffaloe plenty, had been performed.
Amongst other ceremonies, the pipe is presented to the head. I
started several elk and departed from Mr. Bradbury to go in pursuit
of them--I ran several miles along the hills, but without success. I
had wandered about a mile from the river, but could distinctly see
it. The country rises in steps, each step an extensive plain. Herds
{133} of buffaloe could be seen at such a distance as to appear like
black spots or dots. How different are the feelings in the midst of
this romantic scenery, from those experienced in the close forests of
the Ohio?
At four o’clock hoisted sail with a fair wind. From the moment of our
departure, we were hardly ever out of sight of herds of buffaloes,
feeding on the hills and in the plains, and in the course of the
day saw elk and antelopes in abundance. These objects enliven the
scenery, but there is something strange in thus passing day after day
without meeting any human beings. A vast country inhabited only by
buffaloes, deer, and wolves, has more resemblance to the fictions of
the ‘Arabian Nights Entertainments’ than to reality. Towards evening,
seeing a number of buffaloes crowded on a small beach at the foot
of an island, orders were given to observe silence, while seven or
eight of us posted ourselves to the best advantage. They suffered us
to approach within thirty or forty yards, while they stood gazing at
the sail with blank indifference. We selected the fattest and fired
on him together. Notwithstanding his wounds, which must have been
mortal, he endeavoured to make off with {134} the rest. We pursued
him into the island--the animal had now become ferocious from his
wounds, and it was found dangerous to approach him. He received
twenty balls in his body before he was brought to the ground.
The island is beautiful. It is completely surrounded by cotton
wood and cedar trees, but the space within is a handsome clear
meadow. Along the edges of the woods in the inside, there are great
quantities of gooseberry bushes; all these islands are much alike in
this respect, and surpass any I have seen on the lower part of the
river.
_Monday 10th._ During the whole of this day had a fine wind which
enabled us to make thirty-five miles. Encamped opposite a fine
stream, called Ser-war-cerna, N. W. side.
The country wears a handsome aspect; the hills gently swelling, and
some delightful prairie on the river. There is but little wood. In
the course of the day we saw great numbers of buffaloe, in herds of
several hundreds each.
_Tuesday 11th._ Continued our voyage with a slight wind. The country
much the same as that of yesterday. Encamped some distance below
the island on which the Arikara village {135} was situated some
years ago--they have removed a few miles further up. This evening I
went to the camp of Mr. Hunt to make arrangements as to the manner
of arriving at the village, and of receiving the chiefs. This is
the first time our leaders have had any intercourse directly or
indirectly since the quarrel. Mr. Lisa appeared to be suspected; they
supposed it to be his intention to take advantage of his influence
with the Arikara nation, and do their party some injury in revenge. I
pledged myself that this should not be the case.
_Wednesday 12th._ Heavy rains accompanied by thunder and lightning
last night.
At nine o’clock two of the chiefs with the interpreter employed by
the company, came on board our boat. They are both fine looking
men, much above the common size, and with much fairer complexions
than any Indians I have seen. One is the hereditary village chief;
named the _Left handed_; the other a ferocious, and gigantic looking
fellow, is the principal war chief, named the _Big man_. At ten we
put to shore opposite the village, in order to dry our baggage, which
was completely wet. The leaders of the party of Hunt were still
suspicious {136} that Lisa intended to betray them.--M’Clelland
declared that he would shoot him the moment he discovered any thing
like it. In the mean time, the chief spoke across the river, which is
here about a half mile wide; we understood that he was giving orders
to prepare the council lodge. The village appeared to occupy about
three quarters of a mile along the river bank, on a level plain, the
country behind it rising into hills of considerable height. There are
little or no woods any where to be seen. The lodges are of a conical
shape, and look like heaps of earth. A great number of horses are
seen feeding in the plains around, and on the sides of the hills.
I espied a number of squaws, in canoes, descending the river and
landing at the village. The interpreter informed me, that they were
returning home with wood. These canoes are made of a single buffaloe
hide, stretched over osiers, and of a circular form. There was but
one woman in each canoe, who kneeled down and paddled in front. The
load was fastened to the canoe and dragged along. The water being a
little rough, these canoes sometimes almost disappeared between the
waves, which produced a {137} curious effect; the squaws with the
help of a little fancy, might be taken for mermaids, sporting on the
billows; the canoe rising and sinking with them, while the women were
visible from the waist upwards.
About two o’clock, all matters being arranged, fourteen of us crossed
over and accompanied the village chief to his lodge. Mats were laid
around for us to sit upon, while he placed himself on a kind of stool
or bench. The pipe was then handed round and smoked; after which the
herald (every chief or great man has one of them) ascended to the top
of the lodge, and seating himself near an open place, began to bawl
out like a town crier; the chief every now and then addressing him
something through the before mentioned aperture or skylight. We soon
discovered the object of this, by the arrival of the other chiefs,
about twenty in number, who came dropping in as their respective
names were called over, and squatted down upon the bear, or buffaloe
skins.
When all were seated, the crier prepared the pipe, then handed it to
the chief, who, as is usual on solemn occasions, began by blowing
{138} a whiff upwards, as it were to the heavens, then to the earth,
and afterwards to the east.
“----O Jove! O earth!
And thou fair sun,----”
After which the pipe was sent round. A mark of respect in handing the
pipe to another, is to hold it until he has taken several whiffs.
After this ceremony, the chief began the usual complaint of poverty,
&c. not in the spirit of the good Evander, who only alludes to his
poverty, to show how much he is above the love of wealth, and tells
his guests that his humble roof was not scorned even by a deity.
He then declared that he was happy to see us in his village and to
take us by the hand as friends. Lisa in reply to this, after the
usual common-place, observed that he was come to trade amongst them
and the Mandans, but that these persons, (pointing to Hunt and his
comrades,) were going a long journey to the great Salt lake, to the
west, and he hoped would meet with favourable treatment; and that
any injury offered them, he would consider as done to himself; that
although distinct parties, yet as to the safety of either, they were
but one. This candid and {139} frank declaration, at once removed
all suspicion from the minds of the others, who had become seriously
apprehensive that Lisa, finding himself amongst a people who were
perfectly at his disposal, might betray them. A number of short
speeches were made by the other chiefs and warriors. On the proposal
of trading, the _Left handed_ required a day or two, until he could
consult with his people, and fix the terms upon which the trade would
be conducted: with this the council ended, the boats were ordered
over and encamped a little distance below the village. A guard of
Indian warriors was placed to keep off the populace and prevent
pilfering.
[39] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v
of our series: Arikara Indians, notes 76 and 83;
Cheyenne River, note 81; Surwarcarna River, note
82.--ED.
[40] The American antelope (_Antilocapra americâna_) was
first made known to the scientific world by the
description of Lewis and Clark. It is frequently
called “cabra,” from the Spanish word for goat.--ED.
[41] That if ever he fell in with Lisa, in the Indian
country, he would shoot him.--BRACKENRIDGE.
{140} CHAPTER VII[42]
Arikara villages--An alarm in the village--Manners and customs.
The morning after the council, we were completely drenched by heavy
rains, which had fallen during the night. The chief has not given
his answer as to the conditions of the trade. It is for him usually
to fix the price, on a consultation with his subordinate chiefs; to
this the whole village must conform. The Indian women and girls were
occupied all this morning in carrying earth in baskets, to replace
that which the rain had washed off their lodges. Rambled through the
village, which I found excessively filthy, the ‘villainous smells,’
which every where assailed me, compelled me at length, to seek refuge
in the open plain. The lovers of Indian manners, and mode of living,
should contemplate them at a distance. The rains had rendered their
village little better than a hog pen; the police appeared to me, in
general, extremely negligent. Some of {141} the ancient cities of
the old world, were probably like this village, inattentive to that
cleanliness so necessary to health, where a great mass of beings are
collected in one place; and we need not be surprised at the frequency
of desolating plagues and pestilence. The village is swarming with
dogs and children. I rank these together, for they are inseparable
companions. Wherever I went, the children ran away, screaming and
frightened at my outre and savage appearance. Let us not flatter
ourselves with the belief, that the effect of civilization and
refinement, is to render us agreeable and lovely to the eyes of those
whom we exclusively denominate savages! The dogs, of which each
family has thirty or forty, pretended to make a show of fierceness,
but on the least threat, ran off. They are of different sizes and
colors. A number are fattened on purpose to eat, others are used for
drawing their baggage. It is nothing more than the domesticated wolf.
In wandering through the prairies, I have often mistaken wolves for
Indian dogs. The larger kind has long curly hair, and resembles the
shepherd dog. There is the same diversity amongst the wolves of this
country. {142} They may be more properly said to howl, than bark.
The lodges are constructed in the following manner: Four large forks
of about fifteen feet in height, are placed in the ground, usually
about twenty feet from each other, with hewn logs or beams across;
from these beams other pieces are placed above, leaving an aperture
at the top to admit the light, and to give vent to the smoke. These
upright pieces are interwoven with osiers, after which the whole is
covered with earth, though not sodded. An opening is left at one side
for a door, which is secured by a kind of projection of ten or twelve
feet, enclosed on all sides, and forming a narrow entrance, which
might be easily defended. A buffaloe robe suspended at the entrance,
answers as a door. The fire is made in a hole in the ground, directly
under the aperture at the top. Their beds elevated a few feet, are
placed around the lodge, and enclosed with curtains of dressed elk
skins. At the upper end of the lodge, there is a kind of trophy
erected; two buffaloe heads, fantastically painted, are placed on
a little elevation; over them, are fixed a variety of consecrated
things, such as shields, {143} skins of a rare or valuable kind,
and quivers of arrows. The lodges are placed at random, without any
regularity or design, and are so much alike, that it was for some
time before I could learn to return to the same one. The village
is surrounded by a palisade of cedar poles, but in a very bad
state. Around the village there are little plats enclosed by stakes,
entwined with osiers, in which they cultivate maize, tobacco, and
beans; but their principal field is at the distance of a mile from
the village, to which, such of the females, whose duty it is to
attend to their culture, go and return morning and evening. Around
the village they have buffaloe robes stuck on high poles. I saw one
so arranged as to bear a resemblance to the human figure, the hip
bone of the buffaloe represented the head, the sockets of the thigh
bones looked like eyes.
_Friday 14th._ It rained again last night, which prevented the trade
from commencing until some time in the day. Mr. Lisa sent a quantity
of goods to the lodge of the principal chief before mentioned, and
Hunt to the one who accompanied him to meet us, the principal war
chief. The price of a horse was commonly {144} ten dollars worth of
goods at first cost. Hunt had resolved to purchase horses at this
place, and proceed by land to the Columbia, being assured by some
hunters, who met him before his arrival here, that this would be his
best route.
Mr. Bradbury and I, took a walk into the upper village, which is
separated from the lower by a stream about twenty yards wide--Entered
several lodges, the people of which received us with kindness,
placed mats and skins for us to sit on, and after smoking the pipe,
offered us something to eat; this consisted of fresh buffaloe meat
served in a wooden dish. They had a variety of earthen vessels,
in which they prepared their food, or kept water. After the meat,
they offered us homony made of corn dried in the milk, mixed with
beans, which was prepared with buffaloe marrow, and tasted extremely
well. Also the prairie turnip, pounded and made into gruel. This
is a root that abounds in the prairies--has something of the taste
of the turnip, but more dry. Their most common food is homony and
dried buffaloe meat. In one of the lodges which we visited, we found
the doctor, who was preparing some {145} medicine for a sick lad.
He was cooling with a spoon a decoction of some roots, which had a
strong taste and smell, resembling jalap. He showed us a variety of
simples which he used. The most of them were common plants with some
medical properties, but rather harmless than otherwise. The boy had
a slight pleurisy. The chief remedy for their diseases, which they
conceive to be owing to a disorder of the bowels, is rubbing the
abdomen and sides of the patient, sometimes with such violence, as
to cause fainting. When they become dangerous, they resort to charms
and incantations, such as singing, dancing, blowing on the sick, &c.
They are very successful in the treatment of wounds. When the wound
becomes very obstinate, they resort to the actual cautery, after
which it heals more easily.
_Saturday 15th._ Fine weather--Took a walk with Mr. Bradbury through
the country, which is entirely open, and somewhat hilly. Large masses
of granite were usually found on the highest knobs. We saw a great
variety of plants, and some new ones--One or two of the vallies are
beautiful, with scarcely any shrubs {146} but dwarf plum trees,
scattered along a rivulet.
On our return in the evening, an alarm prevailed in the village,
which appeared to be all in commotion. We were informed that the
Sioux, their enemies, were near. This was probably all preconcerted.
I was shewn, at the distance of about two miles, four horsemen on the
top of a hill, at full gallop, passing and re-passing each other,
which I understand is the usual signal given by the scouts, (some of
whom are constantly on the alert,) of the approach of an enemy. To
give intelligence of the appearance of a herd of buffaloe, instead
of crossing each other, they gallop backward and forward abreast.
Presently the warriors issued from the village with great noise
and tumult, pursuing the direction in which the signal was made,
down the river, and past our encampment; observing no regular march,
but running helter skelter, like persons in one of our towns to
extinguish a fire--and keeping up a continual hallooing to encourage
each other. A number were on horseback, but the greater part on foot.
Some were dressed in their most gaudy {147} stile, with the cincture
of feathers, and their ornaments of the head made of plumes, fitted
round a kind of crown. The tops of the lodges were crowded with women
and children, and with old men, who could give no assistance, but by
their lungs, which they kept well employed: yet there were several
who sallied forth, bending under the weight of years. I counted
upwards of five hundred in all. They soon after returned; whether
they had chased away the enemy, or the alarm had turned out false, I
never learned.
In the course of the next day, several parties arrived from different
directions. According to custom they were met by warriors and
conducted to the council lodge, where they gave an account of what
had occurred, which was afterwards announced to the village by
heralds, who went round bawling out the news at the door of each
lodge. These occurrences contribute to enliven the village; yet
independently of these, it continually presents a busy and animated
scene. Great numbers of men are engaged in the different games of
address and agility, others judging, or looking on, and many employed
in a variety of other ways. There are {148} a great number of women
constantly at work in dressing buffaloe robes, which are placed
on frames before the lodges. One of the parties which arrived to
day, came from the snake nation, where they had stolen horses. This
arrested their employments for a moment, the immediate friends and
relatives of such as returned, spent the evening in rejoicing; while
several females who had lost a relation, retired to the hills behind
the village, where they continued to cry the whole afternoon.
In the evening they usually collect on the tops of the lodges, where
they sit and converse: every now and then the attention of all is
attracted by some old man who rises up and declaims aloud, so as
to be heard all over the village. There is something in this like
a quaker meeting. Adair labors to prove the Indian tribes to be
descended from the Jews,[43] I might here adduce this as an argument
in favor of these people being a colony of quakers. The object of
this harangue was to urge the people to treat the strangers well.
To have such amongst them, is regarded as a matter of pride and
exultation amongst the Indian nations, and often gives rise to
jealousies. {149} There is hardly such invidious distinction as that
of natives and foreigners. If a man brings any thing useful to the
society in which he happens to be, he is thought to confer a favour
on it--he is thought to increase the wealth or safety of the tribe.
_Monday 17th._ This day arrived a deputation from the Chienne nation,
to announce that those people were on their march to Arikara, and
would be here in fifteen days. I sometimes amused myself with the
idea of forming a gazette of the daily occurrences. We here see an
independent nation, with all the interests and anxieties of the
largest; how little would its history differ from that of one of
the Grecian states! A war, a treaty, deputations sent and received,
warlike excursions, national mourning or rejoicing, and a thousand
other particulars, which constitute the chronicle of the most
celebrated people.
In the evening, about sundown, the women cease from their labors,
and collect in little knots, and amuse themselves with a game
something like jack-stones: five pebbles are tossed up in a small
basket, with which they endeavor to catch them again as they fall.
{150} _Tuesday 18th._ Confidence had been somewhat restored between
the leaders of the two parties, since the council in the village. Mr.
Hunt having resolved to start from this village, a bargain was made
with Mr. Lisa, for the sale of Hunt’s boats and some merchandise; in
consequence of which, we recrossed the river in order to make the
exchange, after which we returned and encamped. We are to set off
to-morrow morning to the Mandan villages.
Before I bid adieu to Arikara, I must note some general matters
relating to their character and manners.
The men are large and well proportioned, complexion somewhat fairer
than that of Indians generally--usually go naked:--the dress they
put on seems intended more for ornament than as essential; this
consists of a sort of cassoc or shirt, made of the dressed skin of
the antelope, and ornamented with porcupine quills, died a variety of
colors; a pair of leggings, which are ornamented in the same way. A
buffaloe hide dressed with the hair on, is then thrown over the right
shoulder, the quiver being {151} hung on the other, if armed with a
bow.[44] They generally permit their hair to grow long; I have, in
one or two instances, seen it reach to their heels, when increased
by artificial locks of horse hair; and is then usually divided into
several braids, matted at intervals, with a white tenacious clay;
sometimes it is rolled up in a ball, and fixed on the top of the
head. They always have a quantity of feathers about them; those of
the black eagle are most esteemed. They have a kind of crown made
of feathers, such as we see represented in the usual paintings of
Indians, which is very beautiful. The swan is in most estimation for
this purpose. Some ornament the neck with necklaces made of the claws
of the white bear. To their heels they sometimes fasten foxes’ tails,
and on their leggings suspend deers’ hoofs, so as to make a rattling
noise as they move along. On seeing a warrior dressed in all this
finery, walking with his wife, who was comparatively plain in her
dress or ornaments, I could not but think this was {152} following
the order of nature, as in the peacock, the stag, and almost all
animals, the male is lavishly decorated, while the female is plain
and unadorned. I intend this as a hint to some of our petit maitres.
The dress of the female consists of a long robe made of the dressed
skins of the elk, the antelope, or the agalia, and ornamented with
blue beads, and stripes of ermine, or in its place, of some white
skin. The robe is girded round the waist with a broad zone, highly
ornamented with porcupine quills, and beads. They are no better
off than were the Greeks and Romans, in what we deem at present so
essential, but like them they bathe themselves regularly, twice a
day. The women are much fairer than the men; some might be considered
handsome any where; and exceed the other sex in point of numbers; the
dreadful consequence of the wars in which the nation is constantly
engaged. Polygamy is general, they have often four or five wives.
Their courtship and marriage resemble that of most of the Indian
nations; if the parties are mutually agreeable to each other, there
is a consultation of the family; if this be also favourable, the
father of the girl, or whoever {153} gives her in marriage, makes a
return for the present he had received from the lover--the match is
then concluded.
They display considerable ingenuity and taste in their works of
art: this observation applies to all the American nations, from
the Mexicans to the most savage. Their arms, household utensils,
and their dresses, are admirably made. I saw a gun which had been
completely stocked by an Indian. A curious instance of native
ingenuity which came under my notice, ought not to be omitted. I
was told one day, of an old Indian who was making a blanket; I
immediately went to see him. To my surprise, I found an old man,
perfectly blind, seated on a stool before a kind of frame, over which
were drawn coarse threads, or rather twists of buffaloe wool, mixed
with wolf’s hair; he had already made about a quarter of a yard of
a very coarse rough cloth. He told me that it was the first he had
attempted, and that it was in consequence of a dream, in which he
thought he had made a blanket like those of the white people. Here
are the rudiments of weaving. They make beautiful {154} jugs, or
baskets, with osier, so close as to hold water.
I observed some very old men amongst them--from the purity of the
air, and the healthiness of the climate it is not surprising that
human life should be drawn out to a great length. The ravages of the
small pox, that dreadful scourge to the Indians, has been felt by
these people in all its severity. These villages are the remains of
seventeen distinct tribes. One day, in passing through the village, I
saw something brought out of a lodge in a buffaloe robe, and exposed
to the sun; on approaching, I discovered it to be a human being, but
so shrivelled up, that it had nearly lost the human physiognomy:
almost the only sign of life discernible, was a continual sucking
its hands, and feeble moan like that of a young infant. On inquiring
of the chief, he told me that he had seen it so ever since he was a
boy. He appeared to be at least forty-five. It is almost impossible
to ascertain the age of an Indian when he is above sixty; I made
inquiries of several, who appeared to me little short of an hundred,
but could form no satisfactory conjecture. Blindness is very common,
arising {155} probably from the glare of the snow, during a greater
part of the year. I observed the goitre, or swelled neck, in a few
instances.
Their government is oligarchical, but great respect is paid to
popular opinion. It is utterly impossible to be a great man amongst
them, without being a distinguished warrior; and though respect is
paid to birth, it must be accompanied by other merit, to procure much
influence. They are divided into different bands or classes; that of
the pheasant, which is composed of the oldest men; that of the bear,
the buffaloe, the elk, the dog, &c. Each of these has its leader, who
generally takes the name of the class, exclusively.[45] Initiation
into these classes, on arriving at the proper age, and after having
given proofs of being worthy of it, is attended with great ceremony.
The band of dogs, is considered the most brave and effective in war,
being composed of young men under thirty. War parties are usually
proposed by some individual warrior, and according to the confidence
placed in him, his followers are numerous or otherwise. In these
excursions they wander to a great distance, seldom venturing to
return home without {156} a scalp, or stolen horses. Frequently when
unsuccessful they “cast their robes,” as they express it, and vow
to kill the first person they meet, provided he be not of their own
nation. In crossing the river, they use canoes made of the buffaloe
hide, or a few pieces of wood fastened together. They usually leave
some token, as a stake, which is marked so as to convey some idea of
their numbers, the direction which they have taken, &c. To avoid
surprise, they always encamp at the edge of a wood; and when the
party is small, they construct a kind of fortress, with wonderful
expedition, of billets of wood, apparently piled up in a careless
manner, but so arranged as to be very strong, and by this means to
withstand an assault from a much superior force. They are excellent
horsemen--they will shoot an arrow at full speed, and again pick
it up from the ground without stopping: sometimes they will lean
entirely upon one leg, throwing their bodies to that side, so as
to present nothing but the leg and thigh, on the other. In pursuit
of the buffaloe, they will gallop down steep hills, broken almost
into precipices. Some of their horses are very fine, run swiftly,
and are {157} soon worn out, from the difficulty of procuring food
for them in winter, the smaller branches of the cotton-wood tree
being almost the only fodder which they give them. Their hunting is
regulated by the warriors chosen for the occasion, who urge on such
as are tardy, and repress often with blows, those who would rush on
too soon. When a herd of buffaloe is discovered, they approach in
proper order, within half a mile, they then separate and dispose
themselves, so as in some measure, to surround them, when at the
word, they rush forward at full speed, and continue the chase as long
as their horses can stand it: a hunter usually shoots two arrows
into a buffaloe, and then goes in pursuit of another; if he kills
more than three in the hunt, he is considered as having acquitted
himself well. The tongue is the prize of the person who has slain
the animal; and he that has the greater number, is considered the
best hunter of the day. Their weapons consist of guns, war clubs,
spears, bows, and lances. They have two kinds of arrows, one for the
purpose of the chase, and the other for war; the latter differs in
this particular, that the barb or point is fastened so slightly, that
when it enters the {158} body, it remains in, and cannot be drawn
out with the wood; therefore, when it is not in a vital part, the
arrow is pushed entirely through. They do not poison them. Their bows
are generally very small; an elk’s horn, or two ribs of a buffaloe,
often constitute the materials of which they are made. Those of wood
are of willow, the back covered with sinews. Their daily sports, in
which, when the weather is favorable, they are engaged from morning
till night, are principally of two kinds. A level piece of ground
appropriated for the purpose, (and beaten by frequent use,) is the
place where they are carried on. The first is played by two persons,
each provided with a long pole; one of them rolls a hoop, which,
after having reached about two-thirds of the distance, is followed at
half speed, and as they perceive it about to fall, they cast their
poles under it; the pole on which the hoop falls, so as to be nearest
to certain corresponding marks on the hoop and pole, gains for that
time. This game excites great interest, and produces a gentle, but
animated exercise. The other differs from it in this, that instead of
poles, they have short pieces of wood, with barbs at one end, and a
{159} cross piece at the other, held in the middle with one hand; but
instead of the hoop before mentioned, they throw a small ring, and
endeavor to put the point of the barb through it. This is a much more
violent exercise than the other.[46]
With respect to their religion, it is extremely difficult,
particularly from the slight acquaintance I had with them, to form
any just idea. They have some notion of a supreme being, whom they
call the “Master of Life,” but they offer him no rational worship,
and have but indistinct ideas of a future state. Their devotion
manifests itself in a thousand curious tricks of slight of hand,
which they call magic, and which the vulgar amongst them believe
to be something supernatural. They are very superstitious. Beside
their magic, or medicine lodge, in which they have a great collection
of magic, or sacred things, every one has his private magic in his
lodge, or about his person. Any thing curious is immediately made an
amulet, or a talisman; and is considered as devoted or consecrated,
so as to deprive the owner of the power of giving it away. The
principal war chief lately took advantage {160} of this. Having
obtained a very fine horse, which he was desirous of keeping, but
fearing that some one might ask him as a gift, and as to refuse would
be unbecoming a great man, who ought not to set his heart upon a
matter of so little importance, he announced that he had given, or
consecrated his horse to his magic or medicine! Some parts of their
superstitious devotions, or modes of worship, are the most barbarous
that can be imagined. I observed a great number whose bodies were
scarred and cut in the most shocking manner; I was informed that this
was done in their devotion; that to shew their zeal, they sometimes
suspend themselves by the arms or legs, or the sides, by hooks. I was
shewn a boy, who had drawn two buffaloe heads several hundred yards,
by cords fixed in the fleshy part of his sides. I might enumerate a
variety of other particulars, in which this strange self punishment
is carried to the greatest lengths.[47] They have frequent public
holy days, when the greater part of the village appears to desist
from labor, and dress out unusually fine. On these occasions, each
one suspends his private magic on a high pole before his door; the
painted {161} shields, quivers of a variety of colors, scarlet cloth,
and highly ornamented buffaloe robes, which compose these trophies,
produce a very lively effect. I several times observed articles of
some value suspended on the trees. I was told, they often leave their
property in this manner without being under any apprehension that any
of the same tribe will touch it, provided that there be the least
sign to shew that it is not lost. A kind of superstition similar to
that of the Druids, which protected their offerings hung up in the
woods.
Since the unfortunate affair of lieutenant Prior, these people have
shewn themselves friendly to the whites. Lieutenant Prior had been
sent in a boat, with twenty or thirty men, to convey the Mandan chief
to his village, after his visit to the United States, in company
with Lewis and Clark. On arriving at the Arikara village, he was set
upon, and made his escape with great difficulty, one half of his
little party being killed or wounded. The expedition of the Missouri
company, which ascended the next year, demanded satisfaction for this
outrage, and every concession having been made {162} by the Arikaras,
the matter was adjusted. Since that time they have endeavored to keep
a good understanding with the whites, and express much regret at
the unfortunate occurrence, which, as is usual, they disavow as the
act of the nation, but declare it to have been perpetrated by a bad
chief, who would not listen to their councils.
During my short stay amongst them, I endeavored to form a vocabulary
of such words as are most likely to be primitive.[48] I found a great
diversity in the pronunciation, which I discovered to be partly owing
to the circumstance of the present population being composed of the
fragments or remains of different tribes; but I was also informed by
the chief, that amongst the principal families there was a better
language than that in use with the common people. The slaves, of whom
there is a much greater number than I had supposed, and those of
foreign tribes who have domiciliated themselves here, speak also an
inferior dialect.
{163} To give an account of the vices of these people, would only be
to enumerate many of the most gross which prevail amongst us, with
this difference, that they are practised in public without shame. The
savage state, like the rude uncultivated waste, is contemplated to
most advantage at a distance. Mr. Bradbury had been an enthusiast, as
most philanthropic Europeans are, on the subject of Indian manners,
and I was myself not a little inclined to the same way of thinking,
but now both agreed that the world would loose but little, if these
people should disappear before civilized communities. In these vast
plains, throughout which are scattered so many lovely spots, capable
of supporting thousands such nations as the Arikara, or wandering
Sioux, a few wretches are constantly roaming abroad, seeking
to destroy each other. To return to the subject of their moral
characters--they have amongst them their poor, their envious, their
slanderers, their mean and crouching, their haughty and overbearing,
their unfeeling and cruel, their weak and vulgar, their dissipated
and wicked; and they have also, their brave and wise, their generous
and magnanimous, their rich and {164} hospitable, their pious and
virtuous, their kind, frank, and affectionate, and in fact, all the
diversity of characters that exists amongst the most refined people;
but as their vices are covered by no veil of delicacy, their virtues
may be regarded rather as the effect of involuntary impulse, than
as the result of sentiment. In some respects they are extremely
dissolute and corrupt; whether this arises from refinement in vice,
or from the simplicity of nature, I cannot say; but much are they
mistaken who look for primitive innocence and simplicity in what
they call the state of nature. It is true that an intercourse with
the whites, never fails to render these people much worse than
before; this is not by imparting any new vices, but by presenting
temptations which easily overcome those good qualities, which “sit so
loosely about them.” Want of constancy, and uniformity of character,
is the defect universally remarked with regard to the Indians, and
this naturally arises from the want of fixed principles of virtue.
One thing I remarked as constituting the great difference between the
savage and the civilized state, _their youth undergo no discipline_,
there are no schools, {165} and the few instructions which are given
by parents, are directed only to the mere physical man, and have
little to do with the mind, unless it be to inculcate fortitude and
courage, or rather ferocity and thirst for blood: no genuine virtues
are _cultivated_ and the evil propensities of the individual are
suffered to mature without correction, while he wanders about a
vagabond, responsible to no one for the waste of time; like a young
colt, he is considered as unfit for employment until he attains his
growth. The lessons of morality are never taught either in public
or in private; at least of that morality which instructs us how to
fulfil all the duties attached to our social relations, and which
regard us as candidates for a future and more happy existence.
Instead of such lessons of morality, the precepts first instilled
into their hearts, are cruelty, murder, and rapine. The first step
the young savage is taught to take, is in blood; and is it any
wonder that when manhood nerves his arm, we should see him grasp the
tomahawk and the scalping knife, and his savage heart thirst for
blood!
Amongst others of their customs which appeared to me singular, I
observed that it was {166} a part of their hospitality, to offer the
guest, who takes up his residence in their lodges, one of the females
of the family as a bedfellow; sometimes even one of their wives,
daughters, or sisters, but most usually a maid-servant, according
to the estimation in which the guest is held, and to decline such
offer is considered as treating the host with some disrespect;
notwithstanding this, if it be remarked that these favours are
uniformly declined, the guest rises much higher in his esteem. Self
control, in the midst of temptations which overpower the common mind,
being thought, even amongst these people, to indicate a superior
character. Our common boatmen soon became objects of contempt, from
their loose habits and ungovernable propensities. To these people, it
seemed to me that the greater part of their females, during our stay,
had become mere articles of traffic; after dusk, the plain behind
our tents, was crowded with these wretches, and shocking to relate,
fathers brought their daughters, husbands their wives, brothers
their sisters, to be offered for sale at this market of indecency
and shame. I was unable to account for this {167} difference from
any people I had ever heard of; perhaps something may be attributed
to the inordinate passion which had seized them for our merchandize.
The silly boatmen, in spite of the endeavors of the leaders of our
parties, in a short time disposed of almost every article which they
possessed, even their blankets, and shirts. One of them actually
returned to the camp, one morning entirely naked, having disposed of
his last shirt--this might truly be called _la derniere chemisse de
l’amour_.
Seeing the chief one day in a thoughtful mood, I asked him what was
the matter--“I was wondering,” said he, “whether you white people
have any women amongst you.” I assured him in the affirmative.
“Then,” said he, “why is it that your people are so fond of our
women, one might suppose they had never seen any before.”
This want of chastity among the Arikara was by no means
universal--perhaps a more minute acquaintance with them might have
enabled me to explain the phenomenon: indeed from the remains of a
singular exhibition, which several of us witnessed, I was induced
to believe that Diana had not altogether yielded {168} the village
to the dominion of her rival goddess. On one of their festive days,
as we drew near the medicine lodge or temple, we saw in front of
the entrance, or door, a number of young girls tricked out in all
their finery of paint, beads, and dresses of the antelope, agalia,
or deer skins, red or white, according to the taste of the wearer;
their robes were richly ornamented with porcupine quills, stained of
various colors, and with fringes, or borders, of silvery ermine. We
observed a cedar bough fixed in the earth on the top of the lodge.
Prizes of beads, vermillion, and scarlet cloth were exhibited: and
the old men who live in the temple to the number of five or six,
now proclaimed, as I was informed, that whosoever amongst the young
girls of Arikara had preserved unsullied her virgin purity, might
then ascend the temple and touch the bough, and one of the prizes
would be given to her; that it was in vain to think of deceiving,
for the Manitoo, or Spirit, knowing all things, even their secret
thoughts, would most certainly reveal the truth; and moreover, the
young men were enjoined under the severest denunciations, to declare
all that might be within their knowledge. Curiosity {169} was now
much excited. In a few moments, the daughter of the interpreter, (a
Frenchman who had resided upwards of twenty years,) a beautiful girl
of sixteen, came forward, but before she could ascend to touch the
bough, a young fellow stepped forth, and said something, the amount
of which I easily conjectured from its effect, for the young lady
instantly shrunk back confused and abashed, while the surrounding
crowd was convulsed with laughter. A pause ensued, which lasted
for some considerable time. I began to tremble for the maidens of
Arikara, when a girl of seventeen, one of the most beautiful in the
village, walked forward, and asked, “where is the Arikara who can
bring any accusation against me?” then touched the bough, and carried
off the prize. I feel a pleasure in adding, for the honor of the
ladies of Arikara, that others followed, though I did not take the
trouble of noting the number.
[42] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v
of our series: Snake Indians, note 123; Cheyenne
Indians, note 88; Mandan Indians, note 76.--ED.
[43] For the work of James Adair to which Brackenridge
here refers, see J. Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii of our
series, note 31.--ED.
[44] A warrior is seldom seen without his arms, even in
the village.--His bow, spear, or gun, is considered
part of his dress, and to appear in public without
them is in some measure disgraceful.--BRACKENRIDGE.
[45] This is doubtless some form of totemism: see J.
Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii of our series, note
56.--ED.
[46] For a description of a similar game among the
Mandan, see Smithsonian _Report_, 1885, part ii, p.
304.--ED.
[47] George Catlin, the painter of Indians, described
at some length the religious mysteries and the
self-torture of the Mandan tribe. His account was
discredited, but appears to have been substantially
correct. See _op. cit._, pp. 349-383.--ED.
[48] This, in the course of my peregrinations, has
unfortunately, been mislaid.--BRACKENRIDGE.
{170} CHAPTER VIII[49]
Proceed to the Mandan villages--A buffaloe hunt--Arrival at the
Mandan village.
On _Wednesday the 19th_, it was resolved by Lisa, to leave one of his
men to continue the trade with the Arikaras, and then to continue his
voyage. As a part of the price of the goods bought from Hunt, was
to be paid for in horses, a party was sent by land to the company’s
fort at the Mandan village, for the purpose of bringing them. Mr.
Bradbury, desirous of seeing the interior of the country determined
to accompany them.
We sat off about eleven o’clock in the morning with a favorable wind,
but the weather rainy and disagreeable. Having made fifteen miles,
encamped. The moschetoes more troublesome than they have yet been
known--I am informed that this is not usual on the Missouri, and is
owing to this being a wet season. Indeed, since our departure, we
have scarcely {171} had three days in succession without very heavy
rain.
_Thursday 20th._ Weather more pleasant, but the wind during a part of
the afternoon, on account of the course of the river unfavorable. The
water is at a very high stage, and now rising rapidly. Having made
five points, or fifteen miles encamped. We continued our voyage on
Friday with a fine breeze, which continued the whole day, and which
enabled us to make an extraordinary run of more than forty miles.
The appearance of the country thus far is very agreeable--handsome
green hills, and fine bottoms, with but little wood. The navigation
much less difficult, we sailed along the edge of beautiful meadows,
clothed with grass about six inches high; the water is not more than
three feet below the top of the bank.
_Saturday 22d._ The favorable winds still continued, but we found
the river extremely crooked. We landed an hour or two to kill some
buffaloe, several were standing close to the water’s edge on a small
bar covered with willows. Great numbers of them are to be seen on
the sides of the hills. In viewing them at the {172} distance of six
or eight miles, they appear to be diminished to mere specks or dots,
which has a curious yet pleasing effect.
On the 23d, after proceeding a few miles, it was found necessary to
encamp, while we were assailed by a dreadful storm, succeeded by
a heavy rain. Towards evening it cleared up, but a violent north
west wind prevailing, it was impossible for us to proceed. A party
was formed and it was resolved to go in pursuit of the buffaloe. On
ascending the hills, which rise at the distance of a quarter of a
mile from the river, I discovered in every direction immense herds
of buffaloe, some reclining, or quietly feeding, and many at such a
distance as scarcely to be distinguishable by the eye.--Immediately
before me lay a deep ravine or hollow, about two miles in length,
through which a small stream seemed to take its course, bordered
with shrubs, and on the other side, the ground again rose with an
irregular ascent into a high plain, terminated by hills. In this
valley there appeared to be several thousand, chiefly feeding. The
question was now how to approach them undiscovered, there was no
bush, or tree, nothing behind which we could conceal ourselves, {173}
excepting the blocks of granite, strewed over the plain. Should we
alarm one of these herds all the rest would start at the same time.
On looking towards the southern end of the valley, we discovered
that in this direction there was a space of half a mile in which no
buffaloes were to be seen; and that passing round the valley with
the wind in our favor we might steal along the brow of the hill on
the other side and leaving half of our hunters here, would be able
to place them between two fires. In company with the American hunter
I set off and ran about a mile, having successfully passed round
the hollow, we next advanced with great caution. Our approach was
very much facilitated by a number of small ravines which make into
the valley. Having advanced as far as was intended, we stole down
to the opening of one of the ravines, and rising up, saw a large
buffaloe bull standing within a few yards of us; his body completely
exposed to view, but feeding with his head down; we took aim over
the intervening hillock, our rifles almost touching him--fired
almost at the same moment, and brought him instantly to the ground.
Those of his companions that were near him immediately {174} started
and alarmed the rest, and in a short time they were every where in
motion. We ran to an elevated point, and set up a shout in order to
drive them towards the river, but without success for those of the
valley and the side of the hill beyond it, made towards us, at which
we were at first somewhat alarmed, lest the herd in moving in a crowd
might run over us: they however passed up the different ravines
on each side. There was something extremely pleasing in the sight
of these armies of buffaloe all in motion as far as the eye could
distinguish in every direction. We succeeded in killing another
before they had passed us, and our comrades on the other side of the
valley killed two. Great numbers of wolves were now seen in every
direction; we could hardly go forty yards from the buffaloe, before
a half a dozen would shew themselves. It was amusing to see them
peeping over hillocks, while we pelted them with stones.
On our return to camp, the meat having been brought in by the
boatmen, we sat about preparing our feast. A large fire was made, and
each one cooked for himself. Certainly ours was not a feast to be
despised even by the {175} epicure, although with no other seasoning
than health and exercise. As our biscuit had been spoiled two months
before, in consequence of being frequently wet, instead of bread we
roasted some of the liver on one stick, and a choice morsel (for we
had nothing but tit-bits,) on the other. The flesh of the buffaloe is
remarkably tender and juicy, and highly flavored; it is universally
allowed to surpass that of the common ox. Of all the animals given
to satiate our carnivorous appetites, none can afford such a feast
as the buffaloe. The hump is a delicious morsel; the tongue, the
marrow, the tender loin, and the ribs are all excellent. The hump is
formed by a number of bones in the shape of ribs, which rise on the
back near the shoulders, gradually increasing and then diminishing
in length, on which the fat and lean are finely mixed, and the meat
extremely tender. The hump in a large ox, is about a foot in length,
(when separated from the back bone, to which it is attached,) and six
inches in breadth.
On the 24th, we proceeded on our voyage. This morning we had
delightful weather. I could not help remarking the clearness of the
{176} air, and the enchanting blue of the sky. Whether it is to be
attributed to the Alpine height, to which we have attained, or to
the openness of the country, which permits every breeze to have its
full scope, and thus chase away the vapors, I am not able to say.
I have certainly not been misled by fancy. We are now two thousand
six hundred miles from the ocean; as the Missouri, some distance
above the Mandan villages, flows from the west, it is probable that
its descent is not so great as below: so that allowing one foot
per mile, we can be little short of three thousand feet above the
ocean. It is said, that on the high plains of Switzerland, between
the mountains, the sky is observed to possess a deeper azure; the
same cause may produce the like effect on these plains. Here, we are
elevated above the fogs and mists of lakes and rivers, and the sun
does not transmit his rays through the white medium of clouds. The
light dress of vegetation, with which these plains are clothed, may
likewise be considered. Where the vegetation is luxuriant, dense
vapours arise during the night; and noxious gases are produced, which
floating into the atmosphere, lessen its brightness {177} as well as
its purity. But, whatever may be the cause of the superior beauty of
the azure in the heavenly vault, I experienced a peculiar pleasure in
contemplating it. The sun beams seemed to have less fierceness than
I had ever experienced, in fact, I could almost fancy myself in the
midst of enchanted scenes.
Continued the greater part of the day with the cordelle, along the
prairie. The country on either side, of a very pleasant appearance,
with a number of wooded points.
_Tuesday 23d_ [_i. e._, _25th_]. Hoisted sail this morning with a
fine breeze. At ten o’clock passed the remains of a Mandan village,
and at some distance espied a great number of Indians on shore,
moving down the river. We soon discovered them to be Mandans. They
sometimes go on hunting parties by whole villages, as was the case
at present. They appeared to be about five hundred in number, some
on horseback, the greater part on foot. A numerous train of dogs
were employed in dragging their baggage, tent poles, &c. On the
great hunting parties, the women are employed in preserving the
hides, drying the meat, and making provisions to serve them during
winter. Very {178} little of the buffaloe is lost, for after taking
the marrow, they pound the bones, boil them, and extract the oil. We
stopped with them some time, made them a few presents of tobacco and
knives, and then proceeded. This evening, the Mandan chief She-he-ke,
who had accompanied Lewis and Clark to the United States, came to
us with his wife and son, a small boy. He is a fine looking Indian,
and very intelligent--his complexion fair, very little different
from that of a white man much exposed to the sun. His wife had also
accompanied him--has a good complexion and agreeable features. They
had returned home loaded with presents, but have since fallen into
disrepute from the extravagant tales which they related as to what
they had witnessed; for the Mandans treat with ridicule the idea of
there being a greater or more numerous people than themselves. He is
a man of a mild and gentle disposition--expressed a wish to come and
live amongst the whites, and spoke sensibly of the insecurity, the
ferocity of manners, and the ignorance, of the state of society in
which he was placed. He is rather inclining to corpulency, a little
talkative, which is regarded {179} amongst the Indians as a great
defect; add to this, his not being much celebrated as a warrior;
such celebrity can alone confer authority and importance, or be
regarded meritorious in this state of society. Encamped this evening
on a beautiful meadow, the soil extremely rich. Immediately beyond
it, there are some high hills, and on the points detached masses of
granite and pebbles.
_Wednesday 26th._ Continued our voyage through a beautiful country,
on both sides of the river. In the afternoon passed by all five of
the Mandan villages, which are situated upon high open plains,
the village of She-he-ke, divided from the others by a handsome
stream. The inhabitants had gathered to the bank to see us, several
waded into the water, but returned when we beckoned to them not to
approach. The men were generally naked, the women dressed according
to their age or quality, from the coarse elk skin, to the elegant
agalia. It was late at night before we reached the fort of the
Missouri Company, which is situated above all the villages, and
sixteen hundred and forty miles from the mouth of the Missouri, and
in latitude 47°. 13′. N.
[49] Notes upon the following subjects mentioned in this
chapter are found in Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. V of
our series: Sheheke, Mandan chief, note 92; Missouri
Fur Company’s Mandan post, note 87.--ED.
{180} CHAPTER IX
Mandan villages--Return to Arikara--Scene after a battle.
We had now reached the utmost point of our voyage, for though it had
been at first intended to proceed to the cataracts of the Missouri,
for the purpose of attempting a treaty with the Blackfoot Indians,
the information received from Mr. Henry had produced a change in the
intentions of Lisa. He resolved to wait for him at this place, or at
the Arikara village; and, in the mean while, arrange the affairs of
the company.
In the morning, we walked to the fort of the company, about two
hundred yards from the bank of the river. It is a small triangular
enclosure with bastions. Here I found Mr. Bradbury, who had arrived
the day before. He had travelled about one hundred and fifty miles
by land, and describes the country through which he passed, at least
the distance of eight or ten miles from the river, {181} as very
handsome; it is a succession of beautiful meadows, with some wood
along the water-courses. On approaching the river it becomes more
broken and hilly.
For some distance from the fort, the upland is washed into ravines,
and is stripped of its soil, presenting nothing but bare heaps of
earth or clay. Many of these clay hills are completely detached from
the upland, and washed by heavy rains into a variety of curious and
fantastic shapes, generally of whitish color, though intermixed with
strata of various hues. The ledge of limestone, upon which the earth
or clay reposes, shews itself in many places, but mouldering and
crumbling, from the action of the frosts and rain. This limestone
constitutes at least one half in the washings which are carried to
the Missouri; and similar appearances, are to be met with on all
its tributary streams, from this upwards, as well as on many below.
Some of these clay hills, at the first glance, look like towers or
circular buildings, with domes and cupolas; and what contributes to
this, the top of some of them are covered with a beautiful creeping
vine, or evergreen, of a species, which Mr. Bradbury {182} informs
me, is described by Mishaux as growing on the lakes.[50] A short
distance below the fort, the primitive ground, or upland, is washed
into a steep precipice by the river; here we examined a strata of
coal, of a good quality, and about eighteen inches in thickness. Lisa
informed me, that on his first voyage up the Missouri, he observed
smoke issuing from a fissure of this bluff, and that on putting down
a stick, fire was communicated. On the most attentive examination we
could discover nothing of this. Amongst other objects which attracted
our attention, we observed quantities of petrified wood lying about
on the surface of the clay hills. I traced a whole tree, the stump
still remaining about three feet high, and not less than four in
diameter. The bark was in general decayed, but we could easily find
the position of the trunk and of its branches, as it had fallen. This
fact seemed to me the more extraordinary, as the trees which now
grow even in the richest bottom land, are very small, few exceeding
a foot in diameter, and seldom more than forty feet in height; while
on the upland, the soil has scarcely sufficient strength to give
nourishment to a delicate {183} grass, and here and there to a few
slender shrubs. These facts may afford a subject of amusing inquiry,
to those who have leisure for such investigation. Mr. Bradbury is
assiduously employed in collecting specimens, and in pursuing his
botanical researches; but neither he nor Mr. Nuttal have much success
in collecting minerals.
While wandering about in company with Nuttal one day, on entering a
grassy piece of ground we observed a number of ripe strawberries.
This was the first intimation that any of them grew in this part of
the world, and was a pleasing treat. The season of the year, being
now the month of July, rendered it still more unexpected.
On the _Fourth of July_, we had something like a celebration of this
glorious anniversary. The two principal chiefs happened to be with
us; the _One ey’d_, and the _Black shoe_. The former is a giant in
stature, and if his one eye had been placed in the middle of his
forehead, he might have passed for a cyclop.[51] His huge limbs and
gigantic frame, his bushy hair shading his coarse visage and savage
features, with his one eye flashing fire, constituted him a {184}
fearful demon. He sways, with unlimited control, all these villages,
and is feared by all the neighboring nations. I remarked that on one
or two occasions he treated She-he-ke, with great contempt--Lisa
having referred to something said by that chief, “What,” said this
monster, “What! does that bag of lies pretend to have any authority
here?”[52] He is sometimes a cruel and abominable tyrant. A story
was related to me of his cruelty, which has in it something of
a more refined tragic nature, than we usually meet with amongst
these people. Having fallen in love, (for even Polyphemus felt the
influence of this god, who spares neither giants nor common men,)
with the wife of a young warrior, he went to his lodge during his
absence, and carried her off by force. The warrior on his return,
repaired to the _One ey’d_ demon, and demanded his wife, but instead
of receiving redress, was put to death, while the wretched object of
the dispute was retained in the embraces of her ravisher. The mother
of the young warrior whose only child he was, became frantic, lost
her senses from {185} excess of grief, and now does nothing but go
about reviling him, and loading him with her curses: yet such is the
superstitious veneration (by the by it deserves a better name on this
occasion) for unhappy objects of this kind, that this chief, great as
he is, dare not lay his hand on her, even should she haunt him like
one of the Euminides, wherever he may appear.
We made several excursions to the villages below, the nearest about
six miles off; but as they differ but little from those of the
Arikara, I will give no particular description of them. I noticed but
one thing as remarkable. About two miles on this side of the first
village, my attention was attracted by a number of small scaffolds,
distributed over several acres of ground on the slope of a hill. I
soon discovered that this was a depository of the dead. The scaffolds
were raised on forks about ten feet, and were sufficiently wide
to contain two bodies; they were in general covered with blue and
scarlet cloth, or wrapt in blankets and buffaloe robes; we did not
approach near enough to examine closely, this frightful Golgotha,
or place of human skeletons, but we could see a great number of
valuable articles which had been left {186} as offerings to the manes
of the deceased. Several crows and magpies, were perched upon them;
we could not but experience a sensation of horror, when we thought
of the attraction which brought these birds to this dismal place.
Some of the scaffolds, had nearly fallen down, perhaps overturned by
the wind, or the effect of decay, and a great number of bones were
scattered on the ground underneath. This mode of exposing the dead
has something peculiarly horrible in it. The wolves of the prairie,
the birds of the air, and even the Indian dogs, are attracted to
the place, and taught to feed on human flesh. This custom prevails
amongst all the wandering tribes; but amongst the Arikara, the dead
are deposited in a grave as with us, which I think clearly proves
their origin to be different from that of their neighbours; for there
is nothing, in which men in all ages and countries, have manifested
more solicitude, than in the treatment of the remains of their
deceased friends.
On the sixth of July we set off from the fort to return to the
Arikara village, where we arrived in two days after without any
material occurrence. We found Mr. Hunt waiting the {187} coming of
the Chiennes, to complete his supply of horses.
A few days after our arrival, a great commotion was heard in the
village, before daylight; ignorant of what might occasion it,
and from this alone, somewhat alarmed, when we recollected our
situation, amongst beings in whom we had but little reliance, we
hastily rose and ascended the plain in order to ascertain the cause.
The interpreter, shortly after came to us with the information,
that it was a party of three hundred men, on their return, after
a battle with a party of Sioux the day before, in which they had
been victorious, with the loss of two or three killed, and ten or
twelve wounded, and that they were then within a few miles of the
village, none but the chief of the party having come in. By this our
minds were quieted. We waited with anxiety for their approach to
the village, which we were informed would be made with considerable
ceremony; that they had halted within a few miles of the place,
to prepare themselves for a formal and splendid entry, and that a
great deal of Indian finery had been sent, to enable the warriors to
decorate themselves to the best advantage.
{188} It was nearly eleven o’clock in the day, before their approach
was announced; in the meanwhile a stilly suspense reigned throughout
the village, all sports and business suspended, and resembling a
holiday in one of our towns. We discovered them at length, advancing
by the sound of their voices over a hill, about a mile below our
encampment. In a short time they made their appearance; at the same
time, the inhabitants of the town moved out on foot to meet them.
I accompanied them for some distance, and then took a favorable
position where I might have a full view of this singular scene.
They advanced in regular procession, with a slow step and solemn
music, extending nearly a quarter of a mile in length, and separated
in platoons, ten or twelve abreast, the horsemen placed between
them, which contributed to extend their line. The different bands,
of which I have spoken, the buffaloe, the bear, the pheasant, the
dog, marched in separate bodies, each carrying their ensigns, which
consisted of a large spear, or bow, richly ornamented with painted
feathers, beads, and porcupine quills. The warriors were dressed
in a variety of ways, some {189} with their cincture and crown of
feathers, bearing their war clubs, guns, bows and arrows, and painted
shields: each platoon having its musicians, while the whole joined
in the song and step together, with great precision. In each band
there were scalps fastened to long poles: this was nothing more than
the few scalps they had taken, divided into different locks of hair,
so as to give the semblance of a greater number. The appearance of
the whole, their music, and the voices of so many persons, had a
pleasing and martial effect. The scene which took place, when their
friends and relations from the village, mingled with them, was really
affecting; the pen of a Fenelon would not be disgraced in attempting
the description of it. These, approached with song and solemn
dance, as the warriors proceeded slowly through their ranks: it was
a meeting of persons connected by the most tender relations--the
scene would baffle description. Fathers, mothers, wives, brothers,
sisters, caressing each other, without interrupting for a moment,
the regularity and order of the procession, or the solemnity of the
song and step! I was particularly touched, with the tenderness of
a woman {190} who met her son, a youth reported badly wounded, but
who exerted himself to keep on his horse, and from his countenance
one would have supposed nothing had been the matter with him. She
threw her arms round him and wept aloud. Notwithstanding this, the
young man expired, shortly after being brought to the medicine
lodge; for it is the custom to carry such as have been wounded in
battle, to be taken care of in this place, at the public expense. As
they drew near the village, the old people, who could barely walk,
withered by extreme age, came out like feeble grasshoppers, singing
their shrill songs, and rubbing the warriors with their hands. The
day was spent in festivity by the village in general, and in grief
by those who had lost their relatives. We saw a number of solitary
females, on the points of the hills round the village, lamenting in
mournful wailings, the misfortunes which had befallen them. For the
two succeeding days the village exhibited a scene of festivity; all
their painted shields and trophies, were raised on high poles near
the lodges, and all the inhabitants dressed out in their finery--all
their labors and sports were suspended, and {191} the whole joined
in the public demonstrations of joy, while music, songs, and dances
were hardly intermitted for a moment. The temple, or medicine lodge,
was the principal scene of their dancing. I entered with the crowd,
and found a spacious building, sufficient to contain five or six
hundred persons. I found to my surprise that the dancers were all
females, with arms of the warriors in their hands, and wearing
some parts of the dress of the men. They performed in a circular
inclosure, some continually leaving it and others supplying their
places. The orchestra was composed of ten or fifteen men, with drums,
bladders filled with shot, deer’s hoofs, affixed to rods, and shaken,
some striking upon war clubs with sticks; the whole accompanied with
the voice. The old men of the temple were continually going round
the inclosure, and raising their shrill voices; probably saying
something to excite and encourage. Rude as this may be supposed to
have been, there was yet something pleasing; their music was by no
means discordant, and exceedingly animated. It would be tedious to
enumerate the various ways in which their festivity displayed itself.
We see a nation, actuated {192} by the same feelings, and roused by
the same incidents as are experienced by the most powerful on earth.
How much superior does this little independent tribe appear, to the
rich, but mean and spiritless province or colony, where nothing
but individual interests are felt!--where the animating sentiments
of national glory and renown, and all the vicissitudes of national
calamity or prosperity, are never felt by it as by one man!
I must not omit a piece of hospitality, which exhibited more
refinement than I had expected to meet with. Several of the principal
chiefs came amongst us, and selecting each two or three, invited us
to their lodges to partake of the feast. This was somewhat in the
stile of an invitation to dine: I had the honor of being invited by
the _Grey eyes_, the leader of the war party. I found various dishes,
of buffaloe, of dog meat, and of homony prepared with marrow. I had
no inclination to touch the dog meat, although regarded as a great
delicacy. During the repast, six young men entertained us with music;
_after the cloth was removed_, or rather the dishes, several women
made their appearance, the band struck up, and the dance {193} was
begun. One of the dancers, an old woman, every now and then recited
something which appeared to amuse the company very much, and called
forth loud laughter. When the dance was over, the chief exhibited to
me a number of dressed buffaloe robes, on which he had painted his
different battles. The design was exceedingly rude, such as I have
seen on the rocks of the Ohio. To represent the path of horse or
foot-men, he had simply represented their tracks. There was nothing
like hieroglyphic painting, or any mark which could convey an idea of
the time when the action occurred.[53]
[50] This vine is a species of juniper, which Michaux
classifies as _Juniperus procumbens_.--ED.
[51] For the chief One-Eyed (Le Borgne), see Bradbury’s
_Travels_, vol. V of our series, note 98.--ED.
[52] She-he-ke is a fat man, extremely talkative, and no
great warrior.--BRACKENRIDGE.
{194} CHAPTER X
Set off to return--Battle of buffaloes--Fort Clark--Arrival at St.
Louis
By this time, the curiosity which first prompted me to undertake this
voyage, being amply gratified, I began to feel a strong desire of
returning to civilized pursuits. My habits were not formed to this
wild, irregular existence, and I began to wish for a return with
much anxiety. Lisa was disposed to second my wishes; he had resolved
to load with skins two of the boats purchased from Hunt, to put six
men in each, and to give me the command of them. Mr. Bradbury gladly
embraced this opportunity of returning, and put on board all his
boxes of plants and his collection of specimens. About the last of
July, with joyful hearts, we bid adieu to the village of Arikara.
Lisa gave me particular directions not to stop on account of any
Indians, and if possible, to go day and night. The river was now
extremely {195} high, and with six oars, we were able to make little
short of twelve miles an hour.
The first day, weather uncommonly fine, we passed the Chienne river,
and continued under way sometime after night; but considering this
not altogether safe, we thought it prudent to lie by until daylight.
Early the next morning we reached the great bend. Vast numbers of
buffaloes were seen at both sides; as this was near the season when
the bulls seek the society of the cows, for at other times they are
never seen in the same herd; the most tremendous bellowing was heard
on every side. The country, from the Mandan villages thus far, about
four hundred miles, is beautiful, and the soil of the river bottoms
rich. The proportion of wood is about the same as would be suffered
to remain if the land were in the highest state of cultivation: but
the upland is entirely bare, and the traveller might go many miles
before he would come to another stream where any but dwarf trees or
shrubs might be seen. The wind rising, we were compelled to remain
in the bend during the whole afternoon. On the N. E. side, the river
is lined for the whole distance, by bluffs, nearly bare, {196} and
cut up into numerous gullies; cherries, currants, gooseberries, and
dwarf plum trees, are seen along the shore. On the S. W. side, there
is a tract of bottom land the whole way, and better wooded than any
between this and the Mandan village. The islands, which are met with
at the distance of every few miles, are all surrounded by cedar or
cotton-wood, but the inside are meadows.
The next day we passed the White river, which appears to be about the
size of the Chienne, each of which is as large as the Alleghany or
Monongahela, and navigable to a great distance. No doubt, in time,
towns will be built at the confluence of those rivers, as is the case
on the Ohio at this day. With Mr. Bradbury, I amused myself in making
remarks upon the appearance of different spots, as we glided rapidly
past them; seated on the stern of the boat from morning till night,
we had no other mode of passing the time. At no great distance below
White river, the Black bluffs begin--a barren and miserable country
for nearly an hundred miles along the river: there are scarcely
any bottoms, and the bluffs in most places without even a covering
of {197} grass. What the country may be, at some distance from
the river, I do not know; but certainly as it respects the margin
of the stream, I see no likelihood of any settlements ever being
formed along it; there must consequently be a hiatus between the
settlements which may hereafter be made above, and those below. Yet
we contemplated this part of the country with much pleasure, for its
wild and romantic appearance. Descending in the middle of the river,
we had a much better view than when we came up, being then compelled
by the swiftness of the current to choose either one side or the
other. In some places, the hills rose to the height of mountains;
nothing was wanting but some old ruined castles, to complete the
sombre, yet magnificent amphitheatric landscapes. It contributed much
to our amusement, to observe the herds of buffaloe, ascending and
descending by a winding path.
Towards evening the sky became dark and lowering, the hollow sounding
wind, and the feeble distant flashes of lightning, with a frightful
redness around the edges of the horizon, foretold an approaching
storm. Our oarsmen {198} exerted themselves to their utmost, to
reach some woody point, behind which we might seek a shelter. But in
vain--the bleak and dreary bluffs continued on each side, and the
lurid darkness of the coming storm was fast obscuring what remained
of daylight. It was thought prudent to land in a little recess of the
bluffs, the best the moment would permit us to choose; but the wind
had full scope, as we were in the midst of a long reach. We were not
long in suspense. The flashes of lightning became every moment more
vivid, and the thunder, in tremendous peals, seemed to shake the
earth. A dreadful gale ensued, which threatened every moment to dash
our little barques to pieces, or whelm them in the waves: and called
forth our utmost exertions to preserve them. For nearly an hour, it
was found necessary to hold our blankets to the sides of the boats,
to prevent them from filling. Our strength was almost exhausted with
fatigue, when the violence of the wind abated, and was succeeded by a
heavy rain, which poured upon us the whole night. Had our boats sunk
we should have lost every thing, and most probably have perished. For
myself, I was accustomed {199} to these things; but I felt for my
friend Bradbury. Poor old man, the exposure was much greater than one
of his years could well support. His amiable ardor in the pursuit of
knowledge, did not permit him for a moment to think of his advanced
age; and wherever he may be, (for I have not heard from him for
several years,) he carries with him the warmest wishes of my heart.
