The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume
XXV, 1635-36, by Various
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume XXV, 1635-36
Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the
Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of
the Catholic Missions, As Related in Contemporaneous Books
and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial
and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their
Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of
the Nineteenth Century
Author: Various
Editor: E. H. Blair
Release Date: August 25, 2006 [EBook #19118]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS ***
Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,
Volume XXV, 1635-36
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXV
Preface 9
Documents of 1635
Laws regarding navigation and commerce, 1611-35. Felipe III
and Felipe IV; 1611-35 23
Royal decrees, 1633-35. Felipe IV; Madrid, 1633-35 38
Memorial to the king, in the year 1635. Juan Grao y
Monfalcon; Madrid, September 6 48
Manila treasury accounts, 1630-35. Gerónimo de ----, and
Francisco Antonio Manzelo; August 18, 1638 74
Letter of consolation to the Jesuits of Pintados. Juan de Bueras,
S.J.; Manila, February 1 87
Letter to Felipe IV. Andres del Sacramento, O.S.F.; Nueva Caceres,
June 2 95
Letter from the Franciscan commissary-general of the Indias.
Francisco de Ocaña, O.S.F.; Madrid, June 28 98
Opinion of Council and royal decree concerning request of
Manila Jesuits for alms. Felipe IV, and others; Madrid,
July 10 100
Letter to Felipe IV. Pedro de Arce; Manila, October 17 104
Documents of 1636
Discussion regarding Portuguese trade at Manila. Joseph de
Navada Alvarado, and others; 1632-36 111
Decree extending the tenure of encomiendas. Felipe IV;
Madrid, February 1 145
Military services of Filipinos. Juan Grau y Monfalcon;
[Madrid], June 13 148
Conflicts between civil and ecclesiastical authorities,
1635-36. Casimiro Diaz, O.S.A.; from his _Conquistas de
las Islas Filipinas_ (published at Valladolid, 1890, but written
early in eighteenth century) 151
Letter from a citizen of Manila to an absent friend. [Unsigned;
Fabian de Santillan y Gavilanes?]; Manila, June 15 201
Request for Jesuit missionaries. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera;
Cavile, June 19 297
Letter from the bishop of Nueva Caceres to Felipe IV. Francisco
de Zamudio, O.S.A.; Manila, June 20 301
List of prominent ecclesiastics in Manila and the islands.
Hernando de Guerrero, archbishop of Manila; 1636 305
Bibliographical Data 321
ILLUSTRATIONS
Map of portion of Philippine Islands and other eastern islands;
photographic facsimile of original Portuguese MS. map of 1635,
by Pedro Berthelot, in the British Museum 56, 57
View of Chinese junks; photographic facsimile of engraving in
_Recueil des voiages Comp. Indes Orient_. Pais-Bas (Amsterdam, 1725)
iii, p. 285; from copy in the library of Wisconsin Historical
Society 116 Plan of the "island of Manila;" drawn by a Portuguese
artist, _ca._ 1635; photographic facsimile of the original MS. map
in British Museum 133
Autograph signature of Sebastian de Corcuera; photographic facsimile
from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla 299
PREFACE
The scope of the present volume (1635-36) is mainly commercial and
financial matters on the one hand, and ecclesiastical affairs on the
other. The paternalistic tendencies of the Spanish government are
obvious in the former direction, with various restrictions on trade,
and annoying imposts on all classes of people. The Portuguese of Macao
are accused of ruining the Chinese trade with the islands, absorbing it
to their own profit and the injury of the Spaniards. In ecclesiastical
circles, the topic of prime interest is the controversy between
Governor Corcuera and Archbishop Guerrero, ending in the latter's
exile to Mariveles Island; it is an important episode in the continual
struggle between Church and State for supremacy, and as such rightly
demands large space and attention in this series. In this and several
other documents may be noticed the steadily increasing influence and
power of the Jesuit order in the Philippines at that period.
From _Recopilación de leyes de las Indias_ (lib. ix, tit. xxxxv)
are compiled a series of laws relating to navigation and commerce,
dated from 1611 to 1635--in continuation of those already given in
VOL. XVII of this series. Married men going from Nueva España must
take their wives also, or provide for them while absent. Convents
shall not allow Chinese merchandise to be concealed in their
houses. Royal officials who may sail in any fleet sent from Spain
to the Philippines are forbidden to carry any merchandise thither on
their private accounts. Flour for government use in the islands shall
be provided there, and not be brought from Nueva España. The lading
on the trading ships to that country must be allotted more equitably,
and for the general welfare of the Philippine colonists. Disabled
or incapable seamen must not be taken on these ships; provision is
made for the protection and safety of the Indian deck-hands thereon;
and only persons of rank are allowed to carry more than one slave
each. Trade between Mexico and Peru is again forbidden; and private
persons in the Philippines are not permitted to send ships, soldiers,
or seamen to the mainland or other regions outside the islands. The
valuation of merchandise taken to Nueva España from Filipinas shall
be made at Mexico, according to certain regulations. The officers of
the trading ships shall be paid for four months only, each voyage; and
the ships must leave Acapulco by December, and reach the islands by
March. Extortion from the sailors by the royal officials at Acapulco
is strictly forbidden. The official appointed to inspect the Chinese
ships at Manila must be chosen, not by the governor alone, but by him
and the Audiencia jointly. The shipment of money from New Mexico to
Filipinas in excess of the amount allowed is forbidden under heavy
penalties. The governors of Filipinas must keep the shipyards well
equipped and provided. The ships that sail thence to Nueva España
must depart in June; and careful account must be taken, by special
officials, of all goods in the cargoes, and of all that the vessels
carry on the return trip.
A group of royal decrees and orders occurs during the years 1633-35,
concerning various interests of the Philippines. The viceroy of Nueva
España is ordered (September 30, 1633) to see that the seamen needed
in the islands be well treated at Acapulco, and allowed to invest some
money in the Mexican trade. The governor of the Philippines is warned
(March 10, 1634) to see that the lading of vessels in that trade be
equitably allotted to the citizens. The viceroy is directed, at the
same time, to send more reënforcements of men to the islands. The
moneys granted to the city for its fortifications have been diverted
to the general fund; the governor is notified (September 9, 1634)
to correct this, and, two months later, to prevent the Portuguese
of Macao from trading in the islands. Again (February 16, 1635)
he is directed to prevent people from leaving the Philippines, and
religious from going to Japan; and at the same time is despatched
a reply to the Audiencia regarding some matters of which they had
informed the king. The governor is ordered (November 5, 1635) to see
that the garrisons in Ternate are regularly changed.
Juan Grau y Monfalcón, procurator-general for the Philippines at the
Spanish court, memorializes the king (1635) regarding the importance
of those islands to Spain, which country should preserve her domain
there, not only for the service of God and the spread of the Catholic
faith, but for the increase of the royal revenues. The writer gives
a summary of the Chinese population in the islands, and the extent
of their trade; the number of Indians paying tribute, and their
products. The Spaniards of Manila are greatly impoverished by their
losses in conflagrations and shipwrecks, and need royal aid. If it
be not given them, Manila will be lost to the Dutch, whose increasing
power and wealth in the Orient is described. Especially do they request
the abolition of the additional duty of two per cent on goods exported
to Nueva España, which they are unable to pay. The history of this tax
is outlined, and numerous reasons for its abolition are adduced. The
inhabitants of Manila no longer make large profits in their trade
with Nueva España; nor are the expenses of that trade such a burden as
formerly on the royal treasury. The same results are really obtained
from the tax levied on the Chinese goods that are carried to Manila,
and this additional tax is too heavy a burden on the people. The royal
duties alone amount to twenty-seven per cent on their investments of
capital, and the costs and expenses to even a greater sum. Too much
pressure of this sort will cause the people of Manila to abandon
entirely a profitless trade; in that case the customs duties would
cease, and the islands would fall into the hands of the Dutch. The
misfortunes and losses of Manila by fires and shipwrecks must also
be taken into account, as well as the loyalty with which they serve
the crown--always ready to risk their lives and property for it, and
often loaning money to the treasury in its needs. The royal fiscal
makes reply to this document, advising the royal Council to give this
matter very careful attention, and to consider not only the need of the
inhabitants but the low condition of the royal finances; he recommends
mild measures. The procurator thereupon urges, in brief, some of his
former arguments (also citing precedents) for the discontinuance of
the two per cent duty. An interesting compilation from the accounts
of the royal treasury at Manila shows the total receipts in each
of its different funds for the five years ending January 1, 1635,
each year separately.
A letter of consolation to the Jesuits of Pintados who have suffered
so much from the Moro pirates is sent out (February 1, 1635) by
the provincial of the order, Juan de Bueras. Andrés del Sacramento,
a Franciscan friar at Nueva Cáceres, complains to the king (June 2,
1635) of interference in the affairs of that order by certain brethren
of the Observantine branch, who have by their schemes obtained control
of the Filipinas province; and asks that the king assign the province
to one or the other branch, allowing no one else to enter it. About
the same time, a high Franciscan official at Madrid writes, probably
to one of the king's councilors, promising to investigate and punish
certain lawless acts by Manila friars of his order.
The Jesuits of Manila having asked for a grant from the royal treasury
to rebuild their residence there, the matter is discussed in the royal
Council, and a decree issued (July 10, 1635) ordering the governor
of the Philippines to investigate the need for such appropriation,
and to report it, with other information, to the king. Pedro de Arce,
who has been ruler _ad interim_ of the archdiocese of Manila, notifies
the king (October 17, 1635) of his return to his own bishopric of
Cebú; and of his entrusting to the Jesuits the spiritual care of the
natives of Mindanao, where the Spanish fortress of Zamboanga has been
recently established. He asks the king to confirm this, and to send
them more missionaries of their order.
In 1632 a memorial is presented before the municipal council of Manila
by one of its regidors, representing the injuries and losses arising
from the trade which has been commenced there by the Portuguese of
Macao. It seems that they have absorbed the trade formerly carried on
by the Chinese with Manila, and have so increased the prices of goods
that the citizens cannot make a profit on the goods that they send to
Nueva España. Navada presents seventeen considerations and arguments
regarding this condition of affairs. He states that in earlier years
the authorities of Manila forbade the Portuguese to come to Manila,
for the same reasons that are now so urgent; that investments of
capital are now seldom made by citizens of the Philippines, for lack
of returns thereon; and that the royal revenues are defrauded by the
enormous losses in the proceeds from the customs duties on the goods
brought by the Portuguese, as compared with those realized on the goods
of the Sangley traders. The Portuguese are making enormous profits, and
this is ruining the citizens of the islands; moreover, they buy their
goods from the Chinese at sufficient prices to satisfy the latter,
and they misrepresent the condition and actions of the Spaniards, so
that the Chinese are prevented from coming to Manila. The Portuguese
will make no fair agreement as to prices, and some of them remain
in Manila to sell their left-over goods; and these even ship goods
to Nueva España in the royal ships, with the connivance of certain
citizens--all of which defrauds the Spaniards, and violates the royal
decrees. Moreover, the Portuguese bring from China only silks, for
the sake of the great profits thereon; while cotton cloth and other
articles needed by the poor (which formerly were supplied by the
Sangleys) are now scarce and high-priced. The Portuguese should be
forbidden to carry on the China trade; this would quickly restore its
conduct by the Chinese themselves, and funds to the royal treasury
from the increase in customs duties. Manila is the only market for
this trade, and can easily hold it. The Portuguese have even carried
their insolence so far as to attack the Chinese trading ships (for
which the Audiencia has neglected to render justice to the Chinese);
they also ill-treat Spaniards who go to trade at Macao, and deal
dishonestly with those who let them sell goods on commission. If
the Portuguese are forbidden to trade in Manila, the Chinese will
again come to trade; the citizens will enjoy good profits on their
investments, and incomes from their possessions in the Parián. This
memorial by Navada is discussed by the city council, who unanimously
decide to adopt his recommendations and to place the matter before
the governor and the citizens. The Spanish government favor (1634-36)
depriving the Portuguese of the Manila trade, and decrees are sent
to the islands empowering the governor and other officials to do
what seems best in the case. To these papers are added a letter to
the king by Juan Grau y Monfalcón, urging that the decree of 1593
be reissued, forbidding any Spanish vassals to buy goods in China,
these to be carried to Manila by the Chinese at their own risk. He
submits, with his letter, tables showing the comparative amounts of
duties collected at Manila on the goods brought by the Chinese and the
Portuguese respectively; also a copy of the aforesaid decree of 1593.
A royal decree of February 1, 1636, prolongs the tenure of encomiendas
for another generation, in certain of the Spanish colonies, in
consideration of contributions by the holders to the royal treasury;
and various directions are given for procedure therein. The procurator
Monfalcón, in a letter to the king (June 13, 1636), commends the
military services of the Filipinos, and asks for some tokens of royal
appreciation of their loyalty.
An account of conflicts between the civil and ecclesiastical
authorities in 1635-36 is taken from the _Conquistas_ of the
Augustinian writer Fray Casimiro Diaz. With this main subject he
interpolates other matters from the general annals of that time. Among
these is a relation of the piratical raids of the Moros into Leyte
and Panay in 1634; the invaders kill a Jesuit priest. In June of
the following year arrives the new governor, Sebastián Hurtado de
Corcuera. At the same time, Archbishop Guerrero begins his rule
over the churches of the islands; and controversies at once arise
between him and the governor over the royal patronage and other
church affairs. Among these is an attempt to divide the Dominican
province into two, which is favored by Corcuera. This arouses bitter
controversies, which involve both ecclesiastics and laymen and many
conflicting interests. A case occurs in Manila in which a criminal's
right of sanctuary in a church is involved; this leads to various
complications between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities,
involving also the religious orders--the Jesuits siding with the
governor, the other orders with the archbishop. The successive events
and acts in this controversy are quite fully related, the writer,
as would naturally be expected, placing most of the blame upon the
governor. A truce is made between the parties (January, 1636),
but it soon falls apart and the quarrels begin anew; they go to
such lengths that finally (in May of that year) the archbishop is
sent into exile on Mariveles Island, in Manila Bay. The cathedral
cabildo take charge _ad interim_ of the archdiocese. Within a month,
however, the archbishop is released, and permitted to return to the
charge of his diocese, but on humiliating conditions. Diaz notes
that ever after this episode Governor Corcuera was followed by
losses, troubles, and afflictions; that many of his relatives and
partisans came to untimely ends; that the archiepiscopal palace of
that time was utterly destroyed in subsequent earthquakes; and that
after the persecution of the archbishop the sardines in Manila Bay
almost wholly disappeared. Even after the prelate's restoration,
other controversies arise, which embitter his few remaining years;
and he narrowly escapes capture by the Moro pirates.
Another account of the contentions of the governor with the archbishop
and the orders is that given in a "letter written by a citizen of
Manila to an absent friend" (June 15, 1636); it is obtained from
one of the Jesuit documents preserved at Madrid. The events of
that controversy are narrated from a different standpoint than
Diaz's--defending the governor and the Jesuits, and blaming the
friars for having caused most of the trouble. The writer makes his
account more valuable by presenting various documents and letters
concerned in the affair; and describes many occurrences that do not
appear in other accounts. This letter is also avowedly despatched to
refute certain statements made by the Dominicans in their version of
the controversy of 1635-36. It is evidently written by some friend
of the Jesuits who was a lawyer--possibly by Fabian de Santillan,
whom they appointed judge-conservator against the bishop. In it is a
curiously lifelike and interesting picture of the dissensions that then
involved all circles of Manila officialdom, both civil and religious;
and of certain aspects of human nature which are highly interesting,
even if not always edifying.
Governor Corcuera writes to Felipe IV (June 19, 1636), commending the
Jesuits and their work in the islands, and asking that more of them
be sent thither, in preference to those of other orders. The bishop
of Nueva Cáceres also writes by the same mail, commending Corcuera
and complaining of the hostility displayed by the orders against the
governor, and of their ambition and arrogance. The bishop (himself an
Augustinian) arraigns all the friar orders except his own, in scathing
terms, saying of these religious: "They live without God, without king,
and without law, ... as they please, and there is no further law than
their own wills." "They say openly in their missions that they are
kings and popes." Zamudio accuses them of being "notorious traders,"
of domineering over both the Indians and the alcaldes-mayor, and of
infringing upon the royal patronage; and claims that the conduct of
the Franciscans in Camarines is such that he cannot remain there in
his own diocese. He ascribes the late troubles with the archbishop
mainly to the mischievous influence of the friars, and explains
his restoration to his see as "the act of a Christian gentleman"
on Corcuera's part. The friars in Zamudio's diocese have refused to
let him make a visitation among them, although he obtained from the
governor a guard of soldiers to protect him. He recommends that the
friars be deprived of their missions, and replaced by secular priests.
The archbishop of Manila furnishes (1636) a list of the persons
composing the ecclesiastical cabildo of the Manila cathedral; and
another, of ecclesiastics outside that body from whom might well
be supplied any positions in the cabildo which his Majesty might be
pleased to declare vacant. In each case the archbishop mentions various
particulars of the man's age, family, qualifications for office, etc.,
and of his career thus far in the Church. According to the archbishop,
some of those now in the cabildo are quite unworthy or incompetent
for such positions.
_The Editors_
April, 1905.
DOCUMENTS OF 1635
Laws regarding navigation and commerce, 1611-35. Felipe III
and Felipe IV; 1611-35.
Royal decrees, 1633-35. Felipe IV; 1633-35.
Memorial to the king, in the year 1635. Juan Grao y Monfalcon;
September 6.
Manila treasury accounts, 1630-35. Geronimo de ----, and
Francisco Antonio Manzelo; August 13, 1638.
Letter of consolation to the Jesuits of Pintados. Juan de
Bueras, S.J.; February 1.
Letter to Felipe IV. Andres del Sacramento, O.S.F.; June 2.
Letter from the Franciscan commissary-general of the
Indias. Francisco de Ocaña, O.S.F.; June 28.
Opinion of Council and royal decree concerning request of
Manila Jesuits for alms. Felipe IV, and others; July 10.
Letter to Felipe IV. Pedro de Arce; October 17.
_Sources_: The first of these documents is taken from the _Recopilación
de leyes de Indias_, lib. ix, tit. xxxxv; the second, from the
"Cedulario Indico" in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; the
third, from a MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid; the fourth,
sixth, and seventh, from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias,
Sevilla; the fifth, from a MS. in the Academia Real de la Historia,
Madrid; and the last two, from Pastells's edition of Colin's _Labor
evangélica_.
_Translations_: All these documents are translated by James
A. Robertson.
LAWS REGARDING NAVIGATION AND COMMERCE
[The first installment of these laws is given in VOL. XVII,
pp. 27-50. The laws in the present installment date from 1611 to
1635. The method of treatment is the same as in the laws of the
above volume.]
LAW XXX
The viceroy of Nueva España shall not allow any married man to pass
thence to Filipinas unless he take his wife with him, or unless he
have permission to leave the country for a limited time, after giving
bonds that he will return within the time set; and provided he leave
his wife what is necessary for her support. In no other way [shall
he be allowed to go]. [Felipe III--Guadarrama, November 12. 1611.]