The next day we passed the Poncas village. The inhabitants had
gone into the plains. In the evening when within a few miles of a
point above the isle _a Bon homme_, our ears were assailed by a
murmuring noise. As we drew near it grew to a tremendous roaring,
such as to deafen us. On landing we discovered the grove crowded
with buffaloe, the greater part engaged in furious combat--the air
filled with their dreadful bellowing. A more frightful sight cannot
easily be imagined. Conceive several thousand of these furious
animals, roaring and rushing upon each other, producing a scene of
horror, confusion, and fierceness, like the fight of armies: the
earth trembled beneath their feet, the air was deafened, and the
grove was shaken with the shock of {200} their tremendous battle.
I am conscious that with many, I run the risk of being thought to
indulge in romance, in consequence of this account: but with those
who are informed of the astonishing number of the buffaloe, it will
not be considered incredible. We soon discovered that a herd of males
had broken in amongst a number of females and that these were the
cause of a conflict, which raged with unparallelled fury. We fired
amongst them but without producing much effect; we then embarked
and proceeded on our voyage. On the hills in every direction they
appeared by thousands. Late in the evening we saw an immense herd in
motion along the sides of the hill, at full speed: their appearance
had something in it, which, without incurring ridicule, I might call
sublime--the sound of their footsteps, even at the distance of two
miles, resembled the rumbling of distant thunder.
The next morning great numbers of buffaloe were seen swimming the
river, we frequently steered amongst them, and fired on them through
wantonness, which I could not restrain, however blameable. The
weather was delightful, and we had an extraordinary {201} run of one
hundred and forty-two miles from daylight till dark. In the evening
we passed the grave of Floyd, and for a moment we thought it proper to
“----suspend the dashing oar,
To bid his gentle spirit rest.”
At the Maha village we found no one. This was not disagreeable to
us, as we supposed the _Big Elk_, who is a chief of great celebrity,
would not be disposed to treat us well, in consequence of the
neglect to pay him our respects in ascending. From the Poncas to the
Mahas, the bottoms are wider, and better wooded than above, but the
upland much the same. We found the lowlands almost every where under
water--were in consequence compelled this evening to encamp on some
drift wood. It was dangerous to proceed after night on account of
the number of trees fixed in the bottom of the river, and besides in
almost every bend there were a number which had fallen in: even in
the day time there was frequently great difficulty in passing along,
we several times narrowly escaped being dashed to pieces. The arks,
or flat boats, in use on the Ohio and {202} Mississippi, could not
possibly navigate this river.
The following day we passed the Blackbird hill, and the river Platte.
The navigation in this part is much more dangerous than above,
from the number of trees fixed in the bottom. The bottoms are also
much wider, and better wooded; in some places for twenty miles and
upwards, we were out of sight of the high lands: but the low grounds
were every where inundated. The water rushed into the woods with
great velocity, and in bends it poured over the gorge into the river
again; a sheet of water sometimes for a mile, flowed over the bank,
forming singular cascades of eighteen inches in height.
In something more than two days afterwards, we arrived at Fort Clark,
having come a thousand miles in eight or nine days, without meeting
a living soul. Here we were treated politely by the officers. Mr.
Sibly, the factor, had returned but a few days before, from a journey
to the interior, and shewed us specimens of salt, which he had
procured at the salines, on the Arkansas.
{203} We arrived at St. Louis early in August, having made fourteen
hundred and forty miles in little better than fourteen days. Here
we experienced all the pleasure of a safe return after an absence
of nearly five months. I was much gratified with my excursion and
if there be any thing in this rude and hasty diary, to please my
friends, that gratification will be more than doubled.
* * * * *
About the latter end of October, Lisa returned to St. Louis. Mr.
Henry had joined him at the Arikara village, having passed the
mountains early in the spring, and having encountered incredible
sufferings and dangers. Lisa had left trading establishments with
the Sioux, below the Cedar island, as well as with the Mandans, and
Arikaras. Mr. Nuttal, who had chosen to remain sometime longer with
Lisa, had also returned.
The party of Mr. Hunt had set off for its destination on the Columbia.
{204} This immense tract of country has now become the theatre of
American enterprise. There prevails amongst the natives west of
the mountains, a spirit of wild adventure, which reminds us of the
fictitious characters of Ariosto. The American hunters constitute a
class, different from any people known to the east of the mountains.
The life which they lead is exceedingly fascinating. Their scene
ever changing--ever presenting something new. Confined by no regular
pursuit--their labor is amusement. I have called the region watered
by the Missouri and its tributaries, THE PARADISE OF HUNTERS; it
is indeed to them a paradise. I have been acquainted with several,
who, on returning to the settlements, became in a very short time
dissatisfied, and wandered away to these regions, as delightful to
them, as are the regions of fancy to the poet.
“Theirs the wild life, in frolick still to range,
From toil to rest, and joy in every change.”
[53] For a representation of painted robes, see
Smithsonian _Report_, 1885, part ii, pp. 397-406.
On picture-writing in general, consult Mallery,
“Picture-Writing of American Indians,” Bureau of
Ethnology _Report_, 1888-89.--ED.
APPENDIX[54]
[_I extract the following from the “Views of Louisiana,” to assist
the reader in forming a general idea of that interesting portion
of the American empire._][55]
CHAPTER III
Face of the country--Change which a part has probably undergone--
Climate--Extent and importance.
This extensive portion of North America, has usually been described
from a small part which is occupied by the settlements; as though
{224} it were limited to the borders of the Mississippi, as Egypt is
confined to the vicinity of the Nile. Some represent it, in general
description, as a low flat country, abounding in swamps and subject
to inundation. Others speak of it as one vast wilderness;
“_Missouri marches through his world of woods._”
BARLOW.
If Louisiana were to be described like other countries, not from a
particular section, but from the appearance of the whole, combined
in a general view, we should say, that it is an extensive region of
open plains and meadows, interspersed with bare untillable hills, and
having some resemblance to the Steppes of Tartary, or the Saharas of
Africa, but without the morasses and dull uniformity of the one, or
the dreary sterility of the others. The tracts lying on the great
rivers, it is true, constitute the most valuable parts of Louisiana;
but these, in geographical extent, are very inconsiderable, when
compared with the remainder. They are principally on the Mississippi,
Missouri, Arkansas, and Red river; and are vallies, seldom exceeding
ten or twelve miles in width, {225} of a soil exceedingly rich and
productive, but much interspersed with lakes, and refluent currents,
or bayous. To give a more perfect and satisfactory view of this
country, it will be convenient to examine it under three divisions.
1. The regions beyond the settlements.
2. The territory of the Missouri.
3. The state of Louisiana.
Volney has properly called the country drained by the Mississippi
and its waters, a valley; but it is to be observed, that the western
side is nearly three times as large as the other, and traversed by
much more considerable rivers: and the mountains which enclose it
on the west and southwest, are of a much greater magnitude than the
Alleghanies.
To pursue some plan in these views, I propose to take up the first
book, with some general description of Louisiana, its rivers, soil
and productions, and to give in the next book, a more detailed
account of the territory of the Missouri, and of the state of
Louisiana--
The Rocky Mountains are without doubt a continuation of the Andes.
Their course is nearly north and south; in width and elevation, some
of them are little inferior to the {226} mountains of South America.
There are a number of peaks of immense height, and covered with
perennial snows. Their highest elevation, (which may be considered
the table land of North America,) is not further north than the 41°
of lat. It is from this quarter that many of our greatest rivers
take their rise, and flow in opposite directions;[56] the Colorado of
California, Rio del Norte, the Arkansas, the Platte, and the Roche
Jaune, (yellow stone.) It will be to the geologist an interesting
work, to trace the various ridges, connexions, spurs and dependencies
of these mountains. There is a long chain of hills, which generally
separate the waters of the Missouri from those of the Arkansas and
Mississippi, and which are commonly called the Black mountains. The
hills in the White river country, and those west of the Mississippi,
towards the head of the St. Francis and the Maramek, so abundant in
minerals, may be dependencies of the Black mountains. There are high
rugged hills, approaching to mountains, between the upper part of the
Washita river and the Arkansas, of which {227} some account may be
found in Hunter and Dunbar’s voyage up the Washita.[57]
Taking the distance from the Mississippi to the mountains, to be
about nine hundred miles, of the first two hundred miles, the larger
proportion is fit for settlements. There is a great deal of well
timbered land and the soil is generally good; this quality, however,
diminishes as we ascend north, where the soil becomes unproductive
and almost barren, and as we advance westward the land becomes more
bare of woods. For the next three hundred miles the country can
scarcely be said to admit of settlements; the wooded parts form but
trifling exceptions to its general appearance, and are seldom found
except in the neighbourhood of streams; we may safely lay it down
as a general remark, that after the first hundred miles, no timber
is found on the upland except it be pine or cedar. The rest of the
country is made up of open plains of immense extent, chequered with
waving ridges which enable the traveller to see his journey of
several days before him. Yet a great proportion of the soil would
bear cultivation, the river bottoms, being generally fine, and many
spots truly {228} beautiful: there are other places, however, barren
in the extreme, producing nothing but hyssop and prickly pears. The
same description will suit the rest of the country to the Rocky
mountains; except that it is more mountainous, badly watered, and
a great proportion entirely barren.[58] In the two last divisions
the bodies of land fit for settlements, are so distant from each
other, that there is scarcely any probability of any being formed for
centuries, if ever.
A great proportion of the country watered by the Missouri and its
tributary streams, appears to have undergone some wonderful change,
from causes not easy to ascertain; the influence of fire is however
evident. I have seen in places, banks of clay burnt almost to the
consistence of brick; of this kind, there is above the Poncas village
what is called the tower, a steep hill one hundred and fifty feet in
height, and four or five hundred in circumference: it is so hard as
not to be affected by {229} the washing of the rains. Large masses of
pumice are seen near these places, and frequently in the high bluffs
of the river banks. These appearances were formerly attributed to the
existence of volcanoes on the Missouri, but they are now generally
supposed to be the effects of coal banks continuing a long time on
fire. I am well satisfied that this fossil abounds in every part
of the great valley of the Mississippi. Many of the river hills
present the appearance of heaps of clay, great quantities of which,
on the melting of the snows, and in heavy rains, are precipitated
and carried to the principal river. This clay is of a grey color,
extremely tenacious, being mixed with a large proportion of
calcarious earth; the incumbent soil having been first carried away;
the rock on which it reposed being laid bare to the frost and sun,
and perhaps affected by the burning of coal banks near it, gradually
crumbled and united with the clay. In taking up a handful, one may
pick out pieces of gypsum, (sulphat of lime) some of half an ounce
weight. Near these spots are usually found glaubers salt, (sulphat
of soda) and common salt, oozing with water out of the ground, and
crystallized {230} on the surface. The most remarkable fact, is the
appearance on these heaps of clay, of the remains of trees, in a
state of petrifaction, and some of enormous size. Fragments may be
every where picked up, but stumps of four or five feet in height,
perfectly turned to stone, and the trunks of tall trees, may be seen
and traced. This is extraordinary in a country, where even in the
richest alluvions the timber attains but a stinted growth.
From these facts an ingenious theorist might conjecture, that the
Missouri has not always brought down in its channel, that astonishing
quantity of earth which it does at the present day. It is probable
that other causes, as in Tartary, might have operated in preventing
the growth of woods, in a great proportion of this western region;
but something of a different kind must have effected a change in this
country, which apparently was once covered with trees. What immense
quantities of the earth must have been carried off to form the great
alluvions of the Mississippi, by means of the Arkansas, Red river,
and chiefly from the Missouri, not to mention the vast quantities
lost in the gulf of Mexico. The result of a {231} calculation
would be curious. The marks of this loss, are very evident in the
neighborhood of nearly all the rivers which discharge themselves
into the Missouri above the Platte. Some of the appearances may rank
amongst the greatest natural curiosities in the world. The traveller
on entering a plain, is deceived at the first glance by what appears
to be the ruins of some great city; rows of houses for several miles
in length, and regular streets. At the first view there appears to be
all the precision of design, with the usual deviations representing
palaces, temples, &c.; which appearances are caused by the washing
away of the hills, as before described. These remains, being composed
of more durable substance continue undecayed, while the rest is
carried off. The strata have the appearance of different stories;
the isolated and detached hills constitute the remainder. I had this
description from hunters, and from persons of intelligence who have
met with them, and I have myself seen places near the Missouri very
similar.
There is but a small portion of this extensive region that is not
calcarious; in this respect resembling the section of the valley
which {232} lies east of the Mississippi. A fact which is singular
enough, on the summits of many of the river hills, about one thousand
miles up, large blocks of granite are found, of several tons weight;
these continue to be seen until we reach the first range of primitive
mountains. It is possible there may have been a lower range, which
from the change produced by the wearing away of the earth has
gradually disappeared.
Some of the peculiarities of climate may be noted in this place. The
height of this western region, and the open plains which compose it,
cause it to possess a pure elastic air. The sky has a more delightful
blue than I ever saw any where else; the atmosphere in a serene calm
evening is so clear, that a slight smoke can be discerned at the
distance of many miles; and it is of great importance to the Indians
in detecting their enemies, and in giving warning; but it also
exercises their caution in the highest degree. In point of health,
it is unnecessary to say any thing; such a country must necessarily
be salubrious. The heat of the sun is greatest in the month of July,
and at that time is not less intense than in other {233} parts of the
continent, but it is rendered more supportable by the breezes which
continually fan the air. Spring opens about the last of April, and
vegetation is in considerable forwardness by the middle of May. Such
fruits as the country affords, principally berries, sand cherries,
and currants, do not ripen until the latter end of July. I found
strawberries ripe about the fourth of that month, near the Mandan
villages. Plums ripen in the latter end of August. The winter sets
in the beginning of October, but there is frost frequently in August
and September. The cold is excessive during the winter seasons; there
are frequent storms which continue for several days, and render it
dangerous for any but Indians to stir out, without running the risk
of being frozen. These observations apply to the greater portion of
this region, but with respect to the part which lies south of the
Arkansas, must be taken with considerable allowance.
To the north of the river just mentioned, rains are not frequent,
but when they set in, pour down in torrents. To the south, there is
seldom any rain, its place being supplied by heavy dews. In the dry
season, at a distance {234} from the great rivers, water is every
where exceedingly scarce. The Indians in their journeys, generally
so shape their course as to pass where ponds of water are known to
be; but they most usually carry a sufficient quantity in bladders. In
this season, a person in traversing the country, will be frequently
surprised at crossing the beds or channels of large rivers, without
finding a drop of water. After rains, or the melting of snows,
torrents roll down these channels. It is not surprising that a
country so distant from the sea, drained by a river which has a
course of four thousand miles, before it reaches the great reservoir,
should not be so well watered. This deficiency is another amongst the
impediments to the settlements of that vast waste.
According to the boundaries before laid down, Louisiana is at least,
one-third larger than the rest of the United States, and contains
little short of one million and a half of square miles. But we should
be greatly deceived if in estimating its importance we take into view
only its geographical extent. Constituting the central or interior
part of North America, the greater portion of it, is at too remote
a distance {235} from the ocean to have an easy and advantageous
communication with the rest of the world. When compared to other
parts of America it may be considered as badly watered, and devoid
of that facility of intercourse from navigable rivers which they
possess. I am to be understood, as speaking of Louisiana generally;
there are exceptions to these general observations: the territory
of the Missouri, and the state of Louisiana, are amply sufficient
to make amends for the unpromising character of the remainder, they
may be justly reckoned amongst the most interesting portions of the
American empire.
From what has been already said, it will be seen that the prevailing
idea of those western regions, being like the rest of the United
States, susceptible of cultivation, and affording endless out-lets to
settlements, is erroneous. These out-lets when compared to the extent
of country are extremely limited; they are much less considerable
than on the eastern side of the Mississippi. The natives will
probably remain in quiet and undisturbed possession, for at least
a century, for until our country becomes in some degree surcharged
with population, {236} there is scarcely any probability of settlers
venturing far into those regions. A different mode of life, habits
altogether new and suited to the situation, would have to be adopted.
Settlements would have to be strung along water courses at such
distances from each other, that they could not protect themselves
from the wandering tribes. The distance from market, and the
difficulties of reaching it, would render the agricultural produce
of little or no value. Yet, I am convinced, that did not the Indians
possess it, there would in a very short time, be many small groups
of settlements scattered through it. This country, it is certain,
can never become agricultural, but it is in many respects highly
favorable to the multiplication of flocks and herds. Those delightful
spots where the beauty and variety of landscape, might challenge
the fancy of the poet, invite to the pastoral life. How admirably
suited to that interesting animal, the sheep, are those clean smooth
meadows, of a surface infinitely varied by hill and dale, covered
with a short sweet grass intermixed with thousands of the most
beautiful flowers, undeformed by a single weed.
{237} This contraction of the settlements will have its advantages.
The territory we possessed before the acquisition of Louisiana, would
not have been filled up for a great length of time: it will require
ages, and even centuries before our lands can be cultivated as in
Europe, or before the population presses on the means of subsistence.
A thin and scattered population is a disadvantage, as it weakens a
nation and retards the progress of improvements. There is also a
consideration which will strike at the first view; the vast open
plains which separate us from the Mexican provinces will for a long
time prevent any serious difficulties as to boundary, where there
exist so little data for determining it.
To dilate upon the political advantages of the acquisition of
Louisiana would fill a volume. It may be regarded as one of the most
fortunate occurrences in our history. Had this country continued in
the hands of any other power, it is highly probable that we should
have been involved in expensive wars, or perhaps a separation of
the western states might have taken place. To these states the free
navigation of the Mississippi is absolutely necessary, {238} and
while Louisiana remained in the possession of any European nation it
would always have been subject to interruption. This consideration
alone would have been worth the price paid for the province. The
connexion between the existence of a republic and the extent of its
territory, is still a _vexata questio_ amongst politicians, and can
only be decided by the experiment of ours. I will only venture to
suggest one idea. In a small extent of country there is danger from
the momentary bias of popular opinion; the _permanent interests_, may
not be sufficiently diversified, and should the confederacy divide on
this subject, into two great parties, nothing can long retain them
in union. In an extensive region like ours, even with the aid of our
_thousand newspapers_, popular feeling cannot be suddenly aroused to
such a pitch of passion and phrenzy, as to break down the barriers
of reason; and the northern and southern interests, (of which we
hear,) are neutralized by the weight of several important states,
whose interests are connected with that of both. The western states,
like the southern, are devoted to agriculture, but at the same time,
dependent on the commerce {239} of the northern for the conveniences
and luxuries of life.
The security our western settlements will derive against the numerous
tribes of savages, who would be at the disposal of any power holding
Louisiana, may be ranked amongst the most certain advantages of the
acquisition. Our vicinity to the Mexican provinces will enable us to
carry on a trade, which, if permitted to be free, must in a short
time become of incalculable value. It is ardently to be wished,
that these people during their present struggles may be able to
throw off the foreign government, which ruled them as it were by the
spells of Circe, by using every art to retain them in ignorance,
and to render them debased. Could these people become independent,
and be regenerated by the ennobling spirit of freedom, the northern
continent would be exclusively possessed by two great nations,
Americans and Mexicans, united in friendship by harmonizing interests
and sympathy of governments.
The intrinsic value of Louisiana, notwithstanding the vast extent
which may be considered almost barren, is beyond calculation. The
{240} territory of Missouri and the state of Louisiana, are equal in
extent to any three of the largest states, containing every variety
of soil and capable of producing whatever may administer to the
convenience or luxury of man; rich in minerals, fertile in soil, and
favorably situated for commerce and manufacture.
A TABLE OF DISTANCES[59]
_From the mouth of the Missouri to the Mandan Villages--
Rivers--Latitudes &c._
=============================+=======+========+=====+======+========
| Width | | | |
Places | of | Side |Dis- | Total|
|rivers,| of |tance| Dist.|Latitude
| yds. |Missouri| | |
-----------------------------+-------+--------+-----+------+--------
St. Charles | | N. E. | 21 | | 38° 59′
Osage river, (Little,) | 30 | N. E. | 20 | |
Charles’ creek | 20 | S. W. | 27 | |
Shepherd’s creek | | S. W. | 15 | |
Gasconade river | 157 | S. W. | 17 | 100 | 38° 45′
Muddy river | 50 | N. E. | 15 | |
Great Osage | 397 | S. W. | 18 | 133 | 38° 31′
Marrow Creek | 20 | S. W. | 5 | |
Cedar Creek and island | 20 | N. E. | 7 | |
Lead Mine hill | | S. W. | 9 | |
Hamilton’s creek | 20 | S. W. | 8 | |
Split Rock creek | 20 | N. E. | 8 | 170 |
Saline or Salt river | 30 | S. W. | 3 | |
Manitoo river | 30 | N. E. | 9 | |
Good Woman’s river | 35 | N. E. | 9 | |
Mine river | 70 | S. W. | 9 | 200 |
Arrow prairies | | S. W. | 6 | |
The Charitons }| 30 | N. E. | 14 | |
}| 70 | | | |
Ancient village of Missouri }| | | | |
Indians, near which, fort }| | N. E. | 16 | |
Orleans formerly stood }| | | | |
{244} Grand River | 90 | N. E. | 4 | 240 |
Snake creek | 18 | N. E. | 6 | |
Ancient village of the }| | | | |
Little Osage Indians }| | S. W. | 10 | 256 |
Tiger creek and Island | 25 | N. E. | 20 | |
A creek and island | | S. W. | 12 | |
Fire prairie and creek | | S. W. | 12 | |
Fort Clark or Osage | | S. W. | 6 | 306 |
Hay Cabin creek | 20 | S. W. | 6 | |
Coal bank | | S. W. | 9 | |
Blue Water river | 30 | S. W. | 10 | |
Kansas river | 233 | S. W. | 9 | 340 | 39° 5′
Little river Platte | 60 | N. E. | 9 | |
1. Old Kansas village | | S. W. | 28 | |
Independence creek | | S. W. | 28 | |
2. Old Kansas village | | S. W. | 1 | |
St. Michael’s prairie | | N. E. | 24 | |
Nodawa river | 70 | N. E. | 20 | 450 | 39° 40′
Loup or Wolf river | 60 | S. W. | 14 | |
Big Nimeha | 80 | S. W. | 16 | |
Tarkio creek | 23 | N. E. | 3 | |
Nish-na-botona | 50 | N. E. | 25 | 508 |
Little Nimeha | 48 | S. W. | 8 | |
Bald-pated prairie--the }| | | | |
river Nish-na-bo-tona }| | | | |
is at this place not }| | N. E. | 23 | |
more than 150 yards }| | | | |
from the bank of the }| | | | |
Missouri. }| | | | |
Weeping-water creek | 25 | S. W. | 29 | |
RIVER PLATTE | 600 | S. W. | 32 | 600 | 41° 4′
Butterfly creek | 18 | S. W. | 3 | |
Moscheto creek | 22 | N. E. | 7 | |
Ancient village of Ottoes | | S. W. | 11 | |
do. of Ayuwas | | N. E. | 6 | |
{245} ---- river | 28 | N. E. | 11 | |
Council Bluffs | | S. W. | 12 | 650 | 41° 17′
Soldier’s river | 40 | N. E. | 39 | |
Little Sioux | 80 | N. E. | 44 | |
Bad Spirit river | | S. W. | 55 | 788 |
A bend in the river, 20 }| | | | |
miles round, and but }| | | 21 | 809 |
900 yards across. }| | | | |
An island 3 miles N. E. } | | | 27 | 836 |
of Floyd’s village. } | | | | |
Floyd’s river and bluff | 35 | N. E. | 14 | 850 |
Big Sioux river | 110 | N. E. | 3 | 853 | 38° 48′
Commencement of the }| | | | |
Cobell, Alum, and }| | S. W. | 27 | 880 |
Copperas bluffs }| | | | |
Hot or Burning bluffs | | S. W. | 30 | |
White Stone river | 30 | N. E. | 8 | |
An old village at the mouth }| | | | |
of Little Bow creek }| | S. W. | 20 | |
River a Jaque or James R. | 90 | N. E. | 12 | 950 | 42° 53′
Calumet bluff | | S. W. | 13 | |
Ancient fortification, }| | | | |
Good Man’s Isle }| | S. W. | 13 | 976 |
Plumb creek | 12 | N. E. | 10 | |
White Paint creek | 28 | S. W. | 8 | |
Qui Courre creek | 150 | S. W. | 6 | 1000 |
Poncas river and village | 30 | S. W. | 10 | |
The village of dog prair. | | S. W. | 20 | |
The island Cedar | | | 40 | |
WHITE RIVER | 300 | S. W. | 60 | 1130 |
The 3 rivers of the Sioux | 36 | N. E. | 22 | |
An island in the upper }| | S. W. | 20 | |
part of the Big Bend }| | | | |
{246} Upper part of the } | | | | |
Big Bend, the gorge } | | S. W. | 30 | |
1¼ mile across }| | | | |
Tyler’s river | 35 | S. W. | 6 | 1208 |
L’Oiselle’s post, Cedar }| | | | |
island }| | | 18 | | 44° 12′
Titon river | 70 | S. W. | 37 | |
The upper part of five old }| | | | |
record villages of }| | S. W. | 42 | |
Arikaras, reduced by }| | | | |
the Sioux | | | | |
Chienne river | 400 | S. W. | 5 | 1310 | 44° 20′
Old record village | | | 47 | |
Ser-war-cerna | 90 | S. W. | 40 | 1397 |
Waterhoo | 120 | S. W. | 25 | 1422 | 45° 35′
Old village on an island | | S. W. | 4 | |
Arikara, 2 villages | | S. W. | 4 | |
Stone Idol creek | 18 | N. E. | 18 | |
Warecore | 35 | N. E. | 40 | |
Cannon-ball river | 140 | S. W. | 12 | 1500 | 46° 29′
Old Mandan village | | S. W. | 40 | |
do. | | S. W. | 40 | |
Mandan village | | S. W. | 20 | 1600 | 47° 13′
Company’s Fort | | | 40 | 1640 |
[54] Brackenridge includes in his appendix, matter which
is also given by Bradbury (vol. V of our series),
and which therefore is here omitted: 1st, Sibley’s
journey to the salines, incorporated by Bradbury in
the text of his journal, pp. 191-194. 2d, extract
from the Missouri _Gazette_, on voyage of the
Astorians--Bradbury, appendix iii. 3d, oration of
Big Elk--Bradbury, appendix ii.--ED.
[55] Brackenridge in the early part of 1811 wrote some
articles on Louisiana for periodical publication.
These he afterwards revised and enlarged, and
incorporated in a volume entitled _Views of
Louisiana_ (Pittsburgh, 1814). From this he has
extracted chapter iii, to include in the appendix to
the journal. See preface to the present volume.--ED.
[56] See Pike’s Journal.--BRACKENRIDGE.
_Comment by Ed._--Pike, _Account of Expeditions to
Sources of Mississippi, and through Western Parts of
Louisiana ... during the years 1805, 1806, and 1807_
(Baltimore, 1810); new edition, Coues ed. (New York,
1895).
[57] The journal of William Dunbar and Dr. Hunter up the
Red and Washita rivers was published in Lewis and
Clark, _Statistical Account_ (London, 1807), pp.
74-116.--ED.
[58] There are extensive tracts of moving sands similar
to those of the African deserts. Mr. Makey informed
me that he was several days in passing over one
of these between the Platte and the Missouri,
and near the mountains; there was no sign of
vegetation.--BRACKENRIDGE.
[59] By comparison of this table with the more detailed
list in Lewis and Clark’s _Narrative_ (Biddle ed.,
Philadelphia, 1814), ii, pp. 462-464, it will be
noticed that several changes have been made by
Brackenridge, both in the data and orthography,
while the latitude is added. From internal evidence,
there is some reason to believe that Brackenridge
had access to the original journals of Lewis and
Clark, but failed properly to interpret some of the
proper names in the manuscript.--ED.
THE END
FRANCHÈRE’S NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE
NORTHWEST COAST, 1811-1814
Reprint of J. V. Huntington’s English translation (New York, 1854)
[Illustration: Astoria, as it was in 1813]
NARRATIVE
OF A
VOYAGE
TO
THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA
IN THE YEARS 1811, 1812, 1813, AND 1814
OR THE
FIRST AMERICAN SETTLEMENT ON THE PACIFIC
By GABRIEL FRANCHERE
TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY J. V. HUNTINGTON
[Illustration]
REDFIELD
110 AND 112 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK
1854.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854,
BY J. S. REDFIELD,
in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States,
in and for the Southern District of New York.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
In 1846, when the boundary question (that of the Oregon Territory in
particular) was at its height, the Hon. THOMAS H. BENTON delivered in
the United States Senate a decisive speech, of which the following is
an extract:--
“Now for the proof of all I have said. I happen to have in my
possession the book of all others, which gives the fullest and
most authentic details on all the points I have mentioned--a book
written at a time, and under circumstances, when the author (himself
a British subject and familiar on the Columbia) had no more idea
that the British would lay claim to that river, than {4} Mr. Harmon,
the American writer whom I quoted, ever thought of our claiming New
Caledonia. It is the work of Mr. FRANCHÈRE, a gentleman of Montreal,
with whom I have the pleasure to be personally acquainted, and one
of those employed by Mr. ASTOR in founding his colony. He was at the
founding of ASTORIA, at its sale to the Northwest Company, saw the
place seized as a British conquest, and continued there after its
seizure. He wrote in French: his work has not been done into English,
though it well deserves it; and I read from the French text. He gives
a brief and true account of the discovery of the Columbia.”
I felt justly proud of this notice of my unpretending work,
especially that the latter should have contributed, as it did, to
the amicable settlement of the then pending difficulties. I have
flattered myself ever since, that it belonged to the historical
literature of the great country, which by adoption has become mine.
The re-perusal of “Astoria” by WASHINGTON IRVING (1836) inspired
me with an additional {5} motive for giving my book in an English
dress. Without disparagement to Mr. IRVING’S literary fame, I may
venture to say that I found in his work inaccuracies, misstatements
(unintentional of course), and a want of chronological order, which
struck forcibly one so familiar with the events themselves. I thought
I could show--or rather that my simple narration, of itself, plainly
discovered--that some of the young men embarked in that expedition
(which founded our Pacific empire), did not merit the ridicule and
contempt which Captain THORN attempted to throw upon them, and which
perhaps, through the genius of Mr. IRVING, might otherwise remain as
a lasting stigma on their characters.
But the consideration which, before all others, prompts me to offer
this narrative to the American reading public, is my desire to place
before them, therein, a simple and connected account (which at this
time ought to be interesting), of the early settlement of the Oregon
Territory by one of our adopted citizens, the enterprising merchant
JOHN JACOB ASTOR. The importance {6} of a vast territory, which at no
distant day may add two more bright stars to our national banner, is
a guarantee that my humble effort will be appreciated.
_Note by Huntington_
It has been the editor’s wish to let Mr. Franchère speak for himself.
To preserve in the translation the Defoe-like simplicity of the
original narrative of the young French Canadian, has been his chief
care. Having read many narratives of travel and adventure in our
northwestern wilderness, he may be permitted to say that he has met
with none that gives a more vivid and picturesque description of it,
or in which the personal adventures of the narrator, and the varying
fortunes of a great enterprise, mingle more happily, and one may say,
more dramatically, with the itinerary. The clerkly minuteness {7}
of the details is not without its charm either, and their fidelity
speaks for itself. Take it altogether, it must be regarded as a
fragment of our colonial history saved from oblivion; it fills up a
vacuity which Mr. IRVING’S classic work does not quite supply; it is,
in fact, the only account by an eyewitness and a participator in the
enterprise, of the first attempt to form a settlement on the Pacific
under the stars and stripes.
The editor has thought it would be interesting to add Mr. Franchère’s
Preface to the original French edition, which will be found on the
next page.
BALTIMORE, _February 6, 1854_.
PREFACE TO THE FRENCH EDITION
When I was writing my journal on the vessel which carried me to the
northwest coast of North America, or in the wild regions of this
continent, I was far from thinking that it would be placed one day
before the public eye. I had no other end in writing, but to procure
to my family and my friends a more exact and more connected detail
of what I had seen or learned in the course of my travels, than
it would have been possible for me to give them in a _viva voce_
narration. Since my return to my native city, my manuscript has
passed into various hands and has been read by different persons:
several of my friends immediately advised me to print it; but it is
only quite lately that I have allowed {10} myself to be persuaded,
that without being a learned naturalist, a skilful geographer, or a
profound moralist, a traveller may yet interest by the faithful and
succinct account of the situations in which he has found himself, the
adventures which have happened to him, and the incidents of which he
has been a witness; that if a simple ingenuous narrative, stripped of
the merit of science and the graces of diction, must needs be less
enjoyed by the man of letters or by the _savant_, it would have, in
compensation, the advantage of being at the level of a greater number
of readers; in fine, that the desire of affording an entertainment
to his countrymen, according to his capacity, and without any
mixture of the author’s vanity or of pecuniary interest, would be a
well-founded title to their indulgence. Whether I have done well or
ill in yielding to these suggestions, which I am bound to regard as
those of friendship, or of good-will, it belongs to the impartial and
disinterested reader to decide.
MONTREAL, 1819.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
Departure from Montreal--Arrival in New York--Description of
that City--Names of the Persons engaged in the Expedition 189
CHAPTER II
Departure from New York--Reflections of the
Author--Navigation, falling in with other Ships, and
various Incidents, till the Vessel comes in Sight of the
Falkland Isles 196
CHAPTER III
Arrival at the Falkland Isles--Landing--Perilous Situation of
the Author and some of his Companions--Portrait of Captain
Thorn--Cape Horn--Navigation to the Sandwich Islands 202
CHAPTER IV
Accident--View of the Coast--Attempted Visit of the
Natives--Their Industry--Bay of Karaka-koua--Landing on the
Island--John Young, Governor of Owahee 210
{12} CHAPTER V
Bay of Ohetity--Tamehameha, King of the Island--His
Visit to the Ship--His Capital--His Naval Force--His
Authority--Productions of the Country--Manners and
Customs--Reflections 215
CHAPTER VI
Departure from Wahoo--Storm--Arrival at the Mouth of the
Columbia--Reckless Order of the Captain--Difficulty of the
Entrance--Perilous Situation of the Ship--Unhappy Fate of a
Part of the Crew and People of the Expedition 227
CHAPTER VII
Regrets of the Author at the Loss of his Companions--Obsequies
of a Sandwich-Islander--First Steps in the Formation of the
intended Establishment--New Alarm--Encampment 236
CHAPTER VIII
Voyage up the River--Description of the Country--Meeting with
strange Indians 242
CHAPTER IX
Departure of the Tonquin--Indian Messengers--Project of
an Expedition to the Interior--Arrival of Mr. Daniel
Thompson--Departure of the Expedition--Designs upon
us by the Natives--Rumors of the Destruction of the
Tonquin--Scarcity of Provisions--Narrative of a strange
Indian--Duplicity and Cunning of Comcomly 250
CHAPTER X
Occupation at Astoria--Return of a Portion of the Men of the
Expedition to the Interior--New Expedition--Excursion in
Search of three Deserters 259
{13} CHAPTER XI
Departure of Mr. R. Stuart for the Interior--Occupations at
Astoria--Arrival of Messrs. Donald M’Kenzie and Robert
M’Lellan--Account of their Journey--Arrival of Mr. Wilson
P. Hunt 266
CHAPTER XII
Arrival of the Ship Beaver--Unexpected Return of Messrs.
D. Stuart, R. Stuart, M’Lelland, &c.--Cause of that
Return--Ship discharging--New Expeditions--Hostile Attitude
of the Natives--Departure of the Beaver--Journeys of the
Author--His Occupations at the Establishment 273
CHAPTER XIII
Uneasiness respecting the “Beaver”--News of the
Declaration of War between Great Britain and the United
States--Consequences of that Intelligence--Different
Occurrences--Arrival of two Canoes of the
Northwest Company--Preparations for abandoning the
Country--Postponement of Departure--Arrangement with Mr. J.
G. M’Tavish 279
CHAPTER XIV
Arrival of the Ship “Albatross”--Reasons for the
Non-Appearance of the Beaver at Astoria--Fruitless Attempt
of Captain Smith on a Former Occasion--Astonishment and
Regret of Mr. Hunt at the Resolution of the Partners--His
Departure--Narrative of the Destruction of the
Tonquin--Causes of that Disaster--Reflections 284
CHAPTER XV
Arrival of a Number of Canoes of the Northwest Company--Sale
of the Establishment at Astoria to that Company--{14}
Canadian News--Arrival of the British Sloop-of-War
“Raccoon”--Accident on Board that Vessel--The Captain takes
Formal Possession of Astoria--Surprise and Discontent of
the Officers and Crew--Departure of the “Raccoon” 294
CHAPTER XVI
Expeditions to the Interior--Return of Messrs. John Stuart
and D. M’Kenzie--Theft committed by the Natives--War Party
against the Thieves 303
CHAPTER XVII
Description of Tongue Point--A Trip to the _Willamet_--Arrival
of W. Hunt in the Brig Pedlar--Narrative of the Loss of the
Ship Lark--Preparations for crossing the Continent 312
CHAPTER XVIII
Situation of the Columbia River--Qualities of its
Soil--Climate, &c.--Vegetable and Animal Productions of the
Country 317
CHAPTER XIX
Manners, Customs, Occupations, &c., of the Natives on the
River Columbia 324
CHAPTER XX
Manners and Customs of the Natives continued--Their Wars--
Their Marriages--Medicine Men--Funeral Ceremonies--
Religious Notions--Language 329
CHAPTER XXI
Departure from Astoria or Fort George--Accident--Passage
of the Dalles or Narrows--Great Columbian Desert
{15}--Aspect of the Country--Wallawalla and Shaaptin
Rivers--Rattlesnakes--Some Details regarding the Natives of
the Upper Columbia 336
CHAPTER XXII
Meeting with the Widow of a Hunter--Her Narrative--Reflections
of the Author--Priest’s Rapid--River Okenakan--Kettle
Falls--Pine Moos--Scarcity of Food--Rivers, Lakes,
&c.--Accident--A Rencontre--First View of the Rocky
Mountains 342
CHAPTER XXIII
Course of the Columbian River--Canoe River--Footmarch toward
the Rocky Mountains--Passage of the Mountains 350
CHAPTER XXIV
Arrival at the Fort of the Mountains--Description of
this Post--Some Details in Regard to the Rocky
Mountains--Mountain Sheep, &c.--Continuation of the
Journey--Unhappy Accident--Reflections--News from
Canada--Hunter’s Lodge--Pembina and Red Deer Rivers 357
CHAPTER XXV
Red Deer Lake--Antoine Déjarlais--Beaver River--N. Nadeau--
Moose River--Bridge Lake--Saskatchawine River--Fort
Vermilion--Mr. Hallet--Trading-Houses--Beautiful
Country--Reflections 366
CHAPTER XXVI
Fort Montée--Cumberland House--Lake Bourbon--Great Winipeg
Rapids--Lake Winipeg--Trading-House--Lake of the
Woods--Rainy Lake House, &c. 374
{16} CHAPTER XXVII
Arrival at Fort William--Description of that Post--News from
the River Columbia 385
CHAPTER XXVIII
Departure from Fort William--Navigation on Lake
Superior--Michipicoton Bay--Meeting a Canoe--Batchawainon
Bay--Arrival at Saut Ste. Marie--Occurrences
there--Departure--Lake Huron--French River--Lake
Nipissing--Ottawa River--Kettle Falls--Rideau
River--Long-Saut--Arrival in Montreal--Conclusion 391
CHAPTER XXIX
Present State of the Countries visited by the
Author--Correction of Mr. Irving’s Statements respecting
St. Louis 400
APPENDIX
Mr. Seton’s Adventures--Survivors of the Expedition in
1854--Author’s Protest against some Expressions in Mr.
Irving’s “Astoria”--Note by Huntington 405
INTRODUCTION
Since the independence of the United States of America, the merchants
of that industrious and enterprising nation have carried on an
extremely advantageous commerce on the northwest coast of this
continent. In the course of their voyages they have made a great
number of discoveries which they have not thought proper to make
public; no doubt to avoid competition in a lucrative business.
In 1792, Captain Gray,[1] commanding the ship Columbia of Boston,
discovered in latitude 46° 19′ north, the entrance of a great bay
on the Pacific coast. He sailed into it, and having perceived that
it was the outlet or estuary of a large {18} river, by the fresh
water which he found at a little distance from the entrance, he
continued his course upwards some eighteen miles, and dropped anchor
on the left bank, at the opening of a deep bay. There he made a map
or rough sketch of what he had seen of this river (accompanied by
a written description of the soundings, bearings, &c.); and having
finished his traffic with the natives (the object of his voyage to
these parts), he put out to sea, and soon after fell in with Captain
Vancouver, who was cruising by order of the British government, to
seek new discoveries.[2] Mr. Gray acquainted him with the one he had
just made, and even gave him a copy of the chart he had drawn up.
Vancouver, who had just driven off a colony of Spaniards established
on the coast, under the command of Señor Quadra (England and Spain
being then at war), despatched his first-lieutenant Broughton, who
ascended the river in boats some one hundred and twenty or one
hundred and fifty miles, took possession of the country in the name
of his Britannic majesty, giving the {19} river the name of the
_Columbia_, and to the bay where the American captain stopped, that
of _Gray’s bay_.[3] Since that period the country had been seldom
visited (till 1811), and chiefly by American ships.
Sir Alexander M’Kenzie,[4] in his second overland voyage, tried to
reach the western ocean by the Columbia river, and thought he had
succeeded when he came out six degrees farther north, at the bottom
of Puget’s sound, by another river.[5]
In 1805, the American government sent Captains Lewis and Clark, with
about thirty men, including some Kentucky hunters, on an overland
journey to the mouth of the Columbia.[6] They ascended the Missouri,
crossed the mountains at the source of that river, and following the
course of the Columbia, reached the shores of the Pacific, where they
were forced to winter. The report which they made of their expedition
to the United States government created a lively sensation.[7]
{20} Mr. John Jacob Astor, a New York merchant,[8] who conducted
almost alone the trade in furs south of the great lakes Huron and
Superior, and who had acquired by that commerce a prodigious fortune,
thought to augment it by forming on the banks of the Columbia an
establishment of which the principal or supply factory should be at
the mouth of that river. He communicated his views to the agents of
the Northwest Company; he was even desirous of forming the proposed
establishment in concert with them; but after some negotiations,
the inland or wintering partners of that association of fur-traders
having rejected the plan, Mr. Astor determined to make the attempt
alone. He needed for the success of his enterprise, men long versed
in the Indian trade, and he soon found them. Mr. Alexander M’Kay
(the same who had accompanied Sir Alexander M’Kenzie in his travels
overland), a bold and enterprising man, left the Northwest Company
to join him;[9] and soon after, Messrs. Duncan M’Dougal and Donald
M’Kenzie (also in the service of the company), and {21} Messrs. David
Stuart and Robert Stuart, all of Canada, did the same. At length, in
the winter of 1810, a Mr. Wilson Price Hunt of St. Louis,[10] on
the Mississippi, having also joined them, they determined that the
expedition should be set on foot in the following spring.
It was in the course of that winter that one of my friends made me
acquainted in confidence with the plan of these gentlemen, under
the injunction of strictest secrecy. The desire of seeing strange
countries, joined to that of acquiring a fortune, determined me to
solicit employment of the new association; on the 20th of May I had
an interview with Mr. A. M’Kay, with whom the preliminaries were
arranged; and on the 24th of the same month I signed an agreement as
an apprenticed clerk for the term of five years.
When the associates had engaged a sufficient number of Canadian
boatmen, they equipped a bark canoe under charge of Messrs. Hunt
and M’Kenzie, with a Mr. Perrault as clerk, and a crew of fourteen
men. These gentlemen were {22} to proceed to Mackinaw, and thence
to St. Louis, hiring on the way as many men as they could to man
the canoes, in which, from the last-mentioned port, they were to
ascend the Missouri to its source, and there diverging from the route
followed by Lewis and Clark, reach the mouth of the Columbia to form
a junction with another party, who were to go round by way of Cape
Horn.[11] In the course of my narrative I shall have occasion to
speak of the success of both these expeditions.
[1] Captain Robert Gray was a native of Rhode Island
(born 1755), who served in the United States navy
during the Revolution. He afterwards commanded
merchant vessels for Boston firms, and visited
the Northwest Coast of America on the expedition
commanded by Captain John Kendrick (1787-90). Gray
sailed home in his ship “Columbia,” by way of the
Cape of Good Hope, and first carried the American
flag around the world. Upon his next Northwest Coast
expedition, Gray made the discovery herein cited
(May 11, 1792), upon which the United States based
its claims to the valley of the Columbia River. He
continued in the service of the merchant marine
until his death at Charleston, South Carolina, in
1806. For a brief history of the discovery of the
Northwest Coast, see Thwaites, _Rocky Mountain
Exploration_ (New York, 1904), pp. 16-21.--ED.
[2] Captain George Vancouver (born in 1758) entered the
English navy at the age of thirteen. As midshipman
he accompanied Cook in two voyages around the world.
In 1780 Vancouver was promoted to a lieutenancy, and
served with Rodney in the West Indies (1781-83).
The “Discovery,” Vancouver in command, was fitted
out in 1790 for the purpose indicated by its name.
The voyage in this vessel lasted until 1795, and
had momentous consequences. Vancouver named the
Northwest Coast of America “New Albion,” and took
possession of it for the British crown. Upon his
return to England, he prepared the narrative of his
voyage, which appeared in 1798, the year of the
author’s death.--ED.
[3] It is incorrect to say that Vancouver drove off the
Spaniards. Upon his departure from England (April
1, 1791), he had received instructions to take over
the post at Nootka Sound in accordance with the
diplomatic agreement between the governments of
Great Britain and Spain. Señor Don Juan Francisco
de la Bodega y Quadra (Cuadra) had been sent on
the part of the latter government to arrange the
transfer. Owing to a dispute as to the meaning of
treaty terms, the Spaniards were left in virtual
possession of Nootka harbor until the final
diplomatic adjustments in 1794.
Lieutenant William Robert Broughton, after serving
with Vancouver, and exploring the Columbia River as
far as Point Vancouver (1792), returned to Europe
with despatches via San Blas and Vera Cruz (1793).
The following year he was made commander of the
“Providence,” and visited the same coasts only to
find Vancouver departed. Broughton’s vessel was lost
on the coast of Formosa, but its crew was saved.
In 1804 he published a history of this voyage. He
served in the East Indies, 1810-12, retiring the
latter year from the service, when he lived at
Florence until his death in 1821.--ED.
[4] Sir Alexander Mackenzie, one of the most intrepid of
Canadian explorers, was the first to reach Pacific
waters by an overland route from the East. Entering
the service of the North West Company in 1779, he
made his first westward journey five years later,
and upon the reorganization of the company (1787)
was placed in charge of the Athabascan district,
with headquarters at Fort Chepewyan. Fired with
zeal for discovery, Mackenzie set out (1789) for
the Arctic Ocean, whither he proceeded by way
of the great river which now bears his name--an
adventurous and perilous expedition of a hundred
and two days. He immediately began preparations for
a second journey to the Pacific. For this he was
obliged to repair to London to obtain astronomical
instruments and geographical information. By the
autumn of 1791, he was again at Fort Chepewyan,
whence he proceeded to the forks of Peace River,
to prepare for departure thence the following
spring. Having crossed the divide, he came upon
Fraser River; but finding that it trended too far
southward, he crossed over by land to the ocean,
reaching his farthest point at the mouth of Cascade
Inlet, in Dean Inlet, latitude about 52° 20′ north.
Franchère’s “six degrees farther north” is correct;
but by the “bottom of Puget Sound” he must intend
the northern end of Georgian Strait, the farthest
portion of Vancouver Island. Mackenzie painted
his name and the date--July 22, 1793--upon a rock
fronting the ocean, and returned to Fort Chepewyan.
The narrative of his travels appeared in 1801. He
was knighted the following year, and died near
Edinburgh in 1820.--ED.
[5] M’Kenzie’s Travels.--FRANCHÈRE.
[6] See _Original Journals of Lewis and Clark
Expedition_ (New York, 1904); Thwaites, _Rocky
Mountain Exploration_, pp. 92-187.--ED.
[7] Lewis and Clark’s Report.--FRANCHÈRE.
[8] John Jacob Astor was born in Waldorf, Germany,
in July, 1763, the son of a butcher. At the age
of seventeen he made his way to London, where he
learned English, and where in 1783 he embarked for
America. During a delay in Chesapeake Bay, he met a
compatriot who gave him information with regard to
the fur-trade. In this he embarked upon his arrival
at New York, and by 1800 had accumulated therein a
considerable fortune. His plan for the founding of
Astoria was continental in breadth of conception,
but was brought to naught by the War of 1812-15.
Astor began to withdraw from active business about
1830, and died in New York, March 29, 1848. His
chief public benefaction was the Astor Library.--ED.
[9] Alexander McKay was Sir Alexander Mackenzie’s
lieutenant on the latter’s voyage to the Pacific in
1793 (see note 4, _ante_). Later author-travellers
met him at different posts in the Athabasca
department of the North West Company, from
1797-99. In 1804, he became one of the partners
of that company, but in 1810 was induced to join
Astor’s enterprise. His fate at the capture of the
“Tonquin,” is narrated by Franchère, _post_.--ED.
[10] Duncan McDougall is but little known aside from what
Franchère relates. After transferring Astoria to
the North West Company’s agents, he remained upon
the Columbia until 1817, as partner of the British
corporation. In his appendix, Franchère gives all
that is known concerning his death.
For biographical sketches of McKenzie, the Stuarts,
and Hunt, see Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our
series, notes 2, 4, and 119.--ED.]
[11] For history of the overland Astorian expedition,
see Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our series.
Bradbury accompanied the expedition up the Missouri
River.--ED.
NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA
CHAPTER I
Departure from Montreal--Arrival in New York--Description of that
City--Names of the Persons engaged in the Expedition.
We remained in Montreal the rest of the spring and a part of the
summer. At last, having completed our arrangements for the journey,
we received orders to proceed, and on the 26th of July, accompanied
by my father and brothers and a few friends, I repaired to the place
of embarkation, where was prepared a birch bark canoe, manned by nine
Canadians, having Mr. A. M’Kay as commander, and a Mr. A. Fisher as
passenger. The sentiments which I experienced {24} at that moment
would be as difficult for me to describe as they were painful to
support; for the first time in my life I quitted the place of my
birth, and was separated from beloved parents and intimate friends,
having for my whole consolation the faint hope of seeing them again.
We embarked at about five, P. M., and arrived at La Prairie de la
Madeleine (on the opposite side of the St. Lawrence), toward eight
o’clock.[12] We slept at this village, and the next morning, very
early, having secured the canoe on a wagon, we got in motion again,
and reached St. John’s on the river Richelieu, a little before
noon. Here we relaunched our canoe (after having well calked the
seams), crossed or rather traversed the length of Lake Champlain,
and arrived at Whitehall on the 30th. There we were overtaken by
Mr. Ovid de Montigny, and a Mr. P. D. Jeremie, who were to be of the
expedition.[13]
Having again placed our canoe on a wagon, {25} we pursued our
journey, and arrived on the 1st of August at Lansingburg, a little
village situated on the bank of the river Hudson. Here we got our
canoe once more afloat, passed by Troy, and by Albany, everywhere
hospitably received, our Canadian boatmen, having their hats
decorated with parti-colored ribands and feathers, being taken by the
Americans for so many wild Indians, and arrived at New York on the
3d, at eleven o’clock in the evening.
We had landed at the north end of the city, and the next day, being
Sunday, we re-embarked, and were obliged to make a course round the
city, in order to arrive at our lodgings on Long Island. We sang as
we rowed; which, joined to the unusual sight of a birch bark canoe
impelled by nine stout Canadians, dark as Indians, and as gayly
adorned, attracted a crowd upon the wharves to gaze at us as we
glided along. We found on Long Island (in the village of Brooklyn)
those young gentlemen engaged in the service of the new company, who
had left Canada in advance of our party.
{26} The vessel in which we were to sail not being ready, I should
have found myself quite isolated and a stranger in the great city of
New York, but for a letter of introduction to Mr. G----, given me on
my setting out, by Madame his sister. I had formed the acquaintance
of this gentleman during a stay which he had made at Montreal in
1801; but as I was then very young, he would probably have had
some difficulty in recognising me without his sister’s letter.
He introduced me to several of his friends, and I passed in an
agreeable manner the five weeks which elapsed between my arrival in
New York and the departure of the ship.
I shall not undertake to describe New York; I will only say, that
the elegance of the buildings, public and private, the cleanliness
of the streets, the shade of the poplars which border them, the
public walks, the markets always abundantly provided with all sorts
of commodities, the activity of its commerce, then in a flourishing
condition, the vast number of ships of all nations which crowded the
quays; all, in a word, conspired {27} to make me feel the difference
between this great maritime city and my native town, of whose
steeples I had never lost sight before, and which was by no means at
that time what it is now.[14]
New York was not then, and indeed is not at this time a fortified
town; still there were several batteries and military works, the most
considerable of which were seen on the _Narrows_, or channel which
forms the principal mouth of the Hudson. The isles called _Governor’s
Island_, and _Bedloe_ or _Gibbet Island_, were also well fortified.
On the first, situated to the west of the city and about a mile from
it, there were barracks sufficiently capacious for several thousand
soldiers, and a Moro, or castle, with three tiers of guns, all
bomb-proof. These works have been strengthened during the last war.
The market-places are eight in number; the most considerable is
called _Fly-Market_.[15]
The _Park_, the _Battery_, and _Vauxhall Garden_, are the principal
promenades.[16] There were, in 1810, thirty-two churches, two of
which were devoted {28} to the catholic worship; and the population
was estimated at ninety thousand souls, of whom ten thousand were
French. It is thought that this population has since been augmented
(1819) by some thirty thousand souls.
During my sojourn at New York, I lodged in Brooklyn, on Long Island.
This island is separated from the city by a sound, or narrow arm of
the sea. There is here a pretty village, not far from which is a
basin, where some gunboats were hauled up, and a few war vessels were
on the stocks. Some barracks had been constructed here, and a guard
was maintained.
Before leaving New York, it is well to observe that during our stay
in that city, Mr. M’Kay thought it the part of prudence to have an
interview with the minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty,
Mr. Jackson,[17] to inform him of the object of our voyage, and get
his views in regard to the line of conduct we ought to follow in case
of war breaking out between the two powers; intimating to him that
we were all British {29} subjects, and were about to trade under the
American flag. After some moments of reflection Mr. Jackson told him,
“that we were going on a very hazardous enterprise; that he saw our
object was purely commercial, and that all he could promise us, was,
that in case of a war we should be respected as British subjects and
traders.”
This reply appeared satisfactory, and Mr. M’Kay thought we had
nothing to apprehend on that side.
The vessel in which we were to sail was called the _Tonquin_, of
about 300 tons burden, commanded by Captain Thorn (a first-lieutenant
of the American navy, on furlough for this purpose),[18] with a crew
of twenty-one men. The number of passengers was thirty-three. Here
follow the names of both.
PASSENGERS
{ Messrs. Alexander M’Kay }
{ “ Duncan M’Dougall }
PARTNERS { “ David Stuart } all of Canada.
{ “ Robert Stuart }
{ {30} James Lewis of New York.
{ Russel Farnham of Massachusetts.
{ William W. Matthews of New York.
{ Alexander Ross }
{ Donald M’Gîllis }
CLERKS { Ovide de Montigny }
{ Francis B. Pillot } all from Canada.
{ Donald M’Lennan }
{ William Wallace }
{ Thomas M’Kay }
{ Gabriel Franchère }
{ Oliver Roy Lapensée }
{ Ignace Lapensée }
{ Basile Lapensée }
{ Jacques Lafantaisie }
{ Benjamin Roussel }
{ Michel Laframboise }
BOATMEN, ETC. { Giles Leclerc } all of Canada.
{ Joseph Lapierre }
{ Joseph Nadeau }
{ J. B’te. Belleau }
{ Antoine Belleau }
{ Louis Bruslé }
{ P. D. Jeremie }
Johann Koaster, ship-carpenter, a Russian.
George Bell, cooper, New York.
Job Aitken, rigger and calker, from Scotland.
Augustus Roussil, blacksmith, Canada.
Guilleaume Perreault, a boy. These last were all
mechanics, &c., destined for the establishment.
CREW
Jonathan Thorn, captain, New York State.
Ebenezer D. Fox, 1st mate, of Boston.
John M. Mumford, 2d mate, of Massachusetts.
James Thorn, brother of the captain, New York.
John Anderson, boatswain, foreigner.
Egbert Vanderhuff, tailor, New York.
John Weeks, carpenter, “
{31} Stephen Weeks, armorer, New York.
John Coles, New York, } sailmakers.
John Martin, a Frenchman, }
{ John White, New York.
{ Adam Fisher, “
{ Peter Verbel, “
{ Edward Aymes, “
SAILORS { Robert Hill, Albany, New York.
{ John Adams, “
{ Joseph Johnson, Englishman.
{ Charles Roberts, New York.
A colored man as cook,
A mulatto steward,
And three or four others whose names I have forgotten.
[12] This place is famous in the history of Canada, and
more particularly in the thrilling story of the
Indian missions.--HUNTINGTON.
[13] Jérémie was a boat-builder, who deserted at Astoria,
but was retaken. He afterward joined the British
service, and shipped as clerk upon the “Raccoon.”
See _post_.--ED.
[14] For a brief description of New York, about this
period, see Wilson, _New York: Old and New_
(Philadelphia and London, 1902), i, pp. 280-302.--ED.
[15] Fly Market, the oldest in New York, and begun in
1706, was at the foot of Maiden Lane. The name is a
phonetic corruption of the Dutch pronunciation of
valley, “v’ly.”--ED.
[16] The “Park” was that of the City Hall originally
called the “Flat,” later the “Common.” During the
Revolutionary period this was a popular gathering
place. The Stamp Act was here execrated, and its
repeal celebrated; upon this place the tree of
liberty was erected, and here Alexander Hamilton
made his maiden speech. The Battery fort was
demolished in 1790, but rebuilt during the War of
1812-15. During the latter years of the eighteenth,
and the first decades of the nineteenth century, the
Battery walk was a fashionable promenade. Vauxhall
Gardens were originally a place of amusement at
the corner of Greenwich and Warren streets. Later,
the name was transferred to a resort built by a
Frenchman named Delacroix, between Astor Place,
Broadway, and the Bowery. They were extensive
gardens with theatrical buildings, and were much
frequented as a summer resort until 1820, when
Lafayette Place was opened through them. The
Astor Library now stands near their centre. For a
contemporary cut, see Wilson, _Memorial History of
New York City_ (New York, 1892), iii, p. 520.--ED.
[17] This gentleman was really _chargé d’affaires_.--FRANCHÈRE.
[18] Captain Jonathan Thorn had been a subaltern in the
American navy. Enlisting as a midshipman, April 28,
1800, he served in the Mediterranean squadron, and
in 1803, was acting lieutenant on the “Enterprise,”
Stephen Decatur commanding. In the daring exploit of
destroying the “President” in the harbor of Tripoli,
Thorn had an active part; and three months later
commanded gun-boat “Number 4” in the bombardment of
Tripoli harbor. After this action, he was commended
for gallantry by Decatur in the highest terms, and
placed in charge of one of the prize boats. February
16, 1807, he was promoted to a lieutenancy, and
furloughed May 18, 1810, in order to command the
“Tonquin.” His conduct during the cruise of this
vessel has been much censured. Alexander Ross,
whose narrative is published as vol. vii of our
series, is bitter in his denunciation. Irving, in
_Astoria_, makes apologies for Thorn, and shows that
his conduct proceeded from a sense of duty to his
employer, and a desire for naval discipline somewhat
too strenuous for a merchant-vessel with passengers.
Franchère sought to be just to Thorn, but his
sympathies were with the Astorians. Thorn’s tragic
fate doubtless deprived the United States of a naval
officer of unusual ability and integrity.--ED.
{32} CHAPTER II
Departure from New York--Reflections of the Author--Navigation,
falling in with other Ships, and various Incidents, till the
Vessel comes in Sight of the Falkland Isles.
All being ready for our departure, we went on board ship, and weighed
anchor on the 6th of September, in the morning. The wind soon fell
off, and the first day was spent in drifting down to Staten island,
where we came to anchor for the night. The next day we weighed anchor
again; but there came on another dead calm, and we were forced to
cast anchor near the lighthouse at Sandy Hook. On the 8th we weighed
anchor for the third time, and by the help of a fresh breeze from the
southwest, we succeeded in passing the bar; the pilot quitted us at
about eleven o’clock, and soon after we lost sight of the coast.
{33} One must have experienced it one’s self, to be able to conceive
the melancholy which takes possession of the soul of a man of
sensibility, at the instant that he leaves his country and the
civilized world, to go to inhabit with strangers in wild and unknown
lands. I should in vain endeavor to give my readers an idea, even
faintly correct, of the painful sinking of heart that I suddenly
felt, and of the sad glance which I involuntarily cast toward a
future so much the more frightful to me, as it offered nothing but
what was perfectly confused and uncertain. A new scene of life was
unfolded before me, but how monotonous, and ill suited to diminish
the dejection with which my mind was overwhelmed! For the first time
in my life, I found myself under way upon the main sea, with nothing
to fix my regards and arrest my attention but the frail machine which
bore me between the abyss of waters and the immensity of the skies.
I remained for a long time with my eyes fixed in the direction of
that land which I no longer saw, and almost despaired of ever seeing
again; I made {34} serious reflections on the nature and consequences
of the enterprise in which I had so rashly embarked; and I confess
that if at that moment the offer had been made to release me from my
engagement, I should have accepted the proposal with all my heart. It
is true that the hopeless confusion and incumberment of the vessel’s
deck, the great number of strangers among whom I found myself,
the brutal style which the captain and his subalterns used toward
our young Canadians; all, in a word, conspired to make me augur a
vexatious and disagreeable voyage. The sequel will show that I did
not deceive myself in that.
We perceived very soon in the S. W., which was our weather side,
a vessel that bore directly toward us; she made a signal that was
understood by our captain; we hove to, and stood on her bow. It
turned out to be the American frigate _Constitution_.[19] We sent our
boat on board of her, and sailed in company till toward five o’clock,
when, our papers having been sent back to us, we separated.
{35} The wind having increased, the motion of the vessel made us
sea-sick, those of us, I mean, who were for the first time at sea.
The weather was fine, however; the vessel, which at first sailing was
lumbered in such a manner that we could hardly get in or out of our
berths, and scarcely work ship, by little and little got into order,
so that we soon found ourselves more at ease.
On the 14th we commenced to take flying fish. The 24th, we saw a
great quantity of dolphins. We prepared lines and took two of the
latter, which we cooked. The flesh of this fish appeared to me
excellent.
After leaving New York, till the 4th of October, we headed southeast.
On that day we struck the trade winds, and bore S. S. E.; being,
according to our observations, in latitude 17° 43′ and longitude 22°
39′.
On the 5th, in the morning, we came in sight of the Cape-Verd
islands, bearing W. N. W., and distant about eight or nine miles,
having the coast of Africa to the E. S. E. We should have been very
glad to touch at these islands to take {36} in water; but as our
vessel was an American bottom, and had on board a number of British
subjects, our captain did not think fit to expose himself to meet the
English ships-of-war cruising on these coasts, who certainly would
not have failed to make a strict search, and to take from us the best
part of our crew; which would infallibly have proved disastrous to
the object for which we had shipped them.
Speaking of water, I may mention that the rule was to serve it out
in rations of a quart a day; but that we were now reduced to a pint
and a half. For the rest, our fare consisted of fourteen ounces of
hard bread, a pound and a quarter of salt beef or one of pork, per
day, and half a pint of souchong tea, with sugar, per man. The pork
and beef were served alternately: rice and beans, each once a week;
corn-meal pudding with molasses, ditto; on Sundays the steerage
passengers were allowed a bottle of Teneriffe wine. All except
the four partners, Mr. Lewis, acting as captain’s clerk, and Mr.
T. M’Kay, were in the steerage; the cabin containing {37} but six
berths, besides the captain’s and first-mate’s state-rooms.
As long as we were near the coast of Africa, we had light and
variable winds, and extremely hot weather; on the 8th, we had a dead
calm, and saw several sharks round the vessel; we took one which we
ate. I found the taste to resemble sturgeon. We experienced on that
day an excessive heat, the mercury being at 94° of Fahrenheit. From
the 8th to the 11th we had on board a canary bird, which we treated
with the greatest care and kindness, but which nevertheless quitted
us, probably for a certain death.
The nearer we approached to the equator the more we perceived the
heat to increase: on the 16th, in latitude 6°, longitude 22° west
from Greenwich, the mercury stood at 108°. We discovered on that day
a sail bearing down upon us. The next morning she reappeared, and
approached within gun-shot. She was a large brig, carrying about
twenty guns: we sailed in company all day by a good breeze, all sail
{38} spread; but toward evening she dropped astern and altered her
course to the S. S. E.
On the 18th, at daybreak, the watch alarmed us by announcing that the
same brig which had followed us the day before, was under our lee,
a cable’s length off, and seemed desirous of knowing who we were,
without showing her own colors. Our captain appeared to be in some
alarm; and admitting that she was a better sailer than we, he called
all the passengers and crew on deck, the drum beat to quarters, and
we feigned to make preparations for combat.
It is well to observe that our vessel mounted ten pieces of cannon,
and was pierced for twenty; the forward portholes were adorned with
sham guns. Whether it was our formidable appearance or no, at about
ten A. M. the stranger again changed her course, and we soon lost
sight of her entirely.
Nothing further remarkable occurred to us till the 22d, when we
passed the line in longitude 25° 9′. According to an ancient custom
the crew baptized those of their number who had never {39} before
crossed the equator; it was a holyday for them on board. About two
o’clock in the afternoon we perceived a sail in the S. S. W. We were
not a little alarmed, believing that it was the same brig which we
had seen some days before; for it was lying to, as if awaiting our
approach. We soon drew near, and to our great joy discovered that she
was a Portuguese; we hailed her, and learned that she came from some
part of South America, and was bound to Pernambuco, on the coasts
of Brazil.[20] Very soon after we began to see what navigators call
the _Clouds of Magellan_: they are three little white spots that one
perceives in the sky almost as soon as one passes the equator: they
were situated in the S. S. W.
The 1st November, we began to see great numbers of aquatic birds.
Toward three o’clock P. M., we discovered a sail on our larboard, but
did not approach sufficiently near to speak her. The 3d, we saw two
more sails, making to the S. E. We passed the tropic of capricorn on
the 4th, with a fine breeze, and in longitude 33° 27′. {40} We lost
the trade-winds, and as we advanced south the weather became cold
and rainy. The 11th, we had a calm, although the swell was heavy. We
saw several turtles, and the captain having sent out the small boat,
we captured two of them. During the night of the 11th and 12th, the
wind changed to the N. E., and raised a terrible tempest, in which
the gale, the rain, the lightning, and thunder, seemed to have sworn
our destruction; the sea appeared all a-fire, while our little vessel
was the sport of winds and waves. We kept the hatches closed, which
did not prevent us from passing very uncomfortable nights while the
storm lasted; for the great heats that we had experienced between
the tropics, had so opened the seams of the deck that every time
the waves passed over, the water rushed down in quantities upon
our hammocks. The 14th, the wind shifted to the S. S. W., which
compelled us to beat to windward. During the night we were struck by
a tremendous sea; the helm was seized beyond control, and the man at
the wheel was thrown from one side {41} of the ship to the other,
breaking two of his ribs, which confined him to his berth for a week.
In latitude 35° 19′, longitude 40°, the sea appeared to be covered
with marine plants, and the change that we observed in the color of
the water, as well as the immense number of gulls and other aquatic
birds that we saw, proved to us that we were not far from the mouth
of the _Rio de la Plata_. The wind continued to blow furiously till
the 21st, when it subsided a little, and the weather cleared up. On
the 25th, being in the 46th degree, and 30 minutes of latitude, we
saw a penguin.
We began to feel sensibly the want of water: since passing the tropic
of Capricorn the daily allowance had been always diminishing, till we
were reduced to three gills a day, a slender modicum considering that
we had only salt provisions. We had indeed a still, which we used to
render the sea-water drinkable; but we distilled merely what sufficed
for the daily use of the kitchen, as to do more would have required
a great quantity of wood or coal. As we were {42} not more than one
hundred and fifty leagues from the Falkland isles, we determined to
put in there and endeavor to replenish our casks, and the captain
caused the anchors to be got ready.
We had contrary winds from the 27th of November to the 3d December.
On the evening of that day, we heard one of the officers, who was at
the mast head, cry “Land! Land!” Nevertheless, the night coming on,
and the barren rocks which we had before us being little elevated
above the ocean, we hove to.
[19] Astor had applied to the naval officer in command
of New York harbor for an escort to protect the
“Tonquin” against a British brig which was rumored
to be cruising near by, in order to impress seamen.
As a number of the “Tonquin’s” crew were British
subjects, there was especial need of protection.
Commodore Rodgers detailed Captain Isaac Hull
of the “Constitution” to act as escort to the
merchantman. The “Constitution” had but just
entered upon the career that won for her the title
of “Old Ironsides.” Built and launched (1797) from
a Boston shipyard, her principal service had been
in the Tripolitan War (1803-05). From 1809-11 the
“Constitution” cruised in home waters, and the
latter year carried the United States minister to
France. During the War of 1812-15, the frigate won
great renown in three sea fights, capturing or
destroying four British men-of-war. In 1828, the
secretary of the navy ordered her demolition, on
the ground that repairs would be costly; whereupon
Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote his poem, “Old
Ironsides,” that so appealed to popular sentiment
that a public subscription secured her repairs. The
“Constitution” thereafter made many cruises, and
served as a training ship for naval cadets. In 1897
she was towed into Boston harbor for the celebration
of the hundredth anniversary of her launching. She
still lies in that harbor, and is being restored by
a patriotic society, the “Sons of 1812.”--ED.
[20] Ross says that this vessel was bound from Liverpool
to Pernambuco--a more probable course.--ED.
{43} CHAPTER III
Arrival at the Falkland Isles--Landing--Perilous Situation of
the Author and some of his Companions--Portrait of Captain
Thorn--Cape Horn--Navigation to the Sandwich Islands.
On the 4th (Dec.) in the morning, I was not the last to mount on
deck, to feast my eyes with the sight of land; for it is only those
who have been three or four months at sea, who know how to appreciate
the pleasure which one then feels even at sight of such barren and
bristling rocks as form the Falkland Isles. We drew near these rocks
very soon, and entered between two of the islands, where we anchored
on good ground. The first mate being sent ashore to look for water,
several of our gentlemen accompanied him. They returned in the
evening with the disappointing intelligence that they had not been
able to find fresh water. They brought us, {44} to compensate for
this, a number of wild geese and two seals.
The weather appearing to threaten, we weighed anchor and put out to
sea. The night was tempestuous, and in the morning of the 5th we had
lost sight of the first islands. The wind blowing off land, it was
necessary to beat up all that day; in the evening we found ourselves
sufficiently near the shore, and hove to for the night. The 6th
brought us a clear sky, and with a fresh breeze we succeeded in
gaining a good anchorage, which we took to be Port Egmont, and where
we found good water.
On the 7th, we sent ashore the water casks, as well as the cooper to
superintend filling them, and the blacksmiths who were occupied in
some repairs required by the ship.
For our part, having erected a tent near the springs, we passed the
time while they were taking in water, in coursing over the isles: we
had a boat for our accommodation, and killed every day a great many
wild geese and ducks. These birds differ in plumage from those which
are seen in Canada. {45} We also killed a great many seals. These
animals ordinarily keep upon the rocks. We also saw several foxes
of the species called _Virginia_ fox: they were shy and yet fierce,
barking like dogs and then flying precipitately. Penguins are also
numerous on the Falkland Isles. These birds have a fine plumage, and
resemble the loon: but they do not fly, having only little stumps of
wings which they use to help themselves in waddling along. The rocks
were covered with them. It being their sitting season we found them
on their nests, from which they would not stir. They are not wild or
timid: far from flying at our approach, they attack us with their
bill, which is very sharp, and with their short wings. The flesh of
the penguin is black and leathery, with a strong fishy taste, and one
must be very hungry to make up one’s mind to eat it. We got a great
quantity of eggs by dislodging them from their nests.
As the French and English had both attempted to form establishments
on these rocks, we endeavored to find some vestige of them; the
tracks which we met everywhere made us hope {46} to find goats
also: but all our researches were vain: all that we discovered was
an old fishing cabin, constructed of whalebone, and some seal-skin
moccasins; for these rocks offer not a single tree to the view,
and are frequented solely by the vessels which pursue the whale
fishery in the southern seas. We found, however, two head-boards
with inscriptions in English, marking the spot where two men had
been interred: as the letters were nearly obliterated, we carved new
ones on fresh pieces of board procured from the ship. This pious
attention to two dead men nearly proved fatal to a greater number of
the living; for all the casks having been filled and sent on board,
the captain gave orders to re-embark, and without troubling himself
to inquire if this order had been executed or not, caused the anchor
to be weighed on the morning of the 11th, while I and some of my
companions were engaged in erecting the inscriptions of which I have
spoken, others were cutting grass for the hogs, and Messrs. M’Dougall
and D. Stuart had gone to the south side of the isle to look for game.
{47} The roaring of the sea against the rock-bound shore prevented
them from hearing the gun, and they did not rejoin us till the vessel
was already at sea. We then lost no time, but pushed off, being eight
in number, with our little boat, only twenty feet keel. We rowed
with all our might, but gained nothing upon the vessel. We were
losing sight of the islands at last, and our case seemed desperate.
While we paused, and were debating what course to pursue, as we had
no compass, we observed the ship tacking and standing toward us. In
fine after rowing for three hours and a half, in an excited state of
feeling not easily described, we succeeded in regaining the vessel,
and were taken on board at about three o’clock P. M.
[Illustration: View of the Falkland Islands
Boat and five passengers pulling after Ship Tonquin]
Having related this trait of malice on the part of our captain, I
shall be permitted to make some remarks on his character. Jonathan
Thorn was brought up in the naval service of his country, and had
distinguished himself in a battle fought between the Americans
and the Turks at Tripoli, some years before: he held the rank of
first lieutenant. {48} He was a strict disciplinarian, of a quick
and passionate temper, accustomed to exact obedience, considering
nothing but duty, and giving himself no trouble about the murmurs
of his crew, taking counsel of nobody, and following Mr. Astor’s
instructions to the letter. Such was the man who had been selected
to command our ship. His haughty manners, his rough and overbearing
disposition, had lost him the affection of most of the crew and of
all the passengers: he knew it, and in consequence sought every
opportunity to mortify us. It is true that the passengers had some
reason to reproach themselves; they were not free from blame; but he
had been the aggressor; and nothing could excuse the act of cruelty
and barbarity of which he was guilty, in intending to leave us upon
those barren rocks of the Falkland isles, where we must inevitably
have perished. This lot was reserved for us, but for the bold
interference of Mr. R. Stuart, whose uncle was of our party, and who,
seeing that the captain, far from waiting for us, coolly continued
his course, threatened to {49} blow his brains out unless he hove to
and took us on board.
We pursued our course, bearing S. S. W., and on the 14th, in latitude
54° 1′ longitude 64° 13′, we found bottom at sixty-five fathoms, and
saw a sail to the south. On the 15th, in the morning, we discovered
before us the high mountains of _Terra del Fuego_, which we continued
to see till evening: the weather then thickened, and we lost sight
of them. We encountered a furious storm which drove us to the 56th
degree and 18′ of latitude. On the 18th, we were only fifteen leagues
from Cape Horn. A dead calm followed, but the current carried us
within sight of the cape, five or six leagues distant. This cape,
which forms the southern extremity of the American continent, has
always been an object of terror to the navigators who have to pass
from one sea to the other; several of whom to avoid doubling it,
have exposed themselves to the long and dangerous passage of the
straits of Magellan, especially when about entering the Pacific
ocean. When we saw ourselves under {50} the stupendous rocks of the
cape, we felt no other desire but to get away from them as soon as
possible, so little agreeable were those rocks to the view, even in
the case of people who had been some months at sea! And by the help
of a land breeze we succeeded in gaining an offing. While becalmed
here, we measured the velocity of the current setting east, which we
found to be about three miles an hour.
The wind soon changed again to the S. S. W., and blew a gale. We had
to beat. We passed in sight of the islands of Diego Ramirez, and saw
a large schooner under their lee. The distance that we had run from
New York, was about 9,165 miles. We had frightful weather till the
24th, when we found ourselves in 58° 16′ of south latitude. Although
it was the height of summer in that hemisphere, and the days as long
as they are at Quebec on the 21st of June (we could read on deck
at midnight without artificial light), the cold was nevertheless
very great and the air very humid: the mercury for several days was
but fourteen degrees {51} above freezing point, by Fahrenheit’s
thermometer. If such is the temperature in these latitudes at the
end of December, corresponding to our June, what must it be in the
shortest days of the year, and where can the Patagonians then take
refuge, and the inhabitants of the islands so improperly named the
Land of Fire!
The wind, which till the 24th had been contrary, hauled round to the
south, and we ran westward. The next day being Christmas, we had
the satisfaction to learn by our noon-day observation that we had
weathered the cape, and were, consequently, now in the Pacific ocean.
Up to that date we had but one man attacked with scurvy, a malady
to which those who make long voyages are subject, and which is
occasioned by the constant use of salt provisions, by the humidity of
the vessel, and the inaction.
From the 25th of December till the 1st of January, we were favored
with a fair wind and ran eighteen degrees to the north in that short
space of time. Though cold yet, the weather was nevertheless very
agreeable. On the 17th, in latitude {52} 10° S., and longitude 110°
50′ W., we took several _bonitas_, an excellent fish. We passed
the equator on the 23d, in 128° 14′ of west longitude. A great
many porpoises came round the vessel. On the 25th arose a tempest
which lasted till the 28th. The wind then shifted to the E. S. E.
and carried us two hundred and twenty-four miles on our course in
twenty-four hours. Then we had several days of contrary winds; on
the 8th of February it hauled to the S. E., and on the 11th we saw
the peak of a mountain covered with snow, which the first mate, who
was familiar with these seas, told me was the summit of _Mona-Roah_,
a high mountain on the island of _Ohehy_, one of those which the
circumnavigator Cook named the Sandwich Isles, and where he met his
death in 1779.[21] We headed to the land all day, and although we
made eight or nine knots an hour, it was not till evening that we
were near enough to distinguish the huts of the islanders: which is
sufficient to prove the prodigious elevation of _Mona Roah_ above the
level of the sea.
[21] The Hawaiian Islands were first discovered by the
Spanish in the sixteenth century; but no use was
made of the discovery, therefore Captain Cook is
justly accredited with this honor. He first sighted
Oahu January 18, 1778, and after remaining about
two weeks sailed for the north. In November of the
same year he returned and wintered on the island
of Hawaii. The natives at first regarded him as a
god, and paid him divine honors. His exactions,
however, bore heavily upon their resources; and
when he attempted to seize one of their chiefs he
was killed (February 14, 1779) in the struggle that
ensued. Cook named the islands for his patron, Lord
Sandwich, but the official name is now Hawaii. This
is the word which Franchère writes “Ohehy”--the
native language lacking consonant sounds, and not
being reduced to alphabetical writing until after
the coming of the missionaries (1820). Mauna Loa
(Mona-Roah) is an active volcano on the island of
Hawaii, 13,675 feet in altitude.--ED.
{53} CHAPTER IV
Accident--View of the Coast--Attempted Visit of the Natives--Their
Industry--Bay of Karaka-koua--Landing on the Island--John Young,
Governor of Owahee.
We were ranging along the coast with the aid of a fine breeze, when
the boy Perrault, who had mounted the forerigging to enjoy the
scenery, lost his hold, and being to windward where the shrouds were
taut, rebounded from them like a ball some twenty feet from the
ship’s side into the ocean. We perceived his fall and threw over to
him chairs, barrels, benches, hen-coops, in a word everything we
could lay hands on; then the captain gave the orders to heave to;
in the twinkling of an eye the lashings of one of the quarter-boats
were cut apart, the boat lowered and manned: by this time the boy was
considerably a-stern. He would have been lost undoubtedly {54} but
for a wide pair of canvass overalls full of tar and grease, which
operated like a life-preserver. His head, however, was under when he
was picked up, and he was brought on board lifeless, about a quarter
of an hour after he fell into the sea. We succeeded, notwithstanding,
in a short time, in bringing him to, and in a few hours he was able
to run upon the deck.
The coast of the island, viewed from the sea, offers the most
picturesque _coup d’œil_, and the loveliest prospect; from the beach
to the mountains the land rises amphitheatrically, all along which
is a border of lower country covered with cocoa-trees and bananas,
through the thick foliage whereof you perceive the huts of the
islanders; the valleys which divide the hills that lie beyond appear
well cultivated, and the mountains themselves, though extremely high,
are covered with wood to their summits, except those few peaks which
glitter with perpetual snow.
As we ran along the coast, some canoes left the beach and came
alongside, with vegetables and cocoa-nuts; but as we wished to profit
by {55} the breeze to gain the anchorage, we did not think fit to
stop. We coasted along during a part of the night; but a calm came
on which lasted till the morrow. As we were opposite the bay of
Karaka-koua, the natives came out again, in greater numbers, bringing
us cabbages, yams, _taro_, bananas, bread-fruit, water-melons,
poultry, &c., for which we traded in the way of exchange. Toward
evening, by the aid of a sea breeze that rose as day declined, we got
inside the harbor where we anchored on a coral bottom in fourteen
fathoms water.
The next day the islanders visited the vessel in great numbers all
day long, bringing, as on the day before, fruits, vegetables, and
some pigs, in exchange for which we gave them glass beads, iron
rings, needles, cotton cloth, &c.
Some of our gentlemen went ashore and were astonished to find a
native occupied in building a small sloop of about thirty tons: the
tools of which he made use consisted of a half worn-out axe, an adze,
about two-inch blade, made out of a paring chisel, a saw, and an
iron rod which he {56} heated red hot and made it serve the purpose
of an auger. It required no little patience and dexterity to achieve
anything with such instruments: he was apparently not deficient in
these qualities, for his work was tolerably well advanced. Our people
took him on board with them, and we supplied him with suitable tools,
for which he appeared extremely grateful.
On the 14th, in the morning, while the ship’s carpenter was engaged
in replacing one of the cat-heads, two composition sheaves fell into
the sea; as we had no others on board, the captain proposed to the
islanders, who are excellent swimmers, to dive for them, promising a
reward; and immediately two offered themselves. They plunged several
times, and each time brought up shells as a proof that they had been
to the bottom. We had the curiosity to hold our watches while they
dove, and were astonished to find that they remained four minutes
under the water. That exertion appeared to me, however, to fatigue
them a great deal, to such a degree that the blood streamed from
their nostrils and ears. {57} At last one of them brought up the
sheaves and received the promised recompense, which consisted of four
yards of cotton.
Karaka-koua bay where we lay, may be three quarters of a mile deep,
and a mile and a half wide at the entrance: the latter is formed
by two low points of rock which appear to have run down from the
mountains in the form of lava, after a volcanic eruption. On each
point is situated a village of moderate size; that is to say, a
small group of the low huts of the islanders. The bottom of the bay
terminates in a bold _escarpment_ of rock, some four hundred feet
high, on the top of which is seen a solitary cocoa-tree.
On the evening of the 14th, I went ashore with some other passengers,
and we landed at the group of cabins on the western point, of those
which I have described. The inhabitants entertained us with a dance
executed by nineteen young women and one man, all singing together,
and in pretty good time. An old man showed us the spot where Captain
Cook was killed, on the 14th of February, 1779, with the cocoa-nut
{58} trees pierced by the balls from the boats which the unfortunate
navigator commanded.[22] This old man, whether it were feigned or
real sensibility, seemed extremely affected and even shed tears, in
showing us these objects. As for me, I could not help finding it a
little singular to be thus, by mere chance, upon this spot, on the
14th of February, 1811; that is to say, thirty-two years after, on
the anniversary of the catastrophe which has rendered it for ever
celebrated. I drew no sinister augury from the coincidence, however,
and returned to the ship with my companions as gay as I left it.
When I say with my companions, I ought to except the boatswain, John
Anderson, who, having had several altercations with the captain on
the passage, now deserted the ship, preferring to live with the
natives rather than obey any longer so uncourteous a superior. A
sailor also deserted; but the islanders brought him back, at the
request of the captain. They offered to bring back Anderson, but the
captain preferred leaving him behind.
{59} We found no good water near Karaka-koua bay: what the natives
brought us in gourds was brackish. We were also in great want of
fresh meat, but could not obtain it: the king of these islands having
expressly forbidden his subjects to supply any to the vessels which
touched there. One of the chiefs sent a canoe to Tohehigh bay, to get
from the governor of the island, who resided there, permission to
sell us some pigs. The messengers returned the next day, and brought
us a letter, in which the governor ordered us to proceed without
delay to the isle of Wahoo, where the king lives; assuring us that we
should there find good water and everything else we needed.
We got under way on the 16th, and with a light wind coasted the
island as far as Tohehigh bay.[23] The wind then dropping away
entirely, the captain, accompanied by Messrs. M’Kay and M’Dougall,
went ashore, to pay a visit to the governor aforesaid. He was not
a native, but a Scotchman named John Young, who came hither some
years after the death of Captain Cook. {60} This man had married a
native woman, and had so gained the friendship and confidence of the
king, as to be raised to the rank of chief and after the conquest of
Wahoo by King Tamehameha, was made governor of Owhyhee (Hawaii) the
most considerable of the Sandwich Islands, both by its extent and
population.[24] His excellency explained to our gentlemen the reason
why the king had interdicted the trade in hogs to the inhabitants
of all the islands: this reason being that his majesty wished to
reserve to himself the monopoly of that branch of commerce, for the
augmentation of his royal revenue by its exclusive profits. The
governor also informed them that no rain had fallen on the south
part of Hawaii for three years; which explained why we found so
little fresh water: he added that the north part of the island was
more fertile than the south, where we were: but that there was no
good anchorage: that part of the coast being defended by sunken
rocks which form heavy breakers. In fine, the governor dismissed
our gentlemen with a present of four fine fat hogs; and we, {61}
in return, sent him some tea, coffee, and chocolate, and a keg of
Madeira wine.
The night was nearly a perfect calm, and on the 17th we found
ourselves abreast of _Mona-Wororayea_ a snowcapped mountain, like
_Mona-Roah_, but which appeared to me less lofty than the latter. A
number of islanders came to visit us as before, with some objects
of curiosity, and some small fresh fish. The wind rising on the
18th, we soon passed the western extremity of Hawaii, and sailed by
Mowhee and Tahooraha,[25] two more islands of this group, and said
to be, like the rest, thickly inhabited. The first presents a highly
picturesque aspect, being composed of hills rising in the shape of
a sugar loaf and completely covered with cocoa-nut and bread-fruit
trees.
At last, on the 21st, we approached Wahoo, and came to anchor
opposite the bay of _Ohetity_, outside the bar, at a distance of some
two miles from the land.
[22] This bay is on the southwestern coast of the island
of Hawaii, and is now called Kealakekua. A monument
has been erected where Cook fell.--ED.
[23] This is the port now known as Kailua (Kihola)
Bay. It was a royal residence, and is now one of
the principal landings for the coasting trade,
gaining in importance with the growth of the coffee
industry.--ED.
[24] Among the first American vessels to visit Hawaii
(1789) was the “Eleanor,” Captain Metcalf
commanding. In revenge for theft, this officer
fired upon a large number of natives who had come
out to trade, killing nearly one hundred of them.
In retaliation the natives seized his smaller boat,
the “Fair American,” massacring all of the crew but
two, one of whom was John Young, the boatswain of
the “Eleanor.” Young remained with the Hawaiians,
was made a chief, and became one of the trusted
councillors of King Kamehameha I. Upon his advice
the fort at the entrance to Honolulu harbor was
built (1815-16). Queen Emma, wife of Kamehameha IV,
was Young’s grand-daughter.--ED.
[25] The mountain was probably Hualalai, 8,273 feet above
sea-level. The two islands are those now called Maui
and Kahoolawe.--ED.
{62} CHAPTER V
Bay of Ohetity--Tamehameha, King of the Islands--His Visit to the
Ship--His Capital--His Naval Force--His Authority--Productions
of the Country--Manners and Customs--Reflections.
There is no good anchorage in the bay of Ohetity, inside the bar or
coral reef: the holding-ground is bad: so that, in case of a storm,
the safety of the ship would have been endangered. Moreover, with a
contrary wind, it would have been difficult to get out of the inner
harbor; for which reasons, our captain preferred to remain in the
road.[26] For the rest, the country surrounding the bay is even more
lovely in aspect than that of Karaka-koua; the mountains rise to a
less elevation in the back-ground, and the soil has an appearance of
greater fertility.
_Tamehameha_, whom all the Sandwich Isles {63} obeyed when we were
there in 1811, was neither the son nor the relative of Tierroboo,
who reigned in Owhyhee (Hawaii) in 1779, when Captain Cook and some
of his people were massacred. He was, at that date, but a chief of
moderate power; but, being skilful, intriguing, and full of ambition,
he succeeded in gaining a numerous party, and finally possessed
himself of the sovereignty. As soon as he saw himself master of
Owhyhee, his native island, he meditated the conquest of the leeward
islands, and in a few years he accomplished it. He even passed into
_Atouay_, the most remote of all, and vanquished the ruler of it,
but contented himself with imposing on him an annual tribute. He
had fixed his residence at Wahoo, because of all the Sandwich Isles
it was the most fertile, the most picturesque--in a word, the most
worthy of the residence of the sovereign.[27]
As soon as we arrived, we were visited by a canoe manned by three
white men, Davis and Wadsworth, Americans, and Manini, a Spaniard.
The last offered to be our interpreter during {64} our stay; which
was agreed to. Tamehameha presently sent to us his prime-minister,
_Kraimoku_, to whom the Americans have given the name of _Pitt_, on
account of his skill in the affairs of government.[28] Our captain,
accompanied by some of our gentlemen, went ashore immediately, to
be presented to Tamehameha. About four o’clock, P. M., we saw them
returning, accompanied by a double pirogue conveying the king and his
suite. We ran up our colors, and received his majesty with a salute
of four guns.
Tamehameha was above the middle height, well made, robust and
inclined to corpulency, and had a majestic carriage. He appeared to
me from fifty to sixty years old. He was clothed in the European
style, and wore a sword. He walked a long time on the deck, asking
explanations in regard to those things which he had not seen on
other vessels, and which were found on ours. A thing which appeared
to surprise him, was to see that we could render the water of the
sea fresh, by means of the still attached to our caboose; he could
not imagine how that could {65} be done. We invited him into the
cabin, and, having regaled him with some glasses of wine, began to
talk of business matters: we offered him merchandise in exchange
for hogs, but were not able to conclude the bargain that day. His
majesty re-embarked in his double pirogue, at about six o’clock
in the evening. It was manned by twenty-four men. A great chest,
containing firearms, was lashed over the centre of the two canoes
forming the pirogue; and it was there that Tamehameha sat, with his
prime-minister at his side.
In the morning, on the 22d, we sent our water-casks ashore and filled
them with excellent water. At about noon his sable majesty paid
us another visit, accompanied by his three wives and his favorite
minister. These females were of an extraordinary corpulence, and of
unmeasured size. They were dressed in the fashion of the country,
having nothing but a piece of _tapa_, or bark-cloth, about two yards
long, passed round the hips and falling to the knees. We resumed the
negotiations of the day before, and were {66} more successful. I
remarked that when the bargain was concluded, he insisted with great
pertinacity that part of the payment should be in Spanish dollars. We
asked the reason, and he made answer that he wished to buy a frigate
of his brother, King George, meaning the king of England. The bargain
concluded, we prayed his majesty and his suite to dine with us; they
consented, and toward evening retired, apparently well satisfied with
their visit and our reception of them.
In the meantime, the natives surrounded the ship in great numbers,
with hundreds of canoes, offering us their goods, in the shape of
eatables and the rude manufactures of the island, in exchange for
merchandise; but, as they had also brought intoxicating liquors in
gourds, some of the crew got drunk; the captain was, consequently,
obliged to suspend the trade, and forbade any one to traffic with the
islanders, except through the first-mate, who was intrusted with that
business.
I landed on the 22d, with Messrs. Pillet and {67} M’Gillis: we passed
the night ashore, spending that day and the next morning in rambling
over the environs of the bay, followed by a crowd of men, women, and
children.
Ohetity, where Tamehameha resides, and which, consequently, may be
regarded as the capital of his kingdom, is--or at least was at that
time--a moderate-sized city, or rather a large village. Besides the
private houses, of which there were perhaps two hundred, constructed
of poles planted in the ground and covered over with matting, there
were the royal palace, which was not magnificent by any means: a
public store, of two stories, one of stone and the other of wood;
two _morais_, or idol temples, and a wharf. At the latter we found
an old vessel, the _Lady Bird_, which some American navigators had
given in exchange for a schooner; it was the only large vessel which
King Tamehameha possessed; and, besides, was worth nothing. As
for schooners he had forty of them, of from twenty to thirty tons
burthen: these vessels served to transport the tributes in kind
paid by his vassals in the other {68} islands. Before the Europeans
arrived among these savages, the latter had no means of communication
between one isle and another, but their canoes, and as some of the
islands are not in sight of each other, these voyages must have been
dangerous. Near the palace I found an Indian from Bombay, occupied
in making a twelve inch cable, for the use of the ship which I have
described.
Tamehameha kept constantly round his house a guard of twenty-four
men. These soldiers wore, by way of uniform, a long blue coat with
yellow; and each was armed with a musket. In front of the house, on
an open square, were placed fourteen four-pounders, mounted on their
carriages.
The king was absolute, and judged in person the differences between
his subjects. We had an opportunity of witnessing a proof of it,
the day after our landing. A Portuguese having had a quarrel with
a native, who was intoxicated, struck him: immediately the friends
of the latter, who had been the aggressor after all, gathered in
a crowd to beat down the poor foreigner with {69} stones; he fled
as fast as he could to the house of the king, followed by a mob of
enraged natives, who nevertheless stopped at some distance from the
guards, while the Portuguese, all breathless, crouched in a corner.
We were on the esplanade in front of the palace royal, and curiosity
to see the trial led us into the presence of his majesty, who having
caused the quarrel to be explained to him, and heard the witnesses
on both sides, condemned the native to work four days in the garden
of the Portuguese and to give him a hog. A young Frenchman from
Bordeaux, preceptor of the king’s sons, whom he taught to read, and
who understood the language, acted as interpreter to the Portuguese,
and explained to us the sentence. I can not say whether our presence
influenced the decision, or whether, under other circumstances, the
Portuguese would have been less favorably treated. We were given
to understand that Tamehameha was pleased to see whites establish
themselves in his dominions, but that he esteemed only people with
some useful trade, and despised idlers, and especially drunkards.
{70} We saw at Wahoo about thirty of these white inhabitants,
for the most part, people of no character, and who had remained
on the islands either from indolence, or from drunkenness and
licentiousness. Some had taken wives in the country, in which case
the king gave them a portion of land to cultivate for themselves.
But two of the worst sort had found means to procure a small still,
wherewith they manufactured rum and supplied it to the natives.[29]
The first navigators found only four sorts of quadrupeds on the
Sandwich islands:--dogs, swine, lizards, and rats. Since then sheep
have been carried there, goats, horned cattle, and even horses, and
these animals have multiplied.
The chief vegetable productions of these isles are the sugar cane,
the bread-fruit tree, the banana, the water-melon, the musk-melon,
the _taro_, the _ava_, the _pandanus_, the mulberry, &c. The
bread-fruit tree is about the size of a large apple-tree; the
fruit resembles an apple and is about twelve or fourteen inches in
circumference; the rind is thick and rough like a melon: when {71}
cut transversely it is found to be full of sacs, like the inside of
an orange; the pulp has the consistence of water-melon, and is cooked
before it is eaten. We saw orchards of bread-fruit trees and bananas,
and fields of sugar-cane, back of Ohetity.
The _taro_ grows in low situations, and demands a great deal of
care. It is not unlike a white turnip,[30] and as it constitutes
the principal food of the natives, it is not to be wondered at that
they bestow so much attention on its culture. Wherever a spring of
pure water is found issuing out of the side of a hill, the gardener
marks out on the declivity the size of the field he intends to plant.
The ground is levelled and surrounded with a mud or stone wall, not
exceeding eighteen inches in height, and having a flood gate above
and below. Into this enclosure the water of the spring is conducted,
or is suffered to escape from it, according to the dryness of the
season. When the root has acquired a sufficient size it is pulled up
for immediate use. This esculent {72} is very bad to eat raw, but
boiled it is better than the yam. Cut in slices, dried, pounded and
reduced to a farina, it forms with bread-fruit the principal food of
the natives. Sometimes they boil it to the consistence of porridge,
which they put into gourds and allow to ferment; it will then keep a
long time. They also use to mix with it, fish, which they commonly
eat raw with the addition of a little salt, obtained by evaporation.
The _ava_ is a plant more injurious than useful to the inhabitants of
these isles; since they only make use of it to obtain a dangerous and
intoxicating drink, which they also call _ava_. The mode of preparing
this beverage is as follows: they chew the root, and spit out the
result into a basin; the juice thus expressed is exposed to the sun
to undergo fermentation; after which they decant it into a gourd; it
is then fit for use, and they drink it on occasions to intoxication.
The too frequent use of this disgusting liquor causes loss of sight,
and a sort of leprosy, which can only be cured by abstaining from it,
and by {73} bathing frequently in the water of the sea. This leprosy
turns their skin white: we saw several of the lepers, who were also
blind, or nearly so.[31] The natives are also fond of smoking: the
tobacco grows in the islands, but I believe it has been introduced
from abroad. The bark of the mulberry furnishes the cloth worn by
both sexes; of the leaves of the _pandanus_ they make mats. They have
also a kind of wax-nut, about the size of a dried plum of which they
make candles by running a stick through several of them. Lighted at
one end, they burn like a wax taper, and are the only light they use
in their huts at night.
The men are generally well made and tall: they wear for their entire
clothing what they call a _maro_; it is a piece of figured or white
tapa, two yards long and a foot wide, which they pass round the loins
and between the legs, tying the ends in a knot over the left hip. At
first sight I thought they were painted red, but soon perceived that
it was the natural color of their skin. The women wear a petticoat
of the same stuff as the _maro_, but wider and longer, without, {74}
however, reaching below the knees. They have sufficiently regular
features, and but for the color, may pass, generally speaking, for
handsome women. Some to heighten their charms, dye their black hair
(cut short for the purpose) with quick lime, forming round the head
a strip of pure white, which disfigures them monstrously. Others
among the young wear a more becoming garland of flowers. For other
traits, they are very lascivious, and far from observing a modest
reserve, especially toward strangers. In regard to articles of mere
ornament, I was told that they were not the same in all the island.
I did not see them, either, clothed in their war dresses, or habits
of ceremony. But I had an opportunity to see them paint or print
their _tapa_, or bark cloth, an occupation in which they employ a
great deal of care and patience. The pigments they use are derived
from vegetable juices, prepared with the oil of the cocoa-nut. Their
pencils are little reeds or canes of bamboo, at the extremity of
which they carve out divers sorts of flowers. First they tinge the
cloth they mean {75} to print, yellow, green, or some other color
which forms the ground: then they draw upon it perfectly straight
lines, without any other guide but the eye; lastly they dip the ends
of the bamboo sticks in paint of a different tint from the ground,
and apply them between the dark or bright bars thus formed. This
cloth resembles a good deal our calicoes and printed cottons; the
oils with which it is impregnated renders it impervious to water. It
is said that the natives of _Atowy_ excel all the other islanders in
the art of painting the tapa.
The Sandwich-islanders live in villages of one or two hundred houses
arranged without symmetry, or rather grouped together in complete
defiance of it. These houses are constructed (as I have before
said) of posts driven in the ground, covered with long dry grass,
and walled with matting; the thatched roof gives them a sort of
resemblance to our Canadian barns or granges. The length of each
house varies according to the number of the family which occupies
it: they are not smoky like the wigwams of our Indians, the {76}
fireplace being always outside in the open air, where all the cooking
is performed. Hence their dwellings are very clean and neat inside.
Their pirogues or canoes are extremely light and neat: those which
are single have an outrigger, consisting of two curved pieces of
timber lashed across the bows, and touching the water at the distance
of five or six feet from the side; another piece, turned up at each
extremity, is tied to the end and drags in the water, on which it
acts like a skating iron on the ice, and by its weight keeps the
canoe in equilibrium: without that contrivance they would infallibly
upset. Their paddles are long, with a very broad blade. All these
canoes carry a lateen, or sprit-sail, which is made of a mat of grass
or leaves, extremely well woven.
I did not remain long enough with these people to acquire very
extensive and exact notions of their religion: I know that they
recognise a Supreme Being, whom they call _Etoway_, and a number of
inferior divinities. Each village has one or more _morais_. These
morais are enclosures {77} which served for cemeteries; in the middle
is a temple, where the priests alone have a right to enter: they
contain several idols of wood, rudely sculptured. At the feet of
these images are deposited, and left to putrify, the offerings of the
people, consisting of dogs, pigs, fowls, vegetables, &c. The respect
of these savages for their priests extends almost to adoration;
they regard their persons as sacred, and feel the greatest scruple
in touching the objects, or going near the places, which they have
declared _taboo_ or forbidden. The _taboo_ has often been useful to
European navigators, by freeing them from the importunities of the
crowd.[32]
In our rambles we met groups playing at different games. That of
draughts appeared the most common. The checkerboard is very simple,
the squares being marked on the ground with a sharp stick: the men
are merely shells or pebbles. The game was different from that played
in civilized countries, so that we could not understand it.
Although nature has done almost everything {78} for the inhabitants
of the Sandwich islands--though they enjoy a perpetual spring, a
clear sky, a salubrious climate, and scarcely any labor is required
to produce the necessaries of life--they can not be regarded
as generally happy: the artisans and producers, whom they call
_Tootoos_, are nearly in the same situation as the Helots among
the Lacedemonians, condemned to labor almost incessantly for their
lord or _Eris_, without hope of bettering their condition, and
even restricted in the choice of their daily food.[33] How has it
happened that among a people yet barbarous, where knowledge is
nearly equally distributed, the class which is beyond comparison the
most numerous has voluntarily submitted to such a humiliating and
oppressive yoke? The Tartars, though infinitely less numerous than
the Chinese, have subjected them, because the former were warlike
and the latter were not. The same thing has happened, no doubt, at
remote {79} periods, in Poland, and other regions of Europe and Asia.
If moral causes are joined to physical ones, the superiority of one
caste and the inferiority of the other will be still more marked; it
is known that the natives of Hispaniola, when they saw the Spaniards
arrive on their coast, in vessels of an astonishing size to their
apprehensions, and heard them imitate the thunder with their cannon,
took them for beings of a superior nature to their own. Supposing
that this island had been extremely remote from every other country,
and that the Spaniards, after conquering it, had held no further
communication with any civilized land, at the end of a century or two
the language and the manners would have assimilated, but there would
have been two castes, one of lords, enjoying all the advantages, the
other of serfs, charged with all the burdens. This theory seems to
have been realized anciently in Hindostan; but if we must credit the
tradition of the Sandwich-islanders, their country was originally
peopled by a man and woman, who came to Owyhee in a canoe.[34]
Unless, then, they {80} mean that this man and woman came with their
slaves, and that the _Eris_ are descended from the first, and the
_Tootoos_ from the last, they ought to attribute to each other the
same origin, and consequently regard each other as equals, and even
as brothers, according to the manner of thinking that prevails among
savages. The cause of the slavery of women among most barbarous
tribes, is more easily explained: the men have subjected them by the
right of the strongest, if ignorance and superstition have not caused
them to be previously regarded as beings of an inferior nature, made
to be servants and not companions.[35]
[26] Franchère is here describing the harbor of Honolulu,
discovered and surveyed by an English ship under
Captain Brown (1794). The harbor has been much
improved since then, and may now be entered by
vessels of thirty feet draught.--ED.
[27] This is a brief description of the career of the
remarkable Kamehameha I, occasionally called the
“Napoleon of the Pacific.” Before his reign the
islands were in a semi-feudal state, each with its
own chief and lesser vassals. Kamehameha (born about
1736) was chieftain of a portion of Hawaii, and
after the death of Kalaniopuu (called Tereoboo, by
Cook) he took advantage of a disputed succession,
and by means of a sanguinary war of nearly nine
years (1782-91) made himself master of the island
of Hawaii. Aided by European arms and advice, he
gradually subjugated the neighboring islands; the
great battle of Nuuanu Valley in 1795 putting him
in final possession of Oahu (Wahoo). Later (1803),
the lord of Kauai (Atouay) submitted to Kamehameha,
who thus became absolute king of the entire island
group. He remained at Oahu until 1813, when he
returned to his native Hawaii, where he died in
May, 1819. Kamehameha was a man of great force of
character, and his reign was the beginning of law
and order in the Hawaiian archipelago. He appointed
subordinate governors in each island, instituted a
regular system of taxation or tribute, made some
progress in enforcing justice, and ruled with the
sway of a benevolent despot.--ED.
[28] Isaac Davis was one of the crew saved from the
massacre of the American vessel in 1789 (see note
24, _ante_). He had become a trusted councillor of
the king, and his influence upon the islanders was
beneficial. He died (April, 1810) shortly after this
visit of the “Tonquin.”
Don Francisco Marin (Manini) de Paula arrived in the
islands in 1791, and lived therein for forty years,
growing rich on the profits of his large plantation
in Oahu, and his services as ship-carpenter, mason,
physician, and interpreter to the king. He taught
the natives agricultural methods that proved
valuable.
Although of humble origin, Kalaimoku rose to the chief
rank in the kingdom, because of his great abilities.
Originally, he had fought against Kamehameha I, but
after yielding submission proved a loyal servitor.
Europeans called him “Billy Pitt,” because of his
position as prime minister. By the natives he was
known as the “iron cable of Hawaii.” He was one
of the two regents of the kingdom at the death
of Kamehameha I, and that of his son (1825). He
welcomed and supported the missionaries, and became
an adherent of Christianity. His death in 1827
caused great sorrow, and his house, the finest upon
the islands, was demolished in his honor.--ED.
[29] At this time there were said to be sixty white
people upon the islands, most of them of abandoned
and degraded character. The men who established
the still were convicts escaped from Botany Bay.
The vices they introduced, and the accompanying
drunkenness, have done much to decrease the native
population of the islands.--ED.
[30] Bougainville calls it “Calf-foot root.”--FRANCHÈRE.
[31] The lepers have now been segregated in two villages
on the island of Molokai. The missionary work
among them, of the Reverend Father Damien, has
been much extolled, particularly by Robert Louis
Stevenson.--ED.
[32] The singular custom of “taboo” was broken after
the death of Kamehameha I, and this paved the way
for the introduction of Christianity. For a brief
account of the native religion and temple worship,
see Blackman, _Making of Hawaii_ (New York, 1899),
pp. 31-44.--ED.
[33] The _Tootoos_ and all the women, the wives of the
king and principal chiefs excepted, are eternally
condemned to the use of fruits and vegetables; dogs
and pigs being exclusively reserved for the table of
the _Eris_.--FRANCHÈRE.
[34] This tradition of their migration is shared with
the people of Eastern Oceania; and together with
similarities in language, customs, etc., indicates
identity of origin. See Blackman, _Making of
Hawaii_, pp. 3-5.--ED.
[35] Some Indian tribes think that women have no souls,
but die altogether like the brutes; others assign
them a different paradise from that of men, which
indeed they might have reason to prefer for
themselves, unless their relative condition were to
be ameliorated in the next world.--FRANCHÈRE.
{81} CHAPTER VI
Departure from Wahoo--Storm--Arrival at the Mouth of the
Columbia--Reckless Order of the Captain--Difficulty of the
Entrance--Perilous Situation of the Ship--Unhappy Fate of a part
of the Crew and People of the Expedition.
Having taken on board a hundred head of live hogs, some goats, two
sheep, a quantity of poultry, two boatloads of sugar-cane, to feed
the hogs, as many more of yams, taro, and other vegetables, and all
our water-casks being snugly stowed, we weighed anchor on the 28th of
February, sixteen days after our arrival at Karaka-koua.
We left another man (Edward Aymes) at Wahoo. He belonged to a boat’s
crew which was sent ashore for a load of sugar-canes. By the time
the boat was loaded by the natives the ebb of the tide had left her
aground, and Aymes {82} asked leave of the coxswain to take a stroll,
engaging to be back for the flood. Leave was granted him, but during
his absence, the tide having come in sufficiently to float the boat,
James Thorn, the coxswain, did not wait for the young sailor, who was
thus left behind. The captain immediately missed the man, and, on
being informed that he had strolled away from the boat on leave, flew
into a violent passion. Aymes soon made his appearance alongside,
having hired some natives to take him on board; on perceiving him,
the captain ordered him to stay in the long-boat, then lashed to
the side with its load of sugar-cane. The captain then himself got
into the boat, and, taking one of the canes, beat the poor fellow
most unmercifully with it; after which, not satisfied with this act
of brutality, he seized his victim and threw him overboard! Aymes,
however, being an excellent swimmer, made for the nearest native
canoe, of which there were, as usual, a great number around the ship.
The islanders, more humane than our captain, took in the poor fellow,
who, {83} in spite of his entreaties to be received on board, could
only succeed in getting his clothes, which were thrown into the
canoe. At parting, he told Captain Thorn that he knew enough of the
laws of his country, to obtain redress, should they ever meet in the
territory of the American Union.
While we were getting under sail, Mr. M’Kay pointed out to the
captain that there was one water-cask empty, and proposed sending
it ashore to be filled, as the great number of live animals we had
on board required a large quantity of fresh water. The captain, who
feared that some of the men would desert if he sent them ashore,
made an observation to that effect in answer to Mr. M’Kay, who then
proposed sending me on a canoe which lay alongside, to fill the cask
in question: this was agreed to by the captain, and I took the cask
accordingly to the nearest spring. Having filled it, not without some
difficulty, the islanders seeking to detain me, and I perceiving that
they had given me some gourds full of salt water, I was forced also
to demand a double pirogue (for the canoe which had brought the {84}
empty cask, was found inadequate to carry a full one), the ship being
already under full sail and gaining an offing. As the natives would
not lend a hand to procure what I wanted, I thought it necessary
to have recourse to the king, and in fact did so. For seeing the
vessel so far at sea, with what I knew of the captain’s disposition,
I began to fear that he had formed the plan of leaving me on the
island. My fears, nevertheless were ill-founded; the vessel made a
tack toward the shore, to my great joy; and a double pirogue was
furnished me, through the good offices of our young friend the French
school-master, to return on board with my cask.
Our deck was now as much encumbered as when we left New York; for we
had been obliged to place our live animals at the gangways, and to
board over their pens, on which it was necessary to pass, to work
ship. Our own numbers were also augmented; for we had taken a dozen
islanders for the service of our intended commercial establishment.
Their term of engagement was three years, during which we were to
{85} feed and clothe them, and at its expiration they were to receive
a hundred dollars in merchandise. The captain had shipped another
dozen as hands on the coasting voyage. These people, who make very
good sailors, were eager to be taken into employment, and we might
easily have carried off a much greater number.
We had contrary winds till the 2d of March, when, having doubled the
western extremity of the island, we made northing, and lost sight of
these smiling and temperate countries, to enter very soon a colder
region and less worthy of being inhabited. The winds were variable,
and nothing extraordinary happened to us till the 16th, when, being
arrived at the latitude of 35° 11′ north, and in 138° 16′ of west
longitude, the wind shifted all of a sudden to the S. S. W., and
blew with such violence, that we were forced to strike top-gallant
masts and top-sails, and run before the gale with a double reef in
our foresail. The rolling of the vessel was greater than in all the
gales we had experienced previously. Nevertheless, as we made great
headway, and were {86} approaching the continent, the captain, by
way of precaution, lay to for two nights successively. At last, on
the 22d, in the morning, we saw the land. Although we had not been
able to take any observations for several days, nevertheless, by the
appearance of the coast, we perceived that we were near the mouth of
the river Columbia, and were not more than three miles from land. The
breakers formed by the bar at the entrance of that river, and which
we could distinguish from the ship, left us no room to doubt that we
had arrived at last at the end of our voyage.
The wind was blowing in heavy squalls, and the sea ran very high:
in spite of that, the captain caused a boat to be lowered, and Mr.
Fox (first mate), Basile Lapensee, Ignace Lapensee, Jos. Nadeau, and
John Martin, got into her, taking some provisions and firearms, with
orders to sound the channel and report themselves on board as soon
as possible. The boat was not even supplied with a good sail, or a
mast, but one of the partners gave Mr. Fox a pair of bed sheets to
serve for the former. Messrs. M’Kay {87} and M’Dougall could not help
remonstrating with the captain on the imprudence of sending the boat
ashore in such weather; but they could not move his obstinacy. The
boat’s crew pulled away from the ship; alas! we were never to see her
again; and we already had a foreboding of her fate. The next day the
wind seemed to moderate, and we approached very near the coast. The
entrance of the river, which we plainly distinguished with the naked
eye, appeared but a confused and agitated sea: the waves, impelled by
a wind from the offing, broke upon the bar, and left no perceptible
passage. We got no sign of the boat; and toward evening, for our own
safety, we hauled off to sea, with all countenances extremely sad,
not excepting the captain’s, who appeared to me as much afflicted as
the rest, and who had reason to be so. During the night, the wind
fell, the clouds dispersed, and the sky became serene. On the morning
of the 24th, we found that the current had carried us near the coast
again, and we dropped anchor in fourteen fathoms water, north of Cape
Disappointment.[36] {88} The _coup d’œil_ is not so smiling by a
great deal at this anchorage, as at the Sandwich islands, the coast
offering little to the eye but a continuous range of high mountains
covered with snow.
[Illustration: Entrance of the Columbia River
Ship Tonquin crossing the bar, 25th March, 1811]
Although it was calm, the sea continued to break over the reef with
violence, between Cape Disappointment and Point Adams.[37] We sent
Mr. Mumford (the second mate) to sound a passage; but having found
the breakers too heavy, he returned on board about mid-day. Messrs.
M’Kay and D. Stuart offered their services to go ashore, to search
for the boat’s crew who left on the 22d; but they could not find a
place to land. They saw Indians, who made signs to them to pull round
the cape, but they deemed it more prudent to return to the vessel.
Soon after their return, a gentle breeze sprang up from the westward,
we raised anchor, and approached the entrance of the river. Mr.
Aikin was then despatched in the pinnace, accompanied by John Coles
(sailmaker), Stephen Weeks (armorer), and two Sandwich-islanders;
and we followed under easy {89} sail. Another boat had been sent
out before this one, but the captain judging that she bore too far
south, made her a signal to return. Mr. Aikin not finding less than
four fathoms, we followed him and advanced between the breakers,
with a favorable wind, so that we passed the boat on our starboard,
within pistol-shot. We made signs to her to return on board, but
she could not accomplish it; the ebb tide carried her with such
rapidity that in a few minutes we had lost sight of her amidst the
tremendous breakers that surrounded us. It was near nightfall, the
wind began to give way, and the water was so low with the ebb, that
we struck six or seven times with violence: the breakers broke over
the ship and threatened to submerge her. At last we passed from two
and three quarters fathoms of water to seven, where we were obliged
to drop anchor, the wind having entirely failed us. We were far,
however, from being out of danger, and the darkness came to add to
the horror of our situation: our vessel, though at anchor, threatened
to be carried away every moment by the tide; the best bower was {90}
let go, and it kept two men at the wheel to hold her head in the
right direction. However, Providence came to our succor: the flood
succeeded to the ebb, and the wind rising out of the offing, we
weighed both anchors, in spite of the obscurity of the night, and
succeeded in gaining a little bay or cove, formed at the entrance of
the river by Cape Disappointment, and called _Baker’s Bay_, where we
found a good anchorage.[38] It was about midnight, and all retired to
take a little rest: the crew, above all, had great need of it. We
were fortunate to be in a place of safety, for the wind rose higher
and higher during the rest of the night, and on the morning of the
25th allowed us to see that this ocean is not always pacific.
Some natives visited us this day, bringing with them beaver-skins;
but the inquietude caused in our minds by the loss of two boats’
crews, for whom we wished to make search, did not permit us to think
of traffic. We tried to make the savages comprehend, by signs, that
we had sent a boat ashore three days previous, and that we had no
news of her; but they seemed not to {91} understand us. The captain,
accompanied by some of our gentlemen, landed, and they set themselves
to search for our missing people, in the woods, and along the shore
N. W. of the cape. After a few hours we saw the captain return with
Weeks, one of the crew of the last boat sent out. He was stark naked,
and after being clothed, and receiving some nourishment, gave us
an account of his almost miraculous escape from the waves on the
preceding night, in nearly the following terms:--
“After you had passed our boat,” said he, “the breakers caused by the
meeting of the wind roll and ebb-tide, became a great deal heavier
than when we entered the river with the flood. The boat, for want
of a rudder, became very hard to manage, and we let her drift at
the mercy of the tide, till, after having escaped several surges,
one struck us midship and capsized us. I lost sight of Mr. Aiken
and John Coles: but the two islanders were close by me; I saw them
stripping off their clothes, and I followed their example; and seeing
the pinnace within {92} my reach, keel upward, I seized it; the two
natives came to my assistance; we righted her, and by sudden jerks
threw out so much of the water that she would hold a man: one of the
natives jumped in, and, bailing with his two hands, succeeded in a
short time in emptying her. The other native found the oars, and
about dark we were all three embarked. The tide having now carried
us outside the breakers, I endeavored to persuade my companions in
misfortune to row, but they were so benumbed with cold that they
absolutely refused. I well knew that without clothing, and exposed
to the rigor of the air, I must keep in constant exercise. Seeing
besides that the night was advancing, and having no resource but the
little strength left me, I set to work sculling, and pushed off the
bar, but so as not to be carried out too far to sea. About midnight,
one of my companions died: the other threw himself upon the body of
his comrade, and I could not persuade him to abandon it. Daylight
appeared at last; and, being near the shore, I headed in for it, and
{93} arrived, thank God, safe and sound, through the breakers, on a
sandy beach. I helped the islander, who yet gave some signs of life,
to get out of the boat, and we both took to the woods; but, seeing
that he was not able to follow me, I left him to his bad fortune,
and, pursuing a beaten path that I perceived, I found myself, to my
great astonishment, in the course of a few hours, near the vessel.”
The gentlemen who went ashore with the captain divided themselves
into three parties, to search for the native whom Weeks had left at
the entrance of the forest; but, after scouring the woods and the
point of the cape all day, they came on board in the evening without
having found him.
[36] Cape Disappointment was so named by Captain John
Meares, who explored this coast in 1788. Having
the charts of the Spaniard Heceta, who in 1775 had
named this point Cape St. Roque, and mentioned the
evidences of a great river, Meares was disappointed
in not finding a safe harbor; he entirely overlooked
the river’s mouth, naming the inlet Deception Bay.
Many of Meares’s names have persisted on the map of
the Northwest Coast.--ED.
[37] Vancouver thus describes (1792) this cape: “Point
Adams is a low, narrow, sandy spit of land,
projecting northerly into the ocean, and lies from
Cape Disappointment S. 44 E. about four miles
distant.” The name was given by Captain Gray (see
note 1, _ante_), who likewise named the northern
headland “Point Hancock.” This latter title
Vancouver ignored in favor of the older term,
Cape Disappointment. Vancouver’s usage fixed the
terminology.--ED.
[38] Baker’s Bay was named by Vancouver’s lieutenant in
honor of Captain Baker of the American brig “Jenny,”
which, upon his return from exploring the river, he
found at anchor within this bay. The name was also
intended to indicate that the American discoveries
were confined to the shallow bays at the mouth of
the river, and that the prior exploration of the
river itself should be accorded to the English.
Lewis and Clark called the bay “Haley’s,” after a
favorite trader with the Indians; while Sergeant
Gass, of the same expedition, called it “Rogue’s
Harbor,” because of the knavery of neighboring
Indians.--ED.
{94} CHAPTER VII
Regrets of the Author at the Loss of his Companions--Obsequies of a
Sandwich Islander--First steps in the Formation of the intended
Establishment--New Alarm--Encampment.