LAW XXXIII
Many religious and laymen come to these kingdoms from the Filipinas
Islands by way of Eastern India, abandoning their ministries and
employments. We order the governor and captain-general to be very
careful about applying the remedy, and that he give notice of this
to the bishops and to the superiors of the orders in what pertains
to them; and the said governor shall maintain especial watch over the
laymen so that they may not go by that route. [Felipe III--Valladolid,
November 4, 1612.]
LAW LXXII
We charge the regular prelates that they watch very carefully and give
strict commands in all the convents and houses of their orders, that
under no consideration shall Chinese merchandise be concealed or hidden
therein; and any violation of this rule shall be punished. [Felipe
III--Valladolid, August 20, 1615.]
LAW XLVI
Our fiscal of the royal Audiencia of Manila shall take part in the
allotment of the toneladas that are allowed to be distributed; and
it shall be done with his consent and in his presence. In the same
way he shall be present at the transaction of business in our royal
treasury. Nothing shall be attended to unless he be present, and he
shall endeavor to avoid the losses and injuries that may arise in
the aforesaid [his absence]. [Felipe III--Mérida, May 4, 1619.]
LAW XXXVII
If any foreigners are engaged in the Filipinas Islands in the
occupation of sailors, or if they come to Nueva España in the ships,
in the line of that trade-route, they shall not be molested, nor shall
they be obliged to make agreements. If any trouble result from this,
we order the viceroy of Nueva España and the governor of Filipinas
to advise us thereof in our Council of the Indias, so that suitable
measures may be taken. [Felipe III--Santaren, October 13, 1619.]
LAW VII
It may be necessary and advisable to send a fleet from these kingdoms
to the Filipinas Islands by the cape of Buena Esperanza or the straits
of Magallanes and San Vicente. Those who shall sail to serve us may
happen to carry in the fleet investments of merchandise, wines, oils,
and other things, and with that object undertake that voyage, and be
the cause of delay or loss to the fleet by their making a pretext of
difficulties, from which might result great inconveniences. In order
that such may be prevented, we order that when any such fleet shall
be sent, no person, of whatever rank or condition he be, shall lade
or allow to be laded in it any of the aforesaid goods, under penalty
of losing his life and of the confiscation of his property. If such
a thing happens [_i.e._, that a fleet be despatched], this law shall
be proclaimed in the port whence the said fleet sails, so that it
may be obeyed and observed. [Felipe III--Madrid, December 12, 1619.]
LAW VIII
In the fleets that shall sail from these kingdoms to Filipinas in
order to succor them, or for matters of our service, married pilots
may embark, even though they leave their wives in these kingdoms. And
because when they shall have reached the said islands, they will wish
to return to their families, and it is right that no obstructions be
placed in their way, and in that of others, we order the governors
to allow them to return and perform their voyage, and to give them
the necessary despatches. [Felipe III--Madrid, December 12, 1619.]
LAW XXVI
There is sufficient flour in the Filipinas for the supplies that are
provided there on our account. Inasmuch as that taken from Nueva
España is not so good, we order that provision of this product be
not made from Nueva España, in consideration of the fact that it is
advisable to benefit our royal treasury as far as possible. [Felipe
III--Madrid, May 23, 1620.]
LAW XLV
In the permission conceded to the inhabitants of Filipinas of
the lading-space in the ships that sail to Nueva España, it
is ordered that this be distributed according to their rank and
wealth. Notwithstanding, the governors do not make the allotment in
accordance with this order. Sometimes they give it, under pretext of
gratuities, to officers on half-pay, thus obliging the inhabitants to
buy space at excessive prices. Sometimes they allot many toneladas for
charitable purposes, in order that these may be sold, and the price
[obtained for them] be used therefor, to the prejudice of the general
welfare; this results from causing them to be sold to those who will
pay the best price for them, and merchants who have companies in Méjico
buying them--to whom a great part of the merchandise generally belongs,
to the prejudice of the citizens to whom is conceded the permission
by which favor is shown them. We order and command the governors to
observe the ordinance; and if they violate it, it will be placed as
a clause in their residencia. [Felipe III--Madrid, May 23, 1620.]
LAW XIX
The ships which shall be built for the trade between Filipinas and
Nueva España shall have and shall without fail carry their hearths
under the forecastle, and in no other part. In no case shall they be
carried above deck. [Felipe III--Madrid, May 29, 1620.]
LAW XLIX
The accommodations distributed to the officers in the ships of
Filipinas shall be moderate, and shall conform to the capacity of
the ships. The governor shall assign to each one the space which he
may occupy and fill, and he shall not exceed it. [Felipe III--Madrid,
May 29, 1620.]
LAW LI
In the enrollments of seamen which are made in Filipinas, it occurs
that a ship admits and carries sixty sailors, not thirty of whom are
of use, and in time of need there is no one to work; and there is
signal danger in so long and difficult a voyage. We order the governor
and captain-general always to provide and order that the sailors
and common seamen be effective. If our officials do not comply with
this, it shall be placed as a clause in their residencias. [Felipe
III--Madrid, May 29, 1620.]
LAW LIII
The Indian deck-hands on the ships of Filipinas shall all be from
that coast; and shall be clothed, in order to protect themselves
from the cold of the voyage. Our fiscal of the Audiencia of Manila
shall enroll, and take a memorandum of, the Indian deckhands who
shall be embarked. On the return from the voyage, he shall take
account from the ship's officers of the payments and treatment that
shall have been given the Indians. If any of them shall have died
from the causes above mentioned, complaint shall be lodged against
the guilty, until they are punished as a warning and example; and
it shall be a charge in their residencia against the said officers,
who must be obliged to give account of those Indians. If any Indian
die from sickness or accident, a report must be made of it in the
same vessel, as soon as it happens; and if they do not do that, and
the Indian dies, they shall be considered as confessed criminals,
guilty of the crime. [Felipe III--Madrid, May 29, 1620.]
LAW LV
Inasmuch as many slaves are usually carried in the ships from
Filipinas, who consume the provisions, we order and command that no
passenger or sailor shall take more than one slave, except persons
of rank, and that for good cause, and with careful restriction. And
inasmuch as the duties are paid in Acapulco on those who are sold
there, because of the inconvenience of paying them in Manila, we order
that the president and auditors of our royal Audiencia of Filipinas
provide that it be so observed and executed. [Felipe III--Madrid,
May 29, 1620.]
LAW LVII
We order that our royal Audiencia of Manila rate the amount of what
the mates on the ships shall exact in the port of Acapulco for the
guard of boxes, barrels, and other articles of merchandise. If this
be exceeded, claims may be made against them in their residencias at
the end of their voyages. [Felipe III--Madrid, May 29, 1620.]
LAW LXXVII
Some ships sail from the ports of Callao and Guayaquil to Nicaragua
and Guatemala, under pretext of going for pitch and other things, and
then often go from there to the port of Acapulco to lade Chinese cloth,
in return for a great sum of silver which they carry, practicing many
efforts and frauds. We order that under no consideration may any ships
or other vessels from the said ports or provinces of Perú go to that
of Acapulco; and that the viceroys shall order and take what measures
may be necessary so that this be obeyed and observed. They shall impose
what penalties they choose; and they shall execute those penalties on
the transgressors in a severe and exemplary manner. [Felipe IV--San
Lorenzo, October 20, 1621.]
LAW XXXVIII
We order and command the governors of Filipinas not to permit private
persons of those islands to despatch ships to Macan, Malaca, Siam,
Camboja, and other parts of that archipelago, or to take seamen or
soldiers in them; for it is advisable to have ships and a fleet ready
for the defense of Manila, which can be defended or garrisoned in no
other way; and they shall attend to the correction of this as a thing
so important, and shall give such orders as are most expedient. [Felipe
IV--Madrid, December 31, 1622.]
LAW LXIII
By reason of haste in the despatch [of the ships], the clerks of the
register are usually left, through forgetfulness, with some registers
which have been made of the merchandise; and, as the registers do
not appear, the judges condemn the goods as confiscated. We order the
viceroy and auditors of our royal Audiencia of Méjico that, when this
happens, they shall enact justice [1] so that the parties' right to
collect it shall remain free. [Felipe IV--Madrid, October 9, 1623.]
LAW XXII
The governors and captains-general of the Filipinas Islands and Maluco,
and our other judges and justices, shall observe and shall cause to
be observed all the privileges, immunities, and exemptions of the
artillerymen on that route and commerce, and of those who live at
the ports, forts, and fortifications, which for that reason belong
to them, in respect to the trade of the Indias from these kingdoms
to those islands, in accordance with título 22 of this book. [2]
[Felipe IV--Madrid, December 6, 1624.]
LAW LXXIX
We permit the viceroys, auditors, governors, royal officials, and
government agents who shall have been appointed, and who have to go
by way of the South Sea from Nueva España to Petú, and from there to
Nueva España, to take their property registered, if they swear that it
is their own and not another's under penalty of incurring confiscation
[of the same]. [Felipe IV--Madrid (?), October 5, 1626.]
LAW LXII
We declare and order that the valuation of merchandise taken to Nueva
España from Filipinas shall be made in Méjico by an accountant of
the bureau of accounts, an officer of our royal treasury of the said
city, and one of the members of the consulate of the said city. The
viceroy shall appoint them every year, one fortnight before the said
valuations are to be made, and he shall have special care in the
making such appointment. In case that there shall be any discord
between the three said persons, the viceroy shall appoint another
accountant and royal official other than the first, so that these may
meet with them. That measure which has two votes shall be adopted,
even though they be but two who are in complete harmony. And if
they should not be in harmony, and should be two to two of different
opinions, they shall have recourse to the viceroy; and the decision
of that side with which he shall agree shall be put into execution,
without reply or contradiction. [3] [Felipe IV--Madrid, June 4, 1627.]
LAW LXVII
We order all the judges and justices before whom Chinese cloth shall
be denounced as being contraband, not to condemn it as confiscated;
but to send it to these kingdoms in a separate account directed to
the president and official judges of the House of Trade of Sevilla,
so that it may be sent from there to the treasurer of our Council of
the Indias. Thus shall it be done on all the occasions that arise. [4]
[Felipe III--Madrid, April 18, 1617; Felipe IV--Madrid, March 3, 1629.]
LAW L
The commander and officers whom the governor of Filipinas appoints
for the ships sailing to Nueva España, shall not be aided with pay
for more than four months, both in Méjico and Filipinas. At the
termination of the trip, their accounts shall be balanced, and the
remainder for the time while they shall have served, and no more,
shall be paid them. [Felipe IV--Madrid, December 14, 1630.]
LAW XIII
Our fiscal of the Audiencia of Filipinas shall, according to the
settled custom, be present at the inspection of ships which is made
in the port of Manila, on those ships which come from Nueva España
and other parts; and he shall denounce those which carry more than
what is permitted. The judges who shall try the cause shall apply the
merchandise denounced to our royal exchequer, and shall punish the
guilty rigorously. [Felipe III--Madrid, May 4, 1619; Felipe IV--Madrid,
March 25, 1633.]
LAW LXXIII
In the court trials regarding the seizures of smuggled goods from
China which shall be seized in Perú, what shall pertain to the
denouncers--namely, their third part--shall be paid to them immediately
in money, provided it does not pass or exceed that ordered by laws
of título 17, libro 8, which treat of seizures of smuggled goods,
irregularities, and confiscations; and provided that the money be
not taken from our royal treasury under any consideration, but from
expenses of justice or fines forfeited to the treasury, or from
the proceeds from merchandise or other articles which generally
come with those that are contraband and outside the register, which
are not from China, or of those prohibited to be sold or traded in
Perú. We charge the viceroys to advise us on all occasions, with
specification, of these denunciations, and of the part given to
the denouncer, and in what quantity and kind, making us a clear and
distinct relation. [Felipe IV--Madrid, March 31, 1633.]
LAW XXXI
It was ordered that the ships that go from Nueva España to Filipinas
must sail from the port of Acapulco by the end of March, without
extending even a day into April. And inasmuch as we are informed
that that is inconvenient, we order that the ships be prepared with
all that is necessary by December, so that at the end of that month,
they may leave the said port of Acapulco, so that they may be able to
arrive at the said islands, at the latest, some time in March. It is
our will that this be executed inviolably, and it will be made a charge
of omission in the residencia of the viceroys of Nueva España; and,
if they do not so do, we shall consider ourselves disserved. [Felipe
IV--Madrid, August 26, 1633.]
LAW XXV
We order the viceroys of Nueva España to give the necessary orders,
and to take suitable precautions, that the provision which is made
annually for the departure of the ships which sail from the port
of Acapulco to Filipinas be made there very seasonably, so that the
ships may not be detained, or those who are to embark suffer because
of the short time allowed for departure or the inadequate provision
of food. [Felipe IV--Madrid, September 30, 1633.]
LAW LXI
Inasmuch as it has come to our notice that the agents and officials
of our royal treasury at the port of Acapulco maltreat the sailors and
others who come from the Filipinas Islands, and cause them much trouble
and vexation, by obliging them to give up what they carry, obtained
through so long and arduous a voyage: we order the viceroys of Nueva
España to have the matter examined, and the guilty punished. They
shall establish what remedy seems to them most effective, so that
like offenses may be avoided. [Felipe IV--Madrid, September 30, 1633.]
LAW III
It is usual for the governor and captain-general of Filipinas to
appoint a person for the inspection of the Chinese ships when they
come with their merchandise to the city of Manila. That person is
usually one of his household, and from it follow certain injuries,
and no one dares to demand satisfaction. We order the said governor
and the royal Audiencia of Manila to meet to discuss this matter,
and to choose a suitable person for this office. They shall endeavor
to select one fitted for this task, and acceptable to the natives
and foreigners. They shall take in this regard the measures which
are expedient, and shall always advise us through our Council of the
Indias of the person whom they shall elect, and of all else necessary
for the good of that community. [Felipe III--San Lorenzo, August 25,
1620; Felipe IV--Madrid, November 10, 1634.]
LAW XIV
We order that money from Nueva España shall not be sent to Filipinas
in excess of what is permitted; and all that is found en route from
Acapulco without a written permit, beyond the apportionment made of
the five hundred thousand pesos permitted, shall be confiscated and
applied to our treasury and exchequer. The driver who shall carry such
money shall incur the confiscation of his beasts of burden and slaves,
and a fine of two thousand Castilian ducados, applied in the same way
[as the above], and the stewards in charge of the illegal funds shall
be punished with ten years' service in Terrenate. [Felipe IV--Madrid,
January 30, 1635.]
LAW XLIII
The governors of Filipinas appoint commander, admiral, and officers
for the ships which sail to Nueva España; and in case of the death
or absence of these, they make appointments of other persons, in
accordance with the usual procedure. And inasmuch as it is advisable
to do this, we order our viceroys of Nueva España to observe and
cause to be observed what is ordained in this regard, and the custom
which has always been observed, without making any innovation. [Felipe
IV--Madrid, February 5, 1635.]
LAW XXXVI
We charge and order the governors of Filipinas to be very careful to
see that the shipyards do not lack lumber for the repair of ships,
rigging, war-stores, and food; and that they provide throughout a
sufficient supply of these articles and of all else necessary, with
careful precaution. [Felipe IV--Madrid, February 21, 1635.]
[Although the final dates of the two following laws are later than
1635, they are here included in order to keep the laws of this título
together.]
LAW XXXII
The ships which are to be despatched and to sail from the Filipinas
Islands for Nueva España shall depart in the month of June; for there
is great danger of their having to put back or of being wrecked if they
sail later. We order the governor and captain-general of those islands
to have it observed and executed accordingly. But this must be after
holding a council of persons experienced in that navigation--so that,
having heard and weighed their opinions, the most advisable measures
may be enacted. [Felipe IV--Madrid, December 31, 1622; January 27,
1631; February 14, 1660.]
LAW XLI
The overseer and accountant of these voyages shall have everything in
charge, and they shall set down and keep in their books an account of
what is laden in merchandise, and what is carried on the return trip
of the ships. They shall be chosen from persons who are well approved,
who have given satisfaction, and are trustworthy, and they shall be
given the proper and sufficient salary, which shall not exceed two
thousand ducados apiece for the voyage; for they shall not lade any
quantity of merchandise, under penalty of the fines imposed by law 48
of this título. [5] We order that they sail going and coming, one in
the flagship and the other in the almiranta, alternating in all the
voyages. The governor shall give them the instructions which they are
to observe during the voyage. Their residencia must be taken as soon
as the voyage is finished, as is done with the other officers of that
fleet, before they can sail on another voyage. [Felipe III--Madrid,
May 23, 1620; Cárlos II (in this _Recopilación_).]
ROYAL DECREES, 1633-35
The King. To the Marqués de Cerralvo, my relative, member of my Council
of War, my viceroy, governor, and captain-general of those provinces of
Nueva España, and president of my royal treasury therein; or the person
or persons to whose charge the government of them may be entrusted: the
king my sovereign and father (whom may holy paradise keep!) ordered to
be issued, and did issue, a decree (which is found at folio 163 verso,
of this same volume, number 144). [6] And now Don Juan Grau Monfalcon,
procurator-general of the city of Manila of the Filipinas Islands,
has related to me that, as is well known, there is great need of
sailors and seamen in the navigation of the said Filipinas Islands,
and that, for the islands to obtain these men it is advisable that good
treatment and [an opportunity for] passage be given to them in the
seaports; and that they be granted some means of gain, so that they
might, by reason of that self-interest, be encouraged and induced to
serve in the voyages--shielding them from the annoyances inflicted
upon them by the officials at the said ports. He has petitioned me
that I be pleased so to order, and that their chests be not opened;
that permission be granted them so that each seaman may carry up to
seven thousand pesos of investments in that voyage, in which is to be
included the quantity which they have hitherto been permitted to carry;
and that the castellan and my other employees at the port of Acapulco
shall cause them neither vexations nor injuries. The matter having
been examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, I have considered
it fitting to issue the present, by which I order you to observe
and fulfil, and to cause to be observed and fulfilled, the decree
herein incorporated, _in toto_ and exactly as is therein contained,
and that you do not violate it or pass beyond its tenor and form. [7]
In its fulfilment, you shall give what orders may be necessary, so
that care may be taken of those men at the port of Acapulco and so
that all proper facilities and despatch may be accorded them. Madrid,
September 30, 1633.