The narrative of Weeks informed us of the death of three of our
companions, and we could not doubt that the five others had met a
similar fate. This loss of eight of our number, in two days, before
we had set foot on shore, was a bad augury, and was sensibly felt
by all of us. In the course of so long a passage, the habit of
seeing each other every day, the participation of the same cares
and dangers, and confinement to the same narrow limits, had formed
between all the passengers a connection that could not be broken,
above all in a manner so sad and so unlooked for, without making us
feel a void like that {95} which is experienced in a well-regulated
and loving family, when it is suddenly deprived by death, of the
presence of one of its cherished members. We had left New York,
for the most part strangers to one another; but arrived at the
river Columbia we were all friends, and regarded each other almost
as brothers. We regretted especially the two brothers Lapensée
and Joseph Nadeau: these young men had been in an especial manner
recommended by their respectable parents in Canada to the care of
Mr. M’Kay; and had acquired by their good conduct the esteem of
the captain, of the crew, and of all the passengers. The brothers
Lapensée were courageous and willing, never flinching in the hour
of danger, and had become as good seamen as any on board. Messrs.
Fox and Aikin were both highly regarded by all; the loss of Mr. Fox,
above all, who was endeared to every one by his gentlemanly behavior
and affability, would have been severely regretted at any time, but
it was doubly so in the present conjuncture: this gentleman, who had
already made a voyage to the {96} Northwest, could have rendered
important services to the captain and to the company. The preceding
days had been days of apprehension and of uneasiness; this was one of
sorrow and mourning.
The following day, the same gentlemen who had volunteered their
services to seek for the missing islander, resumed their labors, and
very soon after they left us, we perceived a great fire kindled at
the verge of the woods, over against the ship. I was sent in a boat
and arrived at the fire. It was our gentlemen who had kindled it, to
restore animation to the poor islander, whom they had at last found
under the rocks, half dead with cold and fatigue, his legs swollen
and his feet bleeding. We clothed him, and brought him on board,
where, by our care, we succeeded in restoring him to life.
Toward evening, a number of the Sandwich islanders, provided with the
necessary utensils, and offerings consisting of biscuit, lard, and
tobacco, went ashore, to pay the last duties to their compatriot, who
died in Mr. Aikin’s boat, on the {97} night of the 24th. Mr. Pillet
and I went with them, and witnessed the obsequies, which took place
in the manner following. Arrived at the spot where the body had been
hung upon a tree to preserve it from the wolves, the natives dug
a grave in the sand; then taking down the body, and stretching it
alongside the pit, they placed the biscuit under one of the arms, a
piece of pork beneath the other, and the tobacco beneath the chin
and the genital parts. Thus provided for the journey to the other
world, the body was deposited in the grave and covered with sand
and stones. All the countrymen of the dead man then knelt on either
side of the grave, in a double row, with their faces to the east,
except one of them who officiated as priest; the latter went to the
margin of the sea, and having filled his hat with water, sprinkled
the two rows of islanders, and recited a sort of prayer, to which the
others responded, nearly as we do in the litanies. That prayer ended,
they rose and returned to the vessel, looking neither to the right
hand nor to the left. As every one of them appeared to me familiar
{98} with the part he performed, it is more than probable that
they observed, as far as circumstances permitted, the ceremonies
practised in their country on like occasions. We all returned on
board about sundown.
The next day, the 27th, desirous of clearing the gangways of the live
stock, we sent some men on shore to construct a pen, and soon after
landed about fifty hogs, committing them to the care of one of the
hands. On the 30th, the long boat was manned, armed and provisioned,
and the captain, with Messrs. M’Kay and D. Stuart, and some of the
clerks, embarked on it, to ascend the river and choose an eligible
spot for our trading establishment. Messrs. Ross and Pillet left at
the same time, to run down south, and try to obtain intelligence of
Mr. Fox and his crew. In the meantime, having reached some of the
goods most at hand, we commenced, with the natives who came every day
to the vessel, a trade for beaver-skins, and sea-otter stones.
Messrs. Ross and Pillet returned on board on the 1st of April,
without having learned anything {99} respecting Mr. Fox and his
party. They did not even perceive along the beach any vestiges
of the boat. The natives who occupy Point _Adams_, and who are
called _Clatsops_, received our young gentlemen very amicably and
hospitably.[39] The captain and his companions also returned on the
4th, without having decided on a position for the establishment,
finding none which appeared to them eligible. It was consequently
resolved to explore the south bank, and Messrs. M’Dougal and D.
Stuart departed on that expedition the next day, promising to return
by the 7th.
The 7th came, and these gentlemen did not return. It rained almost
all day. The day after, some natives came on board, and reported
that Messrs. M’Dougal and Stuart had capsized the evening before in
crossing the bay. This news at first alarmed us; and, if it had been
verified, would have given the finishing blow to our discouragement.
Still, as the weather was excessively bad, and we did not repose
entire faith in the story of the natives--whom, moreover, we might
not have perfectly understood--{100} we remained in suspense till
the 10th. On the morning of that day, we were preparing to send some
of the people in search of our two gentlemen, when we perceived two
large canoes, full of Indians, coming toward the vessel: they were
of the _Chinook_ village,[40] which was situated at the foot of a
bluff on the north side of the river, and were bringing back Messrs.
M’Dougal and Stuart. We made known to these gentlemen the report we
had heard on the 8th from the natives, and they informed us that it
had been in fact well founded; that on the 7th, desirous of reaching
the ship agreeably to their promise, they had quitted _Chinook_
point, in spite of the remonstrances of the chief, _Comcomly_,[41]
who sought to detain them by pointing out the danger to which they
would expose themselves in crossing the bay in such a heavy sea as it
was; that they had scarcely made more than a mile and a half before
a huge wave broke over their boat and capsized it; that the Indians,
aware of the danger to which they were exposed, had followed them,
and that, but for their assistance, {101} Mr. M’Dougal, who could not
swim, would inevitably have been drowned; that, after the Chinooks
had kindled a large fire and dried their clothes, they had been
conducted by them back to their village, where the principal chief
had received them with all imaginable hospitality, regaling them with
every delicacy his wigwam afforded; that, in fine, if they had got
back safe and sound to the vessel, it was to the timely succor and
humane cares of the Indians whom we saw before us that they owed it.
We liberally rewarded these generous children of the forest, and they
returned home well satisfied.
This last survey was also fruitless, as Messrs. M’Dougal and Stuart
did not find an advantageous site to build upon. But, as the
captain wished to take advantage of the fine season to pursue his
traffic with the natives along the N. W. coast, it was resolved to
establish ourselves on Point _George_, situated on the south bank,
about fourteen or fifteen miles from our present anchorage.[42]
Accordingly, we embarked on the 12th, in the long-boat, to the number
of {102} twelve, furnished with tools, and with provisions for a
week. We landed at the bottom of a small bay, where we formed a sort
of encampment. The spring, usually so tardy in this latitude, was
already far advanced; the foliage was budding, and the earth was
clothing itself with verdure; the weather was superb, and all nature
smiled. We imagined ourselves in the garden of Eden; the wild forests
seemed to us delightful groves, and the leaves transformed to
brilliant flowers. No doubt, the pleasure of finding ourselves at the
end of our voyage, and liberated from the ship, made things appear
to us a great deal more beautiful than they really were. Be that
as it may, we set ourselves to work with enthusiasm, and cleared,
in a few days, a point of land of its under-brush, and of the huge
trunks of pine-trees that covered it, which we rolled, half-burnt,
down the bank. The vessel came to moor near our encampment, and
the trade went on. The natives visited us constantly and in great
numbers; some to trade, others to gratify their curiosity, or to
purloin some little articles if they found {103} an opportunity. We
landed the frame timbers which we had brought, ready cut for the
purpose, in the vessel; and by the end of April, with the aid of the
ship-carpenters, John Weeks and Johann Koaster, we had laid the keel
of a coasting-schooner of about thirty tons.
[39] The Clatsop Indians were a tribe of the Lower
Chinook family, who occupied the northwestern
corner of the present state of Oregon, giving name
to a county and town. Lewis and Clark wintered
among this tribe (1805-06), giving their name to
the wintering-post. They reported that they found
but two hundred Clatsop--the remnant left from a
scourge of small-pox, by which they had been visited
some four years previous. The Clatsop tribe is now
extinct.--ED.
[40] Chinook was the appellation of a large stock of
Indians inhabiting for the most part the north bank
of the Columbia, from the mouth to the Dalles. The
Chinook proper lived on the point between Gray’s
Bay and the ocean. Lewis and Clark gave them a
bad reputation, and would not suffer them within
their fort. They estimated the number of these
unwelcome neighbors at about four hundred. They are
now practically extinct. The Chinook jargon was a
dialect invented for trading along the Northwest
Coast. It contained a number of Chinook words; but
was not their language, being only an invention of
the traders.--ED.
[41] For an account of the shrewd rascality of this
Chinook chief, see Ross, _Adventures_, vol vii of
our series. The marriage of Comcomly’s daughter with
McDougall, is characteristically related by Irving
in _Astoria_. An engraving of the tomb of this chief
is given in Wilkes, _Narrative of United States
Exploring Expedition during the years 1838-42_
(Philadelphia, 1849). Wilkes claims that the chief’s
skull was carried to Glasgow by a Hudson’s Bay
Company agent.--ED.
[42] Point George was thus named by Vancouver and
Broughton, in 1792. It is now known as Smith Point,
and is the site of the present town of Astoria. The
fort built by the Astorian expedition at this point
was transferred (as hereafter to be narrated) to the
North West Company. In December, 1813, the British
flag was raised, and the stockade re-christened Fort
George. In 1818 Captain Biddle and Commissioner
Prevost took formal re-possession in the name of the
United States; but no attempt was made to re-occupy
the post, which remained an English fur-trading
station. Upon the consolidation of the British
companies (1821), the main post was removed to
Vancouver and Fort George was abandoned (1824).
The modern Astoria was built up after American
occupation.--ED.
{104} CHAPTER VIII
Voyage up the River--Description of the Country--Meeting with
strange Indians.
The Indians having informed us that above certain rapids, there was
an establishment of white men, we doubted not that it was a trading
post of the Northwest Company;[43] and to make sure of it, we
procured a large canoe and a guide, and set out, on the 2d of May,
Messrs. M’Kay, R. Stuart, Montigny, and I, with a sufficient number
of hands. We first passed a lofty headland, that seemed at a distance
to be detached from the main, and to which we gave the name of
_Tongue Point_.[44] Here the river gains a width of some nine or ten
miles, and keeps it for about twelve miles up. The left bank, which
we were coasting, being concealed by little low islands, {105} we
encamped for the night on one of them, at the village of _Wahkaykum_,
to which our guide belonged.[45]
We continued our journey on the 3d: the river narrows considerably,
at about thirty miles from its mouth, and is obstructed with islands,
which are thickly covered with the willow, poplar, alder, and ash.
These islands are, without exception, uninhabited and uninhabitable,
being nothing but swamps, and entirely overflowed in the months
of June and July; as we understood from _Coalpo_, our guide, who
appeared to be an intelligent man.[46] In proportion as we advanced,
we saw the high mountains capped with snow, which form the chief and
majestic feature, though a stern one, of the banks of the Columbia
for some distance from its mouth, recede, and give place to a country
of moderate elevation, and rising amphitheatrically from the margin
of the stream. The river narrows to a mile or thereabouts; the forest
is less dense, and patches of green prairie are seen. We passed a
large village on the south bank, called _Kreluit_, above which is a
fine forest {106} of oaks;[47] and encamped for the night, on a low
point, at the foot of an isolated rock, about one hundred and fifty
feet high. This rock appeared to me remarkable on account of its
situation, reposing in the midst of a low and swampy ground, as if it
had been dropped from the clouds, and seeming to have no connection
with the neighboring mountains. On a cornice or shelving projection
about thirty feet from its base, the natives of the adjacent villages
deposit their dead, in canoes; and it is the same rock to which, for
this reason, Lieutenant Broughton gave the name of _Mount Coffin_.[48]
On the 4th, in the morning, we arrived at a large village of the same
name as that which we had passed the evening before, _Kreluit_, and
we landed to obtain information respecting a considerable stream,
which here discharges into the Columbia, and respecting its resources
for the hunter and trader in furs. It comes from the north, and is
called _Cowlitzk_ by the natives. Mr. M’Kay embarked with Mr. de
Montigny and two Indians, in a small canoe, to examine the {107}
course of this river, a certain distance up. On entering the stream,
they saw a great number of birds, which they took at first for
turkeys, so much they resembled them, but which were only a kind of
carrion eagles, vulgarly called _turkey-buzzards_. We were not a
little astonished to see Mr. de Montigny return on foot and alone; he
soon informed us of the reason: having ascended the _Kowlitzk_ about
a mile and a half, on rounding a bend of the stream, they suddenly
came in view of about twenty canoes, full of Indians, who had made
a rush upon them with the most frightful yells; the two natives and
the guide who conducted their little canoe, retreated with the utmost
precipitancy, but seeing that they would be overtaken, they stopped
short, and begged Mr. M’Kay to fire upon the approaching savages,
which he, being well acquainted with the Indian character from the
time he accompanied Sir Alexander M’Kenzie, and having met with
similar occurrences before, would by no means do; but displayed a
friendly sign to the astonished natives, and invited them to land for
{108} an amicable talk; to which they immediately assented. Mr. M’Kay
had sent Mr. de Montigny to procure some tobacco and a pipe, in order
to strike a peace with these barbarians. The latter then returned to
Mr. M’Kay, with the necessary articles, and in the evening the party
came back to our camp, which we had fixed between the villages. We
were then informed that the Indians whom Mr. M’Kay had met, were
at war with the _Kreluits_.[49] It was impossible, consequently,
to close our eyes all night; the natives passing and repassing
continually from one village to the other, making fearful cries, and
coming every minute to solicit us to discharge our firearms; all to
frighten their enemies, and let them see that they were on their
guard.
On the 5th, in the morning, we paid a visit to the hostile camp;
and those savages, who had never seen white men, regarded us with
curiosity and astonishment, lifting the legs of our trousers and
opening our shirts, to see if the skin of our bodies resembled
that of our faces and hands. We remained some time with them, to
make proposals {109} of peace; and having ascertained that this
warlike demonstration originated in a trifling offence on the part
of the _Kreluits_, we found them well disposed to arrange matters
in an amicable fashion. After having given them, therefore, some
looking-glasses, beads, knives, tobacco, and other trifles, we
quitted them and pursued our way.
Having passed a deserted village, and then several islands, we came
in sight of a noble mountain on the north, about twenty miles
distant, all covered with snow, contrasting remarkably with the dark
foliage of the forests at its base, and probably the same which was
seen by Broughton, and named by him _Mount St. Helen’s_.[50] We
pulled against a strong current all this day, and at evening our
guide made us enter a little river, on the bank of which we found
a good camping place, under a grove of oaks, and in the midst of
odoriferous wild flowers, where we passed a night more tranquil than
that which had preceded it.
On the morning of the 6th we ascended this small {110} stream, and
soon arrived at a large village called _Thlakalamah_, the chief
whereof, who was a young and handsome man, was called _Keasseno_,
and was a relative of our guide.[51] The situation of this village
is the most charming that can be, being built on the little river
that we had ascended, and indeed at its navigable head, being here
but a torrent with numerous cascades leaping from rock to rock in
their descent to the deep, limpid water, which then flows through a
beautiful prairie, enamelled with odorous flowers of all colors, and
studded with superb groves of oak. The freshness and beauty of this
spot, which Nature seemed to have taken pleasure in adorning and
enriching with her most precious gifts, contrasted, in a striking
manner, with the indigence and uncleanliness of its inhabitants; and
I regretted that it had not fallen to the lot of civilized men. I
was wrong no doubt: it is just that those should be most favored by
their common mother, who are least disposed to pervert her gifts, or
to give the preference to advantages which are factitious, and often
very frivolous. We quitted with regret {111} this charming spot,
and soon came to another large village, which our guide informed us
was called _Kathlapootle_, and was situated at the confluence of a
small stream, that seemed to flow down from the mountain covered
with snow, which we had seen the day before: this river is called
_Cowilkt_.[52] We coasted a pretty island, well timbered, and high
enough above the level of the Columbia to escape inundation in the
freshets, and arrived at two villages called _Maltnabah_. We then
passed the confluence of the river _Wallamat_, or _Willamet_, above
which the tide ceases to be felt in the Columbia.[53] Our guide
informed us that ascending this river about a day’s journey, there
was a considerable fall, beyond which the country abounded in deer,
elk, bear, beaver, and otter. But here, at the spot where we were,
the oaks and poplar which line both banks of the river, the green
and flowery prairies discerned through the trees, and the mountains
discovered in the distance, offer to the eye of the observer who
loves the beauties of simple nature, a prospect the most lovely and
{112} enchanting. We encamped for the night on the edge of one of
these fine prairies.
On the 7th we passed several low islands, and soon discovered _Mount
Hood_, a high mountain, capped with snow, so named by Lieutenant
Broughton; and _Mount Washington_, another snowy summit, so called
by Lewis and Clarke.[54] The prospect which the former had before
his eyes at this place, appeared to him so charming, that landing
upon a point, to take possession of the country in the name of King
George, he named it _Pointe Belle Vue_. At two o’clock we passed
_Point Vancouver_, the highest reached by Broughton.[55] The width of
the river diminishes considerably above this point, and we began very
soon to encounter shoals of sand and gravel; a sure indication that
we were nearing the rapids. We encamped that evening under a ledge of
rocks, descending almost to the water’s edge.
The next day, the 8th, we did not proceed far before we encountered
a very rapid current. Soon after, we saw a hut of Indians engaged
in fishing, where we stopped to breakfast. We {113} found here an
old blind man, who gave us a cordial reception. Our guide said that
he was a white man, and that his name was _Soto_. We learned from
the mouth of the old man himself, that he was the son of a Spaniard
who had been wrecked at the mouth of the river; that a part of
the crew on this occasion got safe ashore, but were all massacred
by the Clatsops, with the exception of four, who were spared and
who married native women; that these four Spaniards, of whom his
father was one, disgusted with the savage life, attempted to reach a
settlement of their own nation toward the south, but had never been
heard of since; and that when his father, with his companions, left
the country, he himself was yet quite young.[56] These good people
having regaled us with fresh salmon, we left them, and arrived very
soon at a rapid, opposite an island, named _Strawberry Island_ by
Captains Lewis and {114} Clarke, in 1806. We left our men at a large
village, to take care of the canoe and baggage; and following our
guide, after walking about two hours, in a beaten path, we came to
the foot of the fall, where we amused ourselves for some time with
shooting the seals, which were here in abundance, and in watching the
Indians taking salmon below the cataract, in their scoop-nets, from
stages erected for that purpose over the eddies. A chief, a young man
of fine person and a good mien, came to us, followed by some twenty
others, and invited us to his wigwam: we accompanied him, had roasted
salmon for supper, and some mats were spread for our night’s repose.
The next morning, having ascertained that there was no trading post
near the Falls, and Coalpo absolutely refusing to proceed further,
alleging that the natives of the villages beyond were his enemies,
and would not fail to kill him if they had him in their power, we
decided to return to the encampment. Having, therefore, distributed
some presents to our host (I mean the young chief with whom we had
supped and lodged) {115} and to some of his followers, and procured
a supply of fresh salmon for the return voyage, we re-embarked and
reached the camp on the 14th, without accidents or incidents worth
relating.
[43] For a brief account of the formation of the North
West Company, see Preface to J. Long’s _Voyages_,
vol. ii of our series.--ED.
[44] In 1792, Broughton named this promontory Tongue
Point. Lewis and Clark called it Point William, in
honor of the latter explorer. The North West Company
built a subsidiary post here in 1814.--ED.
[45] The Wahkiacum were a tribe first named and described
by Lewis and Clark. They were a branch of the Upper
Chinook, named from one of their chiefs, but now
have no separate existence. Their village was in
the county of Wahkiacum, in the present state of
Washington.--ED.
[46] Coalpo (Calloph) was a Clatsop chief, who had many
dealings with the Astorians and their British
successors. See Coues’s edition, _Henry-Thompson
Journals_ (New York, 1897), _index_.--ED.
[47] Kreluit was Franchère’s spelling for the Indians
designated by Lewis and Clark as Skilloots. They
were a Chinookan tribe, occupying both banks of the
river, and acting as middlemen in trade between
the tribes of the Upper Columbia and those at the
mouth of that river. Lewis and Clark represent them
as superior in intelligence and probity to their
kindred the Wahkiacum.--ED.
[48] Mount Coffin, noted by all early travellers in this
region, is a well-known landmark in Cowlitz County,
Washington, just below the Cowlitz River.--ED.
[49] A party of Cowlitz Indians, no doubt, from whom the
river takes its name. They were a large and powerful
Salishan tribe, less in touch with traders than the
Skilloots (Kreluits). Cowlitz River is an important
northern tributary of the Columbia, through whose
valley the Washington branch of the Northern Pacific
Railway now passes.--ED.
[50] Mount St. Helens (altitude, 9,750 feet), one of the
Cascade Mountains in Washington, was sighted by
Vancouver’s expedition in May, 1792, and named the
following October in honor of Lord St. Helens, then
the British ambassador at Madrid.--ED.
[51] Keasseno (Cassino) was a brother-in-law of Coalpo,
and spoken of by Henry as “chief of the Willamette
tribe.” Two years later, Franchère found him upon
the Willamette River. It would appear that the
village where Franchère’s party now visited him was
upon the Kalama River, a stream in Cowlitz County,
Washington upon which there are cascades some two
miles above the mouth.--ED.
[52] Lewis and Clark speak of the Cathlapotle (Kathlapootle)
Indians as along this northern bank of the Columbia.
They were a tribe of Upper Chinook, and their habitat
was the Washington River, now called Lewis, which
separates Cowlitz County from that of Clark. The
aboriginal name for this river is doubtful. Franchère
appears to be the only one to give the form Cowilkt.--ED.
[53] The Multnomah Indians, whose name is said to signify
“down river,” occupied the region about the mouth
of the Willamette. They were of Chinookan origin,
and divided into a number of smaller tribes. The
villages passed by Franchère were upon Wappato (now
Sauvie) Island. The river Willamette (sometimes
called, also, the Multnomah) was first explored by
Clark on his return journey in 1806. In the valley
of this river grew up the first permanent settlement
in the present state of Oregon.--ED.
[54] Mount Hood (11,225 feet), of the Cascade Range,
lies south of the Columbia in Wasco County, Oregon.
It was seen (October 29, 1792) by Lieutenant
Broughton, who “honoured it with Lord Hood’s name;
its appearance was magnificent; and it was clothed
in snow from its summit as low down as the high
land, by which it was intercepted, permitted it to
be visible.” Lord Hood, later Lord Bridport, was
an English admiral. Lewis and Clark first called
this the “Falls or Timm Mountain;” later, they
recognized its identity with Broughton’s Mount Hood.
Franchère’s “Mount Washington” is in reality Mount
Jefferson.--ED.
[55] Pointe Belle Vue has not positively been identified.
Apparently it was just above the mouth of the
Willamette, on the southwest bank of the Columbia.
Point Vancouver was not at the site of the later
Fort Vancouver, but nearly twenty miles farther up
the river, on the north bank, just above the mouth
of Sandy River.--ED.
[56] These facts, if they were authenticated, would prove
that the Spaniards were the first who discovered
the mouth of the Columbia. It is certain that long
before the voyages of Captains Gray and Vancouver,
they knew at least a part of the course of that
river, which was designated in their maps under the
name of _Oregon_.--FRANCHÈRE.
{116} CHAPTER IX
Departure of the Tonquin--Indian Messengers--Project of
an Expedition to the Interior--Arrival of Mr. Daniel
Thompson--Departure of the Expedition--Designs upon us by the
Natives--Rumors of the Destruction of the Tonquin--Scarcity of
Provisions--Narrative of a strange Indian--Duplicity and Cunning
of Comcomly.
Having built a warehouse (62 feet by 20) to put under cover the
articles we were to receive from the ship, we were busily occupied,
from the 16th to the 30th, in stowing away the goods and other
effects intended for the establishment.
The ship, which had been detained by circumstances, much longer than
had been anticipated, left her anchorage at last, on the 1st of June,
and dropped down to Baker’s bay, there to wait for a favorable wind
to get out of the river. As she was to coast along the north, and
enter all the harbors, in order to procure as many furs as {117}
possible, and to touch at the Columbia river before she finally
left these seas for the United States, it was unanimously resolved
among the partners, that Mr. M’Kay should join the cruise, as well
to aid the captain, as to obtain correct information in regard to
the commerce with the natives on that coast. Mr. M’Kay selected
Messrs. J. Lewis and O. de Montigny to accompany him; but the latter
having represented that the sea made him sick, was excused; and Mr.
M’Kay shipped in his place a young man named Louis Bruslé, to serve
him in the capacity of domestic, being one of the young Canadian
sailors. I had the good fortune not to be chosen for this disastrous
voyage, thanks to my having made myself useful at the establishment.
Mr. Mumford (the second mate) owed the same happiness to the
incompatibility of his disposition with that of the captain; he had
permission to remain, and engaged with the company in place of Mr.
Aikin as coaster, and in command of the schooner.[57]
{118} On the 5th of June, the ship got out to sea, with a good wind.
We continued in the meantime to labor without intermission at the
completion of the storehouse, and in the erection of a dwelling for
ourselves, and a powder magazine. These buildings were constructed
of hewn logs, and, in the absence of boards, tightly covered and
roofed with cedar bark. The natives, of both sexes, visited us
more frequently, and formed a pretty considerable camp near the
establishment.
On the 15th, some natives from up the river, brought us two strange
Indians, a man and a woman. They were not attired like the savages
on the river Columbia, but wore long robes of dressed deer-skin,
with leggings and moccasins in the fashion of the tribes to the
east of the Rocky Mountains. We put questions to them in various
Indian dialects; but they did not understand us. They showed us a
letter addressed to {119} “_Mr. John Stuart, Fort Estekatadene, New
Caledonia_.”[58] Mr. Pillet then addressing them in the _Kristeneaux_
language, they answered, although they appeared not to understand it
perfectly.[59] Notwithstanding, we learned from them that they had
been sent by a Mr. Finnan M’Donald, a clerk in the service of the
Northwest Company, and who had a post on a river which they called
_Spokan_; that having lost their way, they had followed the course of
the _Tacousah-Tesseh_ (the Indian name of the Columbia), that when
they arrived at the Falls, the natives made them understand that
there were white men at the mouth of the river; and not doubting that
the person to whom the letter was addressed would be found there,
they had come to deliver it.[60]
We kept these messengers for some days, and having drawn from them
important information respecting the country in the interior, west
of the Mountains, we decided to send an expedition thither, under
the command of Mr. David Stuart; and the 15th July was fixed for its
departure.
All was in fact ready on the appointed day, {120} and we were about
to load the canoes, when toward midday, we saw a large canoe, with
a flag displayed at her stern, rounding the point which we called
TONGUE POINT. We knew not who it could be; for we did not so soon
expect our own party, who (as the reader will remember) were to cross
the continent, by the route which Captains Lewis and Clarke had
followed, in 1805, and to winter for that purpose somewhere on the
Missouri. We were soon relieved of our uncertainty by the arrival of
the canoe, which touched shore at a little wharf that we had built
to facilitate the landing of goods from the vessel. The flag she
bore was the British, and her crew was composed of eight Canadian
boatmen or _voyageurs_. A well-dressed man, who appeared to be the
commander, was the first to leap ashore, and addressing us without
ceremony, said that his name was David Thompson, and that he was one
of the partners of the Northwest Company.[61] We invited him to our
quarters, which were at one end of the warehouse, the dwelling-house
not being yet completed. After the usual civilities {121} had been
extended to our visitor, Mr. Thompson said that he had crossed the
continent during the preceding season; but that the desertion of
a portion of his men had compelled him to winter at the base of
the Rocky mountains, at the head waters of the Columbia. In the
spring he had built a canoe, the materials for which he had brought
with him across the mountains, and had come down the river to our
establishment. He added that the wintering partners had resolved to
abandon all their trading posts west of the mountains, not to enter
into competition with us, provided our company would engage not to
encroach upon their commerce on the east side: and to support what he
said, produced a letter to that effect, addressed by the wintering
partners to the chief of their house in Canada, the Hon. William
M’Gillivray.[62]
Mr. Thompson kept a regular journal, and travelled, I thought, more
like a geographer than a fur-trader. He was provided with a sextant,
chronometer and barometer, and during a week’s sojourn which he made
at our place, had an opportunity {122} to make several astronomical
observations. He recognised the two Indians who had brought the
letter addressed to Mr. J. Stuart, and told us that they were two
women, one of whom had dressed herself as a man, to travel with more
security. The description which he gave us of the interior of the
country was not calculated to give us a very favorable idea of it,
and did not perfectly accord with that of our two Indian guests.
We persevered, however, in the resolution we had taken, of sending
an expedition thither; and, on the 23d Mr. D. Stuart set out,
accompanied by Messrs. Pillet, Ross, M’Clellan and de Montigny, with
four Canadian _voyageurs_, and the two Indian women, and in company
with Mr. Thompson and his crew. The wind being favorable, the little
flotilla hoisted sail, and was soon out of our sight.[63]
{123} The natives, who till then had surrounded us in great numbers,
began to withdraw, and very soon we saw no more of them. At first
we attributed their absence to the want of furs to trade with; but
we soon learned that they acted in that manner from another motive.
One of the secondary chiefs who had formed a friendship for Mr.
R. Stuart, informed him, that seeing us reduced in number by the
expedition lately sent off, they had formed the design of surprising
us, to take our lives and plunder the post. We hastened, therefore,
to put ourselves in the best possible state of defence. The dwelling
house was raised, parallel to the warehouse; we cut a great quantity
of pickets in the forest, and formed a square, with palisades in
front and rear, of about 90 feet by 120; the warehouse, built on the
edge of a ravine, formed one flank, the dwelling house and shops the
other; with a little bastion {124} at each angle north and south, on
which were mounted four small cannon. The whole was finished in six
days, and had a sufficiently formidable aspect to deter the Indians
from attacking us; and for greater surety, we organized a guard for
day and night.
Toward the end of the month, a large assemblage of Indians from the
neighborhood of the straits _Juan de Fuca_, and _Gray’s Harbor_,
formed a great camp on Baker’s Bay, for the ostensible object of
fishing for sturgeon.[64] It was bruited among these Indians that
the Tonquin had been destroyed on the coast, and Mr. M’Kay (or the
chief trader, as they called him) and all the crew, massacred by the
natives. We did not give credence to this rumor. Some days after,
other Indians from Gray’s Harbor, called _Tchikeylis_,[65] confirmed
what the first had narrated, and even gave us, as far as we could
judge by the little we knew of their language, a very circumstantial
detail of the affair, so that without wholly convincing us, it did
not fail to make a painful impression on our minds, and keep us in
an excited state of {125} feeling as to the truth of the report. The
Indians of the Bay looked fiercer and more warlike than those of our
neighborhood; so we redoubled our vigilance, and performed a regular
daily drill to accustom ourselves to the use of arms.
To the necessity of securing ourselves against an attack on the part
of the natives, was joined that of obtaining a stock of provisions
for the winter: those which we had received from the vessel were very
quickly exhausted, and from the commencement of the month of July
we were forced to depend upon fish. Not having brought hunters with
us, we had to rely for venison, on the precarious hunt of one of
the natives who had not abandoned us when the rest of his countrymen
retired. This man brought us from time to time, a very lean and very
dry doe-elk, for which we had to pay, notwithstanding, very dear. The
ordinary price of a stag was a blanket, a knife, some tobacco, powder
and ball, besides supplying our hunter with a musket. This dry meat,
and smoke-dried fish, constituted our daily food, and that in very
insufficient quantity for hardworking {126} men. We had no bread, and
vegetables, of course, were quite out of the question. In a word our
fare was not sumptuous. Those who accommodated themselves best to our
mode of living were the Sandwich-islanders: salmon and elk were to
them exquisite viands.
On the 11th of August a number of Chinooks visited us, bringing
a strange Indian, who had, they said, something interesting to
communicate. This savage told us, in fact, that he had been engaged
with ten more of his countrymen, by a Captain _Ayres_, to hunt seals
on the islands in _Sir Francis Drake’s Bay_, where these animals
are very numerous, with a promise of being taken home and paid for
their services;[66] the captain had left them on the islands, to
go southwardly and purchase provisions, he said, of the Spaniards
of Monterey in California; but he had never returned: and they,
believing that he had been wrecked, had embarked in a skiff which he
had left them, and had reached the main land, from which they were
not far distant; but their skiff was shattered to pieces in the surf,
and they had {127} saved themselves by swimming. Believing that they
were not far from the river Columbia, they had followed the shore,
living, on the way, upon shellfish and frogs; at last they arrived
among strange Indians, who, far from receiving them kindly, had
killed eight of them and made the rest prisoners; but the _Klemooks_,
a neighboring tribe to the _Clatsops_, hearing that they were
captives, had ransomed them.[67]
These facts must have occurred in March or April, 1811. The Indian
who gave us an account of them, appeared to have a great deal of
intelligence and knew some words of the English language. He added
that he had been at the Russian trading post at _Chitka_,[68] that he
had visited the coast of California, the Sandwich islands, and even
China.
About this time, old Comcomly sent to _Astoria_ for Mr. Stuart
and me, to come and cure him of a swelled throat, which, he said,
afflicted him sorely. As it was late in the day, we postponed till
to-morrow going to cure the chief of the Chinooks; and it was well
we did; for, the same {128} evening, the wife of the Indian who had
accompanied us in our voyage to the Falls, sent us word that Comcomly
was perfectly well, the pretended _tonsilitis_ being only a pretext
to get us in his power. This timely advice kept us at home.
[57] This schooner was found too small for the purpose.
Mr. Astor had no idea of the dangers to be met at
the mouth of the Columbia, or he would have ordered
the frame of a vessel of at least one hundred tons.
The frames shipped in New York were used in the
construction of this one only, which was employed
solely in the river trade.--FRANCHÈRE.
[58] John Stuart was a well-known “Nor’Wester,” who was
in the Athabasca department as early as 1799. In
1803 he was with David Thompson on Peace River, and
from 1806-08 with Simon Fraser on his voyage of
discovery which resulted in the descent of Fraser
River. Stuart built a fort somewhere west of the
mountains, which he maintained until 1811. The
following year found him upon the Columbia, and he
made part of the North West force at Fort George
until 1814. Remaining in the employ of the company
at different stations until 1821, he then entered
the Hudson’s Bay service, and was their chief factor
at Little Slave Lake (1828). He finally returned to
England, where he died in 1846.--ED.
[59] For the Christinaux (Kristeneaux) Indians, see
J. Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii of our series, note
75.--ED.
[60] Finnan McDonald was chief clerk, under David
Thompson, (see following note), of the North West
Company at various places on the Saskatchewan, in
the Rocky Mountains, and upon the headwaters of the
Columbia (1806-12). See _Henry-Thompson Journals_.
Thompson and McDonald had several posts on the
upper waters of the Columbia--one on Lake Pend
d’Oreille, two on the Kootenay, and still another
on the Spokane. Fraser River was long known as the
Tacoutché Tessé; but as its upper reaches were at
first thought to be the Columbia, the misuse of
the name was common. The aboriginal name for the
Columbia has not been satisfactorily determined.--ED.
[61] David Thompson was one of the most interesting and
remarkable men of the fur-trading coterie. Born in
London in 1770, and educated at Christ’s Hospital,
he went to America (1789) as employé of the Hudson’s
Bay Company. He was greatly interested in science,
and during his extensive travels made meteorological
and astronomical observations. The company by whom
he was first employed discouraged geographical
pursuits; Thompson therefore went over to the North
West Company (1797) as affording more scope to his
talents. During the winter of 1797-98 he visited the
Mandan Indians, on the Missouri, and the following
summer explored the sources of the Mississippi. By
1801 he had pushed his explorations to the foot of
the Rocky Mountains, whither in 1806 he sought for
the waters of the Columbia. During the next four
years he collected furs and explored on the upper
Columbia, building several posts, and reaping a rich
harvest among tribes hitherto unexploited. After
his failure to seize the mouth of the Columbia for
the British, Thompson went back to his Columbia
posts, but finally abandoned the upper country in
1812. He lived in Lower Canada until his death in
1857, occupied in surveys for boundary lines, and
astronomical pursuits. His last years were spent in
poverty and neglect.--ED.
[62] William McGillivray was a “Nor’Wester” who had been
in the employ of that company from its formation,
and had served his apprenticeship in the field. In
1787-88 he was in charge of the post on English
River, and in 1790 became one of the wintering
partners. Upon the death of Simon McTavish,
McGillivray succeeded to the position of chief
agent of the house at Montreal, frequently coming
up to meet the “winterers” at the rendezvous at
Fort William (Grand Portage), which was named in
his honor. In 1821 he signed the agreements for
union with the Hudson’s Bay Company, and soon after
returned to Scotland, where he died about 1825.--ED.
[63] Mr. Thompson had no doubt been sent by the agents
of the Northwest Company, to take possession of an
eligible spot at the mouth of the Columbia, with
a view of forestalling the plan of Mr. Astor. He
would have been there before us, no doubt, but
for the desertion of his men. The consequence of
this step would have been his taking possession of
the country, and displaying the British flag, as
an emblem of that possession and a guarantee of
protection hereafter. He found himself too late,
however, and the stars and stripes floating over
_Astoria_. This note is not intended by the author
as an after-thought: as the opinion it conveys was
that which we all entertained at the time of that
gentleman’s visit.--FRANCHÈRE.
[64] The strait of Juan de Fuca, separating Washington
from Vancouver Island, was named from a Greek
navigator, in the Spanish service, who claimed as
early as 1592 to have found a large inlet on the
Northwest Coast in latitude 49°. The narrative of
his voyage was published in England in 1602, but is
now discredited by historians. The fact that a great
strait was found near this point by the English
navigator Barclay (1787), revived the old story
of Juan de Fuca’s discovery, and resulted in the
latter’s name being attached to the inlet. Gray’s
Harbor, upon the coast of Washington, was named by
Vancouver in honor of the American Captain Gray (see
note 1, _ante_); this bay must be distinguished from
Gray’s Bay, within the mouth of Columbia River.--ED.
[65] Chehalis (Tchikeylis, Shahalas) is a collective term
for the Salishan tribes of the coast of Washington,
where a large county takes this name. A few of
these Indians are still living upon the Puyallup
reservations, in Washington.--ED.
[66] This Captain Ayres was probably the same officer
who is reported (in 1814, in the sloop “Mercury”)
as engaged in kidnapping Indians as slaves, to sell
to the Russians at Sitka. See Lyman, _History of
Oregon_ (New York, 1903), ii, p. 289.
It is disputed by historians whether Sir Francis Drake,
in his voyage around the world (1577-80), entered
the harbor of San Francisco, or Bodega Bay lying
to the north. The evidence leans to the latter
view.--ED.
[67] The Tillamook (Klemook, Killamuck) Indians inhabited
the sea-coast south of the Columbia, within the
county now bearing their name. They were of the
great Salishan family, separated from their northern
kindred by the Chinook tribe. A few Tillamook
existed upon the Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon,
within recent years.--ED.
[68] Russian explorations of the Northwest Coast of
America began early in the eighteenth century,
under the lead of Vitus Bering. In 1781 a company
was formed to exploit the fur-trade; but because of
its cruelty to the natives this was dissolved, and
the Russian-American Company organized in 1799. The
headquarters of the latter were established at New
Archangel, or Sitka (Chitka), built 1799.--ED.
{129} CHAPTER X
Occupations at Astoria--Return of a Portion of the Men of the
Expedition to the Interior--New Expedition--Excursion in Search
of three Deserters.
On the 26th of September our house was finished, and we took
possession of it. The mason work had at first caused us some
difficulty; but at last, not being able to make lime for want of
lime-stones, we employed blue clay as a substitute for mortar. This
dwelling-house was sufficiently spacious to hold all our company, and
we had distributed it in the most convenient manner that we could. It
comprised a sitting, a dining room, some lodging or sleeping rooms,
and an apartment for the men and artificers, all under the same roof.
We also completed a shop for the blacksmith, who till that time had
worked in the open air.
{130} The schooner, the construction of which had necessarily
languished for want of an adequate force at the ship-yard, was
finally launched on the 2d of October, and named the _Dolly_, with
the formalities usual on such occasions. I was on that day at
_Young’s Bay_, where I saw the ruins of the quarters erected by
Captains Lewis and Clarke, in 1805-’06: they were but piles of rough,
unhewn logs, overgrown with parasite creepers.[69]
On the evening of the 5th, Messrs. Pillet and M’Lellan arrived, from
the party of Mr. David Stuart, in a canoe manned by two of his men.
They brought, as passengers, Mr. Régis Bruguier, whom I had known in
Canada as a respectable country merchant, and an Iroquois family. Mr.
Bruguier had been a trader among the Indians on the Saskatchewine
river, where he had lost his outfit: he had since turned trapper, and
had come into this region to hunt beaver, being provided with traps
and other needful implements.[70] The report which these gentlemen
gave of the interior was highly satisfactory: they had found {131}
the climate salubrious, and had been well received by the natives.
The latter possessed a great number of horses, and Mr. Stuart had
purchased several of these animals at a low price. Ascending the
river they had come to a pretty stream, which the natives called
_Okenakan_.[71] Mr. Stuart had resolved to establish his post on the
bank of this river, and having erected a log-house, he thought best
to send back the above named persons, retaining with him, for the
winter, only Messrs. Ross and de Montigny, and two men.[72]
Meanwhile, the season being come when the Indians quit the seashore
and the banks of the Columbia, to retire into the woods and establish
their winter quarters along the small streams and rivers, we began
to find ourselves short of provisions, having received no supplies
from them for some time. It was therefore determined that Mr. R.
Stuart should set out in the schooner with {132} Mr. Mumford, for
the threefold purpose, of obtaining all the provisions they could,
cutting oaken staves for the use of the cooper, and trading with the
Indians up the river. They left with this design on the 12th. At the
end of five days Mr. Mumford returned in a canoe of Indians. This man
having wished to assume the command, and to order (in the style of
Captain Thorn) the person who had engaged him to obey, had been sent
back in consequence to _Astoria_.
On the 10th of November we discovered that three of our people had
absconded, viz., P. D. Jeremie, and the two Belleaux. They had leave
to go out shooting for two days, and carried off with them firearms
and ammunition, and a handsome light Indian canoe. As soon as their
flight was known, having procured a large canoe of the Chinooks, we
embarked, Mr. Matthews[73] and I, with five natives, to pursue them,
with orders to proceed as far as the Falls, if necessary. On the
11th, having ascended the river to a place called _Oak Point_,[74] we
overtook the schooner lying at anchor, while Mr. Stuart was taking in
a load of {133} staves and hoop-poles. Mr. Farnham joined our party,
as well as one of the hands, and thus reinforced, we pursued our
way, journeying day and night, and stopping at every Indian village,
to make inquiries and offer a reward for the apprehension of our
runaways. Having reached the Falls without finding any trace of them,
and our provisions giving out, we retraced our steps, and arrived on
the 16th at Oak Point, which we found Mr. Stuart ready to quit.
Meanwhile, the natives of the vicinity informed us that they had seen
the marks of shoes imprinted on the sand, at the confluence of a
small stream in the neighborhood. We got three small canoes, carrying
two persons each, and having ascertained that the information was
correct, after searching the environs during a part of the 17th, we
ascended the small stream as far as some high lands which are seen
from Oak Point, and which lie about eight or nine miles south of it.
The space between these high lands and the ridge crowned with oaks on
the bank of the Columbia, is a low and swampy land, cut up by {134}
an infinity of little channels. Toward evening we returned on our
path, to regain the schooner; but instead of taking the circuitous
way of the river, by which we had come, we made for Oak Point by the
most direct route, through these channels; but night coming on, we
lost ourselves. Our situation became the most disagreeable that can
be imagined. Being unable to find a place where we could land, on
account of the morass, we were obliged to continue rowing, or rather
turning round, in this species of labyrinth, constantly kneeling
in our little canoes, which any unlucky movement would infallibly
have caused to upset. It rained in torrents and was dark as pitch.
At last, after having wandered about during a considerable part of
the night, we succeeded in gaining the edge of the mainland. Leaving
there our canoes, because we could not drag them (as we attempted)
through the forest, we crossed the woods in the darkness, tearing
ourselves with the brush, and reached the schooner, at about two in
the morning, benumbed with cold and exhausted with fatigue.
{135} The 18th was spent in getting in the remainder of the lading of
the little vessel, and on the morning of the 19th we raised anchor,
and dropped down abreast of the Kreluit village, where some of the
Indians offering to aid us in the search after our deserters, Mr.
Stuart put Mr. Farnham and me on shore to make another attempt. We
passed that day in drying our clothes, and the next day embarked in
a canoe, with one _Kreluit_ man and a squaw, and ascended the river
before described as entering the Columbia at this place. We soon met
a canoe of natives, who informed us that our runaways had been made
prisoners by the chief of a tribe which dwells upon the banks of the
Willamet river, and which they called _Cathlanaminim_. We kept on
and encamped on a beach of sand opposite _Deer island_.[75] There
we passed a night almost as disagreeable as that of the 17th-18th.
We had lighted a fire, and contrived a shelter of mats; but there
came on presently a violent gust of wind, accompanied with a heavy
rain: our fire was put out, our mats were carried away, and we could
{136} neither rekindle the one nor find the others: so that we had
to remain all night exposed to the fury of the storm. As soon as it
was day we re-embarked, and set ourselves to paddling with all our
might to warm ourselves. In the evening we arrived near the village
where our deserters were, and saw one of them on the skirts of it.
We proceeded to the hut of the chief, where we found all three,
more inclined to follow us than to remain as slaves among these
barbarians. We passed the night in the chief’s lodge, not without
some fear and some precaution; this chief having the reputation
of being a wicked man, and capable of violating the rights of
parties. He was a man of high stature and a good mien, and proud in
proportion, as we discovered by the chilling and haughty manner in
which he received us. Farnham and I agreed to keep watch alternately,
but this arrangement was superfluous, as neither of us could sleep a
wink for the infernal thumping and singing made by the medicine men
all night long, by a dying native. I had an opportunity of seeing the
sick man make his last will {137} and testament: having caused to be
brought to him whatever he had that was most precious, his bracelets
of copper, his bead necklace, his bow and arrows and quiver, his
nets, his lines, his spear, his pipe, &c., he distributed the whole
to his most intimate friends, with a promise on their part, to
restore them, if he recovered.
On the 22d, after a great deal of talk, and infinite quibbling on the
part of the chief, we agreed with him for the ransom of our men. I
had visited every lodge in the village and found but few of the young
men, the greater part having gone on a fishing excursion; knowing,
therefore, that the chief could not be supported by his warriors,
I was resolved not [to] be imposed upon, and as I knew where the
firearms of the fugitives had been deposited, I would have them
at all hazards; but we were obliged to give him all our blankets,
amounting to eight, a brass kettle, a hatchet, a small pistol, much
out of order, a powder-horn, and some rounds of ammunition: with
these articles placed in a pile before him, we demanded the men’s
clothing, the three fowling-pieces, and {138} their canoe, which
he had caused to be hidden in the woods. Nothing but our firmness
compelled him to accept the articles offered in exchange; but at
last, with great reluctance, he closed the bargain, and suffered us
to depart in the evening with the prisoners and the property.
We all five (including the three deserters) embarked in the large
canoe, leaving our Kreluit and his wife to follow in the other, and
proceeded as far as the Cowlitzk, where we camped. The next day, we
pursued our journey homeward, only stopping at the Kreluit village
to get some provisions, and soon entered the group of islands which
crowd the river above Gray’s bay. On one of these we stopped to amuse
ourselves with shooting some ducks, and meanwhile a smart breeze
springing up, we split open a double-rush mat (which had served as
a bag), to make a sail, and having cut a forked sapling for a mast,
shipped a few boulders to stay the foot of it, and spread our canvass
to the wind. We soon arrived in sight of Gray’s bay, at a distance
of fourteen or fifteen miles from our establishment. {139} We had,
notwithstanding, a long passage across, the river forming in this
place, as I have before observed, a sort of lake, by the recession
of its shores on either hand: but the wind was fair. We undertook,
then, to cross, and quitted the island, to enter the broad, lake-like
expanse, just as the sun was going down, hoping to reach Astoria in a
couple of hours.
We were not long before we repented of our temerity: for in a short
time the sky became overcast, the wind increased till it blew with
violence, and meeting with the tide, caused the waves to rise
prodigiously, which broke over our wretched canoe, and filled it with
water. We lightened it as much as we could, by throwing overboard
the little baggage we had left, and I set the men to baling with
our remaining brass kettle. At last, after having been, for three
hours, the sport of the raging billows, and threatened every instant
with being swallowed up, we had the unexpected happiness of landing
in a cove on the north shore of the river. Our first care was to
thank the Almighty for having delivered us {140} from so imminent a
danger. Then, when we had secured the canoe, and groped our way to
the forest, where we made, with branches of trees, a shelter against
the wind--still continuing to blow with violence, and kindled a great
fire to warm us and dry our clothes. That did not prevent us from
shivering the rest of the night, even in congratulating ourselves
on the happiness of setting our foot on shore at the moment when we
began quite to despair of saving ourselves at all.
The morning of the 24th brought with it a clear sky, but no abatement
in the violence of the wind, till toward evening, when we again
embarked, and arrived with our deserters at the establishment, where
they never expected to see us again. Some Indians who had followed
us in a canoe, up to the moment when we undertook the passage across
the evening before, had followed the southern shore, and making
the portage of the isthmus of Tongue Point, had happily arrived at
Astoria. These natives, not doubting that we were lost, so reported
us to Mr. M’Dougal; {141} accordingly that gentleman was equally
overjoyed and astonished at beholding us safely landed, which
procured, not only for us, but for the culprits, our companions, a
cordial and hearty reception.
[69] Young’s Bay was so named by Broughton (1792), in
honor of an English naval officer. Lewis and Clark
called this Meriwether Bay. Fort Clatsop, the
wintering post of these explorers, was situated
upon the Netul (now Lewis and Clark) River, about
six miles below the present Astoria. They occupied
this structure from December 24, 1805, to March
23, 1806. Upon their departure they presented
it to the Clatsop chief Cobaway (Comowool), who
lived in it the following winter. No traces of the
buildings are now to be found. For a drawing of the
plan of the fort, see Thwaites, “Newly Discovered
Personal Records of Lewis and Clark,” in _Scribner’s
Magazine_, June, 1904.--ED.
[70] Bruguier is a type of that interesting class
known as free trappers, who wandered through the
wilderness hunting, trapping, and trading on
their own account. Most of them were Canadians or
half-breeds.--ED.
[71] Fort Okanagan, built by David Stuart, became the
chief interior post of the Pacific Fur Company.
Stuart made several trips thither, and explored the
Okanagan River beyond. Upon the sale of Astoria,
Fort Okanagan likewise passed into the hands of the
North West Company, who found this so profitable a
site for a post that it became the chief deposit
station for the entire region. The Hudson’s Bay
Company maintained the place until 1859, when they
sold their Columbia posts to the Americans, and
withdrew north of the line. The fort was on the east
bank of the Okanagan River, just above its entrance
into the Columbia, within the present Okanogan
County, Washington.--ED.
[72] One of these men had been left with him by Mr.
Thompson, in exchange for a Sandwich-islander whom
that gentleman proposed to take to Canada, and
thence to England.--FRANCHÈRE.
[73] William W. Matthews enlisted in the Astorian
expedition in New York, and came out as one of
the clerks. He was a man of much enterprise and
activity. After the transfer of Astoria he enlisted
in the North West Company, married the daughter of
the Clatsop chief Cobaway; their daughter Ellen,
born in 1815, is the first recorded white child of
Oregon. Later, Matthews returned to New York, where
he died; his widow became the wife of Labonté. Ellen
Matthews was educated in the East, and married a
wealthy citizen of Montreal.--ED.
[74] Oak Point was a well-known landmark on the Columbia,
so named by Broughton (1792), who saw oaks at this
place. It was on the south bank of the river,
nearly opposite the upper end of Grim’s Island, in
Columbia County, Oregon. The present Oak Point is
nearly opposite, on the northern bank. For the first
settlement at this place, see note 94, _post_.--ED.
[75] This tribe of Indians was designated by Lewis and
Clark as Clannahminnamum, their village being
located upon Wappato (Sauvie) Island--this would,
however, place it upon one branch of the Willamette.
The tribe has been extinct since 1840. Deer Island
is in Columbia County, Oregon, not far below the
town of St. Helens. Lewis and Clark gave it this
name, which is a translation of the Indian name
Elallah, signifying deer.--ED.
{142} CHAPTER XI
Departure of Mr. R. Stuart for the Interior--Occupations at
Astoria--Arrival of Messrs. Donald M’Kenzie and Robert
M’Lellan--Account of their Journey--Arrival of Mr. Wilson P.
Hunt.
The natives having given us to understand that beaver was very
abundant in the country watered by the Willamet, Mr. R. Stuart
procured a guide, and set out, on the 5th of December, accompanied by
Messrs. Pillet and M’Gillis[76] and a few of the men, to ascend that
river and ascertain whether or no it would be advisable to establish
a trading-post on its banks. Mr. R. Bruguier accompanied them to
follow his pursuits as a trapper.
The season at which we expected the return of the Tonquin was now
past, and we began to regard as too probable the report of the
Indians of Gray’s Harbor. We still flattered ourselves, {143}
notwithstanding, with the hope that perhaps that vessel had sailed
for the East Indies, without touching at Astoria; but this was at
most a conjecture.
The 25th, Christmas-day, passed very agreeably: we treated the men,
on that day, with the best the establishment afforded. Although
that was no great affair, they seemed well satisfied; for they had
been restricted, during the last few months, to a very meagre diet,
living, as one may say, on sun-dried fish. On the 27th, the schooner
having returned from her second voyage up the river, we dismantled
her, and laid her up for the winter at the entrance of a small creek.
The weather, which had been raining, almost without interruption,
from the beginning of October, cleared up on the evening of the
31st; and the 1st January, 1812, brought us a clear and serene sky.
We proclaimed the new year with a discharge of artillery. A small
allowance of spirits was served to the men, and the day passed in
gayety, every one amusing himself as well as he could.
{144} The festival over, our people resumed their ordinary
occupations: while some cut timber for building, and others made
charcoal for the blacksmith, the carpenter constructed a barge, and
the cooper made barrels for the use of the posts we proposed to
establish in the interior. On the 18th, in the evening, two canoes
full of white men arrived at the establishment. Mr. M’Dougal, the
resident agent, being confined to his room by sickness, the duty
of receiving the strangers devolved on me. My astonishment was not
slight, when one of the party called me by name, as he extended his
hand, and I recognised Mr. Donald M’Kenzie, the same who had quitted
Montreal, with Mr. W. P. Hunt, in the month of July, 1810. He was
accompanied by a Mr. Robert M’Lellan, a partner, Mr. John Reed,
a clerk, and eight _voyageurs_, or boatmen. After having reposed
themselves a little from their fatigues, these gentlemen recounted
to us the history of their journey, of which the following is the
substance.[77]
Messrs. Hunt and M’Kenzie, quitting Canada, {145} proceeded by way of
Mackinac and St. Louis, and ascended the Missouri, in the autumn of
1810, to a place on that river called _Nadoway_, where they wintered.
Here they were joined by Mr. R. M’Lellan, by a Mr. Crooks, and a
Mr. Müller, traders with the Indians of the South, and all having
business relations with Mr. Astor.
In the spring of 1811, having procured two large keel-boats, they
ascended the Missouri to the country of the _Arikaras_, or Rice
Indians, where they disposed of their boats and a great part of their
luggage, to a Spanish trader, by name _Manuel Lisa_. Having purchased
of him, and among the Indians, 130 horses, they resumed their route,
in the beginning of August, to the number of some sixty-five persons,
to proceed across the mountains to the river Columbia. Wishing to
avoid the _Blackfeet_ Indians, a war-like and ferocious tribe, who
put to death all the strangers that fall into their hands, they
directed their course southwardly, until they arrived at the 40th
degree of latitude. Thence they turned {146} to the northwest, and
arrived, by-and-by, at an old fort, or trading post, on the banks
of a little river flowing west. This post, which was then deserted,
had been established, as they afterward learned, by a trader named
Henry. Our people, not doubting that this stream would conduct them
to the Columbia, and finding it navigable, constructed some canoes
to descend it. Having left some hunters (or trappers) near the old
fort, with Mr. Miller, who, dissatisfied with the expedition, was
resolved to return to the United States, the party embarked; but very
soon finding the river obstructed with rapids and water-falls, after
having upset some of the canoes, lost one man by drowning, and also a
part of their baggage, perceiving that the stream was impracticable,
they resolved to abandon their canoes and proceed on foot. The
enterprise was one of great difficulty, considering the small stock
of provisions they had left. Nevertheless, as there was no time to
lose in deliberation, after depositing in a _cache_ the superfluous
part of their baggage, they divided themselves into four companies,
{147} under the command of Messrs. M’Kenzie, Hunt, M’Lellan and
Crooks, and proceeded to follow the course of the stream, which they
named _Mad river_, on account of the insurmountable difficulties
it presented. Messrs. M’Kenzie and M’Lellan took the right bank,
and Messrs. Hunt and Crooks the left. They counted on arriving
very quickly at the Columbia; but they followed this Mad river for
twenty days, finding nothing at all to eat, and suffering horribly
from thirst. The rocks between which the river flows being so steep
and abrupt as to prevent their descending to quench their thirst
(so that even their dogs died of it), they suffered the torments
of Tantalus, with this difference, that he had the water which he
could not reach above his head, while our travellers had it beneath
their feet. Several, not to die of this raging thirst, drank their
own urine: all, to appease the cravings of hunger, ate beaver skins
roasted in the evening at the camp-fire. They even were at last
constrained to eat their moccasins. Those on the left, or southeast
bank, suffered, however, less {148} than the others, because they
occasionally fell in with Indians, utterly wild indeed, and who
fled at their approach, carrying off their horses. According to all
appearances these savages had never seen white men. Our travellers,
when they arrived in sight of the camp of one of these wandering
hordes, approached it with as much precaution, and with the same
stratagem that they would have used with a troop of wild beasts.
Having thus surprised them, they would fire upon the horses, some of
which would fall; but they took care to leave some trinkets on the
spot, to indemnify the owners for what they had taken from them by
violence. This resource prevented the party from perishing of hunger.
Mr. M’Kenzie having overtaken Mr. M’Lellan, their two companies
pursued the journey together. Very soon after this junction, they
had an opportunity of approaching sufficiently near to Mr. Hunt,
who, as I have remarked, was on the other bank, to speak to him,
and inform him of their distressed state. Mr. Hunt caused {149} a
canoe to be made of a horse-hide; it was not, as one may suppose,
very large; but they succeeded, nevertheless, by that means, in
conveying a little horse-flesh to the people on the north bank. It
was attempted, even, to pass them across, one by one (for the skiff
would not hold any more); several had actually crossed to the south
side, when, unhappily, owing to the impetuosity of the current, the
canoe capsized, a man was drowned, and the two parties lost all hope
of being able to unite.[78] They continued their route, therefore,
each on their own side of the river. In a short time those upon the
north bank came to a more considerable stream, which they followed
down. They also met, very opportunely, some Indians, who sold them
a number of horses. They also encountered, in these parts, a young
American, who was deranged, but who sometimes recovered his reason.
This young man told them, in one of his lucid intervals, that he
was from Connecticut, and was named Archibald Pelton; that he had
come up the Missouri with Mr. Henry; that all the people at the post
{150} established by that trader were massacred by the Blackfeet;
that he alone had escaped, and had been wandering for three years
since, with the _Snake_ Indians.[79] Our people took this young man
with them. Arriving at the confluence with the Columbia, of the river
whose banks they were following, they perceived that it was the same
which had been called _Lewis river_, by the American captain of that
name, in 1805. Here, then, they exchanged their remaining horses for
canoes, and so arrived at the establishment, safe and sound, it is
true, but in a pitiable condition to see; their clothes being nothing
but fluttering rags.
The narrative of these gentlemen interested us very much. They added,
that since their separation from Messrs. Hunt and Crooks, they had
neither seen nor heard aught of them, and believed it impossible that
they should arrive at the establishment before spring. They were
mistaken, however, for Mr. Hunt arrived on the {151} 15th February,
with thirty men, one woman, and two children, having left Mr. Crooks,
with five men, among the _Snakes_. They might have reached Astoria
almost as soon as Mr. M’Kenzie, but they had passed from eight to ten
days in the midst of a plain, among some friendly Indians, as well to
recruit their strength, as to make search for two of the party, who
had been lost in the woods. Not finding them, they had resumed their
journey, and struck the banks of the Columbia a little lower down
than the mouth of Lewis river, where Mr. M’Kenzie had come out.