_I the King_
By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Francisco Ruiz de Contreras_
The King. To my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas
islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein. Don Juan Grau
y Monfalcon, procurator-general of that city, has informed me that I
ordered, by a decree of May 23, 1620, that the cargo of the ships be
distributed to the inhabitants with all fairness; but that, contrary
to the orders therein contained the governors have introduced the
custom of giving a part of the cargoes to the sailors and seamen,
and to the soldiers, hospitals, works of charity, clerics, and their
own servants, as also to the auditors, fiscals, and officials of my
royal treasury, whereby the favor that had been shown the inhabitants
has been diminished. He also states that Don Juan Niño de Tavora
tried to make the said allotment, although it belonged to the city;
and that the people most needy, and those to whom there are greater
obligations, did not enjoy the benefit of this favor. He petitioned
me to be pleased to order that those decrees which have been given be
observed, since that city has served me, and always serves me with the
love and zeal which has been experienced--and lately, notwithstanding
the losses that they suffered in the flagship which sank in that port,
they gave me an offering of four thousand ducados; and that, whenever
that allotment be made, it be with the consent of my governor and the
approval of the city. By that means the complaints and dissatisfaction
among them will be avoided. The matter having been examined in my royal
Council of the Yndias, I have deemed it best to order and command you,
as I do order and command you, to observe and fulfil, and cause to
be observed and fulfilled, the things that are ordered by virtue of
decrees, and the orders that have been given, since you see how just
it is to give entire satisfaction to the parties [concerned]; and that
your measures be such that those allotments be made with all equity
and justice, preventing the quarrels and complaints that might arise
on that account if the contrary were permitted. Madrid, March 10, 1634.
_I the King_
By order of his Majesty:
_Don Gabriel de Ocaña Y Alarcon_
The King. To Marqués de Cerralvo, my relative, member of my Council
of War, governor and captain-general of the provinces of Nueva
España, and president of my royal Audiencia therein: Don Juan Grau y
Monfalcon, procurator-general of the city of Manila, has informed me
that there is great need of sailors and soldiers in those islands,
and that they need at least 2,200 soldiers for the defense of those
islands--600 being assigned to the city; in the fort and redoubt, 100;
in the fort of Cavite, another 100; in the galleys, a like number;
in Cibu and Caragua, 200; in the island of Hermosa and Cagayan,
400; and in Terrenate, 600. There can be no security without them,
and although some reënforcements are sent from Nueva España, as these
are so few those needs are not remedied. It is also necessary that the
ships that sail from Acapulco to the said islands leave at the latest
by the twenty-fifth of March, because of the troubles that result
if the contrary be done. He petitioned me to order you to make the
reënforcements to the fullest extent possible, and to send annually at
least four hundred soldiers, eight hundred and fifty sailors and the
artillerymen that you can send, since the conservation of the islands
depends on them. The matter having been examined in my Council of
War of the Yndias, I have considered it fitting to give the present,
by which I charge and order you to fulfil in both matters the commands
of my decrees in this regard. Madrid, March 10, 1634.
_I the King_
By order of his Majesty:
_Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon_
The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of
Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands,
and president of my royal Audiencia resident therein, or the person
or persons in whose charge their government may be: Don Juan Grau y
Monfalcon, procurator-general of that city, has informed me that that
said city has been granted, for its fortification, the proceeds of
the income from the monopoly on playing-cards and other articles, and
that the money that has been received from those sources was always
paid into the fortification fund; but that, in violation of that,
Don Juan Niño de Tabora, my former governor of those islands, ordered
that the said sums be placed in my royal treasury, as was done. On
that account, the money that is so necessary for the different works,
the repairs, and fortifications that arise daily, is lacking. He says
that the city having petitioned the governor to have the sums that
belonged to the said fund returned, he refused to comply; but on the
contrary ordered that the city furnish, from its communal property,
all that was thus placed in my royal treasury. He petitioned me to
be pleased to have my royal decree issued ordering that no room be
given for such innovation, that the city and its council might spend
and distribute their communal funds freely, as they have always done,
since that pertains to the city; and that the kinds of income that
have been customary in the past be placed therein and in no other
fund. The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the
Yndias, I have considered it fitting to give the present, by which
I order you to cause to be observed and fulfilled exactly the orders
that were given and commanded in this regard before the said Don Juan
Niño de Tavora made this innovation. Madrid, September 9, 1634.
_I the King_
By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon_
The King. To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the
Filipinas Islands: Don Juan Gran y Monfalcon, procurator-general of
that city, has reported to me that the Portuguese nation who are living
in Eastern Yndia have attempted trade and commerce with those islands,
to the detriment of the Sangleys who go to sell their merchandise
at that city; and that that intercourse was already established,
contrary to the orders and decrees that have been given, to the
very great damage and prejudice of my royal treasury and the good
government of the islands. He petitioned me to be pleased to have a
speedy and efficacious remedy applied to so grave a matter and one
of so great importance. All the papers that were presented in regard
to this matter, together with what my fiscal declared and alleged
therein, having been examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, I
have considered it fitting to send you a copy of them so that you may
examine them; and, should the relation made therein appear to you to
be correct, you shall immediately apply the remedy for this injury. By
another decree, [8] I order my fiscal of my Audiencia there to take
up that case, and to plead all that he shall deem advisable for the
advantage and increase of my royal treasury, and the observance of
the orders and decrees that have been issued, since that pertains to
him by reason of his office. You shall continue to advise me of all
steps that you shall take, and of what you shall do in the future,
in this matter. Madrid, November 10, 1634.
_I the King_
By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon_
The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, whom I have appointed
as my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands,
and president of my royal Audiencia therein: a letter which was
written to me under date of the former year 633, by Don Juan Cerezo de
Salamanca, my governor _ad interim_ of the said islands, on a matter of
government, has been received by my royal Council of the Yndias, and
answer is given in this present letter. He says that the relationship
with Japon has been destroyed because the Dutch have angered that
king by their accustomed trickery, under pretext of the religious
who have preached--by reason of which, fearful of new conquests, all
his oldtime friendship has been converted in those parts into hatred,
and he makes use of severe methods with the Catholics--and that many
of the said religious who have gone to that kingdom have acted with
some imprudence, causing more trouble than gain. For the remedy of
that, he considers it advisable to charge the provincials not to
grant such licenses. Notwithstanding that that has been commanded on
other occasions, as you will understand by the decrees that have been
issued, it has seemed best to me to advise you of it, so that you may
pay heed to this matter, and so that you may take such measures as are
most advisable for my service and the conservation of those islands.
He also advises us that there is a lack of people in those islands,
and that their inhabitants are decreasing in number by reason of
the unhealthful climate; and that it would be important to provide a
remedy for that, because of the need for it. I charge you to avoid,
as far as possible, the giving of passports for granting passage from
the islands. The viceroy of Nueva España is ordered to have a care
in this, and to send more people than is his regular custom. Madrid,
February 16, 1635.
_I the King_
By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon_
The King. To the auditors of my royal Audiencia of the Filipinas
Islands: the letter which you wrote me under date of August 8 of the
former year 1633 has been received and examined in my royal Council
of the Yndias, and answer is made to you in this present letter.
The reformation that you have made in the licenses that were given by
the government for rice-wine stills, in which so great a quantity of
rice was consumed, is well advised for the present, as it is beneficial
to the common welfare; and if you shall encounter any difficulties
in regard to this in the future, you shall advise me of them.
You say that when that Audiencia was governing because of the death of
Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenza, they began to introduce the inspection
of the prisons of the Parián and of Tondo, on the Saturday of each
week, as they are very near that city. Afterward in the time of
the other governors, that custom was dropped, as they thought that
it deprived them of some of their gubernatorial powers. As it is
advisable that more attention be given to the alcaldes-mayor, and
that certain annoyances to the prisoners be avoided, the said visits
were continued, as they were so advisable to the service of God our
Lord and to my own. I charge you to continue them for the present,
if there is no disadvantage to prevent it.
The efforts that you have made in regard to the building of a galleon
that is being constructed, in the province of Camarines, have met
my approval.
As for the encomenderos who may have recourse to that Audiencia beyond
the limits of its commission, whose encomiendas were declared vacant
by the visitor, as they had failed to secure their confirmations
within the specified time, justice will be done to the parties when
they come to ask for what is necessary for them.
In regard to the allotment of the lading-space in the ships, that
you made to the inhabitants of that city, in accordance with the
agreement that was made for that purpose, it is approved. Madrid,
February 16, 1635.
_I the King_
By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon_
The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of
Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands,
and president of my royal Audiencia therein: I have been informed
that the reënforcements for Terrenate are the matters that give most
anxiety to those who serve me in that government, and that these are
made at great risk and at great expense to my treasury; that that
of the former year 1632 had gone there in very creditable manner,
because it was carried by a fortified ship, which could act defensively
and offensively against the Dutch; that on account of the information
received that the enemy was preparing to await with greater forces the
ship that was to sail in the year 633, the reënforcements were prepared
in two war galleons; that, in the future, the attempt would be made
to send all the reënforcements with two entire infantry companies,
so that two other companies could return thence--by which method [the
garrison of] that presidio will be changed every three years, and all
the companies of the army will share the work equally; and that it was
advisable for my service that I order you to do this with exactness,
since trouble arises by sending parts of companies, as only the
favored ones leave that presidio, and by exchanging entire companies
all will enjoy the privilege of all the aforesaid. Accordingly, I have
thought best to order and command you, as I do order and command you,
to see to it that remnants of companies are not sent to Terrenate;
but that entire companies go, in the form and manner herein contained,
so that entire companies of those who are exchanged may return. You
shall advise me of whatever you shall enact in this matter. Madrid,
November 5, 1635.
_I the King_
By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Gabriel de Ocaña Y Alarcon_
MEMORIAL TO THE KING BY JUAN GRAO Y MONFALCON IN THE YEAR 1635
_The procurator-general of the city of Manila and the Philipinas
Islands, to his Majesty. He considers the reasons why it is advisable
to pay careful attention to the preservation of those islands; and
entreats his Majesty to have the collection of the two per cent duty
recently imposed on merchandise shipped for the commerce of Nueva
España discontinued._
Sire:
Don Juan Grao y Monfalcon, procurator-general for the distinguished
and loyal city of Manila, the metropolis and capital of the Filipinas
Islands, declares that the preservation and protection of these islands
are of the utmost consideration and importance, and deserve the most
careful attention, on account of the great advantages and profits
which they afford--to say nothing of the principal consideration,
namely, the service of God, and the propagation of religion and the
Catholic faith. In the aforesaid city and in the other islands that
faith is established, and will steadily become stronger, increasing and
spreading not only among those but other and neighboring islands. This
is especially true in Great China and Japon, which from continual
intercourse and friendly relations with the said Filipinas Islands
may--if the Christian faith is preserved and permanently maintained
in the latter, and as deeply rooted and as pure and constant as at
present--look, in the said matter of religion, for felicitous and
great results. The same [may be said] for what concerns the service
of your Majesty, and the profitable and advantageous increase of the
royal estate, since even the profits which your Majesty at present
enjoys and possesses in the said city and the other islands are many,
and of great importance. For in one village alone, which they call
Parián, an arquebus-shot from the said city [of Manila], more than
twenty thousand Chinese Indians called Sangleys, and in the other
islands over ten thousand more, have all come from Great China and
Japon for their own private affairs and interests. It is they who
build up and maintain the greater part of the traffic and commerce
of the islands. From that result the trade with Nueva España, and
the ships which sail thither annually, laden with many different
kinds of merchandise (carried [to Manila] and bartered by the said
Sangleys)--such as much gold (wrought, and in sheets); diamonds,
rubies, and other gems, besides a great quantity of pearls; many silk
textiles of all colors--taffetas, damasks, satins, silk grograms,
and velvets--and raw silk; a quantity of white and black cotton cloth;
amber, civet, musk, and storax. Thence arises annually great gain to
the royal treasury, on account of the many considerable duties which
are paid and collected--both when the ships leave the said city of
Manila, and their islands and ports, and in that of Acapulco; and
later, when they enter Nueva España and the City of Mexico. There,
when the ships leave for the said Filipinas, the duties are doubled,
as well as in the said port of Acapulco, by those duties anew incurred
and paid, the [trade of the] said Sangleys being a great part in
this receipt [_adquisicion_]. Of no less consideration is the tribute
which the Sangleys pay to the royal treasury for their license, and
right of entrance and residence in the said village of the Parián,
and in the other islands where they reside. Since the said Sangleys
number thirty [thousand], they pay in most years an annual sum of two
hundred and seventy thousand reals of eight (which means nine reals of
eight for each license), which are placed in the royal treasury. In
the islands of Pintados and other islands which belong to the said
Filipinas, there are one hundred and fourteen thousand two hundred and
seventeen Indians, all paying tribute to the royal treasury. Their
conservation is very necessary, as they are no longer wild and are
excellent workmen, and for that reason are people of utility and
profit for any occasion that may arise--especially as there are also
many gold mines in the said islands, whence is obtained a quantity
of gold. There are also other fruits of the land in great abundance,
especially wax, cotton, large cattle, swine, fowls, rice, and civet,
besides other innumerable products and means of gain. All of this
tells and publishes the great importance of the said city and its
islands, and of their preservation; and the many incomparable wrongs
which would follow if the said city, the capital of the others, were
to become depopulated, ruined, or destroyed. It is very near to that,
because of the great and continual misfortunes and disasters which the
inhabitants of it have suffered and are suffering, caused by fires
that have destroyed almost the entire city and the property of the
said inhabitants, and the shipwreck and loss of many different vessels,
which have been miserably wrecked during the usual voyage from the said
city to Nueva España, with the destruction of the goods and wealth of
the said inhabitants which are carried in the ships. The effects from
so many and so large losses last and will last always; for those losses
have ruined and impoverished the inhabitants to a degree very different
from what one can imagine and explain. Consequently, if the generosity,
magnificence, and powerful hand of your Majesty do not protect it,
one can and must fear the very certain ruin and destruction of the
said city and of the other islands, which are under its government
and protection. From that [ruin] will follow great and intolerable
disadvantages and losses to the disservice of the royal crown, the
loss of that land and community, and (what is most reprehensible)
that of religion and the Catholic faith. Although this is so deeply
rooted in the said city and in the other islands, it would be lost,
if the Dutch gained possession of Manila, as they have done of
many neighboring islands and forts: namely, the island of Motiel;
that of Maquien, where the Dutch have two forts, named Talagora and
Mosaquia; the island of Ambueno, where the above-mentioned people
are fortified with considerable artillery and a Dutch population;
that of Xacadra, where the said Dutchmen have their capital and where
a captain-general and an Audiencia composed of four auditors reside,
and a settlement and population of one thousand Dutch inhabitants;
the islands of Xaba Major and Minor, and that of Mindanao. In some
of those islands they have established their factories, where they
collect what they pillage, and [carry on] their trade with the Chinese
and other nations. They gather in the said islands (whose products
consist of cloves, pepper, and nutmeg) an exceedingly great quantity
[of this produce], for which three ships are annually despatched
to Olanda, laden with more than three thousand five hundred and
fifty valas [_i.e., bares_ = bahars] of cloves (each vale [_sic_]
containing four hundred and sixty libras), with a great quantity of
pepper, and of the said nutmeg and its mace; also silks, cinnamon,
and other products. Hence they are extremely well fortified in the
said islands, as well as in others, as they have an understanding
with the surrounding kings. For the king of Daquen gives them eighty
thousand ducados annually in order to have them protect his country,
and so that his vassals may go and navigate safely in those straits on
their trade and traffic with the islands surrounding his kingdom. All
of that obliges the said city of Manila and its other islands to be
more watchful and to maintain larger forces and supplies. For were
there neglect in this, the power and invasion of the said Dutch,
who have so frequented and learned the said straits (of which they
have so thoroughly taken possession and with so many forces, as above
narrated), could be feared.
Although the said city and its inhabitants have been and are always
very careful and vigilant (as is very well known); defending,
at the cost of their lives and goods, the land from the incessant
bombardments, surprises, and attacks of the said Dutch, with the
forced obligation of very generally keeping their arms in readiness
all the time; enduring a servile life full of annoyance and danger,
although they could leave it, and it would be better and more worth
living if it were less grievous, and free from so many dangers
and difficulties: nevertheless they endure them, in consideration
of the service of your Majesty, and in continuation of the many
services which they have rendered in the defense and preservation of
that country; and hoping that the greatness and liberality of your
Majesty will protect and relieve them, so that they may accomplish
their purpose better. Particularly do they ask that you order to be
repealed the collection of the two per cent, the imposition of which
was ordered by a decree of the former year six hundred and four on the
merchandise exported from the said islands to the said Nueva España,
in addition to the three per cent paid on them by the merchants of
the said city--which heard and received notice of the said royal
decree in the year of six hundred and seven, while Don Rodrigo de
Vibero was governor. At that time the decree was not made effective
or fulfilled, as the difficulty and great disadvantages that accompany
it were recognized. Consequently, it remained in that condition until
the year six hundred and eleven, when the collection of the said duty
was again charged to Governor Don Juan de Sirva [_i.e.,_ Silva]. He,
trying to carry out its provisions, recognized the same difficulties,
for the many reasons advanced by the city, which were so just and
relevant that they obliged him to call a treasury council. Having there
discussed and conferred upon those reasons, and it having been seen
that they were so urgent and necessary that they strictly prevented
and ought to prevent the execution of the said royal decree of 604,
he suspended it for the time being, giving your Majesty notice
[thereof]. The decree remained in this condition until the year
six hundred and twenty-five, in which the royal officials again
discussed the matter of the collection of the said two per cent,
during the government of Don Fernando de Silva. He, recognizing
the same obstacles, and that those obstacles were much greater then
because of the worse condition and the notable change and damage to
which the affairs of the said city had come--the property, traffic,
and means of gain of its inhabitants--with a great reduction and
difference from that which they had in the said year of six hundred
and seven, concurred with what had been provided by his predecessor,
the said Don Juan de Silva, and ordered that no innovation be made
in it. The same was done by the governor who succeeded him, Don
Juan Niño de Tabora. Thus, the said governors, as each confronted
the matter, always came to see very plainly the said difficulties,
which at present are not only of the above-mentioned character, but
are impossible to overcome because of the condition of affairs, the
poverty of the inhabitants, and the great decrease and diminution of
the trade and commerce of former times. That is given more prominence
by the efforts of the visitor, Licentiate Don Francisco de Rojas,
who made strenuous efforts to have the collection of the two per
cent carried out. Nevertheless, he saw with his own eyes the said
disadvantages that resulted from the said collection. One of them
was the resolution of the inhabitants not to export their goods and
merchandise; nor could they do so, because of the great losses,
both past and present, which they have encountered. This is the
greatest damage that can happen to the royal treasury; for if the
export and commerce ceases, not only will the said two per cent be
lacking, but also the old three per cent which has always been paid,
as well as the other three per cent which was lately imposed upon the
merchandise which the Chinese Indians bring to the said city and the
Filipinas Islands. Accordingly, if the commerce of the islands with
Nueva España fails, it is certain and infallible that that of the said
Chinese, which forms the whole export to Nueva España, will also fail.