The arrival of so great a number of persons would have embarrassed
us, had it taken place a month sooner. Happily, at this time, the
natives were bringing in fresh fish in abundance. Until the 30th of
March, we were occupied in preparing triplicates of letters and other
necessary papers, in order to send Mr. Astor the news of our arrival,
and of the reunion of the two expeditions. The letters were intrusted
to Mr. John Reed, who quitted Astoria for St. Louis, in {152}
company with Mr. M’Lellan--another discontented partner, who wished
to disconnect himself with the association,--and Mr. R. Stuart, who
was conveying two canoe-loads of goods for his uncle’s post on the
_Okenakan_. Messrs. Farnham and M’Gillis set out at the same time,
with a guide, and were instructed to proceed to the _cache_,[80]
where the overland travellers had {153} hidden their goods, near old
Fort Henry, on the Mad river. I profited by this opportunity to write
to my family in Canada. Two days after, Messrs. M’Kenzie and Matthews
set out, with five or six men, as hunters, to make an excursion up
the Willamet river.
[76] But little is known of these two clerks, but what
Franchère narrates. Both were Canadians, and served
the Pacific Fur Company at Astoria and the interior
posts; both returned overland with the party which
left Fort George April 4, 1814. Ross Cox found both
living upon the Ottawa River in 1817, and Franchère
mentions (1854) Pillet as one of the four survivors
of the expedition.--ED.
[77] For the overland expedition of the Astorians, see
Bradbury’s _Travels_, volume v of our series, and
Brackenridge’s _Journal_, _ante_.--ED.
[78] The drowned man was Jean Baptiste Provost, a
Canadian voyageur. See Bradbury’s _Travels_,
appendix iii, in volume v of our series.--ED.
[79] A thoroughly savage and lazy tribe, inhabiting the
plains of the Columbia, between the 43d and 44th
degrees of latitude.--FRANCHÈRE.
_Comment by Ed._-See Bradbury’s _Travels_, note 123.
[80] These _caches_ are famous in all the narratives of
overland travel, whether for trade or discovery. The
manner of making them is described by Captains Lewis
and Clarke, as follows: they choose a dry situation,
then describing a circle of some twenty inches
diameter, remove the sod as gently and carefully
as possible. The hole is then sunk a foot deep or
more, perpendicularly; it is then worked gradually
wider as it descends, till it becomes six or seven
feet deep, and shaped like a kettle, or the lower
part of a large still. As the earth is dug out, it
is handed up in a vessel, and carefully laid upon
a skin or cloth, in which it is carried away, and
usually thrown into the river, if there be one, or
concealed so as to leave no trace of it. A floor
of three or four inches thick is then made of dry
sticks, on which is thrown hay or a hide perfectly
dry. The goods, after being well aired and dried,
are laid down, and preserved from contact with the
wall by a layer of other dried sticks, till all is
stowed away. When the hole is nearly full, a hide
is laid on top, and the earth is thrown upon this,
and beaten down, until, with the addition of the
sod first removed, the whole is on a level with
the ground, and there remains not the slightest
appearance of an excavation. The first shower
effaces every sign of what has been done, and such a
cache is safe for years.--HUNTINGTON.
{154} CHAPTER XII
Arrival of the Ship Beaver--Unexpected Return of Messrs. D.
Stuart, R. Stuart, M’Lelland, &c.--Cause of that Return--Ship
discharging--New Expeditions--Hostile Attitude of the
Natives--Departure of the Beaver--Journeys of the Author--His
Occupations at the Establishment.
From the departure of the last outfit under Mr. M’Kenzie, nothing
remarkable took place at Astoria, till the 9th of May. On that day
we descried, to our great surprise and great joy, a sail in the
offing, opposite the mouth of the river. Forthwith, Mr. M’Dougal
was despatched in a boat to the cape, to make the signals. On the
morning of the 10th, the weather being fine and the sea smooth, the
boat pushed out and arrived safely alongside. Soon after, the wind
springing up, the vessel made sail and entered the river, where she
dropped anchor, in Baker’s Bay, at about 2 P. M. Toward evening the
boat returned {155} to the Fort, with the following passengers:
Messrs. John Clarke of Canada (a wintering partner), Alfred Seton,
George Ehnainger, a nephew of Mr. Astor (clerks), and two men.[81]
We learned from these gentlemen that the vessel was the _Beaver_,
Captain _Cornelius Sowles_, and was consigned to us; that she left
New York on the 10th of October, and had touched, in the passage, at
_Massa Fuero_ and the Sandwich Isles. Mr. Clarke handed me letters
from my father and from several of my friends: I thus learned that
death had deprived me of a beloved sister.
On the morning of the 11th, we were strangely surprised by the return
of Messrs. D. Stuart, R. Stuart, R. M’Lelland, Crooks, Reed, and
Farnham. This return, as sudden as unlooked for, was owing to an
unfortunate adventure which befell the party, in ascending the river.
When they reached the Falls, where the portage is very long, some
natives came with their horses, to offer their aid in transporting
the goods. Mr. R. Stuart, not distrusting them, confided to their
care some bales of merchandise, which they {156} packed on their
horses: but, in making the transit, they darted up a narrow path
among the rocks, and fled at full gallop toward the prairie, without
its being possible to overtake them. Mr. Stuart had several shots
fired over their heads, to frighten them, but it had no other effect
than to increase their speed. Meanwhile our own people continued
the transportation of the rest of the goods, and of the canoes;
but as there was a great number of natives about, whom the success
and impunity of those thieves had emboldened, Mr. Stuart thought
it prudent to keep watch over the goods at the upper end of the
portage, while Messrs. M’Lellan and Reed made the rearguard. The
last named gentleman, who carried, strapped to his shoulders, a tin
box containing the letters and despatches for New York with which
he was charged, happened to be at some distance from the former,
and the Indians thought it a favorable opportunity to attack him
and carry off his box, the brightness of which no doubt had tempted
their cupidity. They threw themselves upon him so suddenly that he
had no time to {157} place himself on the defensive. After a short
resistance, he received a blow on the head from a war club, which
felled him to the ground, and the Indians seized upon their booty.
Mr. M’Lellan perceiving what was done, fired his carabine at one of
the robbers and made him bite the dust; the rest took to flight, but
carried off the box notwithstanding. Mr. M’Lellan immediately ran up
to Mr. Reed; but finding the latter motionless and bathed in blood,
he hastened to rejoin Mr. Stuart, urging him to get away from these
robbers and murderers. But Mr. Stuart, being a self-possessed and
fearless man, would not proceed without ascertaining if Mr. Reed
were really dead, or if he were, without carrying off his body; and
notwithstanding the remonstrances of Mr. M’Lellan, taking his way
back to the spot where the latter had left his companion, had not
gone two hundred paces, when he met him coming toward them, holding
his bleeding head with both hands.[82]
{158} The object of Mr. Reed’s journey being defeated by the loss
of his papers, he repaired, with the other gentlemen, to Mr. David
Stuart’s trading post, at Okenakan, whence they had all set out, in
the beginning of May, to return to Astoria. Coming down the river,
they fell in with Mr. R. Crooks, and a man named _John Day_.[83]
It was observed in the preceding chapter that Mr. Crooks remained
with five men among some Indians who were there termed _friendly_:
but this gentleman and his companion were the only members of that
party who ever reached the establishment: and they too arrived in a
most pitiable condition, the savages having stripped {159} them of
everything, leaving them but some bits of deerskin to cover their
nakedness.
On the 12th, the schooner, which had been sent down the river to the
Beaver’s anchorage, returned with a cargo (being the stores intended
for Astoria), and the following passengers: to wit, Messrs. B. Clapp,
J. C. Halsey, C. A. Nichols, and R. Cox, clerks;[84] five Canadians,
seven Americans (all mechanics), and a dozen Sandwich-islanders for
the service of the establishment. The captain of the Beaver sounded
the channel diligently for several days; but finding it scarcely deep
enough for so large a vessel, he was unwilling to bring her up to
Astoria. It was necessary, in consequence, to use the schooner as a
lighter in discharging the ship, and this tedious operation occupied
us during the balance of this month and a part of June.
Captain Sowles and Mr. Clarke confirmed the report of the destruction
of the Tonquin; they had learned it at Owhyhee, by means of a letter
which a certain Captain Ebbetts, in the employ of Mr. Astor,
had left there. It was nevertheless {160} resolved that Mr. Hunt
should embark upon the “Beaver,” to carry out the plan of an exact
commercial survey of the coast, which Mr. M’Kay had been sent to
accomplish, and in particular to visit for that purpose the Russian
establishments at Chitka sound.
The necessary papers having been prepared anew, and being now ready
to expedite, were confided to Mr. R. Stuart, who was to cross the
continent in company with Messrs. Crooks and R. M’Lellan, partners
dissatisfied with the enterprise, and who had made up their minds
to return to the United States. Mr. Clark, accompanied by Messrs.
Pillet, Donald M’Lellan, Farnham and Cox, was fitted out at the same
time, with a considerable assortment of merchandise, to form a new
establishment on the _Spokan_ or Clarke’s river.[85] Mr. M’Kenzie,
with Mr. Seton, was destined for the borders of _Lewis_ river[86]
while Mr. David Stuart, reinforced by Messrs. Matthews and M’Gillis,
was to explore the region lying north of his post at Okenakan. All
these outfits being ready, with the canoes, boatmen, {161} and
hunters, the flotilla quitted Astoria on the 30th of June, in the
afternoon, having on board sixty-two persons. The sequel will show
the result of the several expeditions.
During the whole month of July, the natives (seeing us weakened
no doubt by these outfits), manifested their hostile intentions
so openly that we were obliged to be constantly on our guard.
We constructed covered ways inside our palisades, and raised our
bastions or towers another story. The alarm became so serious toward
the latter end of the month that we doubled our sentries day and
night, and never allowed more than two or three Indians at a time
within our gates.
The Beaver was ready to depart on her coasting voyage at the end of
June, and on the 1st of July Mr. Hunt went on board: but westerly
winds prevailing all that month, it was not till the 4th of August
that she was able to get out of the river; being due again by the end
of October to leave her surplus goods and take in our furs for market.
The months of August and September were {162} employed in finishing a
house forty-five feet by thirty, shingled and perfectly tight, as a
hospital for the sick, and lodging house for the mechanics.
Experience having taught us that from the beginning of October to
the end of January, provisions were brought in by the natives in
very small quantity, it was thought expedient that I should proceed
in the schooner, accompanied by Mr. Clapp, on a trading voyage up
the river to secure a cargo of dried fish. We left Astoria on the
1st of October, with a small assortment of merchandise. The trip was
highly successful: we found the game very abundant, killed a great
quantity of swans, ducks, foxes, &c., and returned to Astoria on the
20th, with a part of our venison, wild fowl, and bear meat, besides
seven hundred and fifty smoked salmon, a quantity of the _Wapto_ root
(so called by the natives), which is found a good substitute for
potatoes,[87] and four hundred and fifty skins of beaver and other
animals of the furry tribe.
The encouragement derived from this excursion induced us to try a
second, and I set off this time {163} alone, that is, with a crew of
five men only, and an Indian boy, son of the old chief Comcomly. This
second voyage proved anything but agreeable. We experienced continual
rains, and the game was much less abundant, while the natives had
mostly left the river for their wintering grounds. I succeeded,
nevertheless, in exchanging my goods for furs and dried fish, and a
small supply of dried venison: and returned, on the 15th of November,
to Astoria, where the want of fresh provisions began to be severely
felt, so that several of the men were attacked with scurvy.
Messrs. Halsey and Wallace having been sent on the 23d, with fourteen
men, to establish a trading post on the Willamet, and Mr. M’Dougal
being confined to his room by sickness, Mr. Clapp and I were left
with the entire charge of the post at Astoria, and were each other’s
only resource for society. Happily Mr. Clapp was a man of amiable
character, of a gay, lively humor, and agreeable conversation. In
the intervals of our daily duties, we amused ourselves with music
and reading; having some instruments and a {164} choice library.
Otherwise we should have passed our time in a state of insufferable
ennui, at this rainy season, in the midst of the deep mud which
surrounded us, and which interdicted the pleasure of a promenade
outside the buildings.
[81] John Clarke was American born, but when sixteen
years of age entered the employ of the North West
Company. He had seen service in the Athabascan
department from 1804-10. After his connection with
the Pacific Fur Company, narrated in these pages,
he re-entered the North West service and returned
overland to Fort William in 1814. There he joined
the Hudson’s Bay Company, and became associated with
Lord Selkirk, in the Red River Settlement. He was
still living in 1830 or 1831.
Alfred Seton’s later adventures are related by
Franchère, see appendix. His continued interest in
the Western fur-trade is evidenced by the fact that
he furnished financial backing for Captain Bonneville’s
adventure, in 1832.--ED.
[82] We were apprized of this unfortunate rencontre by
natives from up the river, on the 15th of April,
but disbelieved it.--FRANCHÈRE. [It is curious to
observe the want of military sagacity and precaution
which characterized the operations of these traders,
compared with the exact calculations of danger and
the unfailing measures of defence, employed from
the very outset by Captains Lewis and Clarke in the
same country. There was one very audacious attempt
at plunder made upon the latter; but besides that
it cost the Indians a life or two, the latter lost
property of their own far exceeding their booty. It
is true that the American officers had a stronger
force at their disposal than our merchants had, and
that, too, consisting of experienced western hunters
and veteran soldiers of the frontier; but it is not
less interesting to note the difference, because it
is easy to account for it.--HUNTINGTON.]
[83] For a brief account of John Day, see Bradbury’s
_Travels_, vol. v of our series, note 104.--ED.
[84] Franchère tells us all that is known of the first
three of these clerks. Ross Cox, who bore the
soubriquet “Little Irishman,” entered the North
West service and remained upon Columbia waters six
years, ascending from its mouth nine times. In 1831,
he published an entertaining narrative entitled,
_Adventures upon the Columbia River_, compiled from
the journals he had kept.--ED.
[85] The Spokane House of the Pacific Fur Company was
founded by John Clarke near the mouth of the Coeur
d’Alène (now Little Spokane) river, close to the
rival establishment of the North West Company.
Both were near the site of the present Spokane,
Washington.--ED.
[86] Lewis’s River was named by William Clark in honor
of his fellow-explorer, the first white man who had
visited its headwaters. This great southeastern
tributary of the Columbia is now known as Snake
River. The Indian name was Shapatin (Shahaptin).
McKenzie’s party established their post at the mouth
of Reed’s (now Payette) River, and named it Fort
Boisé. Upon their success see Ross, _Adventures on
the Columbia_, volume vii of our series.--ED.
[87] The wappato is the bulb of the _sagittaria
variabilis_, or common arrowhead. For the
Indian method of gathering and preparing this
root, see _Original Journals of Lewis and Clark
Expedition_.--ED.
{165} CHAPTER XIII
Uneasiness respecting the “Beaver”--News of the Declaration of
War between Great Britain and the United States--Consequences
of that Intelligence--Different Occurrences--Arrival of two
Canoes of the Northwest Company--Preparations for abandoning the
Country--Postponement of Departure--Arrangement with Mr. J. G.
M’Tavish.
The months of October, November, and December passed away without any
news of the “Beaver,” and we began to fear that there had happened
to her, as to the Tonquin, some disastrous accident. It will be seen,
in the following chapter, why this vessel did not return to Astoria
in the autumn of 1812.
On the 15th of January, Mr. M’Kenzie arrived from the interior,
having abandoned his trading establishment, after securing his stock
of goods in a _cache_. Before his departure he had paid a visit
to Mr. Clark on the Spokan, and while there {166} had learned the
news, which he came to announce to us, that hostilities had actually
commenced between Great Britain and the United States. The news had
been brought by some gentlemen of the Northwest Company, who handed
to them a copy of the Proclamation of the President to that effect.
When we learned this news, all of us at Astoria who were British
subjects and Canadians, wished ourselves in Canada; but we could
not entertain even the thought of transporting ourselves thither,
at least immediately: we were separated from our country by an
immense space, and the difficulties of the journey at this season
were insuperable: besides, Mr. Astor’s interests had to be consulted
first. We held, therefore, a sort of council of war, to which the
clerks of the factory were invited _pro formâ_, as they had no voice
in the deliberations. Having maturely weighed our situation; after
having seriously considered that being almost to a man British
subjects, we were trading, notwithstanding, under the American
flag: and foreseeing the improbability {167} or rather, to cut the
matter short, the impossibility that Mr. Astor could send us further
supplies or reinforcements while the war lasted, as most of the ports
of the United States would inevitably be blockaded by the British; we
concluded to abandon the establishment in the ensuing spring, or at
latest, in the beginning of the summer. We did not communicate these
resolutions to the men, lest they should in consequence abandon
their labor: but we discontinued, from that moment, our trade with
the natives, except for provisions; as well because we had no longer
a large stock of goods on hand, as for the reason that we had already
more furs than we could carry away overland.
So long as we expected the return of the vessel, we had served out
to the people a regular supply of bread: we found ourselves in
consequence, very short of provisions, on the arrival of Mr. M’Kenzie
and his men. This augmentation in the number of mouths to be fed
compelled us to reduce the ration of each man to four ounces of flour
and half a pound of dried fish _per diem_: {168} and even to send
a portion of the hands to pass the rest of the winter with Messrs.
Wallace and Halsey on the Willamet, where game was plenty.
Meanwhile, the sturgeon having begun to enter the river, I left, on
the 13th of February, to fish for them; and on the 15th sent the
first boat-load to the establishment; which proved a very timely
succor to the men, who for several days had broken off work from
want of sufficient food.[88] I formed a camp near Oak Point, whence
I continued to despatch canoe after canoe of fine fresh fish to
Astoria, and Mr. M’Dougal sent to me thither all the men who were
sick of scurvy, for the re-establishment of their health.
On the 20th of March, Messrs. Reed and Seton, who had led a party
of our men to the post on the Willamet, to subsist them, returned
to Astoria, with a supply of dried venison. These gentlemen spoke
to us in glowing terms of the country of the Willamet as charming,
and abounding in beaver, elk, and deer; and informed us that Messrs.
Wallace and Halsey had constructed a dwelling and trading house, on
a great prairie, about one {169} hundred and fifty miles from the
confluence of that river with the Columbia.[89] Mr. M’Kenzie and his
party quitted us again on the 31st, to make known the resolutions
recently adopted at Astoria, to the gentlemen who were wintering in
the interior.
On the 11th of April two birch-bark canoes, bearing the British flag,
arrived at the factory. They were commanded by Messrs. J. G. M’Tavish
and Joseph Laroque, and manned by nineteen Canadian _voyageurs_.[90]
They landed on a point of land under the guns of the fort, and
formed their camp. We invited these gentlemen to our quarters and
learned from them the object of their visit. They had come to await
the arrival of the ship _Isaac Todd_, despatched from Canada by the
Northwest Company, in October, 1811, with furs, and from England
in March, 1812, with a cargo of suitable merchandise for the Indian
trade. They had orders to wait at the mouth of the Columbia till the
month of July, and then to return, if the vessel did not make her
appearance by that time. They also informed us that the natives {170}
near Lewis river had shown them fowling-pieces, gun-flints, lead, and
powder; and that they had communicated this news to Mr. M’Kenzie,
presuming that the Indians had discovered and plundered his _cache_;
which turned out afterward to be the case.
The month of May was occupied in preparations for our departure from
the Columbia. On the 25th, Messrs. Wallace and Halsey returned from
their winter quarters with seventeen packs of furs, and thirty-two
bales of dried venison. The last article was received with a great
deal of pleasure, as it would infallibly be needed for the journey we
were about to undertake. Messrs. Clarke, D. Stuart, and M’Kenzie also
arrived, in the beginning of June, with one hundred and forty packs
of furs, the fruit of two years’ trade at the post on the _Okenakan_,
and one year on the _Spokan_.[91]
The wintering partners (that is to say, Messrs. Clarke and David
Stuart) dissenting from the {171} proposal to abandon the country
as soon as we intended, the thing being (as they observed)
impracticable, from the want of provisions for the journey and
horses to transport the goods, the project was deferred, as to its
execution, till the following April. So these gentlemen, having taken
a new lot of merchandise, set out again for their trading posts on
the 7th of July. But Mr. M’Kenzie, whose goods had been pillaged by
the natives (it will be remembered), remained at Astoria, and was
occupied with the care of collecting as great a quantity as possible
of dried salmon from the Indians. He made seven or eight voyages up
the river for that purpose, while we at the Fort were busy in baling
the beaver-skins and other furs, in suitable packs for horses to
carry. Mr. Reed, in the meantime, was sent on to the mountain-passes
where Mr. Miller had been left with the trappers, to winter there,
and to procure as many horses as he could from the natives for our
use in the contemplated journey. He was furnished for this expedition
with three Canadians, and a half-breed hunter {172} named _Daion_,
the latter accompanied by his wife and two children.[92] This man
came from the lower Missouri with Mr. Hunt in 1811-’12.
Our object being to provide ourselves, before quitting the country,
with the food and horses necessary for the journey; in order to avoid
all opposition on the part of the Northwest Company, we entered into
an arrangement with Mr. M’Tavish. This gentleman having represented
to us that he was destitute of the necessary goods to procure
wherewith to subsist his party on their way homeward, we supplied
him from our warehouse, payment to be made us in the ensuing spring,
either in furs or in bills of exchange on their house in Canada.
[88] The Columbia sturgeon (_Acipenser transmontanus_)
were first described by Lewis and Clark. They attain
a length of from ten to fifteen feet, and run far up
the Columbia and even Snake River. Their commercial
value is considerable.--ED.
[89] The location of this post has not been definitely
determined. McKenzie explored the river in the
spring of 1812, and his name is given to a large
eastern fork. The trading house which Franchère
mentions would seem to have been somewhere near this
affluent. Ross describes it as among the Kalapuya,
a large tribe from whom both a tributary of the
Willamette and a neighboring mountain range take
their name.--ED.
[90] John George McTavish was one of the wintering
partners of the North West Company, who had been
for several years in the Athabasca department and
the Rocky Mountains. He negotiated the bargain by
which Astoria was transferred to the British, and
afterwards remained for several years at Fort George
(British name for the post). In 1816 he skirted
the coast of California in one of the company’s
schooners, bringing off rich prizes in furs. In
1819, he with other partners of the North West
Company, was captured by agents of the Hudson’s Bay
Company, sent a prisoner to York factory, and later
to England, where he was released.
Joseph Larocque entered the North West Company’s
employ at the age of fourteen, and became so proficient
in the knowledge of Indian languages and character
that his services were highly prized. Lewis and
Clark encountered his elder brother, François, among
the Mandan, in the winter of 1804-05. Larocque the
younger remained upon the Columbia until 1817; after
the union with the Hudson’s Bay Company (1821) he
retained his status of trader-in-chief. Having
amassed a considerable fortune, Larocque retired in
1833, four years later visiting France, where he
remained fourteen years. His money was utilized to
endow St. Joseph’s College, upon the Willamette,
named in honor of the donor. Having returned to his
native land (1851), the aged fur-trader devoted
himself to works of religion and charity, dying at
Ottawa in 1866. For details of his life, see Tassé,
_Les Canadiens de l’Ouest_ (Montreal, 1878), ii, pp.
321-338.--ED.
[91] The profits of the last establishment were slender;
because the people engaged at it were obliged to
subsist on horse-flesh, and they ate ninety horses
during the winter.--FRANCHÈRE.
[92] For notes on Joseph Miller and Pierre Durion
(Daion), see Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. v of our
series, notes 7 and 72.--ED.
{173} CHAPTER XIV
Arrival of the Ship “Albatross”--Reasons for the Non-Appearance
of the Beaver at Astoria--Fruitless Attempt of Captain Smith
on a Former Occasion--Astonishment and Regret of Mr. Hunt at
the Resolution of the Partners--His Departure--Narrative of the
Destruction of the Tonquin--Causes of that Disaster--Reflections.
On the 4th of August, contrary to all expectation, we saw a sail at
the mouth of the river. One of our gentlemen immediately got into
the barge, to ascertain her nationality and object: but before he
had fairly crossed the river, we saw her pass the bar and direct her
course toward Astoria, as if she were commanded by a captain to whom
the intricacies of the channel were familiar. I had stayed at the
Fort with Mr. Clapp and four men. As soon as we had recognised the
American flag, not doubting any longer that it was a ship destined
for the factory, we saluted {174} her with three guns. She came to
anchor over against the Fort, but on the opposite side of the river,
and returned our salute. In a short time after, we saw, or rather
we heard, the oars of a boat (for it was already night) that came
toward us. We expected her approach with impatience, to know who the
stranger was, and what news she brought us. Soon we were relieved
from our uncertainty by the appearance of Mr. Hunt, who informed us
that the ship was called the _Albatross_ and was commanded by Captain
_Smith_.
It will be remembered that Mr. Hunt had sailed from Astoria on board
the “Beaver,” on the 4th of August of the preceding year, and should
have returned with that vessel, in the month of October of the same
year. We testified to him our surprise that he had not returned at
the time appointed, and expressed the fears which we had entertained
in regard to his fate, as well as that of the Beaver itself: and
in reply he explained to us the reasons why neither he nor Captain
Sowles had been able to fulfil the promise which they had made us.
{175} After having got clear of the river Columbia, they had scudded
to the north, and had repaired to the Russian post of Chitka, where
they had exchanged a part of their goods for furs. They had made with
the governor of that establishment, Barnoff by name, arrangements
to supply him regularly with all the goods of which he had need,
and to send him every year a vessel for that purpose, as well as
for the transportation of his surplus furs to the East Indies.[93]
They had then advanced still further to the north, to the coast of
_Kamskatka_; and being there informed that some Kodiak hunters had
been left on some adjacent isles, called the islands of St. Peter
and St. Paul, and that these hunters had not been visited for three
years, they determined to go thither, and having reached those isles,
they opened a brisk trade, and secured no less than eighty thousand
skins of the South-sea seal. These operations had consumed a great
deal of time; the season was already far advanced; ice was forming
around them, and it was not without having incurred considerable
dangers that {176} they succeeded in making their way out of those
latitudes. Having extricated themselves from the frozen seas of the
north, but in a shattered condition, they deemed it more prudent
to run for the Sandwich isles, where they arrived after enduring a
succession of severe gales. Here Mr. Hunt disembarked, with the men
who had accompanied him, and who did not form a part of the ship’s
crew; and the vessel, after undergoing the necessary repairs, set
sail for Canton.
Mr. Hunt had then passed nearly six months at the Sandwich islands,
expecting the annual ship from New York, and never imagining that
war had been declared. But at last, weary of waiting so long to no
purpose, he had bought a small schooner of one of the chiefs of the
isle of Wahoo, and was engaged in getting her ready to sail for the
mouth of the Columbia, when four sails hove in sight, and presently
came to anchor in _Ohetity bay_. He immediately went on board of one
of them, and learned that they came from the Indies, whence they had
sailed precipitately, to avoid the English cruisers. He also learned
{177} from the captain of the vessel he boarded, that the Beaver
had arrived in Canton some days before the news of the declaration
of war. This Captain Smith, moreover, had on board some cases of
nankeens and other goods shipped by Mr. Astor’s agent at Canton for
us. Mr. Hunt then chartered the Albatross to take him with his people
and the goods to the Columbia. That gentleman had not been idle
during the time that he sojourned at Wahoo: he brought us 35 barrels
of salt pork or beef, nine tierces of rice, a great quantity of dried
_Taro_, and a good supply of salt.
As I knew the channel of the river, I went on board the Albatross,
and piloted her to the old anchorage of the Tonquin, under the guns
of the Fort, in order to facilitate the landing of the goods.
Captain Smith informed us that in 1810, a year before the founding of
our establishment, he had entered the river in the same vessel, and
ascended it in boats as far as Oak Point; and that he had attempted
to form an establishment {178} there; but the spot which he chose for
building, and on which he had even commenced fencing for a garden,
being overflowed in the summer freshet, he had been forced to abandon
his project and re-embark. We had seen, in fact, at Oak Point, some
traces of this projected establishment.[94] The bold manner in which
this captain had entered the river was now accounted for.
Captain Smith had chartered his vessel to a Frenchman named
_Demestre_, who was then a passenger on board of her, to go and take
a cargo of sandal wood at the _Marquesas_, where that gentleman
had left some men to collect it, the year before. He could not,
therefore, comply with the request we made him, to remain during the
summer with us, in order to transport our goods and people, as soon
as they could be got together, to the Sandwich islands.
Mr. Hunt was surprised beyond measure, when we informed him of
the resolution we had taken of abandoning the country: he blamed
us severely for having acted with so much precipitation, {179}
pointing out that the success of the late coasting voyage, and
the arrangements we had made with the Russians, promised a most
advantageous trade, which it was a thousand pities to sacrifice, and
lose the fruits of the hardships he had endured and the dangers he
had braved, at one fell swoop, by this rash measure. Nevertheless,
seeing the partners were determined to abide by their first
resolution, and not being able, by himself alone, to fulfil his
engagements to Governor Barnoff, he consented to embark once more, in
order to seek a vessel to transport our heavy goods, and such of us
as wished to return by sea. He sailed, in fact, on the Albatross, at
the end of the month. My friend Clapp embarked with him: they were,
in the first instance, to run down the coast of California, in the
hope of meeting there some of the American vessels which frequently
visit that coast to obtain provisions from the Spaniards.
Some days after the departure of Mr. Hunt, the old one-eyed chief
Comcomly came to tell us that an Indian of _Gray’s Harbor_, who had
sailed {180} on the Tonquin in 1811, and who was the only soul that
had escaped the massacre of the crew of that unfortunate vessel,
had returned to his tribe. As the distance from the River Columbia
to Gray’s Harbor was not great, we sent for this native. At first
he made considerable difficulty about following our people, but was
finally persuaded. He arrived at Astoria, and related to us the
circumstances of that sad catastrophe, nearly as follows: [95]
“After I had embarked on the Tonquin,” said he, “that vessel sailed
for _Nootka_.[96] Having arrived opposite a large village called
_Newity_, we dropped anchor. The natives having invited Mr. M’Kay to
land, he did so, and was received in the most cordial manner: they
even kept him several days at their village, and made him lie, {181}
every night, on a couch of sea-otter skins. Meanwhile the captain
was engaged in trading with such of the natives as resorted to his
ship: but having had a difficulty with one of the principal chiefs in
regard to the price of certain goods, he ended by putting the latter
out of the ship, and in the act of so repelling him, struck him on
the face with the roll of furs which he had brought to trade. This
act was regarded by that chief and his followers as the most grievous
insult, and they resolved to take vengeance for it. To arrive more
surely at their purpose, they dissembled their resentment, and came,
as usual, on board the ship. One day, very early in the morning, a
large pirogue, containing about a score of natives, came alongside:
every man had in his hand a packet of furs, and held it over his
head as a sign that they came to trade. The watch let them come on
deck. A little after, arrived a second pirogue, carrying about as
many men as the other. The sailors believed that these also came to
exchange their furs, and allowed them to mount the ship’s side like
the first. Very {182} soon, the pirogues thus succeeding one another,
the crew saw themselves surrounded by a multitude of savages, who
came upon the deck from all sides. Becoming alarmed at the appearance
of things, they went to apprize the captain and Mr. M’Kay, who
hastened to the poop. I was with them,” said the narrator, “and
fearing, from the great multitude of Indians whom I saw already on
the deck, and from the movements of those on shore, who were hurrying
to embark in their canoes, to approach the vessel, and from the
women being left in charge of the canoes of those who had arrived,
that some evil design was on foot, I communicated my suspicions to
Mr. M’Kay, who himself spoke to the captain. The latter affected an
air of security, and said that with the firearms on board, there was
no reason to fear even a greater number of Indians. Meanwhile these
gentlemen had come on deck unarmed, without even their sidearms.
The trade, nevertheless, did not advance; the Indians offered less
than was asked, and pressing with their furs close to the captain,
Mr. M’Kay, and {183} Mr. Lewis, repeated the word _Makoke! Makoke!_
‘Trade! Trade!’ I urged the gentlemen to put to sea, and the captain,
at last, seeing the number of Indians increase every moment, allowed
himself to be persuaded: he ordered a part of the crew to raise the
anchor, and the rest to go aloft and unfurl the sails. At the same
time he warned the natives to withdraw, as the ship was going to
sea. A fresh breeze was then springing up, and in a few moments more
their prey would have escaped them; but immediately on receiving this
notice, by a preconcerted signal, the Indians, with a terrific yell,
drew forth the knives and war-bludgeons they had concealed in their
bundles of furs, and rushed upon the crew of the ship. Mr. Lewis was
struck, and fell over a bale of blankets. Mr. M’Kay, however, was
the first victim whom they sacrificed to their fury. Two savages,
whom, from the crown of the poop, where I was seated, I had seen
follow this gentleman step by step, now cast themselves upon him,
and having given him a blow on the head with a _potumagan_ (a kind
of sabre which is described {184} a little below), felled him to
the deck, then took him up and flung him into the sea, where the
women left in charge of the canoes, quickly finished him with their
paddles. Another set flung themselves upon the captain, who defended
himself for a long time with his pocket-knife, but, overpowered
by numbers, perished also under the blows of these murderers. I
next saw (and that was the last occurrence of which I was witness
before quitting the ship) the sailors who were aloft slip down by
the rigging, and get below through the steerage hatchway. They were
five, I think, in number, and one of them, in descending, received a
knife-stab in the back. I then jumped overboard, to escape a similar
fate to that of the captain and Mr. M’Kay: the women in the canoes,
to whom I surrendered myself as a slave, took me in, and bade me hide
myself under some mats which were in the pirogues; which I did. Soon
after, I heard the discharge of firearms, immediately upon which the
Indians fled from the vessel, and pulled for the shore as fast as
possible, nor did they venture {185} to go alongside the ship again
the whole of that day. The next day, having seen four men lower a
boat, and pull away from the ship, they sent some pirogues in chase:
but whether those men were overtaken and murdered, or gained the open
sea and perished there, I never could learn. Nothing more was seen
stirring on board the Tonquin; the natives pulled cautiously around
her, and some of the more daring went on board; at last, the savages,
finding themselves absolute masters of the ship, rushed on board in
a crowd to pillage her. But very soon, when there were about four or
five hundred either huddled together on deck, or clinging to the
sides, all eager for plunder, the ship blew up with a horrible noise.
I was on the shore,” said the Indian, “when the explosion took place,
saw the great volume of smoke burst forth in the spot where the ship
had been, and high in the air above, arms, legs, heads and bodies,
flying in every direction. The tribe acknowledged a loss of over two
hundred of their people on that occasion. As for me I remained their
prisoner, and have been their slave for two {186} years. It is but
now that I have been ransomed by my friends. I have told you the
truth, and hope you will acquit me of having in any way participated
in that bloody affair.”
Our Indian having finished his discourse, we made him presents
proportioned to the melancholy satisfaction he had given us in
communicating the true history of the sad fate of our former
companions, and to the trouble he had taken in coming to us; so that
he returned apparently well satisfied with our liberality.
According to the narrative of this Indian, Captain Thorn, by his
abrupt manner and passionate temper, was the primary cause of his
own death and that of all on board his vessel. What appears certain
at least, is, that he was guilty of unpardonable negligence and
imprudence, in not causing the boarding netting to be rigged, as
is the custom of all the navigators who frequent this coast, and
in suffering (contrary to his instructions) too great a number of
Indians to come on board at once.[97]
{187} Captain Smith, of the Albatross, who had seen the wreck of the
Tonquin, in mentioning to us its sad fate, attributed the cause of
the disaster to the rash conduct of a Captain Ayres, of Boston. That
navigator had taken off, as I have mentioned already, ten or a dozen
natives of Newitty, as hunters, with a promise of bringing them back
to their country, which promise he inhumanly broke by leaving them
on some desert islands in Sir Francis Drake’s Bay. The countrymen of
these unfortunates, indignant at the conduct of the American captain,
had sworn to avenge themselves on the first white men who appeared
among them. Chance willed it that our vessel was the first to enter
that bay, and the natives but too well executed on our people their
project of vengeance.
Whatever may have been the first and principal cause of this
misfortune (for doubtless it is {188} necessary to suppose more
than one), seventeen white men and twelve Sandwich-Islanders, were
massacred: not one escaped from the butchery, to bring us the news of
it, but the Indian of _Gray’s Harbor_. The massacre of our people was
avenged, it is true, by the destruction of ten times the number of
their murderers; but this circumstance, which could perhaps gladden
the heart of a savage, was a feeble consolation (if it was any) for
civilized men. The death of Mr. Alexander M’Kay was an irreparable
loss to the Company, which would probably have been dissolved by
the remaining partners, but for the arrival of the energetic Mr.
Hunt. Interesting as was the recital of the Indian of Gray’s Harbor
throughout, when he came to the unhappy end of that estimable man,
marks of regret were visibly painted on the countenances of all who
listened.[98]
At the beginning of September, Mr. M’Kenzie set off, with Messrs.
Wallace and Seton, to carry a supply of goods to the gentlemen
wintering in the interior, as well as to inform them of the
arrangements {189} concluded with Mr. Hunt, and to enjoin them to
send down all their furs, and all the Sandwich-Islanders, that the
former might be shipped for America, and the latter sent back to
their country.
NOTE by HUNTINGTON
It will never be known how or by whom the _Tonquin_ was blown up.
Some pretend to say that it was the work of James Lewis, but that
is impossible, for it appears from the narrative of the Indian that
he was one of the first persons murdered. It will be recollected
that five men got between decks from aloft, during the affray, and
four only were seen to quit the ship afterward in the boat. The
presumption was that the missing man must have done it, and in
further conversation with the Gray’s Harbor Indian, he inclined to
that opinion, and even affirmed that the individual was the ship’s
armorer, _Weeks_. It might also have been accidental. There was a
large quantity of powder in the run immediately under the cabin, and
it is not impossible that while the Indians were intent on plunder,
in opening some of the kegs they may have set fire to the contents.
Or again, the men, before quitting the ship, may have lighted a slow
train, which is the most likely supposition of all.
[93] It was a part of Astor’s plan to furnish provisions
and articles of trade for the Russians on the
Northwest Coast; that this would have been
practicable, is proved by the later trade between
Oregon and Sitka, when the Willamette Valley
furnished most of the flour used in Alaska. Around
Alexander Baranoff’s actions many legends have
gathered. Born in Eastern Russia (1747), he entered
business at Moscow, later drifted to Irkutsk and
Kamchatka, and about 1790 crossed to America. In
1799 he built Sitka, where for many years he ruled
as governor, with absolute sway. He died at sea, in
1819.--ED.
[94] This adventure of the “Albatross” (1810) was the
first attempt to establish a trading post upon
Columbia River. The Winships, a Boston firm,
fitted out the vessel of which Nathan Winship
was in charge, and William Smith first mate. The
first choice for the establishment proved to be
subject to overflow, whereupon they removed to Oak
Point. The crafty Chinook, however, showed such a
disposition to resent this invasion of their own
trading territory, that the Americans, after a brief
occupancy, were forced to retreat.
Captain William Smith, born in Virginia (1768),
migrated to Boston and in 1790 began a life upon the
ocean, in which he made eight voyages around the world,
on one of which he was absent eight years. Once he
was shipwrecked, and twice taken prisoner--by the
Indians on the Northwest Coast, and by the Spaniards
in California. He was still living in 1820. See
Niles’s _Register_, Aug. 12, 1820.--ED.
[95] It being understood, of course, that I render
into civilized expressions the language of this
barbarian, and represent by words and phrases
what he could only convey by gestures or by
signs.--FRANCHÈRE. [The _naïveté_ of these notes,
and of the narrative in these passages, is
amusing.--HUNTINGTON.]
[96] A great village or encampment of Indians, among
whom the Spaniards had sent missionaries under the
conduct of Signor Quadra; but whence the latter were
chased by Captain Vancouver, in 1792, as mentioned
in the Introduction.--FRANCHÈRE.
_Comment by Ed._--See note 3, _ante_.
[97] It is equally evident that even at the time when
Captain Thorn was first notified of the dangerous
crowd and threatening appearance of the natives, a
display of firearms would have sufficed to prevent
an outbreak. Had he come on deck with Mr. M’Kay and
Mr. Lewis, each armed with a musket, and a couple of
pistols at the belt, it is plain from the timidity
the savages afterward displayed, that he might have
cleared the ship, probably without shedding a drop
of blood.--HUNTINGTON.
[98] All accounts of the “Tonquin’s” fate are based upon
this Indian’s narrative. Ross’s description (see
volume vii of our series) is more circumstantial,
and differs from Franchère’s in many details. Ross
also throws doubt upon the good faith of the Indian
survivor. The other accounts represent that the
men who escaped in the boat were recaptured, and
tortured to death by the savages. The earliest
published narrative was in the _Missouri Gazette_,
May 15, 1813, reprinted by Chittenden, _Fur Trade_,
pp. 909-911.--ED.
{190} CHAPTER XV
Arrival of a Number of Canoes of the Northwest Company--Sale of the
Establishment at Astoria to that Company--Canadian News--Arrival
of the British Sloop-of-War “Raccoon”--Accident on Board that
Vessel--The Captain takes Formal Possession of Astoria--Surprise
and Discontent of the Officers and Crew--Departure of the
“Raccoon.”
A few days after Mr. M’Kenzie left us, we were greatly surprised by
the appearance of two canoes bearing the British flag, with a third
between them, carrying the flag of the United States, all rounding
Tongue Point. It was no other than Mr. M’Kenzie himself, returning
with Messrs. J. G. M’Tavish and Angus Bethune, of the Northwest
Company.[99] He had met these gentlemen near the first rapids,
and had determined to return with them to the establishment, in
consequence of information which they gave him. Those gentlemen were
in _light_ canoes {191} (i. e., without any lading), and formed the
vanguard to a flotilla of eight, loaded with furs, under the conduct
of Messrs. John Stuart and M’Millan.[100]
Mr. M’Tavish came to our quarters at the factory, and showed Mr.
M’Dougal a letter which had been addressed to the latter by Mr.
Angus Shaw, his uncle, and one of the partners of the Northwest
Company.[101] Mr. Shaw informed his nephew that the ship _Isaac Todd_
had sailed from London, with letters of _marque_, in the month of
March, in company with the frigate _Phœbe_, having orders from the
government to seize our establishment, which had been represented
to the lords of the admiralty as an important colony founded by
the American government. The eight canoes left behind, came up
meanwhile, and uniting themselves to the others, they formed a camp
of about seventy-five men, at the bottom of a little bay or cove,
near our factory. As they were destitute of provisions, we supplied
them; but Messrs. M’Dougal and M’Kenzie affecting to dread a surprise
from this British force under {192} our guns, we kept strictly on
our guard; for we were inferior in point of numbers, although our
position was exceedingly advantageous.
As the season advanced, and their ship did not arrive, our new
neighbors found themselves in a very disagreeable situation, without
food, or merchandise wherewith to procure it from the natives;
viewed by the latter with a distrustful and hostile eye, as being
our enemies and therefore exposed to attack and plunder on their
part with impunity; supplied with good hunters, indeed, but wanting
ammunition to render their skill available. Weary, at length, of
applying to us incessantly for food (which we furnished them with
a sparing hand), unable either to retrace their steps through the
wilderness or to remain in their present position, they came to the
conclusion of proposing to buy of us the whole establishment.
Placed, as we were, in the situation of expecting, day by day, the
arrival of an English ship-of-war to seize upon all we possessed,
we listened to their propositions. Several meetings and discussions
{193} took place; the negotiations were protracted by the hope of one
party that the long-expected armed force would arrive, to render the
purchase unnecessary, and were urged forward by the other in order
to conclude the affair before that occurrence should intervene; at
length the price of the goods and furs in the factory was agreed
upon, and the bargain was signed by both parties on the 23d of
October. The gentlemen of the Northwest Company took possession of
Astoria, agreeing to pay the servants of the Pacific Fur Company
(the name which had been chosen by Mr. Astor), the arrears of their
wages, to be deducted from the price of the goods which we delivered,
to supply them with provisions, and give a free passage to those
who wished to return to Canada over land. The American colors were
hauled down from the factory, and the British run up, to the no small
chagrin and mortification of those who were American citizens.
It was thus, that after having passed the seas, and suffered all
sorts of fatigues and privations, I lost in a moment all my hopes
of fortune. I {194} could not help remarking that we had no right
to expect such treatment on the part of the British government,
after the assurances we had received from Mr. Jackson, his majesty’s
_chargé d’affaires_ previously to our departure from New York. But
as I have just intimated, the agents of the Northwest Company had
exaggerated the importance of the factory in the eyes of the British
ministry; for if the latter had known what it really was--a mere
trading-post--and that nothing but the rivalry of the fur-traders of
the Northwest Company was interested in its destruction, they would
never have taken umbrage at it, or at least would never have sent a
maritime expedition to destroy it. The sequel will show that I was
not mistaken in this opinion.
The greater part of the servants of the Pacific Fur Company entered
the service of the Company of the Northwest: the rest preferred
to return to their country, and I was of the number of these
last. Nevertheless, Mr. M’Tavish, after many ineffectual attempts
to persuade me to remain with them, having intimated that the
establishment {195} could not dispense with my services, as I was
the only person who could assist them in their trade, especially
for provisions, of which they would soon be in the greatest need,
I agreed with them (without however relinquishing my previous
engagement with Mr. Astor’s agents) for five months, that is to say,
till the departure of the expedition which was to ascend the Columbia
in the spring, and reach Canada by way of the Rocky Mountains and
the rivers of the interior. Messrs. John Stuart and M’Kenzie set off
about the end of this month, for the interior, in order that the
latter might make over to the former the posts established on the
Spokan and Okenakan.
On the 15th of November, Messrs. Alexander Stuart[102] and Alexander
Henry,[103] both partners of the N. W. Company, arrived at the
factory, in a couple of bark canoes manned by sixteen _voyageurs_.
They had set out from _Fort William_, on Lake Superior, in the
month of July. They brought us Canadian papers, by which we learned
that the British arms so far had been in the ascendant. {196} They
confirmed also the news that an English frigate was coming to take
possession of our quondam establishment; they were even surprised not
to see the _Isaac Todd_ lying in the road.
On the morning of the 30th, we saw a large vessel standing in under
_Cape Disappointment_ (which proved in this instance to deserve its
name); and soon after that vessel came to anchor in _Baker’s bay_.
Not knowing whether it was a friendly or a hostile sail, we thought
it prudent to send on board Mr. M’Dougal in a canoe, manned by such
of the men as had been previously in the service of the Pacific
Fur Company, with injunctions to declare themselves Americans, if
the vessel was American, and Englishmen in the contrary case. While
this party was on its way, Mr. M’Tavish caused all the furs which
were marked with the initials of the N. W. Company to be placed on
board the two barges at the Fort, and sent them up the river above
Tongue Point, where they were to wait for a concerted signal, that
was to inform {197} them whether the new-comers were friends or foes.
Toward midnight, Mr. Halsey, who had accompanied Mr. M’Dougal to the
vessel, returned to the Fort, and announced to us that she was the
British sloop-of-war _Raccoon_, of 26 guns, commanded by Captain
Black, with a complement of 120 men, fore and aft. Mr. John M’Donald,
a partner of the N. W. Company, was a passenger on the Raccoon, with
five _voyageurs_, destined for the Company’s service.[104] He had
left England in the frigate _Phœbe_, which had sailed in company
with the _Isaac Todd_ as far as Rio Janeiro; but there falling in
with the British squadron, the admiral changed the destination of
the frigate, despatching the sloops-of-war _Raccoon_ and _Cherub_
to convoy the Isaac Todd, and sent the Phœbe to search for the
American commodore Porter, who was then on the Pacific, capturing
all the British whalers and other trading vessels he met with.[105]
These four vessels then sailed in company as far as Cape Horn,
where they parted, after agreeing on the island of _Juan Fernandez_
as a _rendezvous_. The three {198} ships-of-war met, in fact, at
that island; but after having a long time waited in vain for the
_Isaac Todd_, Commodore Hillier (Hillyer?) who commanded this little
squadron, hearing of the injury inflicted by Commodore Porter, on the
British commerce, and especially on the whalers who frequent these
seas, resolved to go in quest of him in order to give him combat;
and retaining the _Cherub_ to assist him, detailed the Raccoon to
go and destroy the American establishment on the River Columbia,
being assured by Mr. M’Donald that a single sloop-of-war would be
sufficient for that service.
Mr. M’Donald had consequently embarked, with his people, on board
the Raccoon. This gentleman informed us that they had experienced
frightful weather in doubling the Cape, and that he entertained
serious apprehensions for the safety of the Isaac Todd, but that if
she was safe, we might expect her to arrive in the river in two or
three weeks. The signal gun agreed upon, having been fired, for the
return of the barges, Mr. M’Tavish came back to the Fort {199} with
the furs, and was overjoyed to learn the arrival of Mr. M’Donald.
On the 1st of December the Raccoon’s gig came up to the fort,
bringing Mr. M’Donald (surnamed _Bras Croche_, or crooked arm),
and the first lieutenant, Mr. Sheriff. Both these gentlemen were
convalescent from the effects of an accident which had happened
to them in the passage between Juan Fernandez and the mouth of
the Columbia. The captain wishing to clean the guns, ordered them
to be scaled, that is, fired off: during this exercise one of the
guns hung fire; the sparks fell into a cartridge tub, and setting
fire to the combustibles, communicated also to some priming horns
suspended above; an explosion followed, which reached some twenty
persons; eight were killed on the spot, the rest were severely burnt;
Messrs. M’Donald and Sheriff had suffered a great deal; it was
with difficulty that their clothes had been removed; and when the
lieutenant came ashore, he had not recovered the use of his hands.
Among the killed was an American named _Flatt_, {200} who was in
the service of the Northwest Company and whose loss these gentlemen
appeared exceedingly to regret.[106]
As there were goods destined for the Company on board the Raccoon,
the schooner _Dolly_ was sent to Baker’s bay to bring them up: but
the weather was so bad, and the wind so violent, that she did not
return till the 12th, bringing up, together with the goods, Captain
Black, a lieutenant of marines, four soldiers and as many sailors. We
entertained our guests as splendidly as it lay in our power to do.
After dinner, the captain caused firearms to be given to the servants
of the Company, and we all marched under arms to the square or
platform, where a flag-staff had been erected. There the captain took
a British Union Jack, which he had brought on shore for the occasion,
and caused it to be run up to the top of the staff; then, taking a
bottle of Madeira wine, he broke it on the flag-staff, declaring in
a loud voice, that he took possession of the establishment and of
the country in the name of his Britannic Majesty; and changed the
name {201} of Astoria to _Fort George_. Some few Indian chiefs had
been got together to witness this ceremony, and I explained to them
in their own language what it signified. Three rounds of artillery
and musketry were fired, and the health of the king was drunk by the
parties interested, according to the usage on like occasions.
The sloop being detained by contrary winds, the captain caused an
exact survey to be made of the entrance of the river, as well as
of the navigable channel between Baker’s bay and Fort George. The
officers visited the fort, turn about, and seemed to me in general
very much dissatisfied with their fool’s errand, as they called it:
they had expected to find a number of American vessels loaded with
rich furs, and had calculated in advance their share in the booty
of Astoria.[107] They had not met a vessel, and their astonishment
was at its height when they saw that our establishment had been
transferred to the Northwest Company, and was under the British
flag. It will suffice to quote a single expression of Captain
Black’s, in order to show {202} how much they were deceived in
their expectations. The captain landed after dark; when we showed
him the next morning the palisades and log bastions of the factory,
he inquired if there was not another fort; on being assured that
there was no other, he cried out, with an air of the greatest
astonishment:--“What! is this the fort which was represented to me as
so formidable! Good God! I could batter it down in two hours with a
four-pounder!”
There were on board the Raccoon two young men from Canada, who had
been impressed at Quebec, when that vessel was there some years
before her voyage to the Columbia: one of them was named _Parent_, a
blacksmith, and was of Quebec: the other was from Upper Canada, and
was named M’Donald. These young persons signified to us that they
would be glad to remain at Fort George: and as there was among our
men some who would gladly have shipped, we proposed to the captain an
exchange, but he would not consent to it. John Little, a boat-builder
from New York, who had been on the {203} sick list a long time, was
sent on board and placed under the care of the sloop’s surgeon, Mr.
O’Brien; the captain engaging to land him at the Sandwich Islands. P.
D. Jeremie also shipped himself as under clerk. The vessel hoisted
sail, and got out of the river, on the 31st of December.
From the account given in this chapter the reader will see with what
facility the establishment of the Pacific Fur Company could have
escaped capture by the British force. It was only necessary to get
rid of the land party of the Northwest Company--who were completely
in our power--then remove our effects up the river upon some small
stream, and await the result. The sloop-of-war arrived, it is true;
but as, in the case I suppose, she would have found nothing, she
would have left, after setting fire to our deserted houses. None
of their boats would have dared follow us, even if the Indians had
betrayed to them our lurking-place. Those at the head of affairs had
their own fortunes to seek, and thought it more for their interest,
doubtless, to {204} act as they did, but that will not clear them
in the eyes of the world, and the charge of treason to Mr. Astor’s
interests will always be attached to their characters.
[99] Angus Bethune appears as one of the chief members of
Alexander Henry’s party in the Saskatchewan country,
first mentioned under date of September 17, 1810.
After reaching Astoria with McTavish in 1813, he
remained in the Columbia country until April, 1817,
when he left Fort George with the brigade which set
out for Fort William. Later he was supercargo on the
North West Company’s vessel “Columbia,” sailing to
China from the Columbia River.--ED.
[100] This is probably A. McMillan, member of a party
organized at Fort William by John McDonald (1808
or 1809) for the relief of David Thompson, the
scientist of the North West Company, then in the
Rocky Mountains. McMillan was with Thompson until
the spring of 1810, when he joined Alexander Henry.
July 9, of the same year, McMillan set out for
the Columbia to watch the operations there of the
Hudson’s Bay Company, but was prevented by the
Indians from establishing a post, and rejoined Henry
the following January. In 1812 he was in charge
of the North West Company’s house near Spokane
Falls.--ED.
[101] Although the son of an independent trader, Angus
Shaw was from an early date connected with the North
West Company. In 1789 he built a trading house on
Lac d’Original, Beaver River waters, and in 1792
built Fort George, one of the Saskatchewan posts
better known as “Fort des Prairies.” As one of the
wintering partners of the North West Company, he
signed by attorney the Montreal agreement of 1804,
by which the X Y Company was absorbed. In 1819 he
was one of the North West partners captured by the
agents of the Hudson’s Bay Company; after some
months’ imprisonment he was sent to England, and
there released. Shaw was nicknamed “Monsieur Le
Chat,” apparently a pun on his name.--ED.
[102] Alexander Stuart was in charge of a post on Lesser
Slave Lake in 1806 or earlier. During the summer of
1814 he brought his family to the Columbia. He was
at Spokane House, Okanagan, and Fort George until
September, 1815, when he again took charge of the
Lesser Slave Lake station.--ED.
[103] Alexander Henry--called “the younger” to distinguish
him from his uncle of the same name--was for fifteen
years a winterer of the North West Company, chiefly
in the Saskatchewan country. From the time of his
first venture (1799) until the day preceding his
death by drowning in the mouth of the Columbia (May
22, 1814), he kept a journal, which is valuable as
a source of information in regard to the Indians
and traders of that period in the Western regions
of Canada. See _Henry-Thompson Journals_ (Coues,
ed.).--ED.
[104] John McDonald of Garth--nicknamed “Bras Croche”
(Crooked arm), from a deformity due to an
accident--was a Scotch Highlander who came to Canada
in 1791, at the age of seventeen. He was in the
Western country, chiefly in the Saskatchewan, almost
continuously from 1791 to 1812. In the latter year
he returned to England, but left in February, 1813,
for the Columbia River. He was in the party, with
Franchère, which left Fort George April 4, 1814
(see chapter xxi, _post_). In 1816 McDonald retired
from the company and settled in Upper Canada, where
he lived until 1860. In 1859, he wrote a brief
sketch of his life. See Masson, _Les Bourgeois de
la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest_ (Quebec, 1890), ii, pp.
1-59.--ED.
[105] David Porter was born in Boston, February 1, 1780.
In 1799, when a midshipman on the “Constellation,”
he took part in her combat with the “Insurgente.” In
1799 he became lieutenant, and served in the West
Indies. During the Barbary War he led the expedition
which destroyed several vessels in the harbor of
Tripoli. In the War of 1812-15, he commanded the
Essex on her famous cruise. After the peace treaty,
he was a member of the board of navy commissioners
until 1823, when he resigned to command an
expedition against the West India pirates. From
1826 to 1829 Porter was commander-in-chief of the
Mexican navy, and later became United States consul
general to the Barbary states. From that position he
was transferred to Constantinople, first as chargé
d’affaires and then as minister, dying there in
1843.--ED.
[106] For a contemporary account of the voyage of the
“Isaac Todd” and the “Raccoon,” see McDonald’s
“Reminiscences” in Masson, _Bourgeois_, ii, pp.
43-49.--ED.
[107] McDonald contradicts this testimony of Franchère,
saying: “I heard of no expectation of prize money,
nor disappointment in any respect. The force was
sent to fulfil a duty to the North-West Company; it
was no government measure.”--ED.
{205} CHAPTER XVI
Expeditions to the Interior--Return of Messrs. John Stuart and D.
M’Kenzie--Theft committed by the Natives--War Party against the
Thieves.
On the 3d of January, 1814, two canoes laden with merchandise for
the interior, were despatched under the command of Mr. Alexander
Stuart and Mr. James Keith, with fifteen men under them.[108] Two of
the latter were charged with letters for the posts (of the Northwest
Company) east of the mountains, containing instructions to the
persons in superintendence there, to have in readiness canoes and
the requisite provisions for a large party intending to go east the
ensuing spring. I took this opportunity of advising my friends in
Canada of my intention to return home that season. It was the third
attempt I had made to send news of my existence {206} to my relatives
and friends: the first two had miscarried and this was doomed to meet
the same fate.
Messrs. J. Stuart and M’Kenzie, who (as was seen in a previous
chapter) had been sent to notify the gentlemen in the interior of
what had taken place in Astoria, and to transfer the wintering posts
to the Northwest Company, returned to Fort George on the morning of
the 6th. They stated that they had left Messrs. Clarke and D. Stuart
behind, with the loaded canoes, and also that the party had been
attacked by the natives above the falls.
As they were descending the river toward evening, between the first
and second portages, they had espied a large number of Indians
congregated at no great distance in the prairie; which gave them some
uneasiness. In fact, some time after they had encamped, and when all
the people (_tout le monde_) were asleep, except Mr. Stuart, who
was on guard, these savages had stealthily approached the camp,
and discharged some arrows, one of which had penetrated the {207}
coverlet of one of the men, who was lying near the baggage, and had
pierced the cartilage of his ear; the pain made him utter a sharp
cry, which alarmed the whole camp and threw it into an uproar. The
natives perceiving it, fled to the woods, howling and yelling like
so many demons. In the morning our people picked up eight arrows
round the camp: they could yet hear the savages yell and whoop in the
woods: but, notwithstanding, the party reached the lower end of the
portage unmolested.
The audacity which these barbarians had displayed in attacking a
party of from forty to forty-five persons, made us suppose that they
would, much more probably, attack the party of Mr. Stuart, which was
composed of but seventeen men. Consequently, I received orders to get
ready forthwith a canoe and firearms, in order to proceed to their
relief. The whole was ready in the short space of two hours, and I
embarked immediately with a guide and eight men. Our instructions
were to use all possible diligence to overtake Messrs. Stewart and
Keith, and to {208} convey them to the upper end of the last portage;
or to return with the goods, if we met too much resistance on the
part of the natives. We travelled, then, all that day, and all the
night of the 6th, and on the 7th, till evening. Finding ourselves
then at a little distance from the rapids, I came to a halt, to
put the firearms in order, and let the men take some repose. About
midnight I caused them to re-embark, and ordered the men to sing as
they rowed, that the party whom we wished to overtake might hear us
as we passed, if perchance they were encamped on some one of the
islands of which the river is full in this part. In fact, we had
hardly proceeded five or six miles, when we were hailed by some
one apparently in the middle of the stream. We stopped rowing, and
answered, and were soon joined by our people of the expedition, who
were all descending the river in a canoe. They informed us that they
had been attacked the evening before, and that Mr. Stuart had been
wounded. We turned about, and all proceeded in company toward the
fort. In the morning, when {209} we stopped to breakfast, Mr. Keith
gave me the particulars of the affair of the day preceding.