Therefore, the said visitor, notwithstanding the great desire
which he showed of putting the said collection into execution,
did not dare to do it; but considered it better to suspend it, and
report to your Majesty. Although he tried to have it collected as a
voluntary service for the future, the citizens, seeing their great
lack of wealth, could not conform to that measure, although for that
time only they gave a subsidy of four thousand pesos, on condition
that it should not serve as a precedent for the future, and that
there should be no further talk of the said collection [of the said
two per cent] until, after your Majesty had examined it, a suitable
decision should be adopted. They petition your Majesty to be pleased
to consider the very necessary and urgent causes and reasons why the
said collection of the said two per cent should not be carried on,
but that its execution be abrogated, which are as follows:
First, that the motive and cause declared in the said decree of six
hundred and four for the said imposition, was the declaration that
there was suffering because of the great profits of those who were
trading and trafficking in the Filipinas commerce. It was said that the
profits were one hundred per cent, and at times two hundred. Although
the said Sangleys, antecedent to the said year of six hundred and four,
brought the merchandise from China to the said city, and sold it at
prices so low that when taken and sold in Nueva España it allowed
a very great profit: still that ceased many years ago, from the said
year of six hundred and four, when the Dutch enemy and pirates began to
continue in and infest those islands with many different plunderings
of the merchandise that the Chinese ships brought to the said city
of Manila. On that account the said trade has gone on diminishing
from day to day, very fast and steadily, to the pass to which the
said Dutch have brought it by their pursuit and pillaging of the said
Chinese ships. From that has resulted the ruin of the said commerce,
and for the same reason the profits of it [have declined] to so great
a degree that scarcely can one now buy one pico of silk for the price
that he formerly paid for two and one-half picos. This has been the
reason why, since the merchandise of the Chinese was lacking to the
inhabitants for their investments, they have had to buy the goods
from the Portuguese of Macan, at prices so high and excessive that
they make no considerable profit in Nueva España. Consequently, the
profits that the inhabitants of Manila formerly had have come to be
made by the said Portuguese of Macan. Thus the reason and motive for
the said royal decree has entirely and surely disappeared; and this
same fact ought to do away with its ruling.
The second reason also is founded on the expense and cost that had
to be incurred for the security and defense of the trading ships
from the said islands to Nueva España, with the fifty soldiers,
military captain, and other officers; that the said ships had to be
of a certain tonnage; and that for this reason of the said expenses
and costs, the said decree ordered the imposition of the said two
per cent in order that it should be unnecessary to have recourse to
the royal treasury. It ordered the proceeds therefrom to be deposited
in a separate fund and account, for the said expenses which had to be
incurred with the said ships and their crews. That reason likewise has
had no effect, for the said expenses have not been made, nor are they
made; nor do the said military captain, soldiers, or other officers
sail in the said ships. Neither are the said ships--those that there
are--of the said burden and tonnage, but smaller. Therefore the said
expenses and costs cease, upon which the said decree is grounded;
accordingly, that which is ruled and ordered by it ceases, for the
reason stated, and, indeed, should cease.
Third, because by the former year of six hundred and eleven, the said
governor, Don Juan de Silva, seeing the unsatisfactory method and
arrangements existing for the collection of the said two per cent,
tried to supply it--and did so--by the method that he thought least
harmful, and of greater profit to the royal treasury--namely, to impose
in its stead another duty of three per cent on the merchandise brought
by the Chinese to sell in the said city of Manila. But, although
the said imposition is ostensibly on the said Chinese, it comes, in
fact, to be imposed on the inhabitants of Manila themselves; for the
latter, being the purchasers, necessarily have to pay more, the Chinese
sellers taking into consideration the new charge and imposition which
has been levied on them. Consequently, the said two per cent has come
to have actual effect and with greater profit by the said three per
cent substituted in its place, which fact the said governor, Don Juan
de Silva, had in mind. If the decree were again to be carried out,
it would mean a double imposition for the above-mentioned damages
and obstacles, and there would be no possibility of executing it.
Fourth, because the royal duties which the inhabitants pay on
the said investments that they make, are very great; for on every
thousand pesos of principal that they invest the duties in the said
city and in Nueva España amount to two hundred and seventy pesos and
more, while the cost and expense incidental to the said investments
amount to two hundred and eighty pesos more. Consequently, the said
royal duties alone for each one thousand pesos invested inevitably
amount, as is well known, to five hundred and fifty pesos. Therefore,
within four years, setting aside the said costs and expenses, the
said inhabitants come to pay more than the said one thousand pesos
of capital for the said royal duties. The same thing happens in the
same proportion when larger sums are invested.
The fifth springs directly from the preceding reason; for since the
said duties and said costs and expenses are so great, and the profits
so slight and uncertain, as above stated, the said inhabitants cannot
continue the said trade and commerce of Filipinas with Nueva España;
for to do that would be a poor management and administration of their
possessions, carrying them over seas at so many risks, and in danger
of catastrophes such as generally happen, which are daily becoming
greater; while there is no profit, or so little that, with the said
two per cent, the profits will be of little or no consideration, for
which they will not expose their goods and capital to so great a risk.
Sixth, because, if the said collection and enforcement of the said two
per cent were to be insisted upon, it would be a foregone conclusion
that the inhabitants would abandon the said trade and commerce, and
would not make the said investments, for the reasons stated above. That
has proved to be so on the occasions on which the said collection has
been discussed with some warmth--and especially when the said visitor,
Licentiate Don Francisco de Rojas, tried to effect it, when the said
inhabitants were firm and were resolved not to appraise, register,
or lade anything in the ships, which were all ready to sail to Nueva
España. Thereupon the said visitor thought it advisable and necessary
to repeal the said enforcement. Although the inhabitants, on that
occasion, because of the great pressure exerted and the advantageous
reasons put forward by the visitor, offered to aid with a gift of
four thousand pesos, it was with the said condition that it was to
be for only that one time, and with the said condition that nothing
was to be said of the said collection.
Seventh, the great damage and injury that would assuredly follow to
the royal treasury if the said commerce were abandoned; for since
the said three per cent that is first collected as a customs duty,
and the other three per cent imposed anew in the said year of six
hundred and eleven, amount and are worth a very great sum and number
of pesos annually to the royal treasury, that sum will not increase
with the imposition of the said two per cent, but, on the contrary,
both the one and the other duty will be lost; or at least they will
be reduced to a very great loss, damage, and diminution of the royal
treasury, and the reason therefor is very clear and evident. For
in every year, and in that of the imposition of the two per cent of
which we are treating, the duty amounted to about four thousand; and
to that amount now, without the imposition of the said two per cent,
all the inhabitants of the said city, both rich and poor, trade and
traffic. By that means are caused the said customs duties not only at
departure from the said city of Manila, but at entrance into the said
City of Mexico, and on their returns afterward, from the investments,
and on the kinds of merchandise that are sent back by the same ports
and places to be traded at the said city of Manila. For since the
number of those who traffic is large, the said duties which are
caused and paid are also large. But if the said two per cent be put
in force, although it may be stated that some of the said inhabitants
will continue to trade, they would be very few; and the trade would
be reduced to those who are richest and those with most capital, who
are not many. But among all the others who are not rich, money and
capital would fail, and they would refuse to [trade] and could not
risk their little capital without gain or profit, as they will have
no profit with the said two per cent. And it would not be right or
expedient, for the sake of the said new imposition (since the reasons
and motives for it are lacking, as above stated), to place the income
and value of the said customs duties in danger and peril, as it is so
great and considerable, or to risk that of the other three per cent
of the said year 611--the one dependent on and inseparable from the
other; for, beyond all doubt, both would fail if the said commerce
failed or diminished. The said danger can be regarded as certain,
both for the abandonment of the said commerce and of the colony of
those islands; and that would allow the Dutch, who are so powerful
in the surrounding islands, as above stated, to gain an entrance in
them, for the lack of troops caused by the said imposition. That is a
matter which your Majesty should have examined with great attention,
because of the many precedents that have been seen in like cases in
these kingdoms [_i.e._, of España] with the great injury and loss to
the royal treasury which could not be restored later--as happened
in the increase [of the tax] on playing cards, one real more than
the usual tax being imposed. That income, being valued at that said
time at from forty-four to forty-five million maravedis annually in
the three districts of Castilla, Toledo, and Andalucia, dropped to
twenty-two millions because of the new imposition, thereby losing a
like sum annually. And, although the damage was afterward seen, and the
attempt was made to correct it by repealing the said new imposition,
and reducing the tax to the old amount, the amendment did not follow;
for because of the frauds and cheats caused by the said income in its
first condition, it never returned to that condition, and remained with
the annual loss and decrease of fourteen million maravedis from what it
had at the time of the said new imposition. The same thing happened in
the thirty per cent which was imposed on the trade of foreign merchants
while the court was in Valladolid. The result of that was that the
foreign merchants abandoned the commerce, and looked for new methods,
applying themselves to gaining a foothold in the Eastern Indias. The
said imposition was thus the reason for the many important lands and
ports of which the foreigners have gained possession and which they
hold, which we have lost for the said reason. Both these instances
are very certain, well-known, public, and notorious.
The eighth reason, a very urgent and cogent one, is that since the year
six hundred and seven, when the said commerce was in a much better
condition, and the said Dutch had not begun to make their raids, or
all the great damages that they have inflicted on the said islands and
those near by, and on the said Sangleys and Chinese--nevertheless,
the said governors, Don Rodrigo de Vivero, Don Juan de Silva, and
Don Juan Niño de Tabora (who succeeded him), seeing the difficulties
involved in the said imposition, did not consider it advisable,
nor did they dare, to put it into force. Much less could it be done
today, after the lapse of almost thirty years, at a time when the
inhabitants are suffering from so great distress and necessity,
caused by the many losses, as above stated, of many ships--some of
which have sunk, while others have of necessity sought port on the
coasts of Japon and other districts where so great riches were lost
without its being possible to secure them, or for anything to be saved;
and by the fires which they have suffered, on one occasion the greater
part of the city, as well as the possessions of the inhabitants being
burned. A few years ago our flagship "Nuestra Señora de la Vida"
[_i.e._, "Our Lady of Life"] was wrecked on the island of Verde [9]
while en route to Nueva España, with the possessions and capital of
the aforesaid citizens. In the former year of thirty-one, the ship
"Sancta Maria Magdalena" went to the bottom in the port of Cabite
with all the goods and cloth aboard it. Although the cargo was taken
out, it was after it had been in the water more than one and one-half
months. Consequently the damage to the owners was great and notable;
and on that account all the capital was ruined, the trade limited,
and the goods destroyed--so much so that if the said two per cent be
put in force, it will have the above defects, and the said trade will
be ruined.
The ninth reason is of great importance, and consists in the many
great services that have been performed for your Majesty by the said
city of Manila, and those which its inhabitants are performing every
day; for when occasion demands--as it does often, when there is a
lack of regular infantry, because it has gone away or been employed
in something else--the inhabitants enter the guard, as that city is
surrounded by so many heathen; and they have always hastened with
all the loyalty and love possible to serve on any expedition that
has offered against the Dutch and other nations, with their persons
and possessions, and are the first to take arms.
Another thing is of great consideration, namely, that in the great
necessities that arise in the royal treasury, which has not the
wherewithal to take care of them, the said inhabitants have aided it;
and they aid it very often with very considerable sums, depositing
therein from eighty to one hundred thousand pesos, without receiving
any interest. That money is retained in the said royal treasury,
and the owners are not repaid for more than two years. The loss of
interest on so great a sum for so long a period constitutes a great
service, for merchants and men of business. They only think of the
great desire that they have always had, and have, for the service of
your Majesty; and that is so great that many poor inhabitants, not
having any capital to allow them to make loans to the royal treasury
as the other inhabitants do, beg for a loan in order to be enabled to
attend to your Majesty's royal service. In the assessments continually
levied upon them by the governor, consisting of jars [of oil or wine],
rice, and other things necessary for the relief of Terrenate and the
island of Hermosa, the said inhabitants contribute very eagerly and
willingly; and on the voyages made by the galleys, if slaves are needed
(as often happens), they give their own. With the same willingness
did they make the gift of the said four thousand pesos in the year 632.
Since all above stated is so, and since the inhabitants are perpetually
and continually serving your Majesty with their persons, lives, and
possessions, and by the intolerable burden of always bearing arms;
and since all that is related in this memorial is evident from the
investigations made at the citation of the fiscal, and by what the
governors and the orders write: therefore it is just for your Majesty
to honor and reward the inhabitants, since their services are so worthy
of reward and remuneration; and since the said imposition of the said
two per cent would be only an affliction and punishment, to have its
enforcement discontinued, so that there may be no further question
of it--which, as can be understood by the reasons above stated, has
been and is the royal intention and purpose of your Majesty. For
during the so many years that its execution has been suspended,
your Majesty having been informed by the letters of the governors
and royal officials of the difficulty of its observance, it has been
abandoned and repealed in order to avoid so many and so great dangers
as above stated, and injuries to the said inhabitants and residents of
those islands--an intent quite in accord with the first decree of the
said year six hundred and four, in which, although it was ordered to
impose the said two per cent, it commanded that this was to be done
with the greatest mildness possible. Consequently, as this mildness
was not and could not be exercised, the imposition occasioning only
great troubles and difficulties, the decree itself intimates, as if
by express statements, that the said collection was impracticable.
Thus the request of the said city and its inhabitants, and of the
said islands, is that your Majesty be pleased to have it so declared
and ordered, not only for the future, but also for the past; since the
said royal decree has not been put in force, nor has it been advisable
at any time, for either the future or the past. The impossibility
[of enforcing the decree] is even greater [at this time], because of
the many years that have passed, and the many persons against whom
it might be attempted, who have died; so that to undertake it would
mean nothing else than a beginning of lawsuits, and the disquiet
and revolution of all the inhabitants of the said city, or of most
of them--for those who have trafficked here from the said year of
six hundred and seven are many, and most of them have died, without
leaving any property from which to collect the arrears of duty--in
case that that effort is made. By that [concession] the inhabitants
will receive an especial favor, as is hoped from the greatness of
your Majesty. Madrid, September 6, 1635.
_Reply of the fiscal_
The fiscal declares that he has examined the documents sent with
this memorial, and the other papers and letters from the Audiencia,
the visitor, and the superiors of the orders; that the decision [of
this question] demands close attention, and all that the council is
wont to exercise for its sure action, for the great necessity of its
inhabitants which the city represents, confronts us. We must consider
not only the impracticability of enforcing the impost, but no less his
Majesty's lack of means (caused by the wars and necessary occasions
for expense that have limited the royal incomes), which constrains
him so that he can do no more--a course which, as so Christian and
pious a king, he would avoid, if it were possible. Having considered
everything, what the visitor writes has much force with the fiscal,
and persuades him that it is expedient and necessary to consult
with his Majesty regarding this letter--so that, having examined its
contents, and that, besides, which the council shall advise, he may
be pleased to order what may be most to the welfare of his vassals,
in whose conservation consists his best service; and approving the
mild method pointed out by the visitor (of which he availed himself,
in order that the trade might not cease, with the obvious danger of
greater loss), he concurs in everything, and thus petitions. Madrid,
September six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five.
Don Juan Grao y Monfalcon, procurator-general of the distinguished and
loyal city of Manila, metropolis and capital of the Filipinas Islands,
in answer to what was said and alleged by his Majesty's fiscal to the
memorial and arguments which he has presented, in order that the effort
for the collection of the two per cent may cease and be abandoned,
declares that your Majesty, in heeding the arguments that he has
presented in another memorial, does not give up nor is he excluded
from what is alleged on the other side. On the contrary he expressly
recognizes (a fact that cannot be denied) the justification and urgent
reasons that are necessary and unavoidable, which strenuously oblige
to what the said city has entreated. In the name of the city, he
accepts what is said and alleged in its favor by the said fiscal. But
inasmuch as the fiscal mentions his approbation of the method which
the visitor approves--and of which he availed himself, so that the
said trade might not cease, which, he says with good reason, would be
of greater loss--and says that with the said method everything would
turn out well, he excludes the condition that it will not provide
for everything, but only for the effort to enforce the said duty of
two per cent. The difficulty would remain present, and the reasons
and arguments of the said city be as if they were not; and it and
its commerce would be left without any remedy, or means to preserve
itself. Nor is there nor can there be considered any difference of
opinion in the necessity that is mentioned of the royal treasury;
for, although this necessity is great, the contention of the said city
concerns not necessity, but the limits of impossibility. Consequently,
[the interests of] the city ought to prevail and be preferred. This
conclusion was reached by experience, on the occasion of the former
year 632, when the said visitor tried to put the said duty in force,
in which he found himself confounded; for he beheld the cessation of
commerce, and the resolve made by the said inhabitants that they would
not export or risk their wealth, without receiving any profit--by which
it resulted that the despatch of the ships which were being sent to
Nueva España was delayed, the cause of which was the said visitor,
because of the said collection that he was trying to enforce. The
governors of those islands--of whom there have been many, very prudent
and clear-headed, and eminent in their zeal for the service of your
Majesty--never came to such a determination, in all these years. And
the strength and resistance of the obstacles that they found, and
which they were considering in person, compelled them to consult with
your Majesty, as they always have done--regarding that as much more
proper than to execute [a decree] and risk the condition of those
islands, and considering the matter with mature judgment and prudent
deliberation. Consequently, they never reached the said decision that
the said visitor attempted. And although the latter tried to remedy it,
by proposing the means (that he alleges as a counterbalance) of the
payment of four thousand pesos, by way of gift and gracious service,
that gift was not perpetual, as appears on the contrary, and as is
given to understand; but it was only for that time, and until the
decision of your Majesty should be made. That is well verified by
the fact of what afterward occurred; for in the following year the
said visitor--recognizing that the gift of the four thousand pesos
had been limited, and for once only, and that by virtue of that the
said inhabitants were not bound to anything--attempted to make again,
through some of the regidors, the same suspension that he had already
made of the execution of the said duty, until your Majesty determined
with what they should serve, with some gift, even though it should be
only a small sum. That which was finally assigned was from one to two
thousand pesos, the visitor again with this new occasion placing the
despatch of the said ships in peril, causing by the least delay more
loss than the said profit. Therefore the royal Audiencia, in order to
proceed with more certainty, called a council of the bishop who was
governor of that archbishopric, the archbishop, and the superiors of
the orders. All of them agreed and concurred that the despatch ought
to be made in the manner in which it had always been done, without
allowing any innovation. Consequently all, and on all occasions,
have always recognized the impossibility, and the new damages and
obstacles that would result from the said enforcement.
In consideration of the above, he petitions and entreats your
Majesty that you be, nevertheless, pleased to provide and order the
discontinuance of the collection of the said two per cent, according
to his petition. Thereby he will receive an especial favor, as that
city and kingdom hopes from his Majesty's greatness and royal hand.
MANILA TREASURY ACCOUNTS, 1630-35
_Relation of the receipts of the treasury of Manila from January seven,
one thousand six hundred and thirty, until January six, one thousand
six hundred and thirty-five, a period of five years_
Common gold
[Pesos] [tomins] [granos]
The balance found in the
said treasury on the said
day, January seven, 1630,
amounted to [10] 11,561 8 6
The total from the fines of
the exchequer [11] from the
said day until March six,
1631, amounted to 2,073 6 1
That from the
[unspent?] balances of war
funds [_alcances de guerra_]
for the said time amounted to 20,317 5 0
That of the army fund for
the said time amounted to 15,797 1 5
That from the licenses of
Indians [_sic_; _sc._ Chinese]
for the said time 87,606 4 0
That from loans made to the
treasury for the said time
amounted to 71,057 7 0
That from mesada taxes [12]
for the said time amounted to 917 1 11
That from import and export
duties for the said time
amounted to 33,448 7 0
That from offices sold for
the said time amounted to 29,458 3 0
That from expenses of justice
for the said time amounted to 75 0 0
That from royal situados for
the said time amounted to 4,124 2 4
That from condemnations for
the building of houses during
the said time amounted to 374 5 4
That from fiestas for the
said time amounted to 281 3 0
That from the tenths of gold
for the said time amounted to 48 3 0
That from transportation of
passengers [on the royal
ships?] for the said time
amounted to 300 0 0
That from the proceeds for
war from the cattle tithes
for the said time amounted to 120 3 0
That from the silver and
reals received from Nueva
España during the said time
amounted to 278,115 6 0
That from court expenses for
the said time amounted to 100 0 0
----------------------
During the said time the
receipts of the said treasury
amounted to 555,775 3 0
_Account from April 20, 1631, to January six, 1632_
The total from condemnations
(in court) for fines of the
exchequer for the said time
amounted to 1,611 6 0
That from import and export
duties amounted to 35,650 1 2
That from loans made to the
treasury amounted to 16,600 7 5
That from royal situados from
the encomiendas of private
persons amounted to 3,708 6 8
That from the balances of
accounts amounted to 18,430 3 0
That from extraordinary
sources amounted to 6,115 1 0
That from mesada taxes
amounted to 112 4 9
That from _resultas_
amounted to 456 3 5
That from tenths of gold
amounted to 23 7 8
That from expenses of justice
amounted to 8 6 0
That from [the fund
for?] expenses of courts [13]
amounted to 287 4 0
That from licenses to heathen
Chinese amounted to 116,697 4 0
That from offices sold
amounted to 646 4 0
That from silver and reals sent
from Nueva España amounted to. 203,915 0 0
That from passenger
transportation amounted to 50 0 0
That from deposits amounted
to 2,000 0 0
That from [unspent balance
of fund for?] ship-building
and forts amounted to 8 0 0
That from the vacant
encomiendas amounted to 36 4 0
That from restitutions
amounted to. 38 0 0
That which was placed in the
treasury at the order of the
visitor amounted to 6,117 0 0
That collected from what
is owing [to the treasury]
amounted to 62,473 3 10
----------------------
The receipts of the treasury
for the said time amounted to 475,889 1 2
_Account from January seven, one thousand six hundred and thirty-two,
to January six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-three_
The total amount of the balance
struck on January 7, 1632,
amounted to two thousand one
hundred and eighty-seven pesos,
four tomins, and four pieces
of gold and three rings [14] 2,187 4 0
That from balances of accounts
amounted to 26,458 4 0
That from fines of the
exchequer amounted to 2,984 3 2
That from the fifths of gold
amounted to 99 5 6
That from royal situados
amounted to 2,150 4 0
That from the expenses of
justice amounted to 75 1 0
That from loans made to the
treasury amounted to 64,453 4 0
That from import and export
duties amounted to 36,603 2 0
That from the mesada taxes
amounted to 835 0 8
That from _resultas_
amounted to 2,114 5 6
That from vacancies in
encomiendas amounted to 66 7 8
That from deposits amounted to 1,858 0 0
That from offices sold
amounted to 3,800 0 0
That from extraordinary
sources amounted to 30,046 3 3
That sent from Nueva España
amounted to 232,569 4 0
The receipts for account of
the visit amounted to 7,013 6 1
That from passenger
transportation amounted to 250 0 0
The receipts from the proceeds
of condemnations to be remitted
to the Council amounted to 3,060 4 0
That from the Chinese licenses
amounted to 105,898 0 10
That from cattle tithes
amounted to 300 0 0
That from the fifths of silver
amounted to 285 2 4
That from [fund for?] the
expenses of the courts of
the Parián 60 4 0
That from [fund for?] the
expenses of the courts of
the Audiencia amounted to
seventy-five pesos 75 0 0
That collected from what
is owing [to the treasury]
amounted to 97,663 2 3
----------------------
The receipts of the said
treasury for the said time
amounted to 622,484 5 1
_Account from January 7, 1633, to January 6, 1634_
The total amount of the
balance struck on the said
day, January seven, 1633,
amounted to four thousand seven
hundred and ninety-two pesos,
three tomins, and four pieces
of gold and three rings [15] 4,792 3 0
That from balances of accounts
amounted to 14,299 1 2
That from the mesada taxes
amounted to 258 2 11
That from extraordinary
sources amounted to 2,226 5 7
That from import and export
duties amounted to 46,897 6 1
The receipts from the visit
amounted to 13,770 6 0
That from Chinese licenses
amounted to 51,396 2 0
That from loans amounted to 109,260 0 0
That from fines of the
exchequer amounted to 1,918 0 0
That from expenses of justice
amounted to 120 0 0
That from royal situados
amounted to 1,385 5 6
That from offices sold
amounted to 14,850 0 0
That from the fifth of gold
amounted to 300 2 7
That from vacant encomiendas
[_vacantes_] amounted to 41 1 6
That from passenger
transportation amounted to 950 0 0
That from tributes amounted to 9 3 0
That from the half-annats
amounted to 4,961 5 2
That from the silver sent
from Nueva España amounted to 277,326 1 1
That from _resultas_
amounted to 1,056 5 5
That from [fund for?] courts
and expenses of the royal
Audiencia amounted to 135 0 0
That from deposits amounted to 600 0 0
That from cattle tithes
amounted to 386 6 9
----------------------
The receipts of the said
treasury for the said time
amounted to 546,873 0 5
_Account from January 7, 1634, to January 6, 1635_
The total of the balance
struck on the said day,
January seven, one thousand
six hundred and thirty-four,
amounted to seventy-three
thousand two hundred and
thirty-one pesos, seven tomins,
and ten granos, and [4 pieces]
of gold, and 3 rings [16] 73,231 7 10
The total of the half-annats
amounted to 16,393 0 1
That from balances of accounts
amounted to 31,311 2 11
That from royal situados
amounted to 1,688 5 6
That from fines of the
exchequer amounted to 1,945 2 5
That from _resultas_
amounted to 11,557 6 3
That from cattle tithes 211 0 0
That from import and export
duties amounted to 28,170 4 11
That from heathen Chinese
licenses 162,941 7 5
That from extraordinary
sources amounted to 33,097 3 9
That from the fifth of gold
amounted to 325 7 4
That from deposits amounted to
[17] 6,375 1 0
That from offices sold
amounted to 11,400 0 0
That from [fund for?] the
expenses of the courts
amounted to 50 0 0
That from expenses of justice
amounted to 36 1 6
That from condemnations
collected to remit to this
Council amounted to 444 0 0
That from passenger
transportation amounted to 650 0 0
That from proceeds of the
visita amounted to 3,417 4 0
That from restitutions
amounted to 1,003 0 0
That from the money sent from
Nueva España amounted to 308,396 2 0
That from loans amounted to 11,000 0 0
That from the proceeds for
the fortification of Manila
amounted to 6,000 0 0
That from the tenths of gold
amounted to 296 6 0
----------------------
The total receipts of the
said treasury for the said
time amounted to 715,849 6 11
Given in [_word illegible in MS._] August eighteen, 1638.
_Don Geronimo de_ [_word illegible in MS._] _Francisco Antonio Manzelo_
LETTER OF CONSOLATION TO THE JESUITS OF PINTADOS
To my beloved fathers and brothers of the islands and residences of
the Pintados.
Pax Christi, etc.:
Great has been the grief that has been caused to us who have been in
these missions of the Tagals, by severe hardships that your Reverences
have suffered and are suffering in those islands of Pintados, because
of the madness and ferocity of so cruel enemies. For who would not
be afflicted at hearing of the hatred and hostility of the barbarians
against Christ our Lord, which they have displayed against His sacred
images, which they have outraged and broken to pieces, and His temples,
which they have burned and destroyed? Who would not be struck with
pity on seeing the beloved flock of the sheep of Christ our Lord,
and his faithful ones with their pastors and ministers, robbed,
dispersed, and pursued even into the fastnesses of the mountains,
imprisoned, captured, and killed?--and the shepherds, with especial
ignominy and cruelty, as we see in [the case of] our most beloved
father, Juan del Carpio, who is happy, fortunate, and chosen, since
he has purchased the eternal crown by the shedding of his blood. [18]
Who would not have compassion at hearing of the fatigues, surprises,
necessities, and dangers, of those of your Reverences who are still
alive--a life that resembles a continual death rather than life? But
this tender compassion must cause pain in us because of the evils,
and encouragement and joy because of the blessings, which follow
from them--truly one and the other feeling; for who can refrain from
weeping at the sight of an offended God, at His holy name blasphemed,
His worship violated, His faithful ones captive, and His priests
killed? But who will not be consoled with that holiness of the great
doctor of the Church, St. Augustine, whom God our Lord permitted [to
be visited by] evils in order that he might derive greater blessings
therefrom--such as are these greater blessings from so many present
evils? Such are the [_word illegible_] acts born from the fervid hearts
of my most beloved fathers, so that they have offered themselves to
their Creator and Lord in so virulent dangers, not as they might wish,
but as a most perfect holocaust, without any fear, placing everything
in His hands--health, honor, blood, and life, for the greater glory
of his Majesty, and the welfare of souls. Peradventure these are not
blessings that enrich those who possess them, but they give courage,
fervor, and glory to our province and Society of Jesus, which has such
sons and so valorous soldiers, the imitators of their Society of Jesus,
their blood shed to deliver their spiritual children and that which
pertains to the Divine and Christian worship--which blessings will
he not bring to our islands and fields of Christendom, and to our
Society of Jesus in those islands? For as says the most illustrious
Tertullian in his _Apologetica adversus gentis_, chapter 49: _Semen est
sanguis Christianorum._ [19] And a Christianity wet with such blood
will doubtless give a most abundant harvest. And what encouragement
will it give to the sons of the Society in Europa! And what desires
will they have to come where they may have opportunity to shed their
blood also for the honor of their Creator! Blood shed by the hands
of barbarian Mahometans instigated by their casique [20]--especially
against the priests, the preachers of our holy faith, as we learned
from one who escaped from them; and with so remarkable tokens of
special hate against religion, that they tore to pieces the very body
of the father, so that the head was the largest part of it. However
much they may claim that in order that there should be no planting
[of Christianity?] they did not spare his life, their actions show that
they took life away from him in hatred of Christ our Lord, and of His
holy religion, which the father was preaching and extending. And even
if the Mahometans did not have that intention and hate against Christ
and His holy faith, which this shows that they have, not only is the
death inflicted and suffered in this manner a true martyrdom, but also
in more general terms Christ our Lord said through St. Mark in the 8th
chapter: _Qui perdiderit animam suam propter me, et evangelium, salvam
faciet_. [21] On those words is founded every form of true martyrdom,
which embraces that of the innocents, and those who gave their lives to
serve those sick with the plague, and for any virtue whatever; and thus
say the saints. St. Augustine pondering these words in his sermon 100
(_De diversis_) section 2, [22] makes a strenuous effort for martyrdom,
in the occasion of dying, in these words: "_Qui perdiderit," inquit,
"propter me." Tota caussa ibi est. "Qui perdiderit," non quomodocumque,
non qualibet caussa, sed "propter me." Ylli enim yn prophecia yam
dixerant martires, "Propter te mortificamur tota die." Propterea
martiremnon facit pena, sed caussa_. And if this is Christ our Lord,
and one loses his life either in order not to offend Him--for example,
by denying His faith, or losing his chastity, or by lying, etc.--or in
order to serve Him--for example, by preaching His holy gospel, or by
practicing the doctrine of succoring one's neighbors with the spiritual
or corporal works of charity--even if the tyrant does not deprive him
of life as a mark of hatred against the faith, assuredly he gains the
crown, _salvam faciet eam_. Accordingly, he who dies in the mountains
when fleeing from persecution, or by means of wild beasts or robbers,
or who is drowned in the sea, says St. Cyprian in his Epistle number
56, _Ad Tibaitanos_, is and must be called a martyr, for his death is
[suffered] for Christ. Thence can one well see what we feel in the
present case, and in the occasions that we have in hand. I will quote
his words here, for they are a consolation for all those who are liable
to lose their lives, in the sea or in the mountains, because of the
preaching of the holy gospel and the persecution of the enemies of
the gospel. _Si fugientem in solitudine ac montibus latro oppresserit,
fera invaserit, fames aut sitis aut frigus afflixerit, vel per maria
præcipiti navigatione properantem tempestas ac procella submerserit
spectat militem suum Christus ubicunque pugnantem, et persecutionis
causa pro nominis sui honore morienti præmium reddit quod daturum se
in resurectione promisit. Nec minor est martyrii gloria non publica et
[non] inter multos perisse cum pereundi causa sit propter Christum
perire. Sufficit ad testimoniam martyrii fui [sc. fuisse] testis
ille qui probat martyres et coronat._ [23] This is sufficient for a
letter, although other testimonials of the saints could be adduced,
which show that the institution of martyrdom made by Christ our Lord
was not the narrow thing of which certain scholastics speak. Father
Teofilo Raynaudo [24] of our Society, in the book that he published,
_De martyrio per pestem_, in the year 1630, proves in a very learned
and wise manner that those who die through the exercise of the works
of charity with the sufferers of the pest are really and truly, and can
be called, martyrs. And clearly it is not less to give one's life than
to exercise spiritual works of charity, for one's neighbors. Hence we
ought to endure in this particular, for Christ our Lord, _in bonitate
et liberalitate_, [25] and since for other lesser works--as leaving
father and mother, or positions, etc., for Him--Christ our Lord chose
to give as a reward so much in this life, and afterward eternal life,
as He said through St. Mark, in the 10th chapter: _Centies tantum in
tempore hoc et in sæculo futuro vitam æternam_. [26] The most heroic
and lofty work was necessarily the giving of one's life for the same
cause; and that loss will not give, to him who serves, another reward
here, but the reward of eternal life is reserved for the world to come,
and with a special diadem. Then may we be consoled, my fathers, in
our missions and voyages, if we lose our lives therein in the service
of Christ for the preaching of His holy gospel; since according to
His royal promise He always maintains it assured, and brighter is the
crown. I do not say this in order that we should publish our martyrs,
or that we should so talk with those outside (for it is better for
us to limit ourselves in that direction), but for our consolation
and assurance, I am persuaded that after this pilgrimage we shall
recognize that glory in some or many of the fathers of this province
who have preceded us--as in the case of the fortunate father Juan
Dominico Bilançio, who died a captive of the Mahometan [king of] Jolo,
the harsh treatment and sufferings of his captivity being the cause
of his death; and Father Juan de las Missas, [who perished] at the
hands of the hostile Camucones; besides other fathers. I regard it
as superfluous to expatiate further on this, or to attempt to spur
on those who are running so gloriously. Therefore I conclude with
the words, which the glorious bishop and martyr, St. Cyprian, wrote
in a similar case in his epistle number 81, to Sergius Rogatianus
and his companions: _Saluto vos fratres charissimi [ac beatissimi]
optans ipsse quoque conspectu vestro frui, si me ad vos pervenire
loci condicio permiteret. Quid enim mihi optacius et lecius pocet
[i.e., posset] accidere, quam nunc vovis inhærere? ... Sed quoniam qui
[sc. huic] lætiçie interesse facultas non datur has pro me ad aures et
[ad] oculos vestros vicarias literas mito, quibus glatulor pariter,
et eshortor, ut yn comfessione selestis glorie fortes et estabiles
perseberetis et ingressi viam Dominice dignacionis ad acipiendam
coronam espirituali virtute pergatis_. [27] Manila, February 1, 1635.
_Juan de Bueras_
LETTER TO FELIPE IV FROM FATHER ANDRES DEL SACRAMENTO
Sire:
Since I have passed thirty years in this province of the discalced
Franciscans of San Gregorio of Filipinas, and, since I am a father
of this province, I regard it as my obligation to advise your
Majesty of its present condition; so that, since you are the one who
sends the ministers at the cost of your royal treasury, you might
apply the corrective that necessity demands. It is a fact that,
although the said province has been established by the discalced
religious, and always maintained in its first perfection by the
religious sent it by the discalced provinces of España, among those
who come some Observantines are generally found, under pretext of
going to Japon--who, although they change the habit, do not change
their inclination to their own observance. This mingling [of the
two branches] is the cause of very great disquiet, because of the
opposition that is sucked in there in the milk, as is apparent to
your Majesty from many instances. Although the Observantines are so
few that they do not number twenty, they make use of their favor with
the commissaries-general, who generally appoint them as commissaries of
visitation. In parts so remote and deprived of recourse [to superiors],
they hold their will as law whenever they choose. For that reason we
have always feared that the Observantines would deprive the discalced
religious of this province; and that has been done by an Observantine
commissary-visitor, who removed all the definitors and a great number
of votes, by absolute authority and without sufficient cause. He
did it for the sole purpose of succeeding in that design, which he
accomplished; hence this province and its definitors are at present in
the power of the Observantines. Since the fathers commissaries-general
are Observantines, they naturally favor their own party. From that
circumstance, serious and long-drawn-out litigation is promised, which
your Majesty can prevent by ordering strictly that one or the other
branch do not come. The discalced religious, as I said, established
this province. They have furnished many martyrs to the church, and
have toiled in the ministry with poverty, humility, and good example
among Spaniards and Indians, as they relate and as your Majesty can
inform yourself. You will also be informed of the manner in which the
Observantine fathers administer in Megico; and you can select which
[branch] you may please, and order that those religious who do not
possess a testimonial from the discalced or from the Observantine
provincials (according to which branch your Majesty selects) shall
not embark at Cadiz. In case that Observantines are not to come,
it is very necessary also to order strictly your viceroy of Mexico
not to allow those who should not possess the said testimonials to
embark at Acapulco; for, since the commissary-general is in Mexico,
he will exert great activity in this respect in order to carry farther
what has been commenced. For that purpose they are at present sending
an Observantine religious. I beg your Majesty not to consider this
as a matter of little moment, for on this one remedy alone depends
the preservation of this province on its first foundation, the peace
of the religious, the proper administration of the Indians, and the
prevention of most serious scandals born from the said opposition
and intermixture, of which this whole kingdom is witness.
In this letter it is seen that no favor or protection is requested from
your Majesty for either myself or anyone else; but I only inform you,
as our sovereign lord, so that you may remedy the injury that results
from the aforesaid to the consciences of your vassals and in the
administration of the Indians. Notwithstanding this, I beseech your
Majesty, if you will be so pleased, to keep my name secret from the
father commissary-general and the Observantines; for if they learn
it, they will give me considerable trouble here. May Heaven prosper
your life with the most fortunate successes, as we your Majesty's
most humble vassals and chaplains desire. [Nueva] Caceres, in the
province of Camarines, June 2, 1635.