Having arrived at the foot of the rapids, they commenced the
portage on the south bank of the river, which is obstructed with
boulders, over which it was necessary to pass the effects. After
they had hauled over the two canoes, and a part of the goods, the
natives approached in great numbers, trying to carry off something
unobserved. Mr. Stuart was at the upper end of the portage (the
portage being about six hundred yards in length), and Mr. Keith
accompanied the loaded men. An Indian seized a bag containing
articles of little value, and fled: Mr. Stuart, who saw the act,
pursued the thief, and after some resistance on the latter’s part,
succeeded in making him relinquish his booty. Immediately he saw a
number of Indians armed with bows and arrows, approaching him: one of
them bent his bow and took aim; Mr. Stuart, on his part, levelled his
gun at the Indian, warning the latter not to shoot, and at the same
instant received an arrow, which pierced his left shoulder. {210} He
then drew the trigger; but as it had rained all day, the gun missed
fire, and before he could re-prime, another arrow, better aimed than
the first, struck him in the left side and penetrated between two of
his ribs, in the region of the heart, and would have proved fatal, no
doubt, but for a stone-pipe he had fortunately in his side-pocket,
and which was broken by the arrow; at the same moment his gun was
discharged, and the Indian fell dead. Several others then rushed
forward to avenge the death of their compatriot; but two of the men
came up with their loads and their gun (for these portages were made
arms in hand), and seeing what was going forward, one of them threw
his pack on the ground, fired on one of the Indians and brought him
down. He got up again, however, and picked up his weapons, but the
other man ran upon him, wrested from him his war-club, and despatched
him by repeated blows on the head with it. The other savages, seeing
the bulk of our people approaching the scene of combat, retired
and crossed the river. In the meantime, {211} Mr. Stuart extracted
the arrows from his body, by the aid of one of the men: the blood
flowed in abundance from the wounds, and he saw that it would be
impossible for him to pursue his journey; he therefore gave orders
for the canoes and goods to be carried back to the lower end of the
portage.[109] Presently they saw a great number of pirogues full
of warriors coming from the opposite side of the river. Our people
then considered that they could do nothing better than to get away
as fast as possible; they contrived to transport over one canoe, on
which they all embarked, abandoning the other and the goods, to the
natives. While the barbarians were plundering these effects, more
precious in their estimation than the apples of gold in the garden of
the Hesperides, our party retired and got out of sight. The retreat
was, notwithstanding, so precipitate, that they left behind an Indian
from the Lake of the Two Mountains, who was in the service of the
Company as a hunter.[110] This Indian had persisted in concealing
himself behind the rocks, meaning, he said, to kill some of those
{212} thieves, and did not return in time for the embarkation.
Mr. Keith regretted this brave man’s obstinacy, fearing, with good
reason, that he would be discovered and murdered by the natives. We
rowed all that day and night, and reached the factory on the 9th, at
sunrise. Our first care, after having announced the misfortune of our
people, was to dress the wounds of Mr. Stuart, which had been merely
bound with a wretched piece of cotton cloth.
The goods which had been abandoned, were of consequence to the
Company, inasmuch as they could not be replaced. It was dangerous,
besides, to leave the natives in possession of some fifty guns and
a considerable quantity of ammunition, which they might use against
us.[111] The partners, therefore, decided to fit out an expedition
immediately to chastise the robbers, or at least to endeavor to
recover the goods. I went, by their order, to find the principal
chiefs of the neighboring tribes, to explain to them what had {213}
taken place, and invite them to join us, to which they willingly
consented. Then, having got ready six canoes, we re-embarked on the
10th, to the number of sixty-two men, all armed from head to foot,
and provided with a small brass field-piece.
We soon reached the lower end of the first rapid: but the essential
thing was wanting to our little force; it was without provisions; our
first care then was to try to procure these. Having arrived opposite
a village, we perceived on the bank about thirty armed savages, who
seemed to await us firmly. As it was not our policy to seem bent on
hostilities, we landed on the opposite bank, and I crossed the river
with five or six men, to enter into parley with them, and try to
obtain provisions. I immediately became aware that the village was
abandoned, the women and children having fled to the woods, taking
with them all the articles of food. The young men, however, offered
us dogs, of which we purchased a score. Then we passed to a second
village, where they were already informed {214} of our coming. Here
we bought forty-five dogs and a horse. With this stock we formed an
encampment on an island called _Strawberry island_.[112]
Seeing ourselves now provided with food for several days, we informed
the natives touching the motives which had brought us, and announced
to them that we were determined to put them all to death and burn
their villages, if they did not bring back in two days the effects
stolen on the 7th. A party was detached to the rapids, where the
attack on Mr. Stuart had taken place. We found the villages all
deserted. Crossing to the north bank, we found a few natives, of
whom we made inquiries respecting the Nipissingue Indian, who had
been left behind, but they assured us that they had seen nothing of
him.[113]
{215} Not having succeeded in recovering, above the rapids, any part
of the lost goods, the inhabitants all protesting that it was not
they, but the villages below, which had perpetrated the robbery, we
descended the river again and re-encamped on _Strawberry island_. As
the intention of the partners was to intimidate the natives, without
(if possible) shedding blood, we made a display of our numbers, and
from time to time fired off our little field-piece, to let them see
that we could reach them from one side of the river to the other.
The Indian _Coalpo_ and his wife, who had accompanied us, advised
us to make prisoner one of the chiefs. We succeeded in this design,
without incurring any danger. Having invited one of the natives
to come and smoke with us, he came accordingly: a little after,
came another; at last, one of the chiefs, and he one of the most
considered among them, also came. Being notified secretly of his
character {216} by _Coalpo_, who was concealed in the tent, we seized
him forthwith, tied him to a stake, and placed a guard over him with
a naked sword, as if ready to cut his head off on the least attempt
being made by his people for his liberation. The other Indians were
then suffered to depart with the news for his tribe, that unless the
goods were brought to us in twenty-four hours, their chief would be
put to death. Our stratagem succeeded: soon after we heard wailing
and lamentation in the village, and they presently brought us part
of the guns, some brass kettles, and a variety of smaller articles,
protesting that this was all their share of the plunder. Keeping our
chief as a hostage, we passed to the other village, and succeeded in
recovering the rest of the guns, and about a third of the other goods.
Although they had been the aggressors, yet as they had had two
men killed and we had not lost any on our side, we thought it our
duty to conform to the usage of the country, and abandon to them
the remainder of the stolen effects, to cover, according to their
expression, {217} the bodies of their two slain compatriots.[114]
Besides, we began to find ourselves short of provisions, and it
would not have been easy to get at our enemies to punish them, if
they had taken refuge in the woods, according to their custom when
they feel themselves the weaker party. So we released our prisoner,
and gave him a flag, telling him that when he presented it unfurled,
we should regard it as a sign of peace and friendship: but if, when
we were passing the portage, any one of the natives should have the
misfortune to come near the baggage, we would kill him on the spot.
We re-embarked on the 19th, and on the 22d reached the fort, where we
made a report of our martial expedition. We found Mr. Stuart very ill
of his wounds, especially of the one in the side, which was so much
swelled that he had every reason to think the arrow had been poisoned.
If we did not do the savages as much harm as we might have done,
it was not from timidity but from humanity, and in order not to
shed human blood uselessly.[115] For after all, what good would
{218} it have done us to have slaughtered some of these barbarians,
whose crime was not the effect of depravity and wickedness, but of
an ardent and irresistible desire to ameliorate their condition?
It must be allowed also that the interest, well-understood, of the
partners of the Northwest Company, was opposed to too strongly marked
acts of hostility on their part: it behooved them exceedingly not
to make irreconciliable enemies of the populations neighboring on
the portages of the Columbia, which they would so often be obliged
to pass and repass in future. It is also probable that the other
natives on the banks, as well as of the river as of the sea, would
not have seen with indifference, their countrymen too signally or
too rigorously punished by strangers; and that they would have made
common cause with the former to resist the latter, and perhaps even
to drive them from the country.
I must not omit to state that all the firearms surrendered by the
Indians on this occasion, were found loaded with ball, and primed,
with {219} a little piece of cotton laid over the priming to keep
the powder dry. This shows how soon they would acquire the use of
guns, and how careful traders should be in intercourse with strange
Indians, not to teach them their use.
[108] James was a brother of George Keith, prominent in
the Athabasca department of the North West Company,
and after 1821 chief factor for the Hudson’s Bay
Company. James is chiefly known for his services on
the Columbia, whither he arrived as clerk in 1813.
His journeys are typical. In March, 1814, he left
Fort George for an exploring expedition into the
interior. In August of the same year, he started
with despatches for the East, and having crossed the
Rocky Mountains was in November again at the mouth
of the Columbia. The next summer finds him at Fort
William, on Lake Superior. By October, 1815, he had
reached Spokane House, and thence went down to Fort
George, returning to Okanagan in January, 1816. From
there he disappears from notice.--ED.
[109] Stuart never entirely recovered from the effect of
these wounds.--ED.
[110] The North West Company employed as hunters and
porters many Indians from the Canadian missions.
Henry gives the name of this Indian as Jean Baptiste
Saganakee.
For the mission at the Lake of Two Mountains, see
J. Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii of our series, note
29.--ED.
[111] However, some cases of guns and kegs of powder
were thrown into the falls, before the party
retreated.--FRANCHÈRE.
[112] Strawberry Island was so named by Lewis and Clark.
It is situated at the foot of the Cascades, near the
present town of Cascade, Washington.--ED.
[113] This Indian returned some time after to the factory,
but in a pitiable condition. After the departure of
the canoe, he had concealed himself behind a rock,
and so passed the night. At daybreak, fearing to be
discovered, he gained the woods and directed his
steps toward the fort, across a mountainous region.
He arrived at length at the bank of a little stream,
which he was at first unable to cross. Hunger, in
the meantime, began to urge him; he might have
appeased it with game, of which he saw plenty, but
unfortunately he had lost the flint of his gun. At
last, with a raft of sticks, he crossed the river,
and arrived at a village, the inhabitants of which
disarmed him, and made him prisoner. Our people
hearing where he was, sent to seek him, and gave
some blankets for his ransom.--FRANCHÈRE.
[114] The custom of “covering the dead”--that is, paying
a ransom to the relatives of a murdered man to
appease their just vengeance--was common to all the
American tribes. For an example of this custom among
the tribes upon the Mississippi, see _Wisconsin
Historical Collections_, xvii, “Narrative of De
Boucherville.”--ED.
[115] This expedition appears to have been curiously
mismanaged, and to have excited the ridicule of
the Indians. Ross, volume vii of our series, gives
another account. The detailed narrative of the
leader is in _Henry-Thompson Journals_, ii, pp.
790-810.--ED.
{220} CHAPTER XVII
Description of Tongue Point--A Trip to the _Willamet_--Arrival of
W. Hunt in the Brig Pedlar--Narrative of the Loss of the Ship
Lark--Preparations for crossing the Continent.
The new proprietors of our establishment, being dissatisfied with the
site we had chosen, came to the determination to change it; after
surveying both sides of the river, they found no better place than
the head-land which we had named Tongue point.[116] This point, or to
speak more accurately, perhaps, this cape, extends about a quarter
of a mile into the river, being connected with the mainland by a
low, narrow neck, over which the Indians, in stormy weather, haul
their canoes in passing up and down the river; and terminating in an
almost perpendicular rock, of about 250 or 300 feet elevation. This
bold summit was covered with a dense {221} forest of pine trees;
the ascent from the lower neck was gradual and easy; it abounded in
springs of the finest water; on either side it had a cove to shelter
the boats necessary for a trading establishment. This peninsula had
truly the appearance of a huge tongue. Astoria had been built nearer
the ocean, but the advantages offered by Tongue point more than
compensated for its greater distance. Its soil, in the rainy season,
could be drained with little or no trouble; it was a better position
to guard against attacks on the part of the natives, and less exposed
to that of civilized enemies by sea or land in time of war.
All the hands who had returned from the interior, added to those who
were already at the Fort, consumed, in an incredibly short space
of time the small stock of provisions which had been conveyed by
the Pacific Fur Company to the Company of the Northwest. It became
a matter of necessity, therefore, to seek some spot where a part,
at least, could be sent to subsist. With these views I left the
fort on the 7th February {222} with a number of men, belonging to
the old concern, and who had refused to enter the service of the
new one, to proceed to the establishment on the _Willamet_ river,
under the charge of Mr. Alexander Henry, who had with him a number
of first-rate hunters.[117] Leaving the Columbia to ascend the
_Willamet_, I found the banks on either side of that stream well
wooded, but low and swampy, until I reached the first falls; having
passed which, by making a portage, I commenced ascending a clear
but moderately deep channel, against a swift current. The banks on
either side were bordered with forest-trees, but behind that narrow
belt, diversified with prairie, the landscape was magnificent; the
hills were of moderate elevation, and rising in an amphitheatre. Deer
and elk are found here in great abundance; and the post in charge
of Mr. Henry had been established with a view of keeping constantly
there a number of hunters to prepare dried venison for the use of the
factory. On our arrival at the Columbia, considering the latitude, we
had expected severe winter weather, {223} such as is experienced in
the same latitudes east; but we were soon undeceived; the mildness of
the climate never permitted us to transport fresh provisions from the
Willamet to Astoria. We had not a particle of salt; and the attempts
we made to smoke or dry the venison proved abortive.
Having left the men under my charge with Mr. Henry, I took leave of
that gentleman, and returned. At Oak point I found Messrs. Keith and
Pillet encamped, to pass there the season of sturgeon-fishing. They
informed me that I was to stay with them.
Accordingly I remained at Oak point the rest of the winter, occupied
in trading with the Indians spread all along the river for some 30
or 40 miles above, in order to supply the factory with provisions.
I used to take a boat with four or five men, visit every fishing
station, trade for as much fish as would load the boat, and send her
down to the fort. The surplus fish traded in the interval between the
departure and return of the boat, was cut up, salted and barrelled
for {224} future use. The salt had been recently obtained from a
quarter to be presently mentioned.
About the middle of March Messrs. Keith and Pillet both left me
and returned to the fort. Being now alone, I began seriously to
reflect on my position, and it was in this interval that I positively
decided to return to Canada. I made inquiries of the men sent up
with the boats for fish, concerning the preparations for departure,
but whether they had been enjoined secrecy, or were unwilling to
communicate, I could learn nothing of what was doing below.
At last I heard that on the 28th February a sail had appeared at
the mouth of the river. The gentlemen of the N. W. Company at
first flattered themselves that it was the vessel they had so long
expected. They were soon undeceived by a letter from Mr. Hunt,
which was brought to the fort by the Indians of _Baker’s bay_. That
gentleman had purchased at the Marquesas islands a brig called _The
Pedlar_: it was on that vessel that he arrived, having for pilot
Captain Northrop, formerly commander of {225} the ship _Lark_. The
latter vessel had been outfitted by Mr. Astor, and despatched from
New York, in spite of the blockading squadron, with supplies for the
_ci-devant_ Pacific Fur Company; but unhappily she had been assailed
by a furious tempest and capsized in lat. 16° N., and three or four
hundred miles from the Sandwich Islands. The mate, who was sick, was
drowned in the cabin, and four of the crew perished at the same time.
The captain had the masts and rigging cut away, which caused the
vessel to right again, though full of water. One of the hands dived
down to the sail-maker’s locker, and got out a small sail, which they
attached to the bowsprit. He dived a second time, and brought up a
box containing a dozen bottles of wine. For thirteen days they had
no other sustenance but the flesh of a small shark, which they had
the good fortune to take, and which they ate raw, and for drink, a
gill of the wine each man _per diem_. At last the trade winds carried
them upon the island of _Tahouraka_, where the vessel went to pieces
on the reef. The islanders saved the crew, and {226} seized all the
goods which floated on the water. Mr. Hunt was then at _Wahoo_, and
learned through some islanders from _Morotoi_, that some Americans
had been wrecked on the isle of _Tahouraka_. He went immediately to
take them off, and gave the pilotage of his own vessel to Captain
Northrop.[118]
It may be imagined what was the surprise of Mr. Hunt when he saw
Astoria under the British flag, and passed into stranger hands. But
the misfortune was beyond remedy, and he was obliged to content
himself with taking on board all the Americans who were at the
establishment, and who had not entered the service of the Company of
the Northwest. Messrs. Halsey, Seton, and Farnham were among those
who embarked. I shall have occasion to inform the reader of the part
each of them played, and how they reached their homes.
When I heard that Mr. Hunt was in the river, and knowing that the
overland expedition was to set out early in April, I raised camp at
Oak point, and reached the fort on the 2d of that month. But the brig
_Pedlar_ had that very day {227} got outside the river, after several
fruitless attempts, in one of which she narrowly missed being lost on
the bar.
I would gladly have gone in her, had I but arrived a day sooner. I
found, however, all things prepared for the departure of the canoes,
which was to take place on the 4th. I got ready the few articles
I possessed, and in spite of the very advantageous offers of the
gentlemen of the N. W. Company, and their reiterated persuasions,
aided by the crafty M’Dougal, to induce me to remain, at least
one year more, I persisted in my resolution to leave the country.
The journey I was about to undertake was a long one: it would be
accompanied with great fatigues and many privations, and even by some
dangers; but I was used to privations and fatigues; I had braved
dangers of more than one sort; and even had it been otherwise, the
ardent desire of revisiting my country, my relatives, and my friends,
the hope of finding myself, in a few months, in their midst, would
have made me overlook every other consideration.
{228} I am about, then, to quit the banks of the river Columbia, and
conduct the reader through the mountain passes, over the plains, the
forests, and the lakes of our continent: but I ought first to give
him at least an idea of the manners and customs of the inhabitants,
as well as of the principal productions of the country that I now
quit, after a sojourn of three years. This is what I shall try to do
in the following chapters.[119]
[116] Henry says that the partners had decided to remove
to the mouth of the Willamette, but could find no
suitable building site below Point Vancouver, which
was considered too high up the river. Thereupon,
this house at Tongue Point was begun.--ED.
[117] Franchère here makes a slip of the pen. The fort
on the Willamette was in charge of William Henry,
Alexander’s cousin. William was a son of Alexander
Henry, the elder, being born in Montreal about 1783.
Entering the North West Company’s service as clerk,
he was stationed in Manitoba (1801-09). The next
year, he was sent to command at Cumberland House,
Athabasca, and thence removed to Columbia waters,
where Thompson found him in 1812. He remained at his
Willamette post until 1816, being then transferred
to Slave Lake. After the North West Company was
merged in the Hudson’s Bay (1821), Henry removed
to Montreal, and became surveyor and engineer.
About 1848 he went to live at Newmarket, Ontario,
where he died in 1864. For his portrait, see Henry,
_Travels and Adventures_ (Bain, ed., Boston, 1901),
preface. The location of his Willamette post has not
definitely been determined. It was a short distance
above Pudding River. See _Henry-Thompson Journals_,
p. 815.--ED.
[118] The wreck of the “Lark” is described in more detail
by Henry (_Henry-Thompson Journals_, pp. 845-848),
who doubtless had his account directly from Captain
Northrop. “Morotoi” Island is the present Molokai;
“Tahouraka” is Maui.--ED.
[119] Some of my readers would, no doubt, desire some
scientific details on the botany and natural
history of this country. That is, in fact, what
they ought to expect from a man who had traveled
for his pleasure, or to make discoveries: but the
object of my travels was not of this description; my
occupations had no relation with science; and, as I
have said in my preface, I was not, and am not now,
either a naturalist or a botanist.--FRANCHÈRE.
{229} CHAPTER XVIII
Situation of the Columbia River--Qualities of its Soil--Climate,
&c.--Vegetable and Animal Productions of the Country.
The mouth of the Columbia river is situated in 46° 19′ north
latitude, and 125° or 126° of longitude west of the meridian of
Greenwich. The highest tides are very little over nine or ten feet,
at its entrance, and are felt up stream for a distance of twenty-five
or thirty leagues.
During the three years I spent there, the cold never was much below
the freezing point; and I do not think the heat ever exceeded 76°.
Westerly winds prevail from the early part of spring, and during a
part of the summer; that wind generally springs up with the flood
tide, and tempers the heat of the day. The northwest wind prevails
during the latter part of summer and commencement {230} of autumn.
This last is succeeded by a southeast wind, which blows almost
without intermission from the beginning of October to the end of
December, or commencement of January. This interval is the rainy
season, the most disagreeable of the year. Fogs (so thick that
sometimes for days no object is discernible for five or six hundred
yards from the beach), are also very prevalent.
The surface of the soil consists (in the valleys) of a layer of
black vegetable mould, about five or six inches thick at most; under
this layer is found another of gray and loose, but extremely cold
earth; below which is a bed of coarse sand and gravel, and next to
that pebble or hard rock. On the more elevated parts, the same black
vegetable mould is found, but much thinner, and under it is the trap
rock. We found along the seashore, south of Point Adams, a bank of
earth white as chalk, which we used for whitewashing our walls. The
natives also brought us several specimens of blue, red and yellow
earth or clay, which they said was to be found at a great distance
{231} south; and also a sort of shining earth, resembling lead
ore.[120] We found no limestone, although we burnt several kilns, but
never could get one ounce of lime.
We had brought with us from New York a variety of garden seeds, which
were put in the ground in the month of May, 1811, on a rich piece
of land laid out for the purpose on a sloping ground in front of
our establishment. The garden had a fine appearance in the month
of August; but although the plants were left in the ground until
December, not one of them came to maturity, with the exception of
the radishes, the turnips, and the potatoes. The turnips grew to a
prodigious size; one of the largest we had the curiosity to weigh
and measure; its circumference was thirty-three inches, its weight
fifteen and a half pounds. The radishes were in full blossom in the
month of December, and were left in the ground to perfect the seeds
for the ensuing season, but they were all destroyed by the ground
mice, who hid themselves under the stumps which {232} we had not
rooted out, and infested our garden. With all the care we could
bestow on them during the passage from New York, only twelve potatoes
were saved, and even these so shrivelled up, that we despaired of
raising any from the few sprouts that still gave signs of life.
Nevertheless we raised one hundred and ninety potatoes the first
season, and after sparing a few plants for our inland traders, we
planted about fifty or sixty hills, which produced five bushels the
second year; about two of these were planted, and gave us a welcome
crop of fifty bushels the year 1813.
It would result from these facts, that the soil on the banks of
the river, as far as tide water, or for a distance of fifty or
sixty miles, is very little adapted for agriculture; at all events,
vegetation is very slow. It may be that the soil is not everywhere so
cold as the spot we selected for our garden, and some other positions
might have given a better reward for our labor: this supposition
is rendered more than probable when we take into consideration the
great difference in {233} the indigenous vegetables of the country in
different localities.
The forest trees most common at the mouth of the river and near our
establishment, were cedar, hemlock, white and red spruce, and alder.
There were a few dwarf white and gray ashes; and here and there a
soft maple. The alder grows also to a very large size; I measured
some of twelve to fifteen inches diameter; the wood was used by us
in preference, to make charcoal for the blacksmith’s forge. But the
largest of all the trees that I saw in the country, was a white
spruce: this tree, which had lost its top branches, and bore evident
marks of having been struck by lightning, was a mere, straight trunk
of about eighty to one hundred feet in height; its bark whitened by
age, made it very conspicuous among the other trees with their brown
bark and dark foliage, like a huge column of white marble. It stood
on a slope of a hill immediately in the rear of our palisades. Seven
of us placed ourselves round its trunk, and we could not embrace
it by extending our arms and touching merely the {234} tips of our
fingers; we measured it afterward in a more regular manner, and found
it forty-two feet in circumference. It kept the same size, or nearly
the same, to the very top.
We had it in contemplation at one time to construct a circular
staircase to its summit, and erect a platform thereon for an
observatory, but more necessary and pressing demands on our time made
us abandon the project.
A short distance above Astoria, the oak and ash are plentiful, but
neither of these is of much value or beauty.
From the middle of June to the middle of October, we had abundance of
wild fruit; first, strawberries, almost white, small but very sweet;
then raspberries, both red and orange color. These grow on a bush
sometimes twelve feet in height: they are not sweet, but of a large
size.
The months of July and August furnish a small berry of an agreeable,
slightly acid flavor; this berry grows on a slender bush of some
eight to nine feet high, with small round leaves; they are in size
like a wild cherry: some are blue, while {235} others are of a
cherry red: the last being smaller; they have no pits, or stones in
them, but seeds, such as are to be seen in currants.[121]
I noticed in the month of August another berry growing in bunches or
grapes like the currant, on a bush very similar to the currant bush:
the leaves of this shrub resemble those of the laurel: they are very
thick and always green. The fruit is oblong, and disposed in two rows
on the stem: the extremity of the berry is open, having a little
speck or tuft like that of an apple. It is not of a particularly
fine flavor, but it is wholesome, and one may eat a quantity of
it, without inconvenience. The natives make great use of it; they
prepare it for the winter by bruising and drying it; after which it
is moulded into cakes according to fancy, and laid up for use.[122]
There is also a great abundance of cranberries, which proved very
useful as an antiscorbutic.
We found also the whortleberry, chokecherries, gooseberries, and
black currants with wild crab-apples: these last grow in clusters,
are of small size and very tart. On the upper part of {236} the
river are found blackberries, hazel-nuts, acorns, &c. The country
also possesses a great variety of nutritive roots: the natives make
great use of those which have the virtue of curing or preventing the
scurvy. We ate freely of them with the same intention, and with the
same success. One of these roots, which much resembles a small onion,
serves them, in some sort, in place of cheese. Having gathered a
sufficient quantity, they bake them with red-hot stones, until the
steam ceases to ooze from the layer of grass and earth with which
the roots are covered; then they pound them into a paste, and make
the paste into loaves, of five or six pounds weight: the taste is
not unlike liquorice, but not of so sickly a sweetness.[123] When
we made our first voyage up the river the natives gave us square
biscuits, very well worked, and printed with different figures. These
are made of a white root, pounded, reduced to paste, and dried in the
sun. They call it _Chapaleel_: it is not very palatable, nor very
nutritive.
But the principal food of the natives of the Columbia {237} is
fish. The salmon-fishery begins in July: that fish is here of an
exquisite flavor, but it is extremely fat and oily; which renders it
unwholesome for those who are not accustomed to it, and who eat too
great a quantity:[124] thus several of our people were attacked with
diarrhœa in a few days after we began to make this fish our ordinary
sustenance; but they found a remedy in the raspberries of the country
which have an astringent property.
The months of August and September furnish excellent sturgeon. This
fish varies exceedingly in size; I have seen some eleven feet long;
and we took one that weighed, after the removal of the eggs and
intestines, three hundred and ninety pounds. We took out nine gallons
of roe. The sturgeon does not enter the river in so great quantities
as the salmon.
In October and November we had salmon too, but of a quite different
species--lean, dry and insipid. It differs from the other sort in
form also; having very long teeth, and a hooked nose like the beak of
a parrot. Our men termed it in {238} derision “seven bark salmon,”
because it had almost no nutritive substance.[125]
February brings a small fish about the size of a sardine. It has an
exquisite flavor, and is taken in immense quantities, by means of
a scoop net, which the Indians, seated in canoes, plunge into the
schools: but the season is short, not even lasting two weeks.[126]
The principal quadrupeds of the country are the elk, the black and
white tailed deer; four species of bear, distinguished chiefly by
the color of the fur or _poil_, to wit, the black, brown, white and
grisly bear; the grisly bear is extremely ferocious; the white is
found on the seashore toward the north; the wolf, the panther, the
catamount, the lynx, the raccoon, the ground hog, opossum, mink,
fisher, beaver, and the land and sea otter.[127] The sea otter has
the handsomest fur that is known; the skin surpasses that of the land
variety in size and in the beauty of the _poil_; the most esteemed
color is the silver gray, {239} which is highly prized in the Indies,
and commands a great price.[128]
The most remarkable birds are the eagle, the turkey-buzzard, the
hawk, pelican, heron, gull, cormorant, crane, swan, and a great
variety of wild ducks and geese. The pigeon, woodcock, and pheasant,
are found in the forests as with us.
[120] Plumbago.--FRANCHÈRE.
[121] The blue or purple berry is that which Lewis
and Clark call the shallum, better known as the
salal-berry (_Gaultheria shallon_). The red berries
are those which the explorers designated as solme
(_Smilacina sessilifolia_). See descriptions
in _Original Journals of Lewis and Clark
Expedition_.--ED.
[122] The plant which Lewis and Clark call sacacommis,
otherwise known as the bearberry (_Arctostaphylos
uva-ursi_), the leaves of which are used in the
preparation of Indian tobacco.--ED.
[123] The root of the edible thistle, called by Lewis
and Clark channetakque (shanataque, _Cnicus
edulis_).--ED.
[124] The well-known quinnat (_Oncorhynchus chavicha_),
the salmon of the Pacific Coast, whose average
weight is twenty-two pounds, although often
attaining seventy. The spring run begins earlier
than Franchère states, varying however with the
season.--ED.
[125] Probably the dog-salmon (_Oncorhynchus keta_),
which is meagre when it runs up the rivers in the
fall.--ED.
[126] This is the small fish (_Osmerus thaleichthys_),
minutely described and portrayed by Lewis and Clark.
See _Original Journals_.--ED.
[127] Horses are abundant up the river; but they are not
indigenous to the country. They will be spoken of in
a future chapter.--FRANCHÈRE.
[128] Lewis and Clark describe all these animals, save the
“white bear,” by which term Franchère apparently
refers to the polar bear. The sea-otter (_Enhydris
marina_) has become rare.--ED.
{240} CHAPTER XIX
Manners, Custom, Occupations, &c., of the Natives on the River
Columbia
The natives inhabiting on the Columbia, from the mouth of that river
to the falls, that is to say, on a space extending about 250 miles
from east to west, are, generally speaking, of low stature, few of
them passing five feet six inches, and many not even five feet. They
pluck out the beard, in the manner of the other Indians of North
America; but a few of the old men only suffer a tuft to grow upon
their chins. On arriving among them we were exceedingly surprised to
see that they had almost all flattened heads. This configuration is
not a natural deformity, but an effect of art, caused by compression
of the skull in infancy. It shocks strangers extremely, especially
at {241} first sight; nevertheless, among these barbarians it is an
indispensable ornament: and when we signified to them how much this
mode of flattening the forehead appeared to us to violate nature
and good taste, they answered that it was only slaves who had not
their heads flattened. The slaves, in fact, have the usual rounded
head, and they are not permitted to flatten the foreheads of their
children, destined to bear the chains of their sires. The natives of
the Columbia procure these slaves from the neighboring tribes, and
from the interior, in exchange for beads and furs. They treat them
with humanity while their services are useful, but as soon as they
become incapable of labor, neglect them and suffer them to perish of
want. When dead, they throw their bodies, without ceremony, under
the stump of an old decayed tree, or drag them to the woods to be
devoured by the wolves and vultures.
The Indians of the Columbia are of a light copper color, active in
body, and, above all, excellent swimmers. They are addicted to
theft, or rather, they make no scruple of laying hands on {242}
whatever suits them in the property of strangers, whenever they can
find an opportunity. The goods and effects of European manufacture
are so precious in the eyes of these barbarians, that they rarely
resist the temptation of stealing them.
These savages are not addicted to intemperance, unlike, in that
respect the other American Indians, if we must not also except
the Patagonians, who, like the Flatheads, regard intoxicating
drinks as poisons, and drunkenness as disgraceful. I will relate a
fact in point: one of the sons of the chief Comcomly being at the
establishment one day, some of the gentlemen amused themselves with
making him drink wine, and he was very soon drunk. He was sick in
consequence, and remained in a state of stupor for two days. The old
chief came to reproach us, saying that we had degraded his son by
exposing him to the ridicule of the slaves, and besought us not to
induce him to take strong liquors in future.
The men go entirely naked, not concealing any part of their bodies.
Only in winter they throw {243} over the shoulders a panther’s
skin, or else a sort of mantle made of the skins of wood-rats sewed
together.[129] In rainy weather I have seen them wear a mantle of
rush mats, like a Roman toga, or the vestment which a priest wears
in celebrating mass; thus equipped, and furnished with a conical hat
made from fibrous roots and impermeable, they may call themselves
rain-proof.[130] The women, in addition to the mantle of skins, wear
a petticoat made of the cedar bark, which they attach round the
girdle, and which reaches to the middle of the thigh. It is a little
longer behind than before, and is fabricated in the following manner:
They strip off the fine bark of the cedar, soak it as one soaks hemp,
and when it is drawn out into fibres, work it into a fringe; then
with a strong cord they bind the fringes together. With so poor a
vestment they contrive to satisfy the requirements of modesty; when
they stand it drapes them fairly enough; and when they squat down in
their manner, it falls between their legs, leaving nothing exposed
but the bare knees and thighs. Some of the younger {244} women twist
the fibres of bark into small cords, knotted at the ends, and so form
the petticoat, disposed in a fringe, like the first, but more easily
kept clean and of better appearance.
Cleanliness is not a virtue among these females, who, in that
respect, resemble the other Indian women of the continent. They
anoint the body and dress the hair with fish oil, which does not
diffuse an agreeable perfume. Their hair (which both sexes wear long)
is jet black; it is badly combed, but parted in the middle, as is
the custom of the sex everywhere, and kept shining by the fish-oil
before-mentioned. Sometimes, in imitation of the men, they paint the
whole body with a red earth mixed with fish-oil. Their ornaments
consist of bracelets of brass, which they wear indifferently on the
wrists and ankles; of strings of beads of different colors (they give
a preference to the blue), and displayed in great profusion around
the neck, and on the arms and legs; and of white shells, called
_Haiqua_, which are their ordinary circulating medium. These shells
are found beyond the {245} straits of _Juan de Fuca_, and are from
one to four inches long, and about half an inch in diameter: they
are a little curved and naturally perforated: the longest are most
valued. The price of all commodities is reckoned in these shells;
a fathom string of the largest of them is worth about ten beaver
skins.[131]
Although a little less slaves than the greater part of the Indian
women elsewhere, the women on the Columbia are, nevertheless, charged
with the most painful labors; they fetch water and wood, and carry
the goods in their frequent changes of residence; they clean the fish
and cut it up for drying; they prepare the food and cook the fruits
in their season. Among their principal occupations is that of making
rush mats, baskets for gathering roots, and hats very ingeniously
wrought. As they want little clothing, they do not sew much, and the
men have the needle in hand oftener than they.
The men are not lazy, especially during the fishing season. Not
being hunters, and eating, consequently, little flesh-meat (although
they are {246} fond of it), fish makes, as I have observed, their
principal diet. They profit, therefore, by the season when it is to
be had, by taking as much as they can; knowing that the intervals
will be periods of famine and abstinence, unless they provide
sufficiently beforehand.
Their canoes are all made of cedar, and of a single trunk: we saw
some which were five feet wide at midships, and thirty feet in
length; these are the largest, and will carry from 25 to 30 men;
the smallest will carry but two or three. The bows terminate in a
very elongated point, running out four or five feet from the water
line. It constitutes a separate piece, very ingeniously attached,
and serves to break the surf in landing, or the wave on a rough sea.
In landing they put the canoe round, so as to strike the beach stern
on. Their oars or paddles are made of ash, and are about five feet
long, with a broad blade, in the shape of an inverted crescent, and
a cross at the top, like the handle of a crutch. The object of the
crescent shape of the blade is to be able to draw it, edge-wise,
through the {247} water without making any noise, when they hunt the
sea-otter, an animal which can only be caught when it is lying asleep
on the rocks, and which has the sense of hearing very acute. All
their canoes are painted red, and fancifully decorated.[132]
Their houses, constructed of cedar, are remarkable for their form
and size: some of them are one hundred feet in length by thirty or
forty feet in width. They are constructed as follows: An oblong
square of the intended size of the building is dug out to the depth
of two or three feet; a double row of cedar posts is driven into
the earth about ten feet apart; between these the planks are laid,
overlapping each other to the requisite height. The roof is formed
by a ridge-pole laid on taller posts, notched to receive it, and is
constructed with rafters and planks laid clapboard-wise, and secured
by cords for want of nails. When the house is designed for several
families, there is a door for each, and a separate fireplace; the
smoke escapes through an aperture formed by removing one of the
{248} boards of the roof. The door is low, of an oval shape, and is
provided with a ladder, cut out of a log, to descend into the lodge.
The entrance is generally effected stern-foremost.
The kitchen utensils consist of plates of ashwood, bowls of fibrous
roots, and a wooden kettle: with these they succeed in cooking
their fish and meat in less time than we take with the help of pots
and stewpans. See how they do it! Having heated a number of stones
red-hot, they plunge them, one by one, in the vessel which is to
contain the food to be prepared; as soon as the water boils, they
put in the fish or meat, with some more heated stones on top, and
cover up the whole with small rush mats, to retain the steam. In an
incredibly short space of time the article is taken out and placed
on a wooden platter, perfectly done and very palatable. The broth is
taken out also, with a ladle of wood or horn.
It will be asked, no doubt, what instruments these savages use in
the construction of their canoes and their houses. To cause their
patience {249} and industry to be admired as much as they deserve,
it will be sufficient for me to mention that we did not find among
them a single hatchet: their only tools consisted of an inch or
half-inch chisel, usually made of an old file, and of a mallet, which
was nothing but an oblong stone. With these wretched implements,
and wedges made of hemlock knots, steeped in oil and hardened by
the fire, they would undertake to cut down the largest cedars of
the forest, to dig them out and fashion them into canoes, to split
them, and get out the boards wherewith to build their houses. Such
achievements with such means, are a marvel of ingenuity and patience.
[129] The panther or cougar (_Felis concolor_) is the
same species found in all parts of America. The
wood-rat (_Neotama cinerea_) of the Rocky Mountains
and Pacific slope is characterized particularly by a
tail nearly as bushy as a squirrel’s.--ED.
[130] For drawing of a native hat, see _Original Journals
of Lewis and Clark Expedition_, under entry for
January 29, 1806.--ED.
[131] Ross, volume vii of our series, gives more detailed
account of the value of haiqua.--ED.
[132] Lewis and Clark, in their _Original Journals_, give
drawings of the native canoes, paddles, etc. The
canoes were sometimes adorned with carvings in the
fashion of figure-heads.--ED.
{250} CHAPTER XX
Manners and Customs of the Natives continued--Their Wars--Their
Marriages--Medicine Men--Funeral Ceremonies--Religious
Notions--Language.
The politics of the natives of the Columbia are a simple affair:
each village has its chief, but that chief does not seem to exercise
a great authority over his fellow-citizens. Nevertheless, at his
death, they pay him great honors: they use a kind of mourning, which
consists in painting the face with black, in lieu of gay colors;
they chant his funeral song or oration for a whole month. The chiefs
are considered in proportion to their riches: such a chief has a
great many wives, slaves, and strings of beads--he is accounted a
great chief. These barbarians approach in that respect to certain
civilized nations, among whom the worth of a man is estimated by the
quantity of gold he possesses.
{251} As all the villages form so many independent sovereignties,
differences sometimes arise, whether between the chiefs or the
tribes. Ordinarily, these terminate by compensations equivalent to
the injury. But when the latter is of a grave character, like a
murder (which is rare), or the abduction of a woman (which is very
common), the parties, having made sure of a number of young braves to
aid them, prepare for war. Before commencing hostilities, however,
they give notice of the day when they will proceed to attack the
hostile village; not following in that respect the custom of almost
all other American Indians, who are wont to burst upon their enemy
unawares, and to massacre or carry off men, women, and children;
these people, on the contrary, embark in their canoes, which on
these occasions are paddled by the women, repair to the hostile
village, enter into parley, and do all they can to terminate the
affair amicably: sometimes a third party becomes mediator between
the first two, and of course observes an exact neutrality. If those
who seek justice do not obtain it to their {252} satisfaction, they
retire to some distance, and the combat begins, and is continued for
some time with fury on both sides; but as soon as one or two men
are killed, the party which has lost these, owns itself beaten and
the battle ceases. If it is the people of the village attacked who
are worsted, the others do not retire without receiving presents.
When the conflict is postponed till the next day (for they never
fight but in open daylight, as if to render nature witness of their
exploits), they keep up frightful cries all night long, and, when
they are sufficiently near to understand each other, defy one another
by menaces, railleries, and sarcasms, like the heroes of Homer and
Virgil. The women and children are always removed from the village
before the action.
Their combats are almost all maritime: for they fight ordinarily in
their pirogues, which they take care to careen, so as to present the
broadside to the enemy, and half lying down, avoid the greater part
of the arrows let fly at them.
But the chief reason of the bloodlessness of {253} their combats
is the inefficiency of their offensive weapons, and the excellence
of their defensive armor. Their offensive arms are merely a bow
and arrow, and a kind of double-edged sabre, about two and a half
feet long, and six inches wide in the blade: they rarely come to
sufficiently close quarters to make use of the last. For defensive
armor they wear a cassock or tunic of elk-skin double, descending
to the ankles, with holes for the arms. It is impenetrable by their
arrows, which can not pierce two thicknesses of leather; and as their
heads are also covered with a sort of helmet, the neck is almost
the only part in which they can be wounded. They have another kind
of corslet, made like the corsets of our ladies, of splinters of
hard wood interlaced with nettle twine. The warrior who wears this
cuirass does not use the tunic of elk-skin; he is consequently less
protected, but a great deal more free; the said tunic being very
heavy and very stiff.
It is almost useless to observe that, in their military expeditions,
they have their bodies and {254} faces daubed with different paints,
often of the most extravagant designs. I remember to have seen a
war-chief, with one exact half of his face painted white and the
other half black.
Their marriages are conducted with a good deal of ceremony. When a
young man seeks a girl in marriage his parents make the proposals to
those of the intended bride, and when it has been agreed upon what
presents the future bridegroom is to offer to the parents of the
bride, all parties assemble at the house of the latter, whither the
neighbors are invited to witness the contract. The presents, which
consist of slaves, strings of beads, copper bracelets, _haiqua_
shells, &c., are distributed by the young man, who, on his part
receives as many, and sometimes more, according to the means or the
munificence of the parents of his betrothed. The latter is then led
forward by the old matrons and presented to the young man, who takes
her as his wife, and all retire to their quarters.
The men are not very scrupulous in their choice, and take small pains
to inform themselves what {255} conduct a young girl has observed
before her nuptials; and it must be owned that few marriages would
take place, if the youth would only espouse maidens without reproach
on the score of chastity; for the unmarried girls are by no means
scrupulous in that particular, and their parents give them, on that
head, full liberty. But once the marriage is contracted, the spouses
observe toward each other an inviolable fidelity; adultery is almost
unknown among them, and the woman who should be guilty of it would be
punished with death. At the same time, the husband may repudiate his
wife, and the latter may then unite herself in marriage to another
man. Polygamy is permitted, indeed is customary; there are some who
have as many as four or five wives; and although it often happens
that the husband loves one better than the rest, they never show any
jealousy, but live together in the most perfect concord.[133]
{256} There are charlatans everywhere, but they are more numerous
among savages than anywhere else, because among these ignorant and
superstitious people the trade is at once more profitable and less
dangerous. As soon as a native of the Columbia is indisposed, no
matter what the malady, they send for the medicine man, who treats
the patient in the absurd manner usually adopted by these impostors,
and with such violence of manipulation, that often a sick man, whom
a timely bleeding or purgative would have saved, is carried off by a
sudden death.
They deposit their dead in canoes, on rocks sufficiently elevated not
to be overflowed by the spring freshets. By the side of the dead are
laid his bow, his arrows, and some of his fishing {257} implements;
if it is a woman, her beads and bracelets: the wives, the relatives
and the slaves of the defunct cut their hair in sign of grief, and
for several days, at the rising and setting of the sun, go to some
distance from the village to chant a funeral song.
These people have not, properly speaking, a public worship.[134]
I could never perceive, during my residence among them, that they
worshipped any idol. They had, nevertheless, some small sculptured
figures; but they appeared to hold them in light esteem, offering to
barter them for trifles.
Having travelled with one of the sons of the chief of the Chinooks
(Comcomly), an intelligent and communicative young man, I put to
him several questions touching their religious belief, and {258}
the following is, in substance, what he told me respecting it: Men,
according to their ideas, were created by a divinity whom they name
_Etalapass_; but they were imperfect, having a mouth that was not
opened, eyes that were fast closed, hands and feet that were not
moveable; in a word, they were rather statues of flesh, than living
men. A second divinity, whom they call _Ecannum_, less powerful,
but more benign than the former, having seen men in their state of
imperfection, took a sharp stone and laid open their mouths and eyes;
he gave agility, also, to their feet, and motion to their hands.
This compassionate divinity was not content with conferring these
first benefits; he taught men to make canoes, paddles, nets, and, in
a word, all the tools and instruments they use. He did still more:
he threw great rocks into the river, to obstruct the ascent of the
salmon, in order that they might take as many as they wanted.
The natives of the Columbia further believe, that the men who have
been good citizens, good fathers, good husbands, and good fishermen,
who {259} have not committed murder, &c., will be perfectly happy
after their death, and will go to a country where they will find
fish, fruit, &c., in abundance; and that, on the contrary, those who
have lived wickedly, will inhabit a country of fasting and want,
where they will eat nothing but bitter roots, and have nothing to
drink but salt water.
If these notions in regard to the origin and future destiny of man
are not exactly conformed to sound reason or to divine revelation, it
will be allowed that they do not offer the absurdities with which the
mythologies of many ancient nations abound.[135] The article which
makes skill in fishing a virtue worthy of being compensated in the
other world, does not disfigure the salutary and consoling dogma of
the immortality of the {260} soul, and that of future rewards and
punishments, so much as one is at first tempted to think; for if
we reflect a little, we shall discover that the skilful fisherman,
in laboring for himself, labors also for society; he is a useful
citizen, who contributes, as much as lies in his power, to avert from
his fellow-men the scourge of famine; he is a religious man, who
honors the divinity by making use of his benefits. Surely a great
deal of the theology of a future life prevalent among civilized men,
does not excel this in profundity.
It is not to be expected that men perfectly ignorant, like these
Indians, should be free from superstitions: one of the most
ridiculous they have, regards the method of preparing and eating
fish. In the month of July, 1811, the natives brought us at first a
very scanty supply of the fresh salmon, from the fear that we would
cut the fish crosswise instead of lengthwise; being persuaded that
if we did so, the river would be obstructed, and the fishing ruined.
Having reproached the chief on that account, they brought us a
greater quantity, but all cooked, and which, {261} not to displease
them, it was necessary to eat before sunset. Re-assured at last by
our solemn promises not to cut the fish crosswise, they supplied us
abundantly during the remainder of the season.
In spite of the vices that may be laid to the charge of the natives
of the Columbia, I regard them as nearer to a state of civilization
than any of the tribes who dwell east of the Rocky mountains. They
did not appear to me so attached to their customs that they could
not easily adopt those of civilized nations: they would dress
themselves willingly in the European mode, if they had the means. To
encourage this taste, we lent pantaloons to the chiefs who visited
us, when they wished to enter our houses, never allowing them to
do it in a state of nudity. They possess, in an eminent degree,
the qualities opposed to indolence, improvidence, and stupidity:
the chiefs, above all, are distinguished for their good sense and
intelligence. Generally speaking, they have a ready intellect and
a tenacious memory. Thus old Comcomly recognised the mate of the
_Albatross_ {262} as having visited the country sixteen years before,
and recalled to the latter the name of the captain under whom he had
sailed at that period.
The _Chinook_ language is spoken by all the nations from the mouth of
the Columbia to the falls. It is hard and difficult to pronounce, for
strangers; being full of gutturals, like the Gaelic. The combinations
_thl_, or _tl_, and _lt_, are as frequent in the Chinook as in the
Mexican.[136]
[133] This appears improbable, and is, no doubt,
overstated; but so far as it is true, only shows
the degradation of these women, and the absence of
moral love on both sides. The indifference to virgin
chastity described by Mr. F., is a characteristic
of barbarous nations in general, and is explained
by the principle stated in the next note below; the
savage state being essentially one in which the
supernatural bond of human fellowship is snapped: it
is (as it has been called) the state of _nature_, in
which continence is practically impossible; and what
men can not have, that they soon cease to prize. The
same utter indifference to the past conduct of the
girls they marry is mentioned by MAYHEW as existing
among the costermongers and street population
of London, whom he well likens to the barbarous
tribes lying on the outskirts of more ancient
nations.--HUNTINGTON.
[134] It is Coleridge who observes that _every tribe is
barbarous_ which has no recognised public worship
or cult, and no regular priesthood as opposed to
self-constituted conjurors. It is, in fact, by
public worship alone that human society is organized
and vivified; and it is impossible to maintain such
worship without a sacerdotal order, however it be
constituted. _No culture without a cult_, is the
result of the study of the races of mankind. Hence
those who would destroy religion are the enemies of
civilization.--HUNTINGTON.
[135] It seems clear that this Indian mythology is a form
of the primitive tradition obscured by symbol. The
creation of man by the Supreme Divinity, but in an
imperfect state (“his eyes not yet opened”), his
deliverance from that condition by an inferior but
more beneficent deity (the Satan of the Bible), and
the progress of the emancipated and enlightened
being, in the arts of industry, are clearly set
forth. Thus the devil has his cosmogony as well as
the Almighty, and his tradition in opposition to the
divine.--HUNTINGTON.
[136] There can not be a doubt that the existing tribes
on the N. W. coast, have reached that country from
the _South_, and not from the North. They are the
_debris_ of the civilization of Central America,
expelled by a defecating process that is going
on in all human societies, and so have sunk into
barbarism.--HUNTINGTON.
{263} CHAPTER XXI
Departure from Astoria or Fort George--Accident--Passage of the
Dalles or Narrows--Great Columbian Desert--Aspect of the
Country--Wallawalla and Shaptin Rivers--Rattle-snakes--Some
Details regarding the Natives of the Upper Columbia.
We quitted Fort George (or Astoria, if you please) on Monday morning,
the 4th of April, 1814, in ten canoes, five of which were of bark
and five of cedar wood, carrying each seven men as crew, and two
passengers, in all ninety persons, and all well armed. Messrs. J. G.
M’Tavish, D. Stuart, J. Clarke, B. Pillet, W. Wallace, D. M’Gillis,
D. M’Kenzie, &c., were of the party.[137] Nothing remarkable occurred
to us as far as the first falls, which we reached on the 10th. The
portage was effected immediately, and we encamped on an island for
the night. Our numbers {264} had caused the greater part of the
natives to take to flight, and those who remained in the villages
showed the most pacific dispositions.[138] They sold us four horses
and thirty dogs, which were immediately slaughtered for food.
We resumed our route on the 11th, at an early hour. The wind was
favorable, but blew with violence. Toward evening, the canoe in which
Mr. M’Tavish was, in doubling a point of rock, was run under by its
press of sail, and sunk. Happily the river was not deep at this
place; no one was drowned; and we succeeded in saving all the goods.
This accident compelled us to camp at an early hour.
On the 12th, we arrived at a rapid called the _Dalles_: this is
a channel cut by nature through the rocks, which are here almost
perpendicular: the channel is from 150 to 300 feet wide, and about
two miles long. The whole body of the river rushes through it, with
great violence, and renders navigation impracticable.[139] The
portage occupied us till dusk. Although we had not seen a single
Indian in the course of the day, we kept {265} sentinels on duty all
night: for it was here that Messrs. Stuart and Reed were attacked by
the natives.
On the 13th, we made two more portages, and met Indians, of whom we
purchased horses and wood.[140] We camped early on a sandy plain,
where we passed a bad night; the wind, which blew violently, raised
clouds of sand, which incommoded us greatly, and spoiled every
mouthful of food we took. On the 14th and 15th, we passed what are
called the great plains of the Columbia. From the top of the first
rapid to this point, the aspect of the country becomes more and more
_triste_ and disagreeable; one meets at first nothing but bare hills,
which scarcely offer a few isolated pines, at a great distance from
each other; after that, the earth, stripped of verdure, does not
afford you the sight of a single shrub; the little grass which grows
in that arid soil, appears burnt by the rigor of the climate. The
natives who frequent the banks of the river, for the salmon fishery,
have no other wood but that which they take floating {266} down. We
passed several rapids, and a small stream called Utalah, which flows
from the southeast.[141]
On the 16th, we found the river narrowed; the banks rose on either
side in elevations, without, however, offering a single tree. We
reached the river _Wallawalla_, which empties into the Columbia on
the southeast. It is narrow at its confluence, and is not navigable
for any great distance.[142] A range of mountains was visible to the
S. E., about fifty or sixty miles off. Behind these mountains the
country becomes again flat and sandy, and is inhabited by a tribe
called the _Snakes_. We found on the left bank of the _Wallawalla_,
an encampment of Indians, consisting of about twenty lodges. They
sold us six dogs and eight horses, the greater part extremely lean.
We killed two of the horses immediately: I mounted one of the six
that remained; Mr. Ross took another; and we drove the other four
before us. Toward the decline of day we passed the river _Lewis_,
called, in the language of the country, the _Sha-ap-tin_. It
comes from the S. E., and is the {267} same that Lewis and Clarke
descended in 1805. The _Sha-ap-tin_ appeared to me to have little
depth, and to be about 300 yards wide, at its confluence.
The country through which we were now passing, was a mingling of
hills, steep rocks, and valleys covered with wormwood; the stems of
which shrub are nearly six inches thick, and might serve for fuel. We
killed six rattlesnakes on the 15th, and on the 16th saw a great many
more among the rocks. These dangerous reptiles appeared to be very
numerous in this part of the country. The plains are also inhabited
by a little quadruped, only about eight or nine inches in length, and
approaching the dog in form. These animals have the hair, or _poil_,
of a reddish brown, and strong fore-paws, armed with long claws which
serve them to dig out their holes under the earth. They have a great
deal of curiosity: as soon as they hear a noise they come out of
their holes and bark. They are not vicious, but, though easily tamed,
can not be domesticated.[143]
{268} The natives of the upper Columbia, beginning at the falls,
differ essentially in language, manners, and habits, from those of
whom I have spoken in the preceding chapters. They do not dwell in
villages, like the latter, but are nomads, like the Tartars and
the Arabs of the desert: their women are more industrious, and the
young girls more reserved and chaste than those of the populations
lower down. They do not go naked, but both sexes wear habits made
of dressed deer-skin, which they take care to rub with chalk, to
keep them clean and white. They are almost always seen on horseback,
and are in general good riders; they pursue the deer and penetrate
even to Missouri, to kill buffalo, the flesh of which they dry, and
bring it back on their horses, to make their principal food during
the winter. These expeditions are not free from danger; for they
have a great deal to apprehend from the _Black-feet_, who are their
enemies.[144] As this last tribe is powerful and ferocious, the
_Snakes_, the _Pierced-noses_ or _Sha-ap-tins_, the _Flatheads_,
&c.,[145] make common cause against them, when the former {269} go to
hunt east of the mountains. They set out with their families, and the
cavalcade often numbers two thousand horses. When they have the good
fortune not to encounter the enemy, they return with the spoils of an
abundant chase; they load a part of their horses with the hides and
beef, and return home to pass the winter in peace. Sometimes, on the
contrary, they are so harassed by the Blackfeet, who surprise them in
the night and carry off their horses, that they are forced to return
light-handed, and then they have nothing to eat but roots, all the
winter.
These Indians are passionately fond of horse-races: by the bets they
make on these occasions they sometimes lose all that they possess.
The women ride, as well as the men. For a bridle they use a cord of
horse-hair, which they attach round the animal’s mouth; with that
he is easily checked, and by laying the hand on his neck, is made
to wheel to this side or that. The saddle is a cushion of stuffed
deer-skin, very suitable for the purpose to which it is destined,
rarely hurting the horse, and not fatiguing the rider so much {270}
as our European saddles. The stirrups are pieces of hardwood,
ingeniously wrought, and of the same shape as those which are used
in civilized countries. They are covered with a piece of deer-skin,
which is sewed on wet, and in drying stiffens and becomes hard and
firm. The saddles for women differ in form, being furnished with the
antlers of a deer, so as to resemble the high pommelled saddle of the
Mexican ladies.
They procure their horses from the herds of these animals which are
found in a wild state in the country extending between the northern
latitudes and the gulf of Mexico, and which sometimes count a
thousand or fifteen hundred in a troop. These horses come from New
Mexico, and are of Spanish race. We even saw some which had been
marked with a hot iron by Spaniards. Some of our men, who had been
at the south, told me that they had seen among the Indians, bridles,
the bits of which were of silver. The form of the saddles used by
the females, proves that they have taken their pattern from the
Spanish ones destined for the same use. One {271} of the partners
of the N. W. Company (Mr. M’Tavish) assured us that he had seen
among the _Spokans_,[146] an old woman who told him that she had
seen men ploughing the earth; she told him that she had also seen
churches, which she made him understand by imitating the sound of a
bell, and the action of pulling a bell-rope; and further to confirm
her account, made the sign of the cross. That gentleman concluded
that she had been made prisoner and sold to the Spaniards on the
_Del Norte_; but I think it more probable it was nearer, in North
California, at the mission of _San Carlos_ or _San Francisco_.[147]
As the manner of taking wild horses should not be generally known to
my readers, I will relate it here in few words. The Indian who wishes
to capture some horses, mounts one of his fleetest coursers, being
armed with a long cord of horsehair, one end of which is attached to
his saddle, and the other is a running noose. Arrived at the herd,
he dashes into the midst of it, and flinging his cord, or _lasso_,
passes it dexterously over the head of the animal he selects; {272}
then wheeling his courser, draws the cord after him; the wild horse,
finding itself strangling, makes little resistance; the Indian then
approaches, ties his fore and hind legs together, and leaves him till
he has taken in this manner as many as he can. He then drives them
home before him, and breaks them in at leisure.
[137] In addition to the persons whom Franchère mentions
here, the brigade was commanded by John McDonald;
the “Nor’Westers” Alexander Stuart, Thomas (son of
Alexander) McKay, John Stuart, and Alexander Ross
were also in the party. For a complete list see
_Henry-Thompson Journals_, pp. 871-875.--ED.
[138] Henry reports that the natives at the Cascades had
in the early spring been defeated by a party of Nez
Percés from the interior. This doubtless accounts in
part for the mildness of their conduct.--ED.
[139] Lewis and Clark call the Dalles the “Long and Short
Narrows.” These they shot on descending the stream
in the autumn of 1805.--ED.
[140] These two portages were at the Great Falls of the
Columbia.--ED.
[141] Umatilla River is in a county of the same name, with
a town of like designation at the mouth.--ED.
[142] The word Wallawalla is said to mean “small rapid
river.” The stream is in a county of the same name
in the state of Washington.--ED.
[143] The prairie-dog (_Cynomys ludovicianus_), called by
Lewis and Clark “barking squirrel.”--ED.
[144] For the Blackfeet, see Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. V
of our series, note 120.--ED.
[145] Franchère here mentions the three great Indian
stocks of the Upper Columbian waters. For the Snake
or Shoshoni, see Bradbury’s _Travels_, vol. V of our
series, note 123.
The Pierced-Noses (Nez Percés) belong to the Shahaptian
family, of which the Chopunnish, the principal
tribe, usually goes by the name of Nez Percé. Lewis
and Clark named eight bands of this tribe whom they
met or heard of in the mountains and on the waters
of the Snake or Lewis River (whose Indian name
was Shahaptin). Kindred tribes were the Umatilla,
Wallawalla, and Klikitat. There are at present about
one thousand five hundred Nez Percés (Chopunnish)
at their agency in Idaho, and about one hundred and
twenty-five at the Coville Agency in Washington.
Flathead is the generic name applied to the great
Salishan family, which occupied most of the coast
north of the Columbia, in Northwestern Washington,
a large part of Vancouver Island and British Columbia,
and spreading to the Northern branches of the Columbia
and Clark’s River. The Flatheads proper (sometimes
called Tushepaw) lived upon the upper waters of the
Columbia north of the Shoshoni, and the northwestern
tributaries of the Missouri. There are at present
upon the Flathead reservation in Montana over
one thousand five hundred of these Indians, from
different allied tribes.--ED.
[146] The Spokan are a Salishan (Flathead) tribe, who
dwelt upon the river to which they have given name.
They seldom crossed the mountains for buffalo. There
are now (1902) but seventy-four of this tribe,
with other Flatheads, upon the reservation in
Montana.--ED.
[147] The mission of San Carlos was founded (1770) by the
Franciscan friar, Junipero Serra. This was then the
northernmost line of Spanish settlement. Ruins of
the mission church (completed in 1797) are still
to be seen, six miles from the present Monterey.