Your Majesty's humble chaplain,
_Fray Andres del Sacramento_, father of this province of San Gregorio.
[_Endorsed_: "June 16, 638. Collect what may have been written on this
matter, and bring it; and have the father commissary-general report
whether Observantines go among the discalced fathers who are asked
for. A report was asked from the commissary-general on the sixteenth
of said month."]
LETTER FROM THE FRANCISCAN COMMISSARY-GENERAL OF THE INDIAS
I have received two documents from your Grace, in regard to various
matters, and I shall answer them in two others, so that your
Grace may be pleased to read them to the gentlemen of that royal
Council. In regard to one, I say that since the winter when I had
certain advices from the province of San Gregorio of the Filipinas,
and of which I informed the council, I have had no further news. That
news was certain complaints of the provincial and definitors against
the commissary who deprived them of certain things which he found in
his visit, although he exceeded [his authority] in it. That case went
to the commissary of Nueva España. According to what the discalced
provincial of the Filipinas wrote me, who went to follow up the case,
penalties were imposed upon the said commissary. Another was sent from
the discalced province of San Diego, so that another chapter might be
celebrated, and that province appeased. I hope in our Lord that it
will be appeased and satisfied; but if not, I have written for them
to send me all the documents and all decisions that shall have been
rendered. Letters were also written to me then, and I was advised of
the great injuries that the governor was causing to the religious. I
neglected to inform his Majesty and that royal Council of this, as
I considered it certain that, as it had been so public, the matter
would have been communicated from there; and that, after having been
weighed by those gentlemen, they would despatch orders to reform it.
Concerning the lawless act and the audacity of the friars in protecting
and aiding the cleric Don Pedro Monroy, and their public censure of the
governor, the Audiencia, and others in their sermons, with scandal, for
which I feel due regret, although the things that occur there publicly,
and the events that happen there, have been very extraordinary,
yet the words of their sermons must be according to the statement of
the holy Council of Trent: _Que sint examinata et casta, eloquia ad
edificationem_ [28]--words used by our father St. Francis, in his
rules for preachers. If they are not so, then the word of God will
not have the effect on its hearers that it had before the disturbance
and scandal--a matter that has always seemed very wrong to me, and
deserving blame and condemnation. That will happen on this occasion,
for which, in due time, I shall send commission for an investigation
and the punishment of the guilty; and [an account of] what shall be
done shall be sent, so that I may present it to that royal Council,
and it may be seen whether satisfaction has been made; for where that
has not been done, I shall endeavor to secure it, as I strive to do
in all things that arise. This is my response to the first document
sent by your Grace. Given in this convent of St. Francis, in Madrid,
June twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five.
_Fray Francisco de Ocaña_,
commissary-general of the Indias.
OPINION OF COUNCIL AND ROYAL DECREE REGARDING THE REQUEST OF THE
JESUITS OF MANILA FOR ALMS FOR THEIR RESIDENCE
Sire:
By a decree of June first of the former year six hundred and
twenty-five, your Majesty granted a concession to the residence of
the Society of Jesus of the city of Manila, in the Philipinas Islands,
of one thousand ducados in each of ten years, in unassigned Indians,
or those who should first become such in the said islands, under the
same terms with which your Majesty granted concession to the convent
of the Order of St. Augustine in the islands for their buildings. The
procurator-general of the said residence has now represented that,
after the work was commenced, the church fell to the ground one
night--leaving the house in ruins, and in so great danger that they
were obliged immediately to borrow a temple for divine worship. For
their building, and in order that they might be expeditious in it,
and to build part of a house where the religious could be sheltered,
it was necessary to raise a large sum of money by an assessment,
which has rendered them very needy. It is the seminary for all
the religious of the said Society who leave these kingdoms for the
cultivation of the holy gospel in those provinces, where they equip
themselves and learn the languages of the natives, in order to go
out to teach them. It has a school where reading, writing, and Latin
are taught, and the arts and theology, to Spaniards and natives;
and six congregations--namely, of priests, laymen, students, Indians,
and blacks--with great spiritual increase. It is the refuge for all
the gospel ministers who fall sick, and who go thither for treatment,
as there are no physicians in any other part. There they are treated,
entertained, and supported with great charity, until they can return
to continue their ministries. There are entertained all those who
go by way of Eastern Yndia, when they go to Japon, China, Maluco,
and other places. The said residence is very cramped, both in its
house and its church, because of the great crowds that go there
continually. For the relief of that condition, the order begs your
Majesty that--considering the aforesaid, and that your Majesty has
twice granted to the convent of St. Augustine in the said islands a
bounty of twenty thousand ducados for their building--you will also
give the said residence as an alms another ten thousand ducados,
so that it may continue the said building, paying it to them in the
tributes of Indians who may be unassigned. The matter having been
examined in the Council, together with the letter which the royal
Audiencia of the said islands wrote to your Majesty, July twenty-nine,
six hundred and thirty--in which is mentioned the great necessity for
a church which the religious of the residence experience because of
the fall of theirs, and the evident danger in which they live, and the
great results that they obtain in those parts--the count of Castillo,
presiding officer of the said Council, Fernando de Villaseñor, the
count of Umanes, and Don Bartolomé Morquecho were of the opinion that,
in order to take a resolution in this matter, it is advisable that
the governor, the Audiencia, and the archbishop of the said islands
report on the condition of the work on the said residence, what is
yet to be built, how much it will cost, and whether the said Society
of Jesus has funds with which to build it.
Licentiate Don Lorenzo Ramirez de Prado, Juan Prado, Juan de Solorzano,
and Don Juan de Palafox think that, if your Majesty be so pleased,
you can do them the favor of continuing to the said residence the
sum as above stated which was given them (of one thousand ducados in
each year, for ten years) for two years more--one thousand ducados in
each of them to be paid from the said tributes of unassigned Indians,
so that they may continue the said work. This should be with the
qualification that the governor of the said islands see whether there
is any other kind of property from which to pay those two thousand
ducados, so that it may not be taken from the treasury of your Majesty,
or from the said encomiendas of Indians--in order that the latter
may remain free, with which to reward the soldiers who serve your
Majesty in those districts with great toil and danger. Those two
years of extension shall run from the day on which the ten years of
the said grant are concluded, and in each one of those two years they
shall not enjoy more than one thousand ducados. Will your Majesty
order what is your royal pleasure. Madrid, [_blank_] of [_blank_],
six hundred and thirty-five.
[The king, having seen the above opinions of his Council, despatched
a decree to the president and auditors of the Manila Audiencia,
which recites in identical terms throughout the matter preceding the
opinion in the first paragraph above, and then continues:]
The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Yndias,
together with the letter which you wrote me on July twenty-nine, six
hundred and thirty, and they having conferred with me in respect to
the many years during which I made the said concession to the said
residence, and our ignorance at present of what had been done with
that money, or into what it has been converted, and what still lacks
to be built; and as it is in tributes of unassigned Indians, which are
to be used as a reward for the soldiers who serve me in those islands
with so great toil and danger, without there being any other thing with
which to reward them: I command you, in order that our decision in this
matter may be made with the knowledge that is advisable, to inform me
on the first opportunity that offers of the condition of the work on
the said residence, what is still to be built, and how much it will
cost; and whether the said Society of Jesus has enough funds with which
to build it, without our continuing the said concession and alms, as I
have so many alms to grant, and things so greatly needing attention,
on which account it is needful to retrench as much as possible. You
shall send me the said report, together with your opinion, through the
said my Council of the Yndias, so that, after they have examined it,
the most advisable measures may be taken. Given in Madrid, July ten,
one thousand six hundred and thirty-five.
_I the King_
By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Gabriel Ocaña y Alarcon_
Signed by the gentlemen of the Council.
LETTER FROM PEDRO DE ARCE TO FELIPE IV
Although my age is now so advanced, and I was very contented in
my bishopric of the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jhesus (which is
commonly called Cebú), I was forced to leave my quiet because of
the death of the archbishop of Manila, Don Fray Garcia Serrano,
which happened more than six years ago, in order to come to govern
this archbishopric of Manila during the period of its vacancy, as
such was ordered by his Holiness Paul V, in a bull which he gave at
the petition of your Majesty's father (whom may holy Paradise keep!),
providing that the senior bishop of Philipinas should come to govern
the church at Manila for three vacancies in this metropolitan see. Thus
the lot fell to me to come; and the urgency with which the governor
and the Audiencia begged me to come gave me no room for excuses,
or to represent my indispositions and advanced age.
During the time while I have been in this government, there has been
great peace and harmony between the ecclesiastical and civil powers;
and we have always endeavored to promote the cause of our Lord and the
service of your Majesty, as we all are bound to do. I have not left the
government until now, when the bulls of this archbishopric came for
Don Fray Hernando Guerrero; for, although he had a decree from your
Majesty, the bulls, as I say, had not arrived, and I was governing
by a bull of his Holiness, with a decree from your Majesty. Having
consulted in regard to it with erudite men, theologians and jurists,
as to whether I could give up the government of the archbishopric
to Don Fray Hernando Guerrero, all counseled me in the negative,
and charged my conscience.
Finally, the Lord has been pleased to relieve me of that charge,
and to leave me the old responsibility of my own failures; and,
accordingly, I am returning thither with much pleasure and happiness,
to finish my days among my people, aiding them in whatever I can;
for they have suffered considerably during these years from the enemy
from Mindanao and Jolo, who are very powerful, and who make extensive
raids with their fleets--burning villages, firing churches, destroying
images, and capturing many Indians. Especially last year did those
enemies display themselves most insolently; whereupon Governor Don
Juan Cerezo Salamanca was obliged to apply the only remedy which
we believed there to be--namely, to construct a fort at Samboanga,
in the land of Mindanao, which might serve as a check to both enemies.
That fort was commenced when Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera arrived
to govern these islands. Hearing of the advisability of that work,
he determined to forward it, for its benefit is great, and its cost
to the royal treasury but slight; and even thus it is hoped that it
will be of great advantage in a few years, for those enemies will be
obliged to pay tribute to your Majesty--and, in fact, whole villages
have already begun to enter your Majesty's obedience. I hope that they
will also enter the obedience of our Majesty [_i.e.,_ of God]. For
that purpose, I have given and entrusted the spiritual affairs of
those islands to the fathers of the Society, so that by their excellent
method of procedure and their gentleness they may continue to attract
and convert the natives, who are very numerous. Already have they set
their hands to the labor, although the number of subjects that they
have is few; because those of this order come but very seldom, and
they have much to which to attend, and every day they have more. For
I, for only the time during which I governed the archbishopric of
Manila, have, in consideration of the welfare of the Indians and the
devotion and efficient method of administration which those of the
Society preserve among them in all parts, entrusted them with new
posts. Both in the island of Negros and in that of Mindoro, besides
the old Christians, they have three or four thousand heathen to whom
to attend; and they are already baptizing these, in addition to the
said heathen of Mindanao, who number many thousands.
Consequently, I petition your Majesty for two things: one that your
Majesty be pleased to confirm them in the said mission of Mindanao,
for the bishops have entrusted it to them alone for many years (as
did I also), through expectation of great results in the conversion,
by means of the said fathers of the Society of Jesus; the other,
that your Majesty send a goodly reënforcement of the subjects of
that order, so that they may attend to everything. I think a good
reënforcement would be about forty, if most of them are priests,
who can immediately begin to instruct.
May our Lord preserve the royal person of your Majesty, as all
kingdoms need, and as I, the least of your Majesty's chaplains, beg
in my sacrifices and prayers. Manila, October seventeen, one thousand
six hundred and thirty-five.
_Fray Pedro,_
Bishop of Santisimo Nombre de Jhesus.
DOCUMENTS OF 1636
Discussion regarding Portuguese trade at Manila. Joseph de
Navada Alvarado, and others; 1632-36,
Decree extending the tenure of encomiendas. Felipe IV;
February 1.
Military services of Filipinos. Juan Grau y Monfalcon; June 13.
Conflicts between civil and ecclesiastical authorities,
1635-36. Casimiro Diaz, O.S.A.
Letter from a citizen of Manila to an absent friend. [Unsigned;
Fabian de Santillan y Gavilanes?]; June 15.
Request for Jesuit missionaries. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera;
June 19.
Letter from the bishop of Nueva Caceres to Felipe IV. Francisco
de Zamudio, O.S.A.; June 20.
List of prominent ecclesiastics in Manila and the
islands. Hernando de Guerrero, archbishop of Manila; 1636.
_Sources_: All but three of these documents are obtained from MSS. in
the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The second is from the
"Cedulario Indico" of the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; the
fourth, from Diaz's _Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas;_ the fifth,
from a MS. in the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid.
_Translations_: All but one of these documents are translated by
James A. Robertson; the last is by Robert W. Haight.
DISCUSSION REGARDING PORTUGUESE TRADE AT MANILA
_Copy of seventeen articles which Joseph de Navada Alvarado, regidor of
the distinguished and loyal city of Manila, proposed to the municipal
council [ayuntamiento] of that city, in which he represents the
injuries and troubles which follow and have been experienced from
the Portuguese of Macan continuing the trade which they have begun to
introduce in that city [of Manila]. These articles were presented to
Don Juan Niño de Tavora, and afterward to Don Juan Cerezo de Salamanca,
governor of those islands--who, having examined them, wrote his opinion
to his Majesty, and how advisable it was to suppress the trade of
Macan with the said city of Manila, as is apparent by the said letter._
Captain Joseph de Navada Alvarado, regidor of this city of Manila,
represented in this city council that, as was public and well known,
from the year six hundred and nineteen until the present of thirty-two,
the Portuguese inhabitants of Macan have come to this city in various
vessels, without fail in all the years above mentioned, laden with
Chinese merchandise, in order to sell it here; and that, with their
said coming, it seems that they have obtained possession of this trade,
which is so strictly prohibited by various royal decrees. On account
of that trade they have waxed rich, while the inhabitants of this
community now find themselves in their so wretched present condition,
by the great sales which have been generally made to them; and because
with the said trade that which the Sangleys had by coming yearly to
this said city, with the greatest abundance of goods, has ceased. It
appears that necessity has always obliged them to have to buy from
the said Portuguese. Notwithstanding that the prices have usually
been very high, the profit which the inhabitants of this said city
have made in Nueva España has been very slight; and at times it has
been little more than the prime cost of the goods here, besides the
heavy expenses and duties which they carry, both in these islands
and in the said Nueva España. For that reason, he feels that it is
very advisable for the preservation of the said inhabitants and of
this community that the said trade of the Portuguese cease, and that
they be ordered not to come to this city; for this is permitted by
the royal will, under the penalties expressed in the said decrees in
which he orders it, to which we refer, since there are so many and
so fundamental reasons as the following.
The first, that the said Portuguese of Macan having tried in years past
to open this trade, and having come to this city with merchandise to
sell it there, this city council, seeing the damage that might grow
from it (which is the damage bewailed today), opposed the said coming,
and made various decisions in regard to demanding that the royal will
be observed, and that the Portuguese be ordered not to return to this
city. And in fact they did not come for the time being, or for many
years after, until the said year of six hundred and nineteen--[since]
when, not encountering the resistance which had been formerly made,
they have continued the said trade, as aforesaid.
The second, for proof of the aforesaid, is that, as is notorious,
the amounts of capital [invested by] the inhabitants of these islands
were very great in the first years of the coming of the said ships
from Macan; but with the high prices which the Portuguese have always
set upon their merchandise, and (as aforesaid) because the citizens
have bought from them more by force than willingly, by reason of the
lack of the goods which the Chinese brought formerly, for that reason
the said investments of capital have stopped, and are so greatly
diminished as has been, and is seen in general; because the gains
have been very slight compared with the profits that have been made
in Nueva España, considering the high prices that they demand here,
as has been previously stated.
The third point which ought to be considered is, that the customs
duties on the merchandise brought by the Chinese to this city were
worth to his Majesty from eighty to one hundred thousand pesos
annually; while those on the merchandise of the ships which have
come from Macan have not been worth more than twenty thousand pesos
in any one year, and it is considered as certain that some years the
duties have not exceeded twelve thousand. In regard to this truth,
as a point so worthy of consideration--and of which this city council
ought to take so much notice, as it is the body whom the increase
of the royal revenues to their possible extent concerns so fully--we
refer to what shall appear from the amounts of the said duties which
the Sangleys now for twenty years have put into the royal treasury,
and to those which the Portuguese have put in from the year six hundred
and nineteen, the goods which they have generally brought being valued
at about one million and a half, defrauding to a greater sum the said
import and export duties so rightfully due his Majesty.
The fourth matter that must be considered for the greater proof of the
aforesaid statement is, the quickness of the voyage from the said city
of Macan to this of Manila, since it can be made in twelve days or a
fortnight (or in one week, as has already happened), and the short time
that they spend in this city selling their goods. Those were causes
which could ensure the success of the contract which the citizens of
this city have offered to make with them, several years--namely, to
give them forty per cent clear profit upon the first cost which they
[_i.e._, the Portuguese] had invested. But as the Portuguese have
always beheld themselves powerful and masters of the said trade,
they have always refused to accept it--from which one can infer the
great gains which they have made and are making in the trade, since,
in short, more than sixty per cent [profit] has now to be given for
everything. That is a hardship which sufficiently accounts for the
present condition of the inhabitants of this city who are afflicted
with the many troubles which attend them by reason of the said
diminution of their wealth; and for the total ruin of others, who
see themselves dispossessed of what they had. For that reason they
make no further investments, because they have not the wherewithal.
Fifth, it ought to be considered how long and dangerous is the voyage
from these islands to the said Nueva España, and the heavy costs and
expenses caused by the investments; while the returns for what is
sent from here are not received even if good fortune attend them,
except at the end of two years, and sometimes more.
Sixth, that with the coming of the said Portuguese and ships from the
city of Macan to this of Manila, the commerce and trade which the
Sangley merchants of China usually carried on every year with this
city has ceased, because of the keen intelligence which the Portuguese
have employed in preventing it. That they have succeeded in doing,
entirely by means of a very astute plan which they have followed,
by taking to the annual fairs which are usually held at Canton so
many thousands of pesos to invest and to bring to this city, as, in
short, has already been said. In that way the Chinese sell them all
that they want, at a profit of twenty-five or thirty per cent. That
arrangement is so agreeable to the Sangleys, with the said profit in
their own land and without trouble, that they have ceased to come to
this city as they did formerly, risking the capital which they brought
hither. This has been aided greatly by the Portuguese persuading the
said Sangleys that the wealth of the inhabitants of this city is very
nigh gone, and to so great an extent that they cannot find an outlet
even for all the goods which they bring; and that, for that reason,
they give trust for the greater part of it--a thing that has never
happened, nor been done, for they have always received money, and
the value for everything that they have sold. To that is added also
that the said Portuguese have been wont to frighten the said Sangley
traders by telling them of the danger that they will experience in
their coming because of the Dutch pirates and the fleets of bancons
[29] with which some of the Chinese nation themselves go about
committing depredations along those coasts. At the same time they have
represented to the Chinese the heavy dues that they pay here, and the
injuries that are inflicted upon them in this city, notwithstanding
that they have [not] known that the Chinese have any complaint of
this. All is with the purpose of turning them from any design that
they have had of coming to this city with merchandise; for they fear
that if the Chinese did so it would result in impairing their trade
[30] and discrediting that which the said Portuguese hold so firmly.
The seventh is in regard to the Chinese merchants who refuse to sell
their goods in Canton to the said Portuguese of Macan, saying that
they prefer to bring them at their own cost and risk to this city
in their champans to sell them to the inhabitants of this city,
and to enjoy in their entirety the profits and gain which they
can thereby get. In order to dissuade these men from that purpose
and resolve which they have had, the said Portuguese have offered
(as many Chinese merchants who have come to this city this present
year have said) for the sake of peace to bring the goods of the
said Sangleys to this city at their own account and risk in order to
sell them here--as they could do, if they should carry them--making
a contract, by which for their administration [of this business]
they were to get five per cent. That has been seen now for two years,
during which they brought in this way more than one hundred and fifty
thousand pesos on account of Sangley merchants of Canton. They also
take the funds of the Chinese to make a return at so much per cent,
and bring it to this city, so that the Sangleys may not come here with
the said goods. That is a well known fact, and has been learned from
some of the Portuguese of Macan themselves. The said Portuguese make
those efforts in order to have the monopoly for themselves of the
merchandise brought to this city from the kingdom of China, and so
that all might pass through their hands; since, in whatever form the
aforesaid goods are brought, the Portuguese prove to be so interested,
and, for the same reason, as has already been stated, the inhabitants
of this city come to be so despoiled of their wealth. No less [injury]
is possible, except that, if the said trade is not suppressed, they
will finish by losing the little that they have within very few years.
The eighth. In regard to the aforesaid, we must consider that the
said Portuguese of Macan have always refused to agree by way of
_pancada_ on a general price, although the said pancada is so usual
among them in all parts where they buy and sell. During one of the
last few years, having agreed to the said pancada, and in order to
begin it having appointed a person both on their part and on that of
this city, when the prices were set those of Macan refused to accept
them, as they were not so high as they wished. For always with the
consideration of having a port to leeward (which is that some of the
said Portuguese remain in this city to sell their goods which they
have left over, in which no opposition has been shown them, either,
although it is so much to the prejudice of the common welfare of
this city), they become obstinate in whatever they desire--those who
spend the winter making a monopoly of their merchandise that is left
over, selling it at very high prices to the inhabitants who need it,
and selling some to the Sangleys of the Parián. The latter afterward
retail such merchandise to all manner of persons, doing that in the
course of the year with some gain.
The ninth point, and one which ought to be carefully considered, is,
that besides some of the Portuguese remaining in this city who come
from the city of Macan with the said merchandise, with the intent and
for the causes stated in the above article, they accomplish their ends
in another way, no less injurious to this community--namely, that some
of them have sent a very heavy export of their merchandise in the ships
despatched to Nueva España, although that is so stringently prohibited
by decrees and orders of his Majesty. Taking advantage of the said
opportunity, they sent it by the hands and under the names of persons
of this city, who have protected and are protecting them. Although
this city, on account of the notice given to it of this conduct, has
made all possible efforts to prevent so harmful a proceeding--having
even requested and received letters of excommunication, which have
been read and published in the churches--yet it has not been learned
that these have been sufficient to prevent it. This is verified by the
unlading of the flagship "Santa Maria Magdalena," which was despatched
from the port of Cavite in these islands in the first part of August
of the past year, six hundred and thirty-one, for Nueva España,
but whose voyage did not take place, because of the disaster that
happened. Through that mishap it became known what the Portuguese of
Macan had embarked in it, as can be related by Captain Andres Lopez
de Azaldiqui, depositary-general of this court, who was present at
the discharge of cargo with a commission from this city council.
The tenth is, that what the ships bring from Macan is only silks,
in bundles and in fabrics. If they have brought any cotton cloth
needed by the poor, each piece of cloth has been sold at three or
three and one-half pesos. The same price is received for one cate
of sewing thread, and a dish of average quality sells for one real;
and notwithstanding that they bring but little of this for the supply
of this community, they have always sold the said articles at the
prices quoted, because of reducing the cargo of the said ships to
the said silks and stuffs, on account of the profits arising from
such freights. The ships give little or no place for the lading of
cotton cloth and other wares needed so badly by the poor, because of
their volume and of the little profit made from such cargoes. Such
things are also needed by those who are not poor; and even a single
ship of those usually brought by the Sangleys from China to this city
fills the land with the said common goods, which are so necessary,
as can be understood; and the poor are supplied with these by the
convenience of their prices, which are very low. They are still
lower when a number of ships come, as was formerly the case. That
is verified by the few which have come with the said goods for some
years past, so that these articles have been valued at prices so low
as the fourth part, and less, of the prices at which they have been
sold by the said Portuguese, as has been stated.
The eleventh is, that it would not have been any trouble for the
Chinese to come to engage in this trade with a quantity of goods--as
they did before the Portuguese represented to them the dangers of
enemies or the other things aforesaid--if the trade of Macan had been
suppressed. For the greed of gain, which they are so well known to
possess, would have conquered everything, and they would come here;
since an outlet for the merchandise in which they trade in China must
be sought beneath the water. If the Chinese can know for only one year
that no ships have come from Macan to this city, it is certain that
they will come, and that beyond all doubt. Also the reëstablishment of
the trade of the said Chinese will be effected; and, since there will
be great abundance in the goods which they trade, the customs duties
will amount to the sums which I have already stated. Consequently,
there will be a stop put to the loans, so numerous and usual, that
we are wont to require every year from the inhabitants in order to
supply the needs of the royal treasury; or at least the loans will
not be so large, since the said duties will be able to supply much.
The twelfth is that, as is well known, in the merchandise brought by
the Portuguese from the city of Macan to this of Manila, there are
no articles that can, with known reason, have an outlet with profits
or even without profits, in any other part, because of this--namely,
that what they take to Japon is only raw silk, which they call of
the first value, and the cream of that of China, whose products they
bring here. No other thing is used in Japon; and the skins which they
also carry, besides being in small quantity, are but little used by
the Japanese, according to their customs; so that all the rest which
the inhabitants of Macan buy is for conveyance to this city. If they
do not come here with it, then, it is certain that they will not buy
it. Consequently, the Chinese will come with it, for it is their trade,
and they have to procure an outlet and profit for their merchandise.
The thirteenth is that the efforts exerted by the said Portuguese of
Macan in preventing the commerce of the Chinese have been by as many
roads of state as they have been able to attempt. This came to such
a pass that a ship returning from this city to that of Macan, whence
it had come with merchandise, with some Portuguese aboard it, while
coasting along the Ilocan shore some two years ago, sighted two ships
of the Sangleys, which were coming from China laden with merchandise to
this city. The said ship from Macan attacked them while passing, and
chased them, the while discharging its artillery, with the intention
of pillaging and sinking them, and preventing their coming here. By
the strenuous efforts that they made, the Chinese escaped from their
hands, although they received great damage from the artillery. Through
the delay that they suffered in these perils, their arrival here was
postponed, and having entered the bay during a terrible storm, one ship
was wrecked in the neighborhood of Parañaque, and the other in sight
of the walls [of Manila]. Consequently, the Sangleys lost their goods,
and were in danger of losing their lives. As soon as they entered this
city they gave notice of that injury, and this city council having seen
the reason of it, voted that an investigation should be made of the
aforesaid affair, and that it be done by Licentiate Nicolas Antonio de
Omaña, as he was alcalde-in-ordinary of the city. He began to make an
investigation, but ceased because the governor said that it belonged to
the jurisdiction of the war department. Thereupon the Sangleys--seeing
that they would not obtain the justice which they desired in respect
to the said investigation; and that the said Portuguese returned to
this city, because they did not continue their voyage, on account of
the wreck of the said ship in which they were going along the said
coast of Ilocos--had recourse to the royal Audiencia of these islands,
where they filed a complaint against the Portuguese who was leader of
the said ship, and the others. From the papers which were drawn up,
it resulted that the said Audiencia ordered the said Portuguese who
was commander of the said ship to be arrested. That was done, and the
latter was a prisoner for many days in the houses of the city council,
until at the end of some time he was freed, without any one knowing
in what condition the said case remained.
The fourteenth is, the long experience that we have of the injuries
that have been committed on the Castilians who have gone from this city
to the said city of Macan in the Portuguese ships, with some money
which they have taken to invest and with which to pay their passage
and the freight on their investments. Having reached the said city of
Macan they are arrested, and the said money is sequestered. Some who
have escaped this harsh treatment have taken refuge in churches, and
have at last embarked, fortunate to be at liberty with their money,
in order to return to this city. Having gone through those kingdoms
and experienced the delay of the long time during which they have been
suffering this molestation, and the others who, as aforesaid, have
escaped it by availing themselves of the said churches, these have
employed their capital in buying the merchandise of the Portuguese
of that city--and always at so high prices that, from one hand to
another, the Portuguese gain twenty-five or thirty per cent with
our people. For no lesser rate was open to the latter, in order to
redeem themselves from the injury inflicted on them, of little or no
liberty; while the Portuguese have so much freedom in this said city,
as has been and is seen, as I have already stated. Consequently, what
our people have brought from that city has always been too dear, by
reason of the aforesaid profit which the said Portuguese have made of
it. They, not content with this, have (as is well known also), whenever
opportunity has arisen to send any ship of his Majesty from this city
to bring back at his royal account military supplies for the provision
of the royal magazines, refused to let these be bought by the hands of
those who have the matter in charge, but [insist that it be] by those
of inhabitants of Macan. Thus they make use of what goods they have,
and sell them at the prices which they choose. That has always resulted
in great loss to the royal treasury, which is sufficiently notorious,
because it has been said openly by all who have gone from here for that
purpose. Such comment has not been less, even though many citizens of
this city are so patiently enduring such injustice; for, these having
delivered their goods to the said Portuguese that they might take
them hence to the said city of Macan and invest them, and bring them
back or send them the proceeds, the Portuguese have kept the goods,
and have not thus far made any return to our people. For that reason
those who sent the goods have been completely ruined by such great
losses, which in their total amount to a very large sum. With that,
and with all the profits and gains aforesaid, those of Macan are today
known to be very powerful, and to have great wealth--although they had
no considerable wealth in the said year of six hundred and nineteen,
when they began to come here to avail themselves of the said trade.
The fifteenth is, that if the trade of the said Portuguese ceases,
there can be no doubt that the Sangleys will come in their ships from
China, laden with merchandise, in order to sell it in this city. And
even should this not be to the number of those who formerly came,
nor with so great an amount of goods during these first years,
yet with the few that do come with valuable goods, and with those
which can come from the island of Hermosa, and the wax which is
obtained in these islands, there will be enough goods to complete
the two hundred and fifty thousand pesos which his Majesty allows
the inhabitants of this archipelago to trade with the said Nueva
España--and even to exceed that amount, in general, according to
the scarcity of wealth that they have today. The great investments
which are made today through the hands of agents who are here--who
have the money of certain citizens of Mexico in large quantities,
many thousands of pesos, with which they disturb the trade and
commerce of our citizens--will be prevented. For, as these men who
have the agencies enjoy an interest of ten per cent of what they thus
invest by their own authority (even though it be bought very dear),
they will not consider the removal of obstacles in the prices of the
merchandise--making them exceptions to the general loss of all this
community; for the Portuguese have continued their sales at the same
prices, without its having been possible to apply the corrective which
so great an injury demands. If that loss cease, our citizens alone will
enjoy the said investments, complying therein with his Majesty's will,
and will make them at favorable prices, whereby considerable profit
will accrue to them. For this they will share the merchandise which
will come, both from China and from the island of Hermosa and other
places, in accordance with their means. From it will also result
another advantage with the coming of the said vessels from China,
to the citizens who have possessions in the Parián, who will thus
have someone to occupy those possessions. The limited time during
which the said Sangleys are wont to remain here will be worth more
to those citizens than the rent and payment for their property which
they now usually obtain for all the year. With that income the tax
which they ought to pay for the arable land in the said possessions,
at the [current] values of this city, will not be so long delayed,
and will be paid with greater ease, promptness, and willingness than
is done now; for, as is well known to this city council, about eight
thousand pesos are owing to the said public property for the said
reason, according to the accounts that have been rendered by Juan de
Arguelles and Juan Lopez de Andoin.
The sixteenth is for an argument that, if the trade of the Portuguese
of Macan cease, the said [Chinese] will have to conduct the trade
as they did before in the said merchandise, because they will
have no other outlet for it, except in this city. This is proved
because in the revolts of the Sangleys here, in the first part of
October of the former year six hundred and two [_sic_], more than
twenty thousand Sangleys having been killed and their possessions
ruined--of which advices were taken to China by more than ten
of their ships which escaped and carried the news--nevertheless,
by May of the year following the same ships came to this city, in
the number and with the amounts of goods with which they had come
in the years preceding. They continued that in the following years,
as if the aforesaid punishment had been a benefit to them. They did
that for the reason above mentioned, of not having any other outlet
for the said merchandise in which they traded.
The seventeenth is that, as is well known, as soon as the Portuguese
of Macan knew of the post which we took in the island of Hermosa,
they tried to obstruct that trade, by sending a religious of their
nation to one of the commercial ports of China, in order that he
might direct those Chinese not to take any merchandise to the said
island. They have persisted and are still persisting in those efforts.
In regard to all the above, as a matter so important, and on which
depends the conservation of this community, and so that the citizens
of it may retrieve their losses, he petitions that discussion be
held, and that this proposition be set down in the record-book;
that a decision be reached, and a vote taken in regard to all that
ought to be petitioned; and that the royal decrees which treat of
all the said matter be observed. Having read and understood it _de
verbo ad verbum_, it was voted that the said proposition be enrolled
in the record-book of this cabildo, and that it should be discussed
and voted upon. That having been done, in consideration of the fact
that the arguments which it contains are so notorious and so well
known in this city and by its inhabitants, Manila unanimously and
as one man has resolved to inform his Lordship, the governor, of
the said proposition; that for its accomplishment all the steps that
shall seem to be advisable shall be taken, by writing, until the said
effect is obtained--with the consent and advice of the counselor of
this city; that the procurator-general of the city attend to all the
above, and that they appoint as commissaries those deputed to inform
the governor. Thereupon, Captain Diego Diaz, regidor of this city,
voted, and said that his opinion is that this affair is one of great
importance; and that it seems right to discuss and treat of it with
the inhabitants of the community, who are the ones interested. This
is his vote and opinion. The governor is requested to be pleased
to give permission for the holding of an open cabildo, so that
those interested, as they are the ones whom it concerns so greatly,
may declare therein the resolution that ought to be taken in this
matter. For if the suspension of the coming of the goods from Macan
were to happen in any other way, and at the same time those of China
should not come, the people would generally complain; and in order that
they may not do that, let them be participants in the resolution that
shall be taken. In such condition was this vote, and all signed it.
_Copy of a section of a letter written to his Majesty, August 14,
1633, by the governor of Filipinas_
The trade of Great China also has declined, inasmuch as the Portuguese
of Macan have become masters of it, as they are so near; and as they
are admitted here, contrary to all good government, they retail
the products which the said Chinese formerly brought direct. That
causes a great scarcity in these provinces, all of which results
in our loss, and in the gain of China, because of the great advance
in price over the [former] cheapness--[an excess], moreover, which
they carry to their own land. The relief that I believe can be had,
although some privation may be felt in the beginning, is that your
Majesty prohibit the trade of Macan with Manila, and decree that
Portuguese be not admitted into this government. Besides having the
above result, your Majesty's duties will increase; and the commerce
of China with the island of Hermosa can be established by this route,
and become of importance to your Majesty, although up to the present
it has been only an expense. [_Decree of the Council_: "Collect the
papers treating of this matter and the chart of the island of Hermosa;
and together with this section take it all to the fiscal, and bring
it to the Council with what he shall say. November 25, 1634."]
[_Note_: "The fiscal declares that he regards it as very unadvisable
to make any innovation for the present, and that the trade now
possessed by the Portuguese should be not prohibited; for, since the
said trade is permitted to the Sangleys and other foreign nations,
who are not vassals of his Majesty, it is not right to prohibit
it to the Portuguese; and because if the said trade is prohibited
to the Portuguese, the Dutch and other rebels to this crown might
seize that site and the trade. Moreover, the advantages which the
governor represents as the consequence are not sure but contingent;
and the increase which he mentions might not happen, and could not
afterward be made up if the Portuguese abandoned that site and that
trade ceased. Madrid, December 6, 1635."]
[_Endorsed:_ "In regard to the affairs of the island of Hermosa and
the Portuguese. Refer it to the fiscal. April 15, 636." "Let account
be given so that those decrees may be carried out which were given
in order that foreigners might not trade or traffic in the Filipinas
Islands--taking note that the Portuguese are included among foreigners,
and that the Chinese and Sangleys can trade and traffic as hitherto. In
regard to the expulsion thence of the Portuguese who are not living
there by the express license of his Majesty, he shall expel them,
unless the governor and Audiencia consider that it is not advisable;
of which it may be necessary to present information to the Council."]
_Copies of the decrees which were despatched to the governor and
Audiencia of Filipinas, and the fiscal and royal officials of them,
in regard to the trade which the Portuguese of Macan have introduced
into Manila._
The King. To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the
Philipinas Islands: Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, procurator-general
of that city, has informed me that the Portuguese people who live in
Eastern India have attempted to trade and traffic with those islands,
thus hindering the Sangleys from going to sell their merchandise
in that city; and that this intercourse was already established, in
violation of the orders and decrees issued, to the very great damage
and prejudice of my royal revenues and the good government of the
islands. He petitioned me to be pleased to have a speedy and effective
remedy applied in a matter of so great importance and weight. My
royal Council of the Indias having examined all the papers which
were presented in this matter, together with what my fiscal said and
alleged regarding it, I have considered it fitting to send you a copy
of them, so that you may see them. If the report that has been made of
this seems to you correct, you shall immediately attend to the remedy
for this damage; and I order my fiscal of that my royal Audiencia, by
another decree, to prosecute that case and to plead whatever he judges
suitable for the advantage and increase of my royal treasury, and
the observance of the orders and decrees issued, since that pertains
to him by reason of his office. Of all that you shall enact and that
you shall continue to do in this matter, you shall advise me. Given
in Madrid, November ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-four.
_I the King_
By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon_
[A decree of the same date and of like tenor, addressed to the fiscal
of the Manila Audiencia, Juan de Quesada Vitado y Mendoça, follows, in
which he is ordered to prosecute the case. A decree of the same date is
also addressed to the royal officials; which, after the same general
statement at the beginning, continues: "And although I order that
Audiencia by another of my decrees of equal date with this to attend
to the remedy of this damage, and the fiscal to plead in prosecution
what he sees to be necessary, I have thought it best to advise you of
it, so that after you have understood it, if you are sure that there
is fraud in the collection and administration of my royal duties,
you also shall plead what you consider to be advisable, since you
see what is your obligation by virtue of your office. And of what
you shall hear, and what shall be done, you shall keep me advised."]
Sire:
Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, procurator-general of the noble and loyal
city of Manila, metropolis and capital of the Philipinas Islands,
declares that the past year he represented to your Majesty the
great damages and injuries which the inhabitants of that city are
experiencing from the Portuguese of Macan having introduced the custom
of going to buy their merchandise at the fair of Canton in China,
and bringing the same to the city of Manila to retail it--where they
make a monopoly of it, without the inhabitants [of Manila] being able
to make any profit, such as they had before when the Chinese came to
the said city to sell their merchandise. The latter, besides selling
the merchandise for very suitable prices, gave credit for them until
they came back again. Without spending money, the inhabitants then
were benefited, and sent the said merchandise to Nueva España, and
made very great profits on it. All this has ceased with the coming of
the Portuguese, who not only give no credit, but sell the merchandise
for excessive prices. If they do not receive the pay that they wish
for the goods, they send them to Mexico at their own account. As they
are settled in Manila, they keep the merchandise from one year to
another. The Sangleys did not do that; for, in order to be able to
return, they sold the goods at very suitable prices, or gave credit
for them, by which the inhabitants made considerable profits. As that
profit has ceased, they are becoming very poor, and have no capital,
and there is no help for it. What they gained the Portuguese now
gain; and the latter withdraw thrice as much money from Manila as the
Sangleys did. The latter exchanged a great part of their merchandise
for products of the country, which the Portuguese do not do, but take
away the money in bars and reals. And although they allege in their
favor, in order to continue the trade, that they are vassals of his
Majesty, and that it is right for them to trade and traffic in Manila
as in Castilla and in other parts of España, the fact is excluded that
the inhabitants of that city have conquered those islands and shed
their blood in that conquest, and always have arms in their hands for
their defense. It is right that they alone should have this advantage
(as your Majesty orders by the many decrees which have been despatched
in regard to this), and not the Portuguese, who have and have always
had places to trade and traffic in Portuguese India, Japon, China,
and many other parts. It is not right to snatch the bread from the
hands of the inhabitants of Manila, who have no other trade or means
of gain save that in the merchandise of China. If relief is not given
in this very quickly, all the commerce of that city will be destroyed,
and it is now so fallen for this reason. Besides, it is prohibited
to the inhabitants of those islands by decrees, and in particular
by one of the year 593, to go to the Canton fair or to China, as the
Portuguese go to buy. It is also prohibited by many decrees for any
Portuguese, notwithstanding that they are vassals of your Majesty,
to trade or traffic in the provinces of the Indias without special
permission. This same thing must be observed in Manila, just as it
is observed in Nueva España and Piru.
Certain reasons that were presented having been examined in the royal
Council of the Indias, it was ordered by a decree despatched November
ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, to send all the papers
which were presented in behalf of that city to the governor and
Audiencia of Manila; and commission was given to them so that, after
examination of the documents by the fiscal and the royal officials
(to whom a decree of like tenor was sent), they might apply in this
matter such remedy as they deemed most advisable, and as a matter so
important for the preservation of those islands demands.
King Don Felipe Second, having considered and foreseen the many
difficulties [involved in decreeing] that no one of his vassals go to
China to buy merchandise from the Chinese, ordered the said decree
to be despatched January eleven, of the said year, one thousand
five hundred and ninety-three (a copy of which is here presented),
by which he ordered Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor of Manila,
not to allow any inhabitants of those islands to go to China to buy
merchandise from the Chinese; but to have the latter come to that
city to sell them, at their own risk. That decree was enforced until
the year one thousand six hundred and six; but it is now violated
because the Portuguese have crossed over, contrary to the order of
the said decree. They go to China, which is the act prohibited in
the decree; and not only do they cause that damage, but they also
deprive the inhabitants [of Manila] of the benefit which they had
of receiving on credit the merchandise from the Chinese who go to
that city. Further, they bought the goods at very low prices, since,
in accordance with the terms of the said decree, the governor and the
city set the prices for the merchandise, which was a thing of great
importance. And in order that the Chinese might return to Manila, and
the inhabitants enjoy the profits and accommodations of former times,
and the terms of the said decree of 593 might be obeyed, in which all
the trouble that happens now was anticipated; and for confirmation of
the above statement, and so that your Majesty may see that not only do
the inhabitants of that city suffer damage because the Portuguese go
to it with Chinese merchandise, but that your Majesty also loses vast
sums of which the royal duties are defrauded: will you be pleased to
order the certification which the writer presents, from the accountant
of the official visit to be examined. From this, it is apparent that
during the last thirteen years while the Sangleys had the trade in
that city--from the year one thousand six hundred and six until that
of one thousand six hundred and eighteen--they paid in duties to your
Majesty, 574,627 pesos and six tomins; and that in another thirteen
years while the said Portuguese of Macan have had the said trade, they
have paid only 90,041 pesos. Figuring one period against the other,
the royal treasury has had a shortage of 483,986 pesos and four tomins,
a considerable quantity in only thirteen years. And, in order that
this truth may be apparent to your Majesty, the writer presents the
said certification of the annual amounts of the said duties, for both
the thirteen years of the Portuguese and the thirteen of the Chinese.
[He also invites] consideration of the fact that the purpose of the
said royal decree of 593 is subverted and violated by the commerce
which the Portuguese of Macan carry on in China in order to take the
merchandise by way of retail to the said city of Manila; for the said
purpose declared in the said royal decree is that the said merchandise
of China shall enter into the said Manila through the hands of the said
Chinese, and at their own account and risk, as the said decree says,
without any other persons being authorized to meddle in it at all,
or any merchants save the said Chinese. Thus the said violation is
manifest, since the said Portuguese are the ones who carry and deliver
the merchandise in the said city, by means of the said commerce which
they have in China. Without that it would be impossible to take them
to Manila, or to violate the said royal decree. Since they are not
deserving of greater favor or benefit than the inhabitants of the
said city--in whom concur so many merits and services, as is well
known, and to whom the said commerce is denied by the said decree
of 593--nor is there any cause or reason why the said Portuguese,
who can not urge the said services, and who only think of the said
retailing of goods and of their own interest and greed, should be
permitted to trade; he petitions and beseeches your Majesty to be
pleased to have a second decree of like tenor to that of the year 593
issued, so that it may be observed and obeyed exactly, as is stated
therein. In it also should be included the case above mentioned, or
it should be ordered anew that the said Portuguese shall not conduct
or continue the said commerce in the said city--at least making it
an offense to carry to Manila the said merchandise for which they
trade in China, imposing therefor heavy penalties of confiscation,
and others more severe in case of violation. By this the royal
treasury will receive great benefit and increase, and avoid the so
considerable injury and loss that has been set forth; and the said
city and its inhabitants will receive an especial favor and grace,
as is hoped from the greatness and the royal authority of your Majesty.
Further, he besought your Majesty to have filed with this memorial the
letters which were in the secretary's office, written by the governor
and Audiencia in regard to what is represented in the memorial; so
that after the whole has been examined, the decision most fitting to
the service of your Majesty and the preservation of those islands may
be made. And that the great troubles that follow from the aforesaid
may be seen, he petitions that an examination he ordered to be made
of the memorial of seventeen articles which was presented by Jusepe
de Naveda, regidor of that city.
_Decree of our sovereign King Don Felipe Second, by which it is
prohibited that any one go to China to buy merchandise from the
Chinese; but the latter must go to the city of Manila to carry them,
and sell them at their own cost and risk_--_in which decree are to
be included the Portuguese of Macan._
The King. To Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, my governor and captain-general
of the Philipinas Islands, and any other person who shall hereafter
serve in the said office: know that I have been informed that many
persons of those islands are going to Macan and other ports of China
to trade and traffic with the Chinese for the profit that results
from it. From that result higher prices for the merchandise, and other
notable inconveniences. And as it is fitting that a remedy be applied
in this matter, I have determined to prohibit and to order--as I do
by this present prohibit, forbid, and order--that no person, now and
henceforth, shall trade or traffic in any part of China; nor shall
any merchandise, on account of the merchants of the said islands, be
carried or permitted to be carried from that kingdom to the islands,
unless the Chinese themselves, at their own account and risk, shall
carry it to the said islands, and sell it therein by wholesale. For
this, you, together with the city council of the city of Manila,
shall appoint each two or three persons whom you shall consider most
suitable to value and appraise the said merchandise. They shall take it
at wholesale from the Chinese, paying them the amount for the goods;
and afterward it shall be divided among all the citizens and natives
of the islands at that price, in accordance with their wealth, so that
all may share the profit which results from this trade. You shall
order that the said persons thus appointed keep a book, in which
shall be entered the amount of money which is invested each time,
and the price at which each kind of merchandise is appraised; among
what persons it is divided; and the quantity that falls to each one's
share. And I charge you straitly to have especial care to ascertain
in what manner the persons deputed for that purpose exercise that
commission. You shall not permit those who have held it one year to
be chosen for it the following year. You shall send me a relation
of all the aforesaid, signed by them, and another to the viceroy
of Nueva España. And I order you, and also all other justices and
judges, to observe and obey, and cause to be observed and obeyed,
and executed to the letter, the contents of this our decree; for
thus it is fitting for my service. Given in Madrid, January eleven,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.
I the King
By order of the king our sovereign.
Juan de Ybarra
[_Endorsed_: "December 19, 635. Have these papers collected; bring
what is provided." "Have all these papers taken to the fiscal. In the
Council, January 16, 636." "The fiscal asks that this decree be brought
authorized by the secretary, so that he may answer and petition what he
shall believe to be expedient. Madrid, January 19, 1636." "The fiscal
says that the decree of which a reissue is requested does not touch
upon the case for which it is now requested; and that he considers
as a rigorous measure that what is therein permitted to the Chinese
should not be permitted to the Portuguese, who are his Majesty's
vassals--they having occupied that port of Macan, as he understands,
after the said decree was issued. Madrid, January 22, 1636."]
_Customs duties collected at Manila on Chinese merchandise_
In thirteen years while the Sangleys had control of the trade of
Chinese merchandise--namely, from that of 1606 to that of 1618--they
paid in duties to his Majesty, according to the certification of the
accountant for the official visit, 574,627 pesos, 6 tomins. In another
thirteen years while the Portuguese of Macan have controlled the
said trade, they have paid only 90,641 pesos, 2 tomins. Consequently,
comparing the one time with the other, there is, as he has informed his
Majesty, a shortage of 483,986 pesos, 4 tomins, in his royal treasury.
This account is presented in detail in the following manner:
Year of 1606 32,113 pesos, 3 tomins, 3 granos.
Year of 1607 and 1608 75,462 pesos, 0 tomins, 4 granos.
Year of 1609 and 1610 131,341 pesos, 4 tomins, 0 granos.
Year of 1611 26,053 pesos, 0 tomins, 7 granos.
Year of 1612 95,639 pesos, 2 tomins, 8 granos.
Year of 1613 69,427 pesos, 7 tomins, 0 granos.
Year of 1614 36,105 pesos, 2 tomins, 6 granos.
Year of 1615 41,558 pesos, 1 tomin, 1 grano.
Year of 1616 23,377 pesos, 0 tomins, 0 granos.
Year of 1617 37,179 pesos, 5 tomins, 5 granos.
Year of 1618 5,770 pesos, 0 tomins, 0 granos.
------- -- --
574,627 pesos, 6 tomins, 10 granos.
Duties which the Portuguese of Macan have paid on the merchandise
of China in the thirteen years from that of 1619 to that of 1631,
according to the same certification; and also those which the Chinese
ships that have come in those same years have paid.
Macan Years China
pesos tomins granos pesos tomins granos
1,172 6 3 1619 11,148 0 0
8,903 0 0 1620 27,797 0 0
9,653 5 0 1621 6,692 6 11
7,370 0 0 1622 8,040 0 0
4,238 3 5 1623 1,759 3 9
5,444 0 0 1624 2,998 6 0
6,917 0 0 1625 10,894 0 0
10,248 0 0 1626 22,580 0 0
9,092 3 8 1627 20,385 0 0
3,036 0 0 1628 2,943 0 0
641 0 0 1629 3,957 0 0
11,645 0 0 1630 6,287 0 0
7,480 0 0 1631 18,344 0 0
------ -- -- ------- -- --
90,641 2 4 143,826 6 8
DECREE EXTENDING THE TENURE OF ENCOMIENDAS
The King. To Don Albaro de Quiñones, knight of the Order of Santiago,
my governor and captain-general of the province of Guatemala, and
president of my royal Audiencia resident therein, or the person
or persons in charge of its government: as you have understood,
the repartimientos and encomiendas of Indians which the kings my
forbears and I have been accustomed to grant to various persons in
that country, in consideration of their services, have been for two
generations. Inasmuch as my intention has always been, and is, to
show favor to those who serve, equal to their deserts, and especially
to the pacifiers and settlers of those provinces, and considering the
special importunities that many persons make, that the repartimento or
encomienda which they hold may be prolonged for one more generation,
they representing to me not only their own causes, but the advantages
therein for the Indians, and their good treatment and education:
with the consent and advice of the members of my royal Council of
the Indias, after they had consulted with me, I have determined to
show favor generally to all those who hold the repartimientos and
encomiendas of Indians in those provinces, by prolonging them for
another generation, in addition to the generations for which they
now hold them, provided that they immediately, for this reason,
contribute to my funds--those who shall possess encomiendas for a
second generation, with the value of the first three years; and those
who shall enjoy them in the third generation with the value of two
years--so that that may be an aid to the heavy expenses that my royal
treasury incurs in defense of these and those kingdoms, and of the
increase and conservation of our holy Catholic faith. [It shall be]
provided that this prolongation be not extended, nor be understood
to extend, to those who should hold encomiendas of which the value
exceeds eight hundred ducados and more; for such encomiendas must be
kept to reward worthy persons, in the manner that has been followed
hitherto. In order that this may be executed as is desired, I have
thought best to order you and to charge you--as I do--that as soon as
you receive this my decree you publish it in that city of Santiago,
and in all the others of your government, so that all persons who shall
desire the said prolongation of their repartimientos or encomiendas
may come before you within one year, counted from the day of the said
publication. Those who thus come before you within the said time you
shall admit to the said agreement, under the above obligations. Having
made the contract, you shall give them the necessary despatches,
so that they may enjoy these for the third generation; and these
shall be thus continued to them with the repartimientos which they
possess, or shall be continued to those who shall duly succeed to
them, according to the law of succession. They shall be obliged to
have obtained within four years my confirmation of the same. Those
who shall come after the said year has expired you shall in no case
admit. With those with whom you shall make a contract, you shall try
to regulate the value of the repartimientos and encomiendas, with the
advice of the fiscal of that Audiencia and the royal officials of their
district, enacting for that purpose the measures that you shall deem
advisable; paying heed to the consolidations which must be made of
the pensions that they pay at present. With those who shall possess
their repartimientos and encomiendas without any stipulation for the
consolidation, you shall contract in the same manner and form, with
the obligation to come to obtain the confirmation. You shall proceed
in both cases with the like care that the business be regulated and
transacted so that my royal treasury be paid, exactly and promptly,
what belongs to it because of this. The sum resulting from this you
shall send me at the first opportunity in a separate fund, and shall
not put it with the rest of my revenues--sending it directed to my
president and official judges of the House of Trade at Sevilla. You
shall make a special report of what proceeds from each contract, and
of those who wish to make contracts in regard to the encomiendas which
they possess in those kingdoms; and those who enjoy those encomiendas
while living in these kingdoms shall come to make these contracts
in the said my Council of the Indias, where they will be admitted
without any time limit being set. Madrid, February 1, 1636.
_I the King_
By order of the king our sovereign:
_Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon_
_Idem_, to the [governor] of Yucatan, Philipinas, and Venezuela.
MILITARY SERVICES OF FILIPINOS
Sire:
Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, procurator-general of the Philipinas
Islands, desirous of your Majesty's service and the welfare and
conservation of those islands, and that the Indians who are under
your Majesty's protection and pay you homage be preserved therein,
represents that the Indian natives of the provinces of Pampanga,
Camarinas, and Tagalos have served and are serving your Majesty with
great love and fidelity, since the time of the conquest of those
islands. Not one of those Indians has ever been found in rebellion,
or has wrought any treachery, or deserted to the enemy. Those Indians,
mingled with Spaniards, serve as soldiers in war, and have proved
excellent therein. Especially are the Pampangos valiant soldiers,
who have performed and are daily performing valiant exploits at
the side of the Spanish. They were at the taking of Terrenate; and,
whenever occasion offers, they with other companies come to guard the
city of Manila. They also serve as rowers and pioneers in expeditions
by the fleets. On all occasions that offer, they serve your Majesty
with their persons and possessions. The natives of the province of
Tagalos do the same. They, together with those of the province of
Camarinas, serve both in war and in the building of galleons and
galleys with great friendship and goodwill. In order that those
Indians, especially the Pampangos and Tagáls, may be encouraged to
continue your Majesty's royal service, he represents that it would be
very advisable for your Majesty to be pleased to command that letters
be sent to them, expressing your great appreciation of their conduct;
as well as to the governor of Manila, ordering him to observe and
cause to be observed _in toto_ the decrees that were ordered to be
despatched in their favor by their Majesties the kings Don Phelipe
Second and Third. If it should be deemed advisable, since they are
serving in the military and are so valiant soldiers, in order to
encourage them for the future [the writer suggests that you] honor
them with military offices and charges; for if the natives of the
said provinces see that your Majesty is mindful of them, and honors
them through your royal decrees, they will be encouraged to continue
your royal service with greater fervor. In case that it should appear
expedient to despatch the said decrees, they could be sent to the
alcaldes-mayor of the said three provinces of Pampanga, Tagalos,
and Camarinas, and they should be ordered to assemble the leading
Indians of those provinces, and have your Majesty's royal decrees
read to them. Besides the many advantages that may accrue from your
Majesty honoring the natives of these three provinces, may follow
another very great one--namely, that the other Indians of the other
provinces, who do not serve with so much friendship and promptness
as they (on the contrary, many of them rebel daily and go over to
the enemy), on seeing that your Majesty honors them by your royal
decrees, and that the governors appoint them to offices and duties,
will be encouraged to serve and to merit a like reward from your
Majesty. All of the above he represents, so that your Majesty may
take what measures may be deemed most fitting for your royal service.
[_Endorsed_: "Don Juan Grau, procurator-general of the Philipinas
Islands. June 13, 636. Have the governor notified to be very careful