San Francisco mission was founded in the present
city of that name, in 1776; the mission church has
been repaired, and is still used for services.
See Carter, _Missions of Nueva California_ (San
Francisco, 1900).--ED.
{273} CHAPTER XXII
Meeting with the Widow of a Hunter--Her Narrative--Reflections of
the Author--Priest’s Rapid--River Okenakan--Kettle Falls--Pine
Moss--Scarcity of Food--Rivers, Lakes, &c.--Accident--A
Rencontre--First View of the Rocky Mountains.
On the 17th, the fatigue I had experienced the day before, on
horseback, obliged me to re-embark in my canoe. About eight o’clock,
we passed a little river flowing from the N. W. We perceived, soon
after, three canoes, the persons in which were struggling with
their paddles to overtake us. As we were still pursuing our way, we
heard a child’s voice cry out in French--“_arrêtez donc, arrêtez
donc_”--(stop! stop!). We put ashore, and the canoes having joined
us, we perceived in one of them the wife and children of a man named
_Pierre Dorion_, a hunter, who had been sent on with a party of
eight, under {274} the command of Mr. J. Reed, among the _Snakes_,
to join there the hunters left by Messrs. Hunt and Crooks, near Fort
Henry, and to secure horses and provisions for our journey.[148]
This woman informed us, to our no small dismay, of the tragical
fate of all those who composed that party. She told us that in
the month of January, the hunters being dispersed here and there,
setting their traps for the beaver, Jacob Regner, Gilles Leclerc,
and Pierre Dorion, her husband, had been attacked by the natives.
Leclerc, having been mortally wounded, reached her tent or hut, where
he expired in a few minutes, after having announced to her that her
husband had been killed. She immediately took two horses that were
near the lodge, mounted her two boys upon them, and fled in all haste
to the wintering house of Mr. Reed, which was about five days’ march
from the spot where her husband fell. Her horror and disappointment
were extreme, when she found the house--a log cabin--deserted, and
on drawing nearer, was soon convinced, by the traces of blood, that
Mr. Reed also had been {275} murdered. No time was to be lost in
lamentations, and she had immediately fled toward the mountains
south of the _Wallawalla_, where, being impeded by the depth of the
snow, she was forced to winter, having killed both the horses to
subsist herself and her children. But at last, finding herself out
of provisions, and the snow beginning to melt, she had crossed the
mountains with her boys, hoping to find some more humane Indians,
who would let her live among them till the boats from the fort below
should be ascending the river in the spring, and so reached the
banks of the Columbia, by the Wallawalla. Here, indeed, the natives
had received her with much hospitality, and it was the Indians of
Wallawalla who brought her to us. We made them some presents to repay
their care and pains, and they returned well satisfied.
The persons who lost their lives in this unfortunate wintering party,
were Mr. John Reed, (clerk), Jacob Regner, John Hubbough, Pierre
Dorion (hunters), Gilles Leclerc, François Landry, J. B. Turcotte,
André la Chapelle and Pierre {276} De Launay, (_voyageurs_).[149] We
had no doubt that this massacre was an act of vengeance, on the part
of the natives, in retaliation for the death of one of their people,
whom Mr. John Clark had hanged for theft the spring before.[150] This
fact, the massacre on the Tonquin, the unhappy end of Captain Cook,
and many other similar examples, prove how carefully the Europeans,
who have relations with a barbarous people, should abstain from
acting in regard to them on the footing of too marked an inequality,
and especially from punishing their offences according to usages
and codes, in which there is too often an enormous disproportion
between the crime and the punishment. If these pretended exemplary
punishments seem to have a good effect at first sight, they almost
always produce terrible consequences in the sequel.
On the 18th, we passed _Priest’s Rapid_, so named by Mr. Stuart
and his people, who saw at {277} this spot, in 1811, as they were
ascending the river, a number of savages, one of whom was performing
on the rest certain aspersions and other ceremonies, which had the
air of being coarse imitations of the Catholic worship.[151] For our
part, we met here some Indians of whom we bought two horses. The
banks of the river at this place are tolerably high, but the country
back of them is flat and uninteresting.
On the 20th, we arrived at a place where the bed of the river is
extremely contracted, and where we were obliged to make a portage.
Messrs. J. Stuart and Clarke left us here, to proceed on horseback to
the Spokan trading house, to procure there the provisions which would
be necessary for us, in order to push on to the mountains.
On the 21st, we lightened of their cargoes, three canoes, in which
those who were to cross the continent embarked, to get on with
greater speed. We passed several rapids, and began to see mountains
covered with snow.
On the 22d, we began to see some pines on {278} the ridge of the
neighboring hills; and at evening we encamped under _trees_, a thing
which had not happened to us since the 12th.
On the 23d, toward 9, A. M., we reached the trading post established
by D. Stuart, at the mouth of the river _Okenakan_. The spot appeared
to us charming, in comparison with the country through which we had
journeyed for twelve days past: the two rivers here meeting, and the
immense prairies covered with a fine verdure, strike agreeably the
eye of the observer; but there is not a tree or a shrub to diversify
the scene, and render it a little less naked and less monotonous. We
found here Messrs. J. M’Gillivray and Ross, and Mr. O. de Montigny,
who had taken service with the N. W. Company, and who charged me with
a letter for his brother.[152]
Toward midday we re-embarked, to continue our journey. After having
passed several dangerous rapids without accident, always through a
country broken by shelving rocks, diversified with hills and verdant
prairies, we arrived, on the 29th, at the portage of the _Chaudieres_
or {279} Kettle falls. This is a fall where the water precipitates
itself over an immense rock of white marble, veined with red and
green, that traverses the bed of the river from N.W. to S.E. We
effected the portage immediately, and encamped on the edge of a
charming prairie.[153]
We found at this place some Indians who had been fasting, they
assured us, for several days. They appeared, in fact, reduced to
the most pitiable state, having nothing left but skin and bones,
and scarcely able to drag themselves along, so that not without
difficulty could they even reach the margin of the river, to get
a little water to wet their parched lips. It is a thing that
often happens to these poor people, when their chase has not been
productive; their principal nourishment consisting, in that case,
of the pine moss, which they boil till it is reduced to a sort of
glue or black paste, of a sufficient consistence to take the form of
biscuit. I had the curiosity to taste this bread, and I thought I had
got in my mouth a bit of soap. Yet some of our people, who had been
reduced to eat this glue, assured me that {280} when fresh made it
had a very good taste, seasoned with meat.[154] We partly relieved
these wretched natives from our scanty store.
On the 30th, while we were yet encamped at Kettle falls, Messrs.
J. Stuart and Clarke arrived from the post at Spokan. The last was
mounted on the finest-proportioned gray charger, full seventeen hands
high, that I had seen in these parts: Mr. Stuart had got a fall from
his, in trying to urge him, and had hurt himself severely. These
gentlemen not having brought us the provisions we expected, because
the hunters who had been sent for that purpose among the _Flatheads_,
had not been able to procure any, it was resolved to divide our
party, and that Messrs. M’Donald, J. Stuart, and M’Kenzie should go
forward to the post situated east of the mountains, in order to send
us thence horses and supplies. These gentlemen quitted us on the 1st
of May. After their {281} departure we killed two horses and dried
the meat; which occupied us the rest of that day and all the next.
In the evening of the 2d, Mr. A. Stuart arrived at our camp. He had
recovered from his wounds (received in the conflict with the natives,
before related), and was on his way to his old wintering place on
_Slave lake_, to fetch his family to the Columbia.
We resumed our route on the morning of the 3d of May, and went to
encamp that evening at the upper-end of a rapid, where we began to
descry mountains covered with forests, and where the banks of the
river themselves were low and thinly timbered.
On the 4th, after having passed several considerable rapids, we
reached the confluence of _Flathead_ river. This stream comes from
the S.E., and falls into the Columbia in the form of a cascade: it
may be one hundred and fifty yards wide at its junction.[155]
On the morning of the 5th, we arrived at the confluence of the
_Coutonais_ river. This stream also flows from the south, and has
nearly the same {282} width as the _Flathead_. Shortly after passing
it, we entered a lake or enlargement of the river, which we crossed
to encamp at its upper extremity. This lake may be thirty or forty
miles [long], and about four wide at its broadest part: it is
surrounded by lofty hills, which for the most part have their base
at the water’s edge, and rise by gradual and finely-wooded terraces,
offering a sufficiently pretty view.[156]
On the 6th, after we had run through a narrow strait or channel
some fifteen miles long, we entered another lake, of less extent
than the former but equally picturesque. When we were nearly in the
middle of it, an accident occurred which, if not very disastrous, was
sufficiently singular. One of the men, who had been on the sick-list
for several days, requested to be landed for an instant. Not being
more than a mile from the shore, we acceded to his request, and
made accordingly for a projecting head-land; but when we were about
three hundred or four hundred yards from the point, the canoe struck
with force against the trunk of a tree which was {283} planted in
the bottom of the lake, and the extremity of which barely reached
the surface of the water.[157] It needed no more to break a hole
in so frail a vessel; the canoe was pierced through the bottom and
filled in a trice; and despite all our efforts we could not get off
the tree, which had penetrated two or three feet within her; perhaps
that was our good fortune, for the opening was at least a yard long.
One of the men, who was an expert swimmer, stripped, and was about
to go ashore with an axe lashed to his back, to make a raft for us,
when the other canoe, which had been proceeding up the lake, and was
a mile ahead, perceived our signals of distress, and came to our
succor. They carried us to land, where it was necessary to encamp
forthwith, as well to dry ourselves as to mend the canoe.
On the 7th, Mr. A. Stuart, whom we had left behind at Kettle falls,
came up with us, and we pursued our route in company. Toward evening
{284} we met natives, camped on the bank of the river: they gave us
a letter from which we learned that Mr. M’Donald and his party had
passed there on the 4th. The women at this camp were busy spinning
the coarse wool of the mountain sheep: they had blankets or mantles,
woven or platted of the same material, with a heavy fringe all
round: I would gladly have purchased one of these, but as we were to
carry all our baggage on our backs across the mountains, was forced
to relinquish the idea. Having bought of these savages some pieces
of dried venison, we pursued our journey. The country began to be
ascending; the stream was very rapid; and we made that day little
progress.
On the 8th we began to see snow on the shoals or sandbanks of the
river: the atmosphere grew very cold. The banks on either side
presented only high hills covered to the top with impenetrable
forests. While the canoes were working up a considerable rapid, I
climbed the hills with Mr. M’Gillis, and we walked on, following
the course of the river, some five or six miles. The snow {285} was
very deep in the ravines or narrow gorges which are found between
the bases of the hills. The most common trees are the Norway pine
and the cedar: the last is here, as on the borders of the sea, of a
prodigious size.
On the 9th and 10th, as we advanced but slowly, the country presented
the same aspect as on the 8th. Toward evening of the 10th, we
perceived a-head of us a chain of high mountains entirely covered
with snow.[158] The bed of the river was hardly more than sixty yards
wide, and was filled with dry banks composed of coarse gravel and
small pebble.
[148] For the location of Fort Henry see Bradbury’s
_Travels_, vol. V of our series, note 124.--ED.
[149] Turcotte died of _King’s Evil_. De Launay was a
half-breed, of violent temper, who had taken an
Indian woman to live with him; he left Mr. Reed in
the autumn, and was never heard of again.--FRANCHÈRE.
[150] For this incident see Ross’s _Adventures_, volume
vii of our series.--ED.
[151] Priest Rapid, upon the Columbia in Yakima County,
Washington, still retains the name.--ED.
[152] Of Montigny nothing is known but what is related by
Franchère.
Ross was the author of several works on his Columbia
travels (see preface to volume vii of our series).
Franchère apparently errs in saying that Ross was
found at this post, unless he had pushed forward a
day or so in advance, for he was one of the brigade
which Franchère accompanied. Ross was, however, left
at the post, and remained upon the Columbia until
1817.
Joseph McGillivray was son of William (see note 62,
_ante_), and served in the Canadian chasseurs during
the War of 1812-15, being present at the capture of
Mackinac (1812). The next year he entered the North
West Company, and arrived on the Columbia in the
autumn, wintering at Fort Okanagan. See his letter
in Cox, _Adventures_, pp. 130, 131. After the union
of the North West and Hudson’s Bay companies (1821),
McGillivray was a factor of the latter in the
Columbia district, as late as 1827.--ED.
[153] Kettle Falls (Indian name, Ilthkoyape) in Stevens
County, northeast Washington, were named by David
Thompson, who arrived there June 22, 1811, and
started thence on his voyage to Astoria.--ED.
[154] The process of boiling employed by the Indians in
this case, extracts from the moss its gelatine,
which serves to supply the waste of those tissues
into which that principle enters; but as the moss
contains little or none of the proximates which
constitute the bulk of the living solids and fluids,
it will not, of course, by itself, support life or
strength.--HUNTINGTON.
[155] Flathead River (so called by Thompson) is not the
one at present so named in northwestern Montana,
but the larger stream, of which the Flathead is an
affluent, now known as Pend d’Oreille, or Clark’s
Fork of the Columbia. It flows into the latter very
near the boundary between Washington and British
Columbia.--ED.
[156] Kootenay River is one of the largest tributaries of
the Columbia, found chiefly in British Columbia,
but looping into Montana and Idaho. For a detailed
description of its course, see Coues’s note,
_Henry-Thompson Journals_, pp. 706, 707. The lake
which Franchère mentions is that enlargement of the
Columbia known as Lower Arrow Lake.--ED.
[157] A _snag_ of course, of the nature of which the Young
Canadian seems to have been ignorant.--HUNTINGTON.
[158] The Selkirk Range of the Rocky Mountains.--ED.
{286} CHAPTER XXIII
Course of the Columbia River--Canoe River--Footmarch toward the
Rocky Mountains--Passage of the Mountains.
On the 11th, that is to say, one month, day for day, after our
departure from the falls, we quitted the Columbia, to enter a little
stream to which Mr. Thompson had given, in 1811, the name of _Canoe_
river, from the fact that it was on this fork that he constructed the
canoes which carried him to the Pacific.[159]
The Columbia, which in the portion above the falls (not taking into
consideration some local sinuosities) comes from the N. N. E., takes
a bend here so that the stream appears to flow from the S. E.[160]
Some boatmen, and particularly Mr. {287} Regis Bruguier, who had
ascended that river to its source, informed me that it came out of
two small lakes, not far from the chain of the Rocky Mountains,
which, at that place, diverges considerably to the east. According
to Arrowsmith’s map, the course of the _Tacoutche Tessé_, from its
mouth in the Pacific Ocean, to its source in the Rocky Mountains, is
about twelve hundred English miles, or four hundred French leagues of
twenty-five to a degree; that is to say, from two hundred and forty
to two hundred and eighty miles from west to east, from its mouth to
the first falls: seven hundred and fifty miles nearly from S. S. W.
to N. N. E., from the first rapids to the bend at the confluence of
_Canoe_ river; and one hundred and fifty or one hundred and eighty
miles from that confluence to its source. We were not provided with
the necessary instruments to determine the latitude, and still less
the longitude, of our different stations; but it took us four or five
days to go up from the factory at Astoria to the falls, and we could
not have made less than sixty miles a day: and, as I have just {288}
remarked, we occupied an entire month in getting from the falls to
Canoe river: deducting four or five days, on which we did not travel,
there remain twenty-five days march; and it is not possible that we
made less than thirty miles a day, one day with another.[161]
We ascended Canoe river to the point where it ceases to be navigable,
and encamped in the same place where Mr. Thompson wintered in
1810-’11. We proceeded immediately to secure our canoes, and to
divide the baggage among the men, giving each fifty pounds to carry,
including his provisions. A sack of _pemican_, or pounded meat,
which we found in a _cache_, where it had been left for us, was a
great acquisition, as our supplies were nearly exhausted.[162]
On the 12th we began our foot march to the mountains, being
twenty-four in number, rank and file. Mr. A. Stuart remained at the
portage to bestow in a place of safety the effects which we could not
carry, such as boxes, kegs, camp-kettles, &c. We traversed first some
swamps, next a dense bit of forest, and then we found {289} ourselves
marching up the gravelly banks of the little _Canoe_ river. Fatigue
obliged us to camp early.
On the 13th we pursued our journey, and entered into the valleys
between the mountains, where there lay not less than four or five
feet of snow. We were obliged to ford the river ten or a dozen times
in the course of the day, sometimes with the water up to our necks.
These frequent fordings were rendered necessary by abrupt and steep
rocks or bluffs, which it was impossible to get over without plunging
into the wood for a great distance. The stream being very swift, and
rushing over a bed of stones, one of the men fell and lost a sack
containing our last piece of salt pork, which we were preserving as a
most precious treasure. The circumstances in which we found ourselves
made us regard this as a most unfortunate accident. We encamped that
night at the foot of a steep mountain, and sent on Mr. Pillet and the
guide, M’Kay, to hasten a supply of provisions to meet us.
On the morning of the 14th we began to climb {290} the mountain
which we had before us. We were obliged to stop every moment, to
take breath, so stiff was the ascent. Happily it had frozen hard
the night before, and the crust of the snow was sufficient to bear
us. After two or three hours of incredible exertions and fatigues,
we arrived at the _plateau_ or summit, and followed the foot-prints
of those who had preceded us. This mountain is placed between two
others a great deal more elevated, compared with which it is but a
hill, and of which, indeed, it is only, as it were, the valley. Our
march soon became fatiguing, on account of the depth of the snow,
which, softened by the rays of the sun, could no longer bear us as
in the morning. We were obliged to follow exactly the traces of
those who had preceded us, and to plunge our legs up to the knees
in the holes they had made, so that it was as if we had put on and
taken off, at every step, a very large pair of boots. At last we
arrived at a good hard bottom, and a clear space, which our guide
said was a little lake frozen over, and here we stopped for the
night. This lake, or {291} rather these lakes (for there are two)
are situated in the midst of the valley or _cup_ of the mountains.
On either side were immense glaciers, or ice-bound rocks, on which
the rays of the setting sun reflected the most beautiful prismatic
colors. One of these icy peaks was like a fortress of rock; it rose
perpendicularly some fifteen or eighteen hundred feet above the level
of the lakes, and had the summit covered with ice. Mr. J. Henry, who
first discovered the pass, gave this extraordinary rock the name of
_M’Gillivray’s Rock_, in honor of one of the partners of the N. W.
Company. The lakes themselves are not much over three or four hundred
yards in circuit, and not over two hundred yards apart.[163] Canoe
river, which, as we have already seen, flows to the west, and falls
into the Columbia, takes its rise in one of them; while the other
gives birth to one of the branches of the _Athabasca_, which runs
first eastward, then northward, and which, after its junction with
the _Unjighah_, north of the Lake of the Mountains, takes the name of
_Slave_ river, as far [as] the lake of that name, and afterward that
of {292} _M’Kenzie_ river, till it empties into, or is lost in, the
Frozen ocean.[164] Having cut a large pile of wood, and having, by
tedious labor for nearly an hour, got through the ice to the clear
water of the lake on which we were encamped, we supped frugally on
pounded maize, arranged our bivouac, and passed a pretty good night,
though it was bitterly cold. The most common wood of the locality was
cedar and stunted pine. The heat of our fire made the snow melt, and
by morning the embers had reached the solid ice: the depth from the
snow surface was about five feet.
On the 15th, we continued our route, and soon began to descend the
mountain. At the end of three hours, we reached the banks of a
stream--the outlet of the second lake above mentioned--here and there
frozen over, and then again tumbling down over rock and pebbly bottom
in a thousand fantastic gambols; and very soon we had to ford it.
After a tiresome march, by an extremely difficult path in the midst
of woods, we encamped in the evening under some cypresses. I had hit
my right knee against the branch {293} of a fallen tree on the first
day of our march, and now began to suffer acutely with it. It was
impossible, however, to flinch, as I must keep up with the party or
be left to perish.
On the 16th, our path lay through thick swamps and forest; we
recrossed the small stream we had forded the day before, and our
guide conducted us to the banks of the _Athabasca_, which we also
forded. As this passage was the last to be made, we dried our
clothes, and pursued our journey through a more agreeable country
than on the preceding days. In the evening we camped on the margin
of a verdant plain, which, the guide informed us, was called _Coro
prairie_. We had met in the course of the day several buffalo tracks,
and a number of the bones of that quadruped bleached by time. Our
flesh-meat having given out entirely, our supper consisted in some
handfuls of corn, which we parched in a pan.
We resumed our route very early on the 17th, and after passing a
forest of trembling poplar or aspen, we again came in sight of the
river which we had left the day before. Arriving then at an {294}
elevated promontory or cape, our guide made us turn back in order to
pass it at its most accessible point. After crossing it, not without
difficulty, we soon came upon fresh horse-prints, a sure indication
that there were some of those animals in our neighborhood. Emerging
from the forest, each took the direction which he thought would
lead soonest to an encampment. We all presently arrived at an old
house which the traders of the N. W. Company had once constructed,
but which had been abandoned for some four or five years. The site
of this trading post is the most charming that can be imagined:
suffice to say that it is built on the bank of the beautiful river
_Athabasca_, and is surrounded by green and smiling prairies and
superb woodlands. Pity there is nobody there to enjoy these rural
beauties and to praise, while admiring them, the Author of Nature. We
found there Mr. Pillet, and one of Mr. J. M’Donald’s party, who had
his leg broken by the kick of a horse.[165] After regaling ourselves
with _pemican_ and some fresh venison, we set out again, leaving two
of the party to {295} take care of the lame man, and went on about
eight or nine miles farther to encamp.
On the 18th, we had rain. I took the lead, and after having walked
about ten or twelve miles, on the slope of a mountain denuded of
trees, I perceived some smoke issuing from a tuft of trees in the
bottom of the valley, and near the river. I descended immediately,
and reached a small camp, where I found two men who were coming
to meet us with four horses. I made them fire off two guns as a
signal to the rest of our people who were coming up in the rear,
and presently we heard it repeated on the river, from which we were
not far distant. We repaired thither, and found two of the men, who
had been left at the last ford, and who, having constructed a bark
canoe, were descending the river. I made one of them disembark,
and took his place, my knee being so painful that I could walk no
further. Meanwhile the whole party came up; they loaded the horses,
and pursued their route. In the course of the day my companion
(an Iroquois) and I, shot seven ducks. Coming, at last, {296}
to a high promontory called _Millet’s rock_, we found some of
our foot-travellers with Messrs. Stewart and Clarke, who were on
horseback, all at a stand, doubting whether it would answer to wade
round the base of the rock, which dipped in the water. We sounded the
stream for them, and found it fordable. So they all passed round,
thereby avoiding the inland path, which is excessively fatiguing by
reason of the hills, which it is necessary perpetually to mount and
descend.[166] We encamped, to the number of seven, at the entrance
of what at high water might be a lake, but was then but a flat of
blackish sand, with a narrow channel in the centre. Here we made an
excellent supper on the wild ducks, while those who were behind had
nothing to eat.
[159] Canoe River is the northernmost tributary of the
Columbia, flowing into it in latitude 52° north. Its
source is near that of Fraser River. Thompson was
here in the winter of 1810-11.--ED.
[160] Mr. Franchère uniformly mentions the direction from
which a stream appears to flow, not that toward
which it runs; a natural method on the part of one
who was ascending the current.--HUNTINGTON.
[161] On Arrowsmith’s map of “British Possessions in
North America,” in his _Atlas_ (Boston, 1812), the
Tacoutché Tessé or Columbia is laid down with a
dotted or indefinite line. The former name was in
reality that of Fraser River (explored 1806-08), but
long supposed to be the headwaters of the Columbia.
Franchère’s description of the latter river is quite
accurate.--ED.
[162] The place of Thompson’s wintering camp is still
(according to Coues) called Boat Encampment. On the
method of making a cache, see _Original Journals of
Lewis and Clark Expedition_, under entry for June
10, 1805. For pemmican see note 197, _post._--ED.
[163] This is one of the earliest descriptions extant
of the Athabascan Pass between British Columbia
and Alberta. It was discovered in 1810-11 by David
Thompson (see his account in _Henry-Thompson
Journals_, pp. 668, 669). Franchère’s “J. Henry” is
unidentified, probably it refers to William Henry
who crossed the year following Thompson’s passage.
The lake which forms the source of the Athabasca is
known as “Committee’s Punch Bowl.”--ED.
[164] The correctness of Franchère’s geographical
assertions shows the completeness with which this
vast region had been explored by the “Nor’Westers,”
who were doubtless his informants. The small branch
of the Athabasca whose source they had reached, was
Whirlpool River. Athabasca River, flowing through
the lake of the same name (Franchère’s Lake of the
Mountains), unites with the Peace (Indian name,
Unjighah), and becomes the Slave and Mackenzie
rivers, as here described.--ED.
[165] Coues locates this abandoned trading house at the
junction of the Miette and Athabasca rivers, in
Western Alberta. It was founded by William Henry,
and commanded both the Athabasca and Yellowhead
passes, but was abandoned because of the difficulty
of securing provisions.
McDonald, in his journal (Masson, _Bourgeois_, ii,
p. 53) speaks of this man whose leg was broken.--ED.
[166] Millet’s rock is given in the original French
edition as “Le Rocher de Miette.” Ross Cox and his
party crossed it in 1817; he speaks of the steepness
of the ascent and the magnificence of the view from
the summit. See Cox, _Adventures_, pp. 253, 254.--ED.
{297} CHAPTER XXIV
Arrival at the Fort of the Mountains--Description of this
Post--Some Details in Regard to the Rocky Mountains--Mountain
Sheep, &c.--Continuation of the Journey--Unhappy
Accident--Reflections--News from Canada--Hunter’s Lodge--Pimbina
and Red Deer Rivers.
On the 19th we raised our camp and followed the shore of the little
dry lake, along a smooth sandy beach, having abandoned our little
bark canoe, both because it had become nearly unserviceable, and
because we knew ourselves to be very near the Rocky Mountains
House.[167] In fact, we had not gone above five or six miles when we
discerned a column of smoke on the opposite side of the stream. We
immediately forded across, and arrived at the post, where we found
Messrs. M’Donald, Stuart, and M’Kenzie, who had preceded us only two
days.
{298} The post of the Rocky Mountains, in English, _Rocky Mountains
House_, is situated on the shore of the little lake I have mentioned,
in the midst of a wood, and is surrounded, except on the water side,
by steep rocks, inhabited only by the mountain sheep and goat. Here
is seen in the west the chain of the Rocky Mountains, whose summits
are covered with perpetual snow. On the lake side, _Millet’s Rock_,
of which I have spoken above, is in full view, of an immense height,
and resembles the front of a huge church seen in perspective. The
post was under the charge of a Mr. Decoigne.[168] He does not procure
many furs for the company, which has only established the house as
a provision depot, with the view of facilitating the passage of
the mountains to those of its _employés_ who are repairing to, or
returning from, the Columbia.
People speak so often of the Rocky Mountains, and appear to know
so little about them, that the reader will naturally desire me to
say here a word on that subject. If we are to credit travellers,
and the most recent maps, these mountains {299} extend nearly in a
straight line, from the 35th or 36th degree of north latitude, to
the mouth of the _Unjighah_, or _M’Kenzie’s river_, in the Arctic
ocean, in latitude 65° or 66° N. This distance of thirty degrees
of latitude, or seven hundred and fifty leagues, equivalent to two
thousand two hundred and fifty English miles or thereabouts, is,
however, only the mean side of a right-angled triangle, the base of
which occupies twenty-six degrees of longitude, in latitude 35° or
36°, that is to say, is about sixteen hundred miles long, while the
chain of mountains forms the _hypotenuse_; so that the real, and as
it were diagonal, length of the chain, across the continent, must be
very near three thousand miles from S. E. to N. W. In such a vast
extent of mountains, the perpendicular height and width of base must
necessarily be very unequal. We were about eight days in crossing
them; whence I conclude, from our daily rate of travel, that they may
have, at this point, i. e., about latitude 54°, a base of two hundred
miles.
The geographer Pinkerton[169] is assuredly mistaken, {300} when
he gives these mountains an elevation of but three thousand feet
above the level of the sea; from my own observations I would not
hesitate to give them six thousand; we attained, in crossing them,
an elevation probably of fifteen hundred feet above the valleys, and
were not, perhaps, nearer than half way of their total height, while
the valleys themselves must be considerably elevated above the level
of the Pacific, considering the prodigious number of rapids and falls
which are met in the Columbia, from the first falls to Canoe river.
Be that as it may, if these mountains yield to the Andes in elevation
and extent, they very much surpass in both respects the Apalachian
chain, regarded until recently as the principal mountains of North
America: they give rise, accordingly, to an infinity of streams, and
to the greatest rivers of the continent.[170]
{301} They offer a vast and unexplored field to natural history:
no botanist, no mineralogist, has yet examined them. The first
travellers called them the Glittering mountains, on account of the
infinite number of immense rock crystals, which, they say, cover
their surface, and which, when they are not covered with snow, or
in the bare places, reflect to an immense distance the rays of the
sun. The name of Rocky mountains was given them, probably, by later
travellers, in consequence of the enormous isolated rocks which they
offer here and there to the view.[171] In fact, Millet’s rock, and
_M’Gillivray’s_ above all, appeared to me wonders of nature. Some
think that they contain metals, and precious stones.
With the exception of the mountain sheep and goat, the animals of the
Rocky mountains, if these rocky passes support any, are not better
known than their vegetable and mineral productions. The mountain
sheep resorts generally to steep rocks, where it is impossible for
men or even for wolves to reach them: we saw several on the rocks
which surround the Mountain House. {302} This animal has great
curved horns, like those of the domestic ram: its wool is long, but
coarse; that on the belly is the finest and whitest. The Indians
who dwell near the mountains, make blankets of it, similar to ours,
which they exchange with the Indians of the Columbia for fish, and
other commodities. The ibex, or mountain goat, frequents, like the
sheep, the top and the declivities of the rocks: it differs from the
sheep in having hair instead of wool, and straight horns projecting
backward, instead of curved ones. The color is also different. The
natives soften the horns of these animals by boiling, and make
platters, spoons, &c., of them, in a very artistic manner.[172]
Mr. Decoigne had not sufficient food for us, not having expected
so many people to arrive at once. His hunters were then absent
on _Smoke_ river (so called by some travellers who saw in the
neighborhood a volcanic mountain belching smoke), in quest of
game.[173] We were therefore compelled to kill one of the horses for
food. We found no birch bark either to make canoes, and {303} set
the men to work in constructing some of wood. For want of better
materials, we were obliged to use poplar. On the 22d, the three men
whom we had left at the old-house, arrived in a little canoe made of
two elk-skins sewed together, and stretched like a drum, on a frame
of poles.
On the 24th, four canoes being ready, we fastened them together two
and two, and embarked, to descend the river to an old post called
_Hunter’s Lodge_, where Mr. Decoigne, who was to return with us to
Canada, informed us that we should find some bark canoes _en cache_,
placed there for the use of the persons who descend the river. The
water was not deep, and the stream was rapid; we glided along, so to
speak, for ten or a dozen leagues, and encamped, having lost sight of
the mountains. In proportion as we advanced, the banks of the river
grew less steep, and the country became more agreeable.
On the 25th, having only a little _pemican_ left, which we wished
to keep, we sent forward a hunter in the little elk-skin canoe, to
kill some {304} game. About ten o’clock, we found him waiting for us
with two moose that he had killed. He had suspended the hearts from
the branch of a tree as a signal. We landed some men to help him
in cutting up and shipping the game. We continued to glide safely
down. But toward two o’clock, P. M., after doubling a point, we got
into a considerable rapid, where, by the maladroitness of those who
managed the double pirogue in which I was, we met with a melancholy
accident. I had proposed to go ashore, in order to lighten the
canoes, which were loaded to the water’s edge; but the steersman
insisted that we could go down safe, while the bow-man was turning
the head of the pirogue toward the beach; by this manœuvre we were
brought athwart the stream, which was carrying us fast toward the
falls; just then our frail bark struck upon a sunken rock; the lower
canoe broke amid-ships and filled instantly, and the upper one being
lighted, rolled over, precipitating us all into the water. Two of
our men, Olivier Roy Lapensée and André Bélanger, were drowned;
{305} and it was not without extreme difficulty that we succeeded
in saving Messrs. Pillet and Wallace, as well as a man named _J.
Hurteau_.[174] The latter was so far gone that we were obliged to
have recourse to the usual means for the resuscitation of drowned
persons. The men lost all their effects; the others recovered but
a part of theirs; and all our provisions went. Toward evening,
in ascending the river (for I had gone about two miles below, to
recover the effects floating down), we found the body of Lapensée.
We interred it as decently as we could, and planted at his grave a
cross, on which I inscribed with the point of my knife, his name and
the manner and date of his death.[175] Bélanger’s body was not found.
If anything could console the shades of the departed for a premature
and unfortunate end, it would be, no doubt, that the funeral rites
have been paid to their remains, and that they themselves have given
their names to the places where they perished: it is thus that the
shade of Palinurus rejoiced in the regions below, at learning from
the mouth of the Sibyl, {306} that the promontory near which he was
drowned would henceforth be called by his name: _gaudet cognomine
terra_. The rapid and the point of land where the accident I have
described took place, will bear, and bears already, probably, the
name of _Lapensée_.[176]
On the 26th, a part of our people embarked in the three canoes which
remained, and the others followed the banks of the river on foot. We
saw in several places some veins of bituminous coal, on the banks
between the surface of the water and that of the plain, say thirty
feet below the latter; the veins had a dip of about 25°. We tried
some and found it to burn well. We halted in the evening near a small
stream, where we constructed some rafts, to carry all our people.
On the 27th, I went forward in the little canoe {307} of skins,
with the two hunters. We soon killed an elk, which we skinned and
suspended the hide, besmeared with blood, from the branch of a tree
at the extremity of a point, in order that the people behind, as they
came up, might perceive and take in the fruit of our chase. After
fortifying ourselves with a little food, we continued to glide down,
and encamped for the night near a thick wood where our hunters, from
the tracks they observed, had hopes of encountering and capturing
some bears. This hope was not realized.
On the 28th, a little after quitting camp, we killed a swan. While
I was busy cooking it, the hunters having plunged into the wood, I
heard a rifle-shot, which seemed to me to proceed from a direction
opposite to that which they had taken. They returned very soon
running, and were extremely surprised to learn that it was not I who
had fired it. Nevertheless, the canoes and rafts having overtaken us,
we continued to descend the river. Very soon we met a bark canoe,
containing two men and a woman, who were ascending {308} the river
and bringing letters and some goods for the _Rocky Mountains House_.
We learned from these letters addressed to Mr. Decoigne, several
circumstances of the war, and among others the defeat of Captain
Barclay on Lake Erie. We arrived that evening at _Hunter’s Lodge_,
where we found four new birch-bark canoes. We got ready two of them,
and resumed our journey down, on the 31st. Mr. Pillet set out before
us with the hunters, at a very early hour. They killed an elk, which
they left on a point, and which we took in. The country through which
we passed that day is the most charming possible; the river is wide,
handsome, and bordered with low outjutting points, covered with birch
and poplar.
On the 1st of June, in the evening, we encamped at the confluence
of the river _Pembina_. This stream comes from the south, and
takes its rise in one of the spurs of the great chain of the Rocky
mountains; ascending it for two days, and crossing a neck of land
about seventy-five miles, one reaches Fort Augustus, a trading-post
{309} on the _Saskatchawine_ river. Messrs. M’Donald and M’Kenzie
had taken this route, and had left for us half a sack of pemican in
a _cache_, at the mouth of the river _Pembina_.[177] After landing
that evening, Mr. Stuart and I amused ourselves with angling, but
took only five or six small fish.
On the 2d, we passed the confluence of _Little Slave Lake_ river. At
eight o’clock in the morning, we met a band or family of Indians, of
the _Knisteneaux_ tribe.[178] They had just killed a buffalo, which
we bought of them for a small brass-kettle. We could not have had a
more seasonable _rencontre_, for our provisions were all consumed.
On the 3d, we reached _Little Red Elk_ river, which we began to
ascend, quitting the _Athabasca_, or _Great Red Elk_.[179] This
stream was very narrow in its channel, and obstructed with boulders:
we were obliged to take to the shore, while some of the men dragged
along the canoes. Their method was to lash poles across, and
wading themselves, lift the canoes over the rocks--a laborious and
infinitely tedious operation. {310} The march along the banks was not
less disagreeable: for we had to traverse points of forest where the
fire had passed, and which were filled with fallen trees.
Wallace and I having stopped to quench our thirst at a rill, the rest
got in advance of us; and we lost our way in a labyrinth of buffalo
tracks which we mistook for the trail, so that we wandered about for
three hours before we came up with the party, who began to fear for
our safety, and were firing signal-guns to direct us. As the river
now grew deeper, we all embarked in the canoes, and about evening
overtook our hunters, who had killed a moose and her two calves.
We continued our journey on the 4th, sometimes seated in our canoes,
sometimes marching along the river on foot, and encamped in the
evening, excessively fatigued.
[167] The Rocky Mountain House, at this place, is usually
spoken of as Jasper House from a North West clerk
by the name of Jasper Hawse, who was stationed here
for some years. It was situated on the second or
Burnt (Brulé) Lake, and was “a miserable concern
of rough logs.” A few years later the Hudson’s Bay
Company built a better post on the first, or Jasper
Lake, which was the Rocky Mountain House for the
Athabascan route. See Ross, _Fur Traders_, ii, pp.
202-204.--ED.
[168] François Decoigne (Ducoigne) was an experienced
employé of the North West Company, having been in
their service since 1798 or 1799. McDonald, the
leader of the brigade, had wintered with him in the
Athabascan district in 1803-04; he had also served
with Alexander Henry. In 1818 he joined the Hudson’s
Bay Company.--ED.
[169] Franchère here refers to John Pinkerton (1758-1826),
the well-known Scotch antiquarian, historian, and
geographer. He published a _Modern Geography_
in several editions; also a _New Modern Atlas_
(1808).--ED.
[170] This is interesting, as the rough calculation of an
unscientific traveller, unprovided with instruments,
and at that date. The real height of the Rocky
Mountains, as now ascertained, averages twelve
thousand feet; the highest known peak is about
sixteen thousand.--HUNTINGTON.
[171] See Thwaites, _Rocky Mountain Exploration_, chap.
ii, for the early French explorations, and the name
“Shining Mountains.”--ED.
[172] Franchère here gives a brief but accurate account
of the two distinctive animals of the Rocky
Mountains--the sheep usually known as the bighorn
(_ovis montana_), and the ibex (_haplocerus
montana_). They were first made known in the United
States by Lewis and Clark.--ED.
[173] This is probably not the Smoky River, an affluent of
the Peace, but a small neighboring stream called by
Cox, who gives the same derivation for the name, La
Rivière à la Boucane.--ED.
[174] Of these unfortunate men, Lapensée was an Astorian
voyageur, the others were Nor’Westers. William
Wallace came out as a clerk with Franchère on the
“Tonquin.” He had wintered both years since upon the
Willamette.--ED.
[175] Ross in 1825 found the wooden cross with the
inscription “Olivie Lapensie, from Lachine, drowned
here in May, 1814.”--ED.
[176] Mr. Franchère, not having the fear of the _Abbé
Gaume_ before his eyes, so wrote in his Journal of
1814; finding consolation in a thought savoring, we
confess, more of Virgil than of the catechism. It is
a classic term that calls to our mind rough Captain
_Thorn’s_ sailor-like contempt for his literary
passengers so comically described by Mr. _Irving_.
Half of the humor as well as of the real interest of
Mr. Franchère’s charming narrative, is lost by one
who has never read “Astoria.”--HUNTINGTON.
[177] Pembina River is the largest southern affluent of
the Athabasca. It was discovered and explored by
Thompson in 1799. The name is from a berry found on
its bank.
Fort Augustus was built about 1809, after the
destruction of an older fort of the same name, some
twenty miles farther up on the Saskatchewan. It became
the principal post of the region, and under the name
of Edmonton is still a Hudson’s Bay station, and
the terminus of the Edmonton branch of the Canadian
Pacific Railway.--ED.
[178] For the Cristineaux (Knisteneaux), see J. Long’s
_Voyages_, volume ii of our series, note 75.--ED.
[179] Little Red Elk River, an affluent of the Athabasca
from the east, in northeastern Alberta, is now known
as La Biche River.--ED.
{311} CHAPTER XXV
Red Deer Lake--Antoine Déjarlais--Beaver River--N. Nadeau--Moose
River--Bridge Lake--Saskatchawine River--Fort Vermilion--Mr.
Hallet--Trading-Houses--Beautiful Country--Reflections.
The 5th of June brought us to the beautiful sheet of water called
_Red Deer lake_, irregular in shape, dotted with islands, and about
forty miles in length by thirty in its greatest width. We met,
about the middle of it, a small canoe conducted by two young women.
They were searching for gulls’ and ducks’ eggs on the islands, this
being the season of laying for those aquatics. They told us that
their father was not far distant from the place where we met them.
In fact, we presently saw him appear in a canoe with his two boys,
rounding a little isle. We joined him, and learned that his name was
{312} Antoine Déjarlais; that he had been a guide in the services
of the Northwest Company, but had left them since 1805.[180] On
being made acquainted with our need of provisions, he offered us
a great quantity of eggs, and made one of our men embark with his
two daughters in their little canoe, to seek some more substantial
supplies at his cabin, on the other side of the lake. He himself
accompanied us as far as a portage of about twenty-five yards formed
at the outlet of the lake by a Beaver dam. Having performed the
portage, and passed a small pond or marsh, we encamped to await
the return of our man. He arrived the next morning, with Déjarlais,
bringing us about fifty pounds of dried venison and from ten to
twelve pounds of tallow. We invited our host to breakfast with us: it
was the least we could do after the good offices he had rendered us.
This man was married to an Indian woman, and lived with his family,
on the produce of his chase; he appeared quite contented with his
lot. Nobody at least disputed with him the sovereignty of Red Deer
lake, of which he {313} had, as it were, taken possession. He begged
me to read for him two letters which he had had in his possession
for two years, and of which he did not yet know the contents. They
were from one of his sisters, and dated at _Verchères_, in Canada. I
even thought that I recognised the handwriting of Mr. L. G. Labadie,
teacher of that parish. At last, having testified to this good man,
in suitable terms, our gratitude for the services he had rendered us,
we quitted him and prosecuted our journey.
After making two portages, we arrived on the banks of Beaver river,
which was here but a rivulet.[181] It is by this route that the
canoes ordinarily pass to reach Little Slave lake and the Athabasca
country, from the head of Lake Superior, via., _Cumberland House_, on
_English river_. We were obliged by the shallowness of the stream, to
drag along our canoes, walking on a bottom or beach of sand, where we
began to feel the importunity of the mosquitoes. One of the hunters
scoured the woods for game but without success. By-and-by we passed a
small canoe {314} turned bottom up and covered with a blanket. Soon
after we came to a cabin or lodge, where we found an old Canadian
hunter named _Nadeau_. He was reduced to the last stage of weakness,
having had nothing to eat for two days. Nevertheless, a young man who
was married to one of his daughters, came in shortly after, with the
good news that he had just killed a buffalo; a circumstance which
determined us to encamp there for the night. We sent some of our men
to get in the meat. Nadeau gave us half of it, and told us that we
should find, thirty miles lower down, at the foot of a pine tree, a
_cache_, where he had deposited ten swan-skins, and some of martin,
with a net, which he prayed us to take to the next trading-post.
We quitted this good fellow the next morning, and pursued our way.
Arriving at the place indicated, we found the _cache_, and took the
net, leaving the other articles. A short distance further, we came
to Moose river, which we had to ascend, in order to reach the lake
of that name. The water in this river was so low that we were {315}
obliged entirely to unload the canoes, and to lash poles across
them, as we had done before, that the men might carry them on their
shoulders over the places where they could not be floated. Having
distributed the baggage to the remainder of the hands, we pursued our
way through the woods, under the guidance of Mr. Decoigne.
This gentleman, who had not passed here for nineteen years, soon lost
his way, and we got separated into small parties, in the course of
the afternoon, some going one way, and some another, in search of
Moose lake. But as we had outstripped the men who carried the baggage
and the small stock of provision that old Nadeau had given us, Mr.
Wallace and I thought it prudent to retrace our steps and keep with
the rear-guard. We soon met Mr. Pillet and one of the hunters. The
latter, ferreting the woods on both sides of a trail that he had
discovered, soon gave a whoop, to signify that we should stop.
Presently emerging from the underwood, he showed us a horsewhip
which he had found, and from which and from other unmistakeable
signs, he was confident {316} the trail would lead either to the
lake or a navigable part of the river. The men with the baggage then
coming up, we entered the thicket single file, and were conducted
by this path, in a very short time, to the river, on the banks of
which were visible the traces of an old camping ground. The night
was coming on; and soon after, the canoes arrived, to our great
satisfaction; for we had begun to fear that they had already passed.
The splashing of their paddles was a welcome sound, and we who had
been wise enough to keep behind, all encamped together.
Very early on the 8th, I set out accompanied by one of the hunters,
in quest of Messrs. D. Stuart, Clarke and Decoigne, who had gone
on ahead, the night previous. I soon found MM. Clarke and M’Gillis
encamped on the shore of the lake. The canoes presently arrived and
we embarked; MM. Stuart and Decoigne rejoined us shortly after, and
informed us that they had bivouacked on the shore of Lac _Puant_, or
Stinking lake, a pond situated about twelve miles E. N. E. from the
lake we were now entering. {317} Finding ourselves thus reunited,
we traversed the latter, which is about eighteen miles in circuit,
and has very pretty shores. We encamped, very early, on an island,
in order to use old Nadeau’s fishing net. I visited it that evening
and brought back three carp and two water-hens. We left it set all
night, and the next morning found in it twenty white-fish. Leaving
camp at an early hour, we gained the entrance of a small stream that
descends between some hills of moderate elevation, and there stopped
to breakfast. I found the white-fish more delicious in flavor, even
than the salmon. We had again to foot it, following the bank of this
little stream. It was a painful task, as we were obliged to open a
path through thick underbrush, in the midst of a rain that lasted all
day and kept us drenched. Two men being left in each canoe, conveyed
them up the river about thirty miles, as far as Long lake--a narrow
pond, on the margin of which we spent the night.
On the 10th, we got through this lakelet, and entered another small
stream, which it was necessary {318} to navigate in the same manner
as the preceding, and which conducted us to Bridge lake. The latter
received its name from a sort of bridge or causeway, formed at its
southern extremity, and which is nothing more than a huge beaver dam.
We found here a lodge, where were a young man and two women, who had
charge of some horses appertaining to one of the Hudson’s Bay trading
houses. We borrowed of them half a dozen pack horses, and crossed the
bridge with them. After surmounting a considerable hill, we reached
an open, level, and dry prairie, which conducted us in about two
hours to an ancient trading-post on the banks of the _Saskatchawine_.
Knowing that we were near a factory, we made our toilets as well as
we could, before arriving. Toward sundown, we reached Fort Vermilion,
which is situated on the bank of a river, at the foot of a superb
hill.
We found at this post some ninety persons, men, women, and children;
these people depend for subsistence on the chase, and fishing with
{319} hooks and lines, which is very precarious. Mr. Hallet, the
clerk in charge was absent, and we were dismayed to hear that there
were no provisions on the place: a very disagreeable piece of news
for people famished as we were.[182] We had been led to suppose that
if we could only reach the plains of the Saskatchawine, we should be
in the land of plenty. Mr. Hallet, however, was not long in arriving:
he had two quarters of buffalo meat brought out, which had been laid
in ice, and prepared us supper. Mr. Hallet was a polite sociable man,
loving his ease passably well, and desirous of living in these wild
countries, as people do in civilized lands. Having testified to him
our surprise at seeing in one of the buildings a large _cariole_,
like those of Canada, he informed us that having horses, he had
had this carriage made in order to enjoy a sleigh-ride; but that
the workmen having forgot to take the measure of the doors of the
building before constructing it, it was found when finished, much
too large for them, and could never be got out of the room where it
was; and it was like to {320} remain there a long time, as he was not
disposed to demolish the house for the pleasure of using the cariole.
By the side of the factory of the Northwest Company, is another
belonging to the Company of Hudson’s Bay. In general these
trading-houses are constructed thus, one close to the other, and
surrounded with a common palisade, with a door of communication
in the interior for mutual succor, in case of attack on the part
of the Indians. The latter, in this region, particularly the
Black-feet, _Gros-ventres_, and those of the Yellow river, are very
ferocious:[183] they live by the chase, but bring few furs to the
traders; and the latter maintain these posts principally to procure
themselves provisions.
On the 11th, after breakfasting at Fort Vermilion, we resumed our
journey, with six or seven pounds of tallow for our whole stock of
food. This slender supply brought us through to the evening of the
third day, when we had for supper two ounces of tallow each.
On the 14th, in the morning, we killed a wild {321} goose, and toward
midday, collected some flag-root and _choux-gras_, a wild herb,
which we boiled with the small game: we did not forget to throw into
the pot the little tallow we had left, and made a delicious repast.
Toward the decline of day, we had the good luck to kill a buffalo.
On the 15th, MM. Clarke and Decoigne having landed during our course,
to hunt, returned presently with the agreeable intelligence that
they had killed three buffaloes. We immediately encamped, and sent
the greater part of the men to cut up the meat and jerk it. This
operation lasted till the next evening, and we set forward again in
the canoes on the 17th, with about six hundred pounds of meat half
cured. The same evening we perceived from our camp several herds of
buffaloes, but did not give chase, thinking we had enough meat to
take us to the next post.
The river _Saskatchawine_ flows over a bed composed of sand and
marl, which contributes not a little to diminish the purity and
transparency {322} of its waters, which, like those of the Missouri,
are turbid and whitish. Except for that it is one of the prettiest
rivers in the world. The banks are perfectly charming, and offer
in many places a scene the fairest, the most smiling, and the
best diversified that can be seen or imagined: hills in varied
forms, crowned with superb groves; valleys agreeably embrowned, at
evening and morning, by the prolonged shadow of the hills, and of
the woods which adorn them; herds of light-limbed antelopes, and
heavy colossal buffalo--the former bounding along the slopes of the
hills, the latter trampling under their heavy feet the verdure of
the plains; all these champaign beauties reflected and doubled as it
were, by the waters of the river; the melodious and varied song of a
thousand birds, perched on the tree-tops; the refreshing breath of
the zephyrs; the serenity of the sky; the purity and salubrity of
the air; all, in a word, pours contentment and joy into the soul of
the enchanted spectator. It is above all in the morning, when the
sun is rising, and in the evening when he is {323} setting, that the
spectacle is really ravishing. I could not detach my regards from
that superb picture, till the nascent obscurity had obliterated its
perfection. Then, to the sweet pleasure that I had tasted, succeeded
a _triste_, not to say, a sombre, melancholy. How comes it to pass, I
said to myself, that so beautiful a country is not inhabited by human
creatures? The songs, the hymns, the prayers, of the laborer and the
artisan, shall they never be heard in these fine plains? Wherefore,
while in Europe, and above all in England, so many thousands of
men do not possess as their own an inch of ground, and cultivate
the soil of their country for proprietors who scarcely leave them
whereon to support existence; --wherefore--do so many millions of
acres of apparently fat and fertile land, remain uncultivated and
absolutely useless? Or, at least, why do they support only herds
of wild animals? Will men always love better to vegetate all their
lives on an ungrateful soil, than to seek afar fertile regions, in
order to pass in peace and plenty, at least the last portion of {324}
their days? But I deceive myself; it is not so easy as one thinks,
for the poor man to better his condition: he has not the means of
transporting himself to distant countries, or he has not those of
acquiring a property there; for these untilled lands, deserted,
abandoned, do not appertain to whoever wishes to establish himself
upon them and reduce them to culture; they have owners, and from
these must be purchased the right of rendering them productive!
Besides one ought not to give way to illusions: these countries, at
times so delightful, do not enjoy a perpetual spring; they have their
winter, and a rigorous one; a piercing cold is then spread through
the atmosphere; deep snows cover the surface; the frozen rivers
flow only for the fish; the trees are stripped of their leaves and
hung with icicles; the verdure of the plains has disappeared; the
hills and valleys offer but a uniform whiteness; Nature has lost all
her beauty; and man has enough to do, to shelter himself from the
injuries of the inclement season.
[180] Red Deer Lake is Lake La Biche, discharging
through La Biche River into the Athabasca. Henry
makes frequent mention in his journals of Antoine
Desjarlais, both as employé of the North West
Company, and as free trapper. See _Henry-Thompson
Journals_, index.--ED.
[181] By means of the two portages here mentioned, the
party crossed the watershed between the waters of
the Arctic Ocean and those of Hudson Bay. Beaver
River is a tributary of the Churchill; the overland
trail, however, followed it but a short distance,
passing to Moose River by means of a portage which
Franchère fails to note. The Moose is one of the
upper waters of the Saskatchewan.--ED.
[182] Fort Vermillion was situated on the north bank
of the Saskatchewan opposite to the mouth of
the Vermillion River, which debouches from the
southwest. Both the North West and Hudson’s Bay
companies had posts at this place, which was a
rendezvous for the Cree, Assiniboin, Blackfeet, and
Slave tribes. Alexander Henry had charge of the post
in 1808-10. Hallet had been a clerk there as early
as 1807.--ED.
[183] For the Blackfeet Indians see Bradbury’s _Travels_,
vol. v of our series, note 120. The Grosventres here
mentioned are to be differentiated from the tribe of
that name commonly known as Minitaree (_op. cit._,
note 76). Those mentioned here are the Grosventres
of the Prairies (Indian name, Atsina), sometimes
known as the Falls or Rapids Indians, from having
first been met at the falls of the Saskatchewan.
They are a kindred tribe to the Blackfeet, and the
tribe most relentlessly hostile to the whites in
all the annals of Indian warfare. They attacked
and massacred the dwellers of a Hudson Bay post in
1794; and it was a party of these Indians with whom
Captain Lewis had an unfortunate encounter upon
Maria’s River in 1806. There are now a band of about
five hundred of them upon Fort Belknap Reservation,
Montana; and many are still wandering in the
northwest territories of Canada.--ED.
{325} CHAPTER XXVI
Fort Montée--Cumberland House--Lake Bourbon--Great Winipeg
Rapids--Lake Winipeg--Trading-House--Lake of the Woods--Rainy
Lake House, &c.
On the 18th of June (a day which its next anniversary was to render
forever celebrated in the annals of the world),[184] we re-embarked
at an early hour: and the wind rising, spread sail, a thing we
had not done before, since we quitted the river Columbia. In the
afternoon the clouds gathered thick and black, and we had a gust,
accompanied with hail, but of short duration; the weather cleared
up again, and about sundown we arrived at _Le Fort de la Montée_,
so called, on account of its being a depôt, where the traders going
south, leave their canoes and take pack-horses to reach their several
posts.[185] We found here, as at Fort Vermilion, two trading-houses
{326} joined together, to make common cause against the Indians; one
belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Company, the other to the company of
the Northwest: the Hudson’s Bay house being then under the charge
of a Mr. Prudent, and the N. W. Company’s under a Mr. John M’Lean.
Mr. de Roche Blave, one of the partners of the last company having
the superintendence of this district, where he had wintered, had gone
to Lake Superior to attend the annual meeting of the partners.[186]
There were cultivated fields around the house; the barley and peas
appeared to promise an abundant harvest. Mr. M’Lean received us as
well as circumstances permitted; but that gentleman having no food
to give us, and our buffalo meat beginning to spoil, we set off the
next morning, to reach Cumberland house as quick as possible. In the
course of the day, we passed two old forts, one of which had been
built by the French before the conquest of Canada. According to our
guide, it was the most distant western post that the French traders
ever had in the northwestern wilderness.[187] Toward evening we {327}
shot a moose. The aspect of the country changes considerably since
leaving _Montée_; the banks of the river rise more boldly, and the
country is covered with forests.
On the 20th, we saw some elms--a tree that I had not seen hitherto,
since my departure from Canada. We reached Fort Cumberland a
little before the setting of the sun. This post, called in English
_Cumberland House_, is situated at the outlet of the _Saskatchawine_,
where it empties into _English lake_, between the 53d and 54th
degrees of north latitude. It is a depot for those traders who are
going to Slave lake or the Athabasca, or are returning thence, as
well as for those destined for the Rocky mountains.[188] It was
under the orders of Mr. J. D. Campbell, who having gone down to Fort
William, however, had left it in charge of a Mr. Harrison.[189]
There are two factories, as at Vermilion and la Montée. At this
place the traders who resort every year to Fort William, leave their
half-breed or Indian wives and families, as they can live here at
little expense, the lake abounding in fish. Messrs. {328} Clarke
and Stuart, who were behind, arrived on the 22d, and in the evening
we had a dance. They gave us four sacks of pemican, and we set off
again, on the 23d, at eight A. M. We crossed the lake, and entered a
small river, and having made some eighty or ninety miles under sail,
encamped on a low shore, where the mosquitoes tormented us horribly
all night.
On the 24th, we passed _Muddy_ lake, and entered Lake
_Bourbon_,[190] where we fell in with a canoe from _York_ factory,
under the command of a Mr. Kennedy, clerk of the Hudson’s Bay
Company.[191] We collected some dozens of gull’s eggs, on the rocky
islands of the lake: and stopping on one of the last at night, having
a little flour left, Mr. Decoigne and I amused ourselves in making
fritters for the next day’s breakfast: an occupation, which despite
the small amount of materials, employed us till we were surprised by
the daybreak; the night being but brief at this season in that high
latitude.
At sunrise on the 25th, we were again afloat, passed Lake _Travers_,
or _Cross_ lake, which {329} empties into Lake Winipeg by a
succession of rapids; shot down these cascades without accident,
and arrived, toward noon, at the great rapid _Ouénipic_ or Winipeg,
which is about four miles long. We disembarked here, and the men
worked down the canoes.[192] At the foot of this rapid, which is the
inlet of Winipeg, we found an old Canadian fisherman, who called
himself _King of the lake_. He might fairly style himself king of
the fish, which are abundant and which he alone enjoyed. Having made
a boil, and regaled ourselves with excellent sturgeon, we left this
old man, and entered the great lake Winipeg, which appeared to me
like a sea of fresh water. This lake is now too well known to need
a particular description: I will content myself with saying that it
visibly yields in extent only to Lake Superior and Great Slave lake:
it has for tributaries several large rivers, and among others the
Saskatchawine, the Winipeg, in the east; and Red river in the south;
and empties into Hudson’s bay by the _Nelson_, N. N. E., and the
_Severn_, E. N. E. The shores which it bathes are {330} generally
very low; it appears to have little depth, and is dotted with a vast
number of islands, lying pretty close to land. We reached one called
_Egg island_, whence it was necessary to cross to the south to reach
the main; but the wind was so violent that it was only at decline
of day that we could perform the passage. We profited by the calm,
to coast along all day and a part of the night of the 26th; but to
pay for it, remained in camp on the 27th, till evening: the wind not
suffering us to proceed. The wind having appeared to abate somewhat
after sunset, we embarked, but were soon forced to land again. On
the 28th, we passed the openings of several deep bays, and the isles
of _St. Martin_, and camped at the bottom of a little bay, where
the mosquitoes did not suffer us to close our eyes all night. We
were rejoiced when dawn appeared, and were eager to embark, to free
ourselves from these inconvenient guests. A calm permitted us that
day to make good progress with our oars, and we camped at _Buffalo
Strait_. We saw that day two Indian wigwams.[193]
{331} The 30th brought us to Winipeg river, which we began to ascend,
and about noon reached Fort _Bas de la Rivière_. This trading post
had more the air of a large and well-cultivated farm, than of a fur
traders’ factory: a neat and elegant mansion, built on a slight
eminence, and surrounded with barns, stables, storehouses, &c., and
by fields of barley, peas, oats, and potatoes, reminded us of the
civilized countries which we had left so long ago. Messrs. Crébassa
and Kennedy, who had this post in charge, received us with all
possible hospitality, and supplied us with all the political news
which had been learned through the arrival of canoes from Canada.[194]
They also informed us that Messrs. M’Donald and de Rocheblave had
passed, a few days before our arrival, having been obliged to go up
Red river to stop the effusion of blood, which would probably have
taken place but for their intervention, in the colony founded on that
river by the earl of Selkirk.[195] Mr. Miles M’Donnell, the governor
of that colony, or rather of the _Assiniboyne_ district,[196] had
issued a proclamation {332} forbidding all persons whomsoever,
to send provisions of any kind out of the district. The Hudson’s
Bay traders had conformed to this proclamation, but those of the
Northwest Company paid no attention to it, thinking it illegal, and
had sent their servants, as usual to get provisions up the river. Mr.
M’Donnell having heard that several hundred sacks of pemican[197]
were laid up in a storehouse under the care of a Mr. Pritchard,
sent to require their surrender:[198] Pritchard refused to deliver
them, whereupon Mr. M’Donnell had them carried off by force. The
traders who winter on Little Slave lake, English river, the Athabasca
country, &c., learning this, and being aware that they would not
{333} find their usual supply at _Bas de la Rivière_, resolved to
go and recover the seized provisions by force, if they were not
peaceably given up. Things were in this position when Messrs. de
Rocheblave and M’Donald arrived. They found the Canadian _voyageurs_
in arms, and ready to give battle to the colonists, who persisted in
their refusal to surrender the bags of pemican. The two peacemakers
visited the governor, and having explained to him the situation in
which the traders of the Northwest Company would find themselves, by
the want of necessary provisions to enable them to transport their
peltries to Fort William, and the exasperation of their men, who
saw no other alternative for them, but to get possession of those
provisions or to perish of hunger, requested him to surrender the
same without delay. Mr. M’Donnell, on his part, pointed out the
misery to which the colonists would be reduced by a failure in the
supply of food. In consequence of these mutual representations, it
was agreed that one half of the pemican should be restored, and
the other half remain for the {334} use of the colonists. Thus was
arranged, without bloodshed, the first difficulty which occurred
between the rival companies of the Northwest, and of Hudson’s
Bay.[199]
Having spent the 1st of July in repairing our canoes, we re-embarked
on the 2d, and continued to ascend Winipeg river, called also
_White river_, on account of the great number of its cascades, which
being very near each other, offer to the sight an almost continuous
foam.[200] We made that day twenty-seven portages, all very short.
On the 3d, and 4th, we made nine more, and arrived on the 5th, at
the _Lake of the Woods_.[201] This lake takes its name from the
great number of woody islands with which it is dotted. Our guide
pointed out to me one of these isles, telling me that a Jesuit
father had said mass there, and that it was the most remote spot to
which those missionaries had ever penetrated.[202] We encamped on
one of the islands. The next day the wind did not allow us to make
much progress. On the 7th, we gained the entrance of _Rainy Lake
river_.[203] I do not remember ever to have seen {335} elsewhere so
many mosquitoes as on the banks of this river. Having landed near a
little rapid to lighten the canoes, we had the misfortune, in getting
through the brush, to dislodge these insects from under the leaves
where they had taken refuge from the rain of the night before; they
attached themselves to us, followed us into the canoes, and tormented
us all the remainder of the day.
On the 8th, at sunset, we reached _Rainy Lake House_. This fort
is situated about a mile from a considerable rapid. We saw here
cultivated fields and domestic animals, such as horses, oxen, cows,
&c. The port is a depôt for the wintering parties of the Athabasca,
and others still more remote, who bring to it their peltries and
return from it with their outfits of merchandise. Mr. John Dease, to
whose charge the place had been confided, received us in the most
friendly manner possible; and after having made an excellent supper,
we danced a part of the evening.[204]
We took leave of Mr. Dease on the 10th, well provided for the
journey, and passing round {336} Rainy Lake falls, and then
traversing the lake itself, which I estimated to be forty miles
long, we encamped at the entrance of a small river. On the next day
we pursued our way, now thridding streams impeded with wild rice,
which rendered our progress difficult, now traversing little lakes,
now passing straits where we scarcely found water to float our
canoes.[205] On the 13th, we encamped near _Dog Portage_ (_Portage
des chiens_), where, from not having followed the advice of Mr.
Dease, who had counselled us to take along a bag of pemican, we found
ourselves absolutely without food.
[184] Date of the Battle of Waterloo.--ED.
[185] Fort de la Montée was probably built in 1797, at
the point where the route ascending the North
Saskatchewan crossed that leading to the South
branch, or where the traders left their canoes and
mounted horses. It was at the site of the present
Fort Carlton, now a Hudson’s Bay post.--ED.
[186] Pierre de Rocheblave was an important figure in
the fur-trade of the Northwest. He was a nephew of
Philippe de Rastel, Sieur de Rocheblave, who was
captured at Kaskaskia (1778) by George Rogers Clark
(see Chicago Historical Society _Collections_, vol.
iv, for his life and papers). The younger Rocheblave
entered the fur-trade in early life, and in 1801 was
a bourgeois in the X Y Company, and superintendent
of the Athabasca district. After the coalition of
the two companies (1804), Rocheblave became one of
the most influential members of the North West,
being agent in charge of Fort William in 1818. After
retiring from the trade, Rocheblave entered the
public service, acting as member of the legislature
and of the executive council for Lower Canada.
See Masson, _Bourgeois_, i, p. 120; and Wisconsin
Historical _Collections_, iii, p. 215; vii, p.
132.--ED.
[187] These were Forts Nippeween and à la Corne. The
former was situated just below the forks of the
Saskatchewan, the site of the present town of Prince
Albert. Henry the elder visited it in 1776 (see his
_Travels_, Bain ed., p. 275). This post seems to
have been abandoned in 1805. The old French post was
Fort à la Corne (also called St. Louis), founded by
St. Luc de la Corne in 1753. It was on the south
bank of the river, on the site where in 1858 the
Hudson’s Bay Company built a fort of the same name.
This was virtually the uppermost post of the French,
that built by De Niverville in 1751, at the foot of
the Rocky Mountains, and named La Jonquière, not
being a permanent post.--ED.
[188] Cumberland House was one of the most important
fur-trading stations of the Upper Country; being, as
Franchère says, at the point of divergence for the
Saskatchewan and Athabasca brigades. The Hudson’s
Bay post was founded by Samuel Hearne in 1774 on
the site of an earlier lodge of Samuel Frobisher.
The North West Company’s house, a few rods from the
other, was built about 1793. The factory stands some
two miles north of the Saskatchewan, on the south
shore of the lake known variously as Cumberland,
English, or Sturgeon. Three outlets form the
connection with the Saskatchewan River; these flow
in either direction, according to the height of the
waters. Sir John Franklin wintered here (1819-20);
and Ross here met one of his advance parties
(1825).--ED.
[189] John Duncan Campbell was a wintering partner of the
North West Company (1794) in the Rocky Mountain
department, and signed the Montreal agreement of
union, by attorney, in 1804. In 1819 he was captured
by the Hudson’s Bay agents along with Frobisher,
McTavish, and others. Edward Harrison was a clerk
who was in the service before 1797.--ED.
[190] Muddy Lake (Lac Vaseaux) is a small overflow sheet
at the discharge of the Saskatchewan into Bourbon
Lake. The latter takes its name from Fort Bourbon,
built by Vérendrye in 1749. The English generally
speak of this as Cedar Lake, from its Indian name.
The North West Company had a post thereon, abandoned
in 1802. The present Hudson’s Bay Cedar Lake House
was built in 1858.--ED.
[191] York Factory, at the southern end of Hudson Bay,
on the west bank of Hayes River, is chief post for
the company in the southern department. It is a
stockaded square of six acres, within which are the
agent’s large wooden buildings. As Fort Nelson,
this post has had a long and varied history. It was
built in 1682, the fourth point to be occupied. From
then until the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), the post
was alternately in the possession of English and
French, changing hands at least six times. After
d’Iberville’s expedition in 1697, the French had
possession for fifteen years. The post was captured
for the last time by La Pérouse’s expedition of
1782, but restored by the Treaty of Paris. It is
still maintained as a fur-trading station.--ED.
[192] Lac à Traverse, or Cross Lake, is so named because
the route leads directly across its narrowest width
of about three miles--the axis of length is about
fifteen miles. The rapids at the entrance, called
Grand Décharge or Cross Lake Rapids, may usually be
run by boats. The Grand Rapids of the Saskatchewan,
between Cross Lake and the entrance to Lake
Winnipeg, are for a long distance the only serious
obstruction in this river.--ED.
[193] The regular canoe route led along the west shore
of Lake Winnipeg, past Egg Island just south of
the Grand Detour or Long Point, among St. Martin’s
Islands at the mouth of Sturgeon Bay; then across
through the Narrows, and down the eastern shore of
the lower lake. Buffalo Strait is between Buffalo
Head on the east, and a group of islands on the
west, of which Black Island is the largest.--ED.
[194] Fort Bas de la Rivière, otherwise Fort Alexander,
is on the west bank of Winnipeg River, immediately
below its entrance to the lake. This was the site of
Vérendrye’s Fort Maurepas, built in 1734. It was an
important post on the main route to the fur-trading
country.
John Crébassa was a former X Y Company’s clerk, whom
Henry met in this region in 1801-02. He was upon
Red River in 1804 with the North West Company, and
as late as 1817 Cox found him in charge of Fort
Alexander.--ED.
[195] This was the well-known Red River Settlement.
As early as 1802 Lord Selkirk had endeavored to
interest the English government in sending to
British America colonies of Highland peasants, who
were in deep distress. Unable to influence the
government, he turned to the Hudson’s Bay Company,
and in 1811 obtained from them for colonization
a tract of land in the valleys of the Red and
Assiniboin rivers. The first band of settlers,
consisting of about seventy Highlanders from
Sunderlandshire and some twenty Irish, reached
Hudson Bay late in the fall of 1811. The next spring
they removed to Red River, where they found it
difficult to obtain sufficient food. The Indians
and French half-breeds, under the influence of the
North West Company, kept aloof and regarded them
with suspicion; but until the incident mentioned by
Franchère no important difficulty had arisen.--ED.
[196] Miles McDonell was born in Inverness, Scotland,
in 1767. His father came to America in 1773 and
settled at Caughnawaga on the Mohawk River, but when
the Revolutionary War broke out removed to Canada.
Miles was an ensign in the King’s royal regiment of
New York, and in 1796 became captain in the Royal
Canadian Volunteers. When on a visit to London he
was appointed by the Hudson’s Bay Company governor
of Assiniboia. He left for the Red River settlements
in 1811 and remained there until their destruction
in 1816. His last years were spent on his farm at
Osnaburg, Upper Canada. He died in 1828.--ED.
[197] _Pemican_, of which I have already spoken several
times, is the Indian name for the dried and pounded
meat which the natives sell to the traders. About
fifty pounds of this meat is placed in a trough (_un
grand vaisseau fait d’un tronc d’arbre_), and about
an equal quantity of tallow is melted and poured
over it; it is thoroughly mixed into one mass, and
when cold, is put up in bags made of undressed
buffalo hide, with the hair outside and sewed up
as tightly as possible. The meat thus impregnated
with tallow, hardens, and will keep for years. It is
eaten without any other preparation; but sometimes
wild pears or dried berries are added, which render
the flavor more agreeable.--FRANCHÈRE.
[198] John Pritchard was born (1777) in Shropshire,
England. He emigrated to Montreal early in the
nineteenth century, and entered the service of the
North West Company, being stationed on Red River
at the time of the arrival of Selkirk’s colony. In
1815 he left the company and cast in his lot with
the settlers. He won the favor of Lord Selkirk,
and was employed by him on a mission to England.
He died at Kildonan in 1856. See Bryce, “Worthies
of Old Red River,” in Manitoba Historical Society
_Transactions_, No. 48.--ED.
[199] This was but the beginning of the trouble. The
North West traders determined to get rid of the
colony. By holding out promises of better land
in Canada, and free transportation thither, they
induced about three-fourths of the people to leave
(June, 1815). The remainder they drove off by force,
and set fire to their buildings. The unfortunate
settlers had gone but a short way, however, when
they met a new band of immigrants, and encouraged
by them, all returned to Red River. The next year
a more determined effort was made to destroy the
settlements. An armed party of Nor’Westers and
Indians attacked the colony and Fort Douglas.
Governor Semple and about twenty followers who rode
out to meet them, were surrounded and killed, and
for a second time the Highlanders were driven from
Red River. Lord Selkirk was on Lake Superior upon
his way to the settlement when he learned of its
destruction. He captured Fort William and proceeded
to the Red River, protected by a troop of disbanded
soldiers whom he had hired at Montreal. The colony
was reinstated, lands were assigned, and the name
Kildonan formally given to it (August, 1817). From
this time forward, the controversy between Lord
Selkirk and the North West Company was carried on in
the courts, and the people on Red River were left
in peace. It was not until 1826, however, that they
were able to raise sufficient grain for support
throughout the winter. For further details see
Bryce, _Manitoba_ (London, 1882).--ED.
[200] From Fort Bas de la Rivière to Fort William,
Franchère passed over the most famous canoe-route
in the Northwest--one which had been known and
traversed since early in the eighteenth century.
Franchère mentions the important links in this chain
of waterways, over six hundred miles in length. The
French, under the leadership of Vérendrye, were the
first to explore and penetrate this region to Lake
Winnipeg and beyond (see notes 187 and 190, _ante_).
After the English occupation, Alexander Henry’s
journey by this route made it known to the early
Scotch traders (see Alexander Henry’s _Travels_,
Bain ed., Boston, 1901, for excellent notes on
the route). The classic description is that of
Mackenzie, _Travels_, pp. xlvi-lxi. The annotations
of Coues in the _Henry-Thompson Journals_ omit
little in the way of details. For other references
see Bigsby, _Shoe and Canoe_ (London, 1850); Hind,
_Canada Exploring Expedition_ (Toronto, 1859;
London, 1860); Dawson, _Report on Exploration
of Country between Lake Superior and Red River
Settlement_ (Toronto, 1859); Butler, _Great Lone
Land_ (London, 1875).
Winnipeg River flows from the Lake of the Woods into
Lake Winnipeg, a course of about one hundred and
sixty miles. It is swift, and much obstructed by
rapids and cascades. The name is from a Cree term
signifying “turbid water.” The variants of this
name are many; for different forms, see Bell,
“Some Historical Names and Places of the Canadian
North-West,” Manitoba Historical and Scientific
Society _Transactions_, 1884-85. Vérendrye named the
stream Rivière Maurepas, for the French minister
of the marine. The name White River is applied
only to a portion by Mackenzie, who says it is “so
called from its being, for a considerable length,
a succession of falls and cataracts.” The Canadian
Pacific Railway crosses this stream at Rat Portage,
where it flows from the Lake of the Woods.--ED.
[201] Lake of the Woods is a translation of the French
designation Lac des Bois; they also termed it Lac
des Isles, because of its numerous woody islets. The
Indian name was Minnititi. The canoe-route across it
from northwest to southeast is about seventy-five
miles in length. The lake has played a prominent
part in the history of the Northwest. Vérendrye’s
Fort St. Charles was built upon its western bank in
1732. At the Peace of Paris (1783) the northwest
corner of the Lake of the Woods (which was then
supposed to be in latitude 49°), was made the
boundary between the United States and Canada. This
point being 39′ north of the supposed latitude, a
long controversy ensued, which was finally settled
by a joint commission in 1876. See Campbell and
Twining, _Reports upon Survey of Boundaries between
territory of the United States and possessions
of Great Britain from the Lake of the Woods to
the Summit of the Rocky Mountains_ (Washington,
1878).--ED.
[202] Franchère here refers to the Jesuit missionary,
Father Aulneau (or Auneau), who came to Canada in
1734, accompanied Vérendrye to Fort St. Charles the
following year, and was massacred by the Sioux on an
island in Lake of the Woods (June, 1736), upon his
return journey to Mackinac. See _Jesuit Relations_
(Thwaites ed., Cleveland, 1896-1901), lxviii and
lxxi; also Burpee, “The Lake of the Woods Tragedy,”
in Royal Society of Canada _Transactions_ (Ottawa,
1904), 2nd series, section ii, vol. ix.--ED.
[203] This is now Rainy River, outlet of the lake of the
same name, which is derived from the mist occasioned
by the Chaudière (or Kettle) Falls, at the outlet of
the lake. The river forms part of the international
boundary between Minnesota and Ontario. Mackenzie
thus describes it: “This is one of the finest rivers
in the North-West, and runs a course West and East
one hundred and twenty computed miles; but in
taking its course and distance minutely I make it
only eighty. Its banks are covered with a rich soil
particularly to the North.... Its waters abound in
fish, particularly the sturgeon which the natives
both spear and take with drag-nets.”--ED.
[204] Rainy Lake House was a North West establishment upon
a high bank on the north side of the river, just
above the falls. There had from early times been
a post at this place. Sieur de la Noue built one
in 1717, which was known as Tekamamaouen; it was
superseded (1731) by Vérendrye’s Fort St. Pierre.
The Hudson’s Bay house stood just below the falls,
and was named Fort Frances for Sir George Simpson’s
wife. Early in the nineteenth century the American
Fur Company had a post on the south bank of the
river. Fort Frances is the present station on the
Canadian Pacific Railway. John Warren Dease was a
North West Company clerk who was in charge of Rainy
Lake House in 1817, when it was captured by Lord
Selkirk, after the taking of Fort William.--ED.
[205] From Rainy Lake to Lake Superior there were
two prominent trade routes--that known as the
Grand Portage or Pigeon River route, following
the chain of waterways through which now runs
the international boundary; and that of the
Kaministiquia River, ending at Fort William. The
latter path was the earliest used by the French,
but later, they found shorter and more available
the Grand Portage route which was followed by
the early British traders. See descriptions of
Alexander Henry the elder, and Mackenzie. About
1802 it was discovered that the depot of the North
West Company at the commencement of Grand Portage
was upon American soil, whereupon removal to the
northern station was begun, and consummated upon
the completion of Fort William. The Kaministiquia
route had been re-discovered and re-opened by
Roderick McKenzie in 1797. His path united with the
Grand Portage route at Lac la Croix. Dawson (1857)
explored another route into Rainy Lake along the
Seine River, corresponding nearly to the present
line of the Canadian Pacific Railway. Franchère took
the regular Nor’Westers route through Namakam Lake
and River, across Lac la Croix, up the Maligne or
Sturgeon River, through Lake Windigoostigwan, to Lac
des Mille Lacs.
Wild rice (_zizania aquatica_) is an important staple
of Indian food. See Jenks, “Wild Rice Gatherers of
the Upper Lakes,” in American Bureau of Ethnology
_Report_, 1897-98.--ED.
{337} CHAPTER XXVII
Arrival at Fort William--Description of the Fort--News from the
River Columbia
Starving men are early-risers. We set out on the 14th before day, and
effected the portage, which is long and difficult. At the foot of the
rapid we found a sort of _restaurant_ or _cabaret_, kept by a man
named _Boucher_.[206] We treated the men to a little _eau de vie_,
and breakfasted on some detestable sausages, poisoned with salt.
After this wretched repast, we set out again, and passed toward
noon, the _Mountain Portage_. Here the river _Kaministiquia_ flings
itself over a rock of immense height, and forms a fall scarcely less
curious to see than that of Niagara. Below, the succession of falls
and rapids is constant, so that we made no fewer than thirty-six
portages {338} in the course of the day.[207] Nevertheless we pursued
our laborious way with good cheer, and without a murmur from
our Canadian boatmen, who kept their spirits up by singing their
_voyageur_ songs. At last, at about nine o’clock in the evening, we
arrived at Fort William.
Fort William is situated on Lake Superior, at the mouth of the
_Kaministiquia_ river, about forty-five miles north of old _Grand
Portage_. It was built in 1805, when the two rival Canadian companies
were united, and was named in honor of Mr. (now the Honorable)
William M’Gillivray, principal agent of the Northwest Company.[208]
The proprietors, perceiving that the old fort of _Grand Portage_
was on the territory claimed by the American government, resolved
to demolish it and build another on the British territory. No
site appeared more advantageous than the present for the purposes
intended; the river is deep, of easy access, and offers a safe
harbor for shipping. It is true they had to contend with all the
difficulties consequent on a low and swampy soil; but by incredible
labor and {339} perseverance, they succeeded in draining the marshes
and reducing the loose and yielding soil to solidity.
Fort William has really the appearance of a fort, with its palisade
fifteen feet high, and that of a pretty village, from the number
of edifices it encloses. In the middle of a spacious square rises a
large building elegantly constructed, though of wood, with a long
piazza or portico, raised about five feet from the ground, and
surmounted by a balcony, extending along the whole front. In the
centre is a saloon or hall, sixty feet in length by thirty in width,
decorated with several pieces of painting, and some portraits of
the leading partners. It is in this hall that the agents, partners,
clerks, interpreters, and guides, take their meals together, at
different tables. At each extremity of the apartment are two rooms;
two of these are destined for the two principal agents; the other two
to the steward and his department. The kitchen and servants’ rooms
are in the basement. On either side of this edifice, is another of
the same extent, but of {340} less elevation; they are each divided
by a corridor running through its length, and contain each, a dozen
pretty bed-rooms. One is destined for the wintering partners, the
other for the clerks. On the east of the square is another building
similar to the last two, and intended for the same use, and a
warehouse where the furs are inspected and repacked for shipment.
In the rear of these, are the lodging-house of the guides, another
fur-warehouse, and finally, a powder magazine. The last is of stone,
and has a roof covered with tin. At the angle is a sort of bastion,
or lookout place, commanding a view of the lake. On the west side is
seen a range of buildings, some of which serve for stores, and others
for workshops; there is one for the equipment of the men, another for
the fitting out of the canoes, one for the retail of goods, another
where they sell liquors, bread, pork, butter, &c., and where a treat
is given to the travellers who arrive. This consists in a white loaf,
half a pound of butter, and a gill of rum. The _voyageurs_ give
this tavern the name of _Cantine_ {341} _salope_. Behind all this
is another range, where we find the counting-house, a fine square
building, and well-lighted; another storehouse of stone, tin-roofed;
and a _jail_, not less necessary than the rest. The _voyageurs_
give it the name of _pot au beurre_, the butter-tub. Beyond these
we discover the shops of the carpenter, the cooper, the tinsmith,
the blacksmith, &c.; and spacious yards and sheds for the shelter,
reparation, and construction of canoes. Near the gate of the fort,
which is on the south, are the quarters of the physician, and those
of the chief clerk. Over the gate is a guard-house.
As the river is deep at its entrance, the company has had a wharf
constructed, extending the whole length of the fort, for the
discharge of the vessels which it keeps on Lake Superior, whether to
transport its furs from Fort William to the _Saut Ste. Marie_, or
merchandise and provisions from _Saut Ste. Marie_ to Fort William.
The land behind the fort and on both sides of it, is cleared and
under tillage. We saw barley, peas, and oats, which had a very fine
appearance. At {342} the end of the clearing is the burying-ground.
There are also, on the opposite bank of the river, a certain number
of log-houses, all inhabited by old Canadian _voyageurs_, worn out
in the service of the company, without having enriched themselves.
Married to women of the country, and incumbered with large families
of half-breed children, these men prefer to cultivate a little Indian
corn and potatoes, and to fish, for a subsistence, rather than
return to their native districts, to give their relatives and former
acquaintance certain proofs of their misconduct or their imprudence.
Fort William is the grand depôt of the Northwest Company for their
interior posts, and the general _rendezvous_ of the partners. The
agents from Montreal and the wintering partners assemble here every
summer, to receive the returns of the respective outfits, prepare
for the operations of the ensuing season, and discuss the general
interests of their association. The greater part of them were
assembled at the time of our arrival. The wintering hands who are
to return {343} with their employers pass also a great part of the
summer here; they form a great encampment on the west side of the
fort, outside the palisades. Those who engage at Montreal to go no
further than Fort William or _Rainy lake_, and who do not _winter_,
occupy yet another space, on the east side. The _winterers_, or
_hivernants_, give to these last the name of _mangeurs de lard_, or
pork-eaters. They are also called _comers-and-goers_. One perceives
an astonishing difference between these two camps, which are composed
sometimes of three or four hundred men each; that of the pork-eaters
is always dirty and disorderly, while that of the winterers is clean
and neat.
To clear its land and improve its property, the company inserts a
clause in the engagement of all who enter its service as canoe-men,
that they shall work for a certain number of days during their stay
at Fort William. It is thus that it has cleared and drained the
environs of the fort, and has erected so many fine buildings. But
when a hand has once worked the stipulated {344} number of days, he
is for ever after exempt, even if he remain in the service twenty or
thirty years, and should come down to the fort every summer.
They received us very courteously at Fort William, and I perceived
by the reception given to myself in particular, that thanks to the
Chinook dialect of which I was sufficiently master, they would not
have asked better than to give me employment, on advantageous terms.
But I felt a great deal more eagerness to arrive in Montreal, than
desire to return to the River Columbia.
A few days after we reached Fort William, Mr. Keith made his
appearance there from Fort George, or Astoria, with the news of the
arrival of the “Isaac Todd” in the Columbia river. This vessel,
which was a dull sailer, had been kept back a long time by contrary
winds in doubling Cape Horn, and had never been able to rejoin the
vessels-of-war, her consorts, from which she was then separated.
When she reached the _rendezvous_ at the island of Juan Fernandez,
finding that the three ships-of-war had sailed, {345} the captain and
passengers, as they were short of provisions, determined to range
the coast. Entering the harbor of _Monterey_,[209] on the coast
of California, in order to obtain provisions, they learned that
there was an English vessel-of-war in distress, in the bay of _San
Francisco_.[210] They repaired thither accordingly, and found, to
their great surprise, that it was the sloop _Raccoon_. This vessel,
in getting out of the River Columbia, had touched on the bar, with
such violence, that a part of her false keel was carried away; and
she had with difficulty made San Francisco, with seven feet of water
in the hold, although her crew had been constantly at the pumps.
Captain Black, finding it impossible to repair his ship, had decided
to abandon her, and to cross the continent to the Gulf of Mexico,
thence to reach some of the British West India islands. However, on
the arrival of the Isaac Todd, {346} means were found to careen the
vessel and repair the damage. The Isaac Todd then pursued her voyage
and entered the Columbia on the 17th of April, thirteen months after
her departure from England.
[206] Dog Portage is that which leads over the Height
of Land between the Lake Superior and Hudson Bay
water-systems. It is about forty-five miles from
Fort William, and about a mile in length and five
hundred feet high. Authorities differ on the origin
of the name. One Indian tradition recites that two
enormous dogs slept upon the hill, leaving the
impress of their figures. Another relates that the
Indians carved upon a cliff the figure of a dog, to
commemorate a great battle between the Sioux and
Chippewa.
Boucher was apparently a free trapper, whom Henry
had found selling provisions in this neighborhood
as early as 1803.--ED.
[207] The brigade now passed down Little Dog River,
through Dog Lake, into the Kaministiquia River--a
short, rapid stream that falls into Lake Superior in
Thunder Bay. The Mountain Portage was at the Great
Falls, sometimes called Kakabeka, from the Indian
term for “Cleft Rock.” This cataract is twenty-two
miles from the mouth of the river, and the water
makes a leap of one hundred and twenty feet.
Between the falls and the mouth, the Kaministiquia
is a succession of shallow rapids. The Indian
significance of the name of this river is that of
“difficult entrance.” The entire length of the
stream is now followed by a wagon-road.--ED.
[208] The date of the building of Fort William is
variously given--the removal had begun in 1802,
but was not completed until 1805, and the new
post did not receive its name until 1807. See
_Henry-Thompson Journals_, p. 220. The site was
occupied as early as 1678 by a stockade built by
Duluth, the great _coureur des bois_. His fort had
fallen into ruins when that of La Noue was built
in 1717. The French maintained this post until the
close of their régime. In 1757 it was farmed to
M. Toussaint Pothier, and produced from sixty to
seventy bundles of furs. The English traders having
abandoned this route for the easier one of Pigeon
River, clustered at Grand Portage until Fort William
was erected. Lord Selkirk captured the post in 1817,
during the struggle of the Red River settlement with
the North West Company. Upon the coalition of the
latter corporation with the Hudson’s Bay (1821),
Fort William was abandoned, and two years later was
falling into ruins. The Canadian Pacific Railway
station of Port Arthur is eight miles beyond the
site of old Fort William. The classic account of
Fort William’s palmy days is that of Irving, in
_Astoria_.--ED.
[209] A Spanish mission or presidency, in about the 36th
degree of latitude.--FRANCHÈRE.
[210] Another Spanish presidency, in about the 38th degree
of latitude, and the first European establishment
to be met with south of the Columbia.--FRANCHÈRE.
_Comment by Huntington_: These now obsolete notes
are interesting as indicative of the period when
they were written.
{347} CHAPTER XXVIII
Departure from Fort William--Navigation on Lake Superior--
Michipicoton Bay--Meeting a Canoe--Batchawainon Bay--
Arrival at Saut Ste. Marie--Occurrences there--Departure--
Lake Huron--French River--Lake Nipissing--Ottawa River--Kettle
Falls--Rideau River--Long-Saut--Arrival in Montreal--Conclusion.
On the 20th of July, in the evening, Mr. D. Stuart notified me that
he should start the next morning for Montreal, in a light canoe.
I immediately wrote to my relatives: but the next morning Mr.
Stuart told me that I was to be myself the bearer of my letters, by
embarking with him. I got ready my effects, and toward evening we
quitted Fort William, with fourteen stout _voyageurs_ to man our
large canoe, and were soon floating on the bosom of the largest
body of fresh water on the surface of the globe. We counted six
passengers, namely, Messrs. D. {348} Stuart, D. M’Kenzie, J.
M’Donald, J. Clarke, myself, and a little girl of eight or nine
years, who came from Kildonan, on Red river.[211] We passed the first
night on one of the islands in _Thunder bay_, so named on account of
the frequent storms, accompanied with lightning and thunder, which
burst over it at certain seasons of the year. On the 22d and 23d,
we continued to range the southern coast of Lake Superior.[212] The
navigation of this superb lake would be extremely agreeable but for
the thick fogs which reign during a part of the day, and do not
permit a rapid progress. On the 24th, we dined at a small trading
establishment called _Le Pic_, where we had excellent fish.[213]
On the 26th, we crossed _Michipicoton bay_, which, at its entrance,
may be nine miles wide, and twenty fathoms deep.[214] As we were
nearing the eastern point, we met a small canoe, having on board
Captain M’Cargo, and the crew of one of the schooners owned by the
company. Mr. M’Cargo informed us that he had just escaped from _Saut
Ste. Marie_, whither the Americans had {349} sent a detachment of
one hundred and fifty men; and that having been obliged to abandon
his schooner, he had set fire to her.[215] In consequence of this
news it was resolved that the canoe on which we were proceeding,
should return to Fort William. I embarked with Mr. Stuart and two
men, in Captain M’Cargo’s canoe, while he and his crew took our
places. In the haste and confusion of this exchange, which was made
on the lake, they gave us a ham, a little tea and sugar, and a bag
containing about twenty-five pounds of flour, but forgot entirely
a kettle, knives, forks, and so on, all articles which Mr. M’Cargo
had not time to take when he left _Saut Ste. Marie_. We subsisted
miserably in consequence for two days and a half that we continued
to coast the lake before reaching any post. We moistened in the bag
a little flour, and having kneaded it, made cakes, which we baked on
flat stones by our camp fire.
On the 29th, we reached Batchawainon, where we found some women,
who prepared us food and received us well. It is a poor little
post, {350} situated at the bottom of a sandy cove, which offers
nothing agreeable to the eye. Mr. Frederic Goedike, who resided
here, was gone to see what had taken place at Saut Ste. Marie.[216]
He returned the next day, and told us that the Americans had come,
with a force of one hundred and fifty men, under the command of Major
Holmes;[217] and that after having pillaged all that they considered
worth taking, of the property of the N. W. Company and that of a Mr.
Johnston,[218] they had set fire to the houses, warehouses, &c.,
belonging to the company and to that gentleman, and retired, without
molesting any other person.[219] Our canoe arrived from Fort William
in the evening, with that of Mr. M’Gillivray; and on the morrow we
all repaired to Saut Ste. Marie, where we saw the ruins which the
enemy had left. The houses, stores, and saw-mills of the company were
still smoking. {351} The schooner was at the foot of the rapids; the
Americans had run her down, but she grounded on a ledge of rocks,
whence they could not dislodge her, and so they had burnt her to the
water’s edge.
_Le Saut de Ste. Marie_,[220] or as it is shortly called, _Saut
Ste. Marie_, is a rapid at the outlet of Lake Superior, and may be
five hundred or six hundred yards wide; its length may be estimated
at three quarters of a mile, and the descent of the water at about
twenty feet. At the lower extremity the river widens to about a
mile, and here there are a certain number of houses. The north bank
belongs to Great Britain; the southern to the United States. It was
on the American side that Mr. Johnston lived. Before the war he was
collector of the port for the American government. On the same side
resided a Mr. Nolin, with his family, consisting of three half-breed
boys and as many girls, one of whom was passably pretty. He was an
old Indian trader, and his house and furniture showed signs of his
former prosperity. On the British side we found {352} Mr. Charles
Ermatinger, who had a pretty establishment: he dwelt temporarily
in a house that belonged to Nolin, but he was building another of
stone, very elegant, and had just finished a grist mill.[221] He
thought that the last would lead the inhabitants to sow more grain
than they did. These inhabitants are principally old Canadian
boatmen, married to half-breed or Indian women. The fish afford them
subsistence during the greater part of the year, and provided they
secure potatoes enough to carry them through the remainder, they
are content. It is to be regretted that these people are not more
industrious, for the land is very fertile.
On the 1st of August, an express was sent to _Michilimackinac_
(Mackinaw) to inform the commandant thereof what had happened at
_Saut Ste. Marie_.[222] While expecting the return of the messenger,
we put ourselves in a state of defence, in case that by chance
the Americans should make another irruption. The thing was not
improbable, for according to some expressions which fell from one of
their number who spoke French, {353} their object was to capture the
furs of the Northwest Company, which were expected to arrive shortly
from the interior. We invited some Indians, who were camped on _Pine
Point_,[223] at some distance from the _Saut_, to help us in case
of need; which they promised to do. Meanwhile we had no provisions,
as everything had been carried off by the American forces, and were
obliged to subsist on such brook trout as we could take with hook and
line, and on wild raspberries.
On the 4th, the express returned, without having been able to
accomplish his mission: he had found the island of Mackinaw so
completely blockaded by the enemy, that it was impossible to reach
it, without running the greatest risk of being made prisoner.
On the 12th, we heard distinctly the discharges of artillery which
our people were firing off at Michilimackinac, although the distance
was nearly sixty miles. We thought it was an attempt of the enemy
to retake that post, but we afterward learned that it was only a
royal salute {354} in honor of the birthday of the prince regent.
We learned, however, during our stay at Saut Ste. Marie, that the
Americans had really made a descent upon the island, but were
compelled to retire with a considerable loss.[224]
On the 19th, some of the partners arrived from Fort William,
preceding the flotilla which was coming down richly laden with furs.
They sent on Mr. Decoigne in a light canoe, with letters to Montreal,
to order provisions to meet this brigade.
On the 21st, the canoe on which I was a passenger, was sent to the
mouth of _French_ river, to observe the motions of the enemy. The
route lay between a range of low islands, and a shelvy beach, very
monotonous and dreary. We remained at the entrance of the aforesaid
river till the 25th, when the fleet of loaded canoes, forty-seven in
number, arrived there. The value of the furs which they carried could
not be estimated at less than a million of dollars: an important
prize for the Americans, if they could have laid their hands upon
it. We were three {355} hundred and thirty-five men, all well armed;
a large camp was formed, with a breast-work of fur-packs, and we
kept watch all night. The next morning we began to ascend the French
river, and were soon out of reach of the dreaded foe.[225] French
river flows from the N. E. and empties into Lake Huron, about one
hundred and twenty miles from Saut Ste. Marie. We reached Lake
Nipissing, of which it is the outlet, the same evening, and encamped.
We crossed that lake on the 27th, made a number of portages, and
encamped again, not far from _Mattawan_.[226]
On the 28th we entered, at an early hour, the river _Ottawa_, and
encamped, in the evening, at the _Portage des deux Joachims_.[227]
This is a grand river, but obstructed by many falls and rapids on its
way to join the St. Lawrence; which caused us to make many portages,
and so we arrived on the 31st at _Kettle falls_.
The rock which here arrests the course of the _Ottawa_, extends
from shore to shore, and so completely cuts off the waters, that at
the time we passed none was seen falling over, but sinking by {356}
subterranean channels, or fissures in the rock, it boiled up below,
from seven or eight different openings, not unlike water in a huge
caldron, whence the first explorers of the country gave it the name
of _Chaudière_ or Caldron falls. Mr. P. Wright resided in this place,
where he had a fine establishment and a great number of men employed
in cultivating the land, and getting out lumber.[228]
We left the _Chaudières_ a little before sunset, and passed very
soon the confluence of the _Rideau_ or _Curtain river_. This river,
which casts itself into the Ottawa over a rock twenty-five by thirty
feet high, is divided in the middle of the fall by a little island,
which parts the waters into two white sheets, resembling a double
curtain open in the middle and spreading out below. The _coup d’œil_
is really picturesque; the rays of the setting sun, which struck the
waters obliquely as we passed, heightened exceedingly their beauty,
and rendered it worthy of a pencil more skilful than mine.[229]
We voyaged till midnight, when we stopped to {357} let our men take
a little repose. This rest was only for two hours. At sunrise on
the 1st September, we reached _Long-Saut_, where, having procured
guides, we passed that dangerous rapid, and set foot on shore near
the dwelling-house of a Mr. M’Donell, who sent us milk and fruits for
our breakfast. Toward noon we passed the lake of the Two Mountains,
where I began to see the mountain of my native isle.[230] About two
o’clock, we passed the rapids of St. Ann.[231] Soon after we came
opposite _Saut St. Louis_ and the village of _Caughnawago_[232]
passed that last rapid of so many, and landed at Montreal, a little
before sunset.
I hastened to the paternal roof, where the family were not less
surprised than overjoyed at beholding me. Not having heard of me,
since I had sailed from New York, they had believed, in {358}
accordance with the common report, that I had been murdered by the
savages, with Mr. M’Kay and the crew of the Tonquin: and certainly,
it was by the goodness of Providence that I found myself thus safe
and sound, in the midst of my relations and friends, at the end of
a voyage accompanied by so many perils, and in which so many of my
companions had met with an untimely death.
[211] Kildonan is a parish north of Winnipeg, sometimes
called Frog Pond Parish. It was named by Lord
Selkirk in remembrance of the Scottish parish from
which his settlers had migrated, and was the centre
of the Red River establishment.--ED.
[212] Thunder Bay, at the western end of Lake Superior,
lies between the high promontory of Pie Island
and the cliffs of Thunder Cape, the latter over
one thousand three hundred feet high. The region
is noted for its picturesqueness and the Indian
traditions which cluster around it. See Henry’s
_Travels_, p. 205. Franchère’s statement is an
obvious mistake, as the usual route from Thunder
Bay was along the northern coast; and the places
mentioned indicate that this was followed by the
present expedition.--ED.
[213] This post was situated at the mouth of Pic River,
two hundred miles from the entrance of St. Mary’s.
The name is an Indian word meaning “mud,” and was
applied because of the reddish yellow color of the
stream, due to the beds of clay through which it
flows. When the stream is swollen, it colors the
lake for a mile or more from its mouth. The North
West Company had an important post on this river,
which was the centre of a department; it produced
more valuable furs in the early years of the century
than when Franchère passed. Later, it was maintained
by the Hudson’s Bay Company. The Canadian Pacific
Railway crosses the river near its mouth.--_Ed._
[214] Michipicoton Bay is one hundred and twenty-five
miles from St. Mary’s River, by canoe travel. The
shore at the entrance is high and rocky; but at the
bottom of the bay, where the Michipicoton River
empties, it is low and sandy. The French had a
fur-trading post near the mouth of the stream, which
was abandoned in 1763. The post of the North West
Company at this place was tributary to that at Pic
River.--_Ed._
[215] When Colonel George Croghan sailed from St. Joseph,
July 20, 1814, on his way to attack Mackinac, he
detached Major Holmes with two small vessels, to
destroy the British post at Sault Ste. Marie.
Holmes met with no resistance, as the men had gone
to the defense of Fort Mackinac. He burned the
warehouses of the North West Company, and carried
away considerable plunder. See M’Afee, _History of
the Late War in the Western Country_ (Lexington,
Kentucky, 1816).--ED.
[216] Frederic Goedike was an old employé of the North
West Company, having been on the Assiniboin
(1801-05) and on the Peace (1808-09). He seems to
have retired to this small post upon Batchewana Bay,
forty-five miles from Sault Ste. Marie.--ED.
[217] Major Arthur Hunter Holmes was a Virginian and a
friend of Jefferson. He was stationed at Detroit,
as captain, when (February, 1814) he was placed
in charge of a detachment ordered to attack the
enemy at Delaware on the Thames. He succeeded,
although with a force much inferior to the British.
Immediately after this expedition he was promoted
to be major. After plundering Sault Ste. Marie he
rejoined the main army two days after it reached
Mackinac, and was killed in the attack on that
place, August 4, 1814. When the Americans again
obtained possession of the fort at Mackinac, the
name of Fort George was, in his honor, changed to
Fort Holmes.--ED.
[218] John Johnston, born at Craignear, Giant’s Causeway,
Ireland, in 1763, came to Canada in 1792. Lord
Dorchester introduced him to the partners of the
North West Company, and he quickly decided to cast
in his lot with the Western fur-traders. First
settled at La Pointe, he married the daughter of
an Indian chief. In 1794 he removed to Sault Ste.
Marie, and lived there until his death in 1828.
Although living on the American shore, he sided
with the British in the War of 1812-15. Hearing of
Colonel Croghan’s expedition, he armed all his men,
about a hundred in number, and embarked with them
for Mackinac, thus leaving his property at the mercy
of Major Holmes. Johnston’s son served as lieutenant
on the “Queen Charlotte,” and was captured by
the Americans in the naval battle on Lake Erie.
Bigsby, on his journey through the lakes in 1824,
visited Johnston, and commented upon the value and
extent of his library--“a thousand well-bound and
well-selected volumes, French and English, evidently
much in use, in winter especially.” For further
details of his career, see Masson, _Bourgeois_, ii,
pp. 137-142.--ED.
[219] The N. W. Company having raised a regiment composed
of their own servants, and known as the _voyageur
corps_, and having also instigated to war, and
armed, the Indian tribes, over which they had
influence, had brought on themselves this act of
retaliation. Mr. Johnston also had engaged actively
in the war against the United States.--FRANCHÈRE.
[220] For a brief history of Sault Ste. Marie, see J.
Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii of our series, note
38.--ED.
[221] Nolin lived at Sault Ste. Marie until 1819, when
he sold his property to Ermatinger and removed to
Pembina, in the Red River Valley.
Charles Ermatinger was the son of a Swiss merchant who
removed from the English colonies to Quebec after
Wolfe’s capture. He became, next to Johnston, the
wealthiest trader at the Sault. Bigsby describes him
as “every inch a trader, public-spirited, skilful,
sanguine and indefatigable.”--ED.
[222] For a short account of Mackinac, see Thwaites,
“Story of Mackinac,” in _How George Rogers Clark won
the Northwest_ (Chicago, 1903).--ED.
[223] This is about six and a half miles from Sault Ste.
Marie. It is a broad, low point thickly covered with
pines, sheltering a good harbor at the expansion of
St. Mary’s River.--ED.
[224] The American troops under Colonel Croghan were not
strong enough to attack the fort, but landed on the
west side of Mackinac Island with the hope that
the British would advance to meet them in the open
plain. Not far from the place of landing they found
the enemy waiting for them at the edge of a wood,
and succeeded in driving them back. Thinking pursuit
among the trees would be dangerous, they returned to
their boats and abandoned the expedition. It was in
this onslaught that Major Holmes was killed.--ED.
[225] French River has so many islands and deep and narrow
bays, that it often appears more like a number of
parallel streams than a single river. It is about
seventy-five miles long, and sometimes broadens into
a lake. About twenty miles from Lake Nipissing are
the Récollets Falls. This river owes its name to
serving as the early waterway from Lower Canada to
the Upper Country. See J. Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii
of our series, note 36.--ED.
[226] This was at the junction of the Mattawa River with
the Ottawa--the limit of Champlain’s exploration in
1613. This was a well-known post on the Ottawa River
route to the Upper Lakes, and now a station of the
Canadian Pacific Railway.--ED.
[227] These rapids are three-quarters of a mile long;
being, in fact, low cascades. They are about
twenty-five miles below the forks of the Ottawa.--ED.
[228] The Kettle (Chaudière) Falls are opposite the city
of Hull, Quebec. In 1800, Philemon Wright, “the
father of the town of Hull,” came from Woburn,
Massachusetts, and settled at the foot of the falls.
He brought twenty-five men with him, bought the land
from the Indians for twenty dollars, immediately
began to clear the forest, and in a short time had
become a well-to-do proprietor. He died in 1839, at
the age of seventy-nine.--ED.
[229] This is the site of Ottawa, founded in 1825, and in
1865 made the seat of government for Canada. The
curtains are of unequal width; the longer being
about three hundred, the shorter about a hundred
feet.--ED.
[230] The Long Sault Rapids, about sixty miles below
Ottawa, are nine miles long and full of islets,
rocky bars, and narrow passes. For the heroic
defense of this place, see Parkman, _Old Régime in
Canada_ (Boston, 1875), chap. iii. At the base of
the rapids the Ottawa widens into the Lake of Two
Mountains, twenty miles long and from two to three
miles broad.--ED.
[231] “Far-famed and so well described,” adds Mr.
Franchère, in his own translation, but I prefer
to leave the expression in its original striking
simplicity, as he wrote it before he had heard of
MOORE. Every reader remembers:--
“Soon as the woods on shore grow dim,
We’ll sing at St. Ann’s our parting hymn.”
_Canadian Boatman’s Song._
--HUNTINGTON.
[232] For a sketch of the Indian mission at Caughnawaga,
see J. Long’s _Voyages_, vol. ii of our series, note
9.--ED.
{359} CHAPTER XXIX
Present State of the Countries visited by the Author--Correction of
Mr. Irving’s Statements respecting St. Louis.
The last chapter closes the original French narrative of my travels
around and across the continent, as published thirty-three years
ago. The translation follows that narrative as exactly as possible,
varying from it only in the correction of a few not very important
errors of fact. It speaks of places and persons as I spoke of them
then. I would not willingly lose the veri-similitude of this natural
and unadorned description, in order to indulge in any new turns of
style or more philosophical reflections.
But since that period many changes have occurred in the scenes which
I so long ago visited and described. Though they are well known, I
may be pardoned for alluding to them.
{360} The natives of the Sandwich islands, who were in a state of
paganism at that time, have since adopted a form of Christianity,
have made considerable progress in imitating the civilization of
Europe, and even, at this moment, begin to entertain the idea of
annexation to the United States. It appears, however, that the real
natives are rapidly dwindling away by the effects of their vices,
which an exotic and ill-assimilated civilization has rather increased
than diminished, and to which religion has not succeeded in applying
a remedy.
At the mouth of the Columbia, whole tribes, and among them, the
_Clatsops_, have been swept away by disease. Here again, licentious
habits universally diffused, spread a fatal disorder through the
whole nation, and undermining the constitutions of all, left them
an easy prey to the first contagion or epidemic sickness. But
missionaries of various Christian sects have labored among the
Indians of the Columbia also; not to speak of the missions of the
Catholic Church, so well known by the narrative of Father De Smet
{361} and others;[233] and numbers have been taught to cultivate the
soil, and thus to provide against the famines to which they were
formerly exposed from their dependence on the precarious resources
of the chase; while others have received, in the faith of Christ,
the true principle of national permanence, and a living germ of
civilization, which may afterward be developed.
Emigration has also carried to the Oregon the axe of the settler, as
well as the canoe and pack of the fur-trader. The fertile valleys
and prairies of the Willamet--once the resort of the deer, the elk,
and the antelope, are now tilled by the industrious husbandman.
Oregon City, so near old “Astoria,” whose first log fort I saw
and described, is now an Archiepiscopal see, and the capital of a
territory, which must soon be a state of the Union.[234]
Of the regions east of the mountains described in my itinerary,
little can be said in respect to improvement: they remain in the
same wild state. The interest of the Hudson’s Bay Company, as
an association of fur-traders, is opposed to agricultural {362}
improvements, whose operation would be to drive off and extinguish
the wild animals that furnish their commerce with its object. But on
Lake Superior steamboats have supplanted the birch-bark canoe of the
Indian and the fur-trader, and at Saut Ste. Marie, especially on the
American side, there is now every sign of prosperity. How remote and
wild was the region beyond, through which I passed, may be estimated
by the fact that in thirty-eight years the onward-rolling wave of our
population has but just reached its confines.
Canada, although it has not kept pace with the United States, has yet
wonderfully advanced in forty years. The valley of the Ottawa, that
great artery of the St. Lawrence, where I thought it worth while to
notice the residence of an enterprising farmer and lumber merchant,
is now a populous district, well cultivated, and sprinkled with
villages, towns, and cities.
The reader, in perusing my first chapter, found a description of the
city of New York in 1810, and of the neighboring village of Brooklyn.
It {363} would be superfluous to establish a comparison at this day.
At that time, it will be observed, the mere breaking out of war
between America and England was thought to involve the sacrifice of
an American commercial establishment on the Pacific, on the ground
of its supplies being necessarily cut off (it was supposed), and of
the United States government being unable to protect it from hostile
attack. At present it suffices to remark that while New York, then
so inconsiderable a port, is now perhaps the third city in the
world, the United States also, are, undoubtedly, a first-rate power,
unassailable at home, and formidable abroad, to the greatest nations.
As in my preface I alluded to Mr. Irving’s “Astoria,” as reflecting,
in my opinion, unjustly, upon the young men engaged in the first
expedition to the mouth of the Columbia, it may suffice here to
observe, without entering into particulars, that my narrative, which
I think answers for its own fidelity, clearly shows that some of
them, at least did not want courage, activity, zeal for the interests
of the company, while it existed, and patient {364} endurance
of hardship. And although it forms no part of the narrative or
my voyage, yet as subsequent visits to the West and an intimate
knowledge of St. Louis, enable me to correct Mr. Irving’s poetical
rather than accurate description of that place, I may well do it
here. St. Louis now bids fair to rival ere long the “Queen of the
West;” Mr. Irving describes her as a small trading place, where
trappers, half-breeds, gay, frivolous Canadian boatmen, &c., &c.,
congregated and revelled, with that lightness and buoyancy of spirit
inherited from their French forefathers; the indolent Creole of St.
Louis caring for little more than the enjoyment of the present hour;
a motley population, half-civilized, half-barbarous, thrown, on his
canvas, into one general, confused (I allow highly _picturesque_)
mass, without respect of persons: but it is fair to say, with due
homage to the talent of the sketcher, who has verged slighty on
caricature in the use of that humor-loving pencil admired by all the
world, that St. Louis even then contained its noble, industrious, and
I may say, {365} princely merchants; it could boast its _Chouteaus_,
_Soulands_, _Céré_, _Chéniers_, _Vallées_, and _La Croix_,[235] with
other kindred spirits, whose descendants prove the worth of their
sires by their own, and are now among the leading business men, as
their fathers were the pioneers, of the flourishing St. Louis.
With these remarks, which I make simply as an act of justice in
connection with the general subject of the founding of “Astoria,”
but in which I mean to convey no imputation on the intentional
fairness of the accomplished author to whom I have alluded, I take a
respectful leave of my readers.
[233] For the history of Catholic missions in Oregon,
see journals of Father De Smet, which are to
be published in volumes xxviii and xxix of our
series.--ED.
[234] Oregon City is situated at the falls of Willamette
River. It was laid out in lots in 1842, when the
rivalry for the possession of this site between
McLaughlin, Hudson’s Bay factor, and Waller, of the
Methodist Mission, was at its height. The rapid
growth of Portland has prevented Oregon City from
becoming the important place it once promised.
In 1900 its population was only thirty-five
hundred.--ED.
[235] For these early families of St. Louis, consult
Billon, _Annals of St. Louis_ (St. Louis, 1886).--ED.
APPENDIX[236]
In Chapter XVII, I promised the reader to give him an account of the
fate of some of the persons who left Astoria before, and after its
sale or transfer to the British. I will now redeem that pledge.
Messrs. Ramsay Crooks, R. M’Lelland, and Robert Stuart, after
enduring all sorts of fatigue, dangers and hairbreadth escapes
with their lives--all which have been so graphically described by
Washington Irving in his “Astoria,” finally reached St. Louis and New
York.
Mr. Clapp went to the Marquesas Islands, where he entered into
the service of his country {368} in the capacity of midshipman
under Commodore Porter--made his escape from there in company
with Lieutenent Gamble of the Marine corps, by directions of the
Commodore, was captured by the British, landed at Buenos Ayres, and
finally reached New York.
D. M’Dougall, as a reward for betraying the trust reposed in him
by Mr. Astor, was made a Partner of the Northwest Company, crossed
the mountains, and died a miserable death at _Bas de la Rivière_,
Winipeg. Donald M’Kenzie, his coadjutor, went back to the Columbia
River, where he amassed a considerable fortune, with which he
retired, and lived in Chautauque County in this state, where he died
a few years since unknown and neglected:--he was a very selfish man,
who cared for no one but himself.
It remains only to speak of Messrs. J. C. Halsey, Russell Farnham,
and Alfred Seton, who, it will be remembered, embarked with Mr. Hunt
on the “Pedlar,” in Feb. 1814.
Leaving the River about the 1st of April, they proceeded to the
Russian establishment at Sitka, {369} Norfolk Sound, where they fell
in with two or three more American vessels, which had come to trade
with the natives or to avoid the British cruisers. While there, a
sail under British colors appeared, and Mr. Hunt sent Mr. Seton to
ascertain who she was. She turned out to be the “Forester,” Captain
Pigott, a repeating signal ship and letter-of-marque, sent from
England in company of a fleet intended for the South Seas. On further
acquaintance with the captain, Mr. Seton (from whom I derive these
particulars) learned a fact which has never before been published,
and which will show the solicitude and perseverance of Mr. ASTOR.
After despatching the “Lark” from New York, fearing that she might be
intercepted by the British, he sent orders to his correspondent in
England to purchase and fit out a British bottom, and despatch her to
the Columbia to relieve the establishment.
When Mr. Hunt learned this fact, he determined to leave Mr. Halsey at
Sitka, and proceeding himself northward, landed Mr. Farnham on the
coast of _Kamskatka_, to go over land with {370} despatches for Mr.
Astor. Mr. Farnham accomplished the journey, reached Hamburg, whence
he sailed for the West Indies, and finally arrived at New York,
having made the entire circuit of the globe.
The “Pedlar” then sailed to the southeast, and soon reached the coast
of California, which she approached to get a supply of provisions.
Nearing one of the harbors, they descried a vessel at anchor inside,
showing American colors. Hauling their wind, they soon came close
to the stranger, which, to their surprise, turned out to be the
Spanish corvette “Santa Barbara,” which sent boats alongside the
“Pedlar,” and captured her, and kept possession of the prize for
some two months, during which they dropped down to _San Blas_. Here
Mr. Hunt proposed to Mr. Seton to cross the continent and reach the
United States the best way he could. Mr. Seton, accordingly, went
to the Isthmus of Darien, where he was detained several months by
sickness, but finally reached Carthagena, where a British fleet
was lying in the roads, to take off the English {371} merchants,
who in consequence of the revolutionary movements going on, sought
shelter under their own flag. Here Mr. Seton, reduced to the last
stage of destitution and squalor, boldly applied to Captain Bentham,
the commander of the squadron, who, finding him to be a gentleman,
offered him every needful assistance, gave him a berth in his own
cabin, and finally landed him safely on the Island of Jamaica, whence
he, too, found his way to New York.
Of all those engaged in the expedition there are now but four
survivors--Ramsay Crooks, Esq. the late President of the American
Fur Company; Alfred Seton, Esq., Vice-president of the Sun Mutual
Insurance Company; both of New York city; Benjamin Pillet of Canada;
and the author, living also in New York. All the rest have paid the
debt of nature, but their names are recorded in the foregoing pages.
Notwithstanding the illiberal remarks made by Captain Thorn on the
persons who were on board the ill-fated Tonquin, and reproduced
by Mr. Irving in his “Astoria”--these young men who {372} were
represented as “Bar keepers or Billiard markers, most of whom had
fled from Justice, &c.”--I feel it a duty to say that they were for
the most part, of good parentage, liberal education and every way
were qualified to discharge the duties of their respective stations.
The remarks on the general character of the voyageurs employed as
boat-men and Mechanics, and the attempt to cast ridicule on their
“Braggart and swaggering manners” come with a bad grace from the
author of “Astoria,” when we consider that in that very work Mr.
Irving is compelled to admit their indomitable energy, their fidelity
to their employers, and their cheerfulness under the most trying
circumstances in which men can be placed.
With respect to Captain Thorn, I must confess that though a stern
commander and an irritable man, he paid the strictest attention to
the health of his crew. His complaints of the squalid appearance of
the Canadians and mechanics who were on board, can be abated of their
force by giving a description of the accommodation of {373} these
people. The Tonquin was a small ship; its forecastle was destined for
the crew performing duty before the mast. The room allotted for the
accommodation of the twenty men destined for the establishment, was
abaft the forecastle; a bulk-head had been let across, and a door led
from the forecastle into a dark, unventilated, unwholesome place,
where they were all heaped together, without means of locomotion, and
consequently deprived of that exercise of the body so necessary to
health. Add to that, we had no physician on board. In view of these
facts, can the complaints of the gallant Captain be sustained? Of
course Mr. Irving was ignorant of these circumstances, as well as of
many others which he might have known, had some one suggested to him
to ask a few questions of persons who were within his reach at the
time of his publication. I have (I need scarcely say) no personal
animosity against the unfortunate Captain; he always treated me,
individually, as well as I could expect; and if, in the course of my
narrative, I have been severe on his actions, I was impelled {374}
by a sense of justice to my friends on board, as well as by the
circumstance that such explanations of his general deportment were
requisite to convey the historical truth to my readers.
The idea of a conspiracy against him on board is so absurd that it
really does not deserve notice. The threat, or rather the proposal
made to him by Mr. M’Kay, in the following words--“if you say
fight, fight it is”--originated in a case where one of the sailors
had maltreated a Canadian lad, who came to complain to Mr. M’Kay.
The captain would not interpose his authority, and said in my
presence, “Let them fight out their own battles:”--it was upon that
answer that Mr. M’Kay gave vent to the expression quoted above. I
might go on with a long list of inaccuracies, more or less grave
or trivial, in the beautifully written work of Mr. Irving, but it
would be tedious to go through the whole of them. The few remarks
to which I have given place above, will suffice to prove that the
assertion made in the preface was not unwarranted. It is far from my
intention to enter the lists with a man of the {375} literary merit
and reputation of Mr. Irving, but as a narrator of events of which
I was an EYE-WITNESS, I felt bound to tell the truth, although that
truth might impugn the historical accuracy of a work which ranks as
a classic in the language. At the same time I entirely exonerate Mr.
Irving from any intention of prejudicing the minds of his reader, as
he doubtless had only in view to support the character of his friend:
that sentiment is worthy of a generous heart, but it should not be
gratified, nor would he wish to gratify it, I am sure, at the expense
of the character of others.
NOTE BY HUNTINGTON
Perhaps even contrary to the wish of Mr. Franchère, I have left
the above almost word for word as he wrote it. It is a part of the
history of the affairs related as well in Mr. Irving’s ASTORIA as
in the present volume, that the reclamations of one of the clerks
on that famous and unfortunate voyage of the Tonquin, against the
disparaging description of himself and his colleagues given in the
former work, should be fairly recorded. At the same time, I can not
help stating my own impression that a natural susceptibility roused
by those slighting remarks from Captain Thorn’s correspondence, to
which Mr. Irving as an historian gives currency, has somewhat blinded
my excellent friend to the tone of banter, so characteristic of the
chronicler of the Knickerbockers, in which all these particulars
are given, more as traits of the character {376} of the stern old
sea-captain, with his hearty contempt for land-lubbers and literary
clerks, than as a dependable account of the persons on board his
ship, some of whom might have been, and as we see by the present
work, were, in fact, very meritorious characters, for whose literary
turn, and faithful journalizing (which seems to have especially
provoked the captain’s wrath), now at the end of more than forty
years, we have so much reason to be thankful. Certainly Mr. Irving
himself, who has drawn frequently on Mr. Franchere’s narrative, could
not, from his well-known taste in such matters, be insensible to the
Defoe-like simplicity thereof, nor to the picturesque descriptions,
worthy of a professional pen, with which it is sprinkled.
[236] We have thought it best to give this Appendix,
excepting some abbreviations rendered necessary to
avoid repetition of what has been stated before,
in Mr. Franchère’s own words, particularly as a
specimen of his own English style may be justly
interesting to the reader.--HUNTINGTON.
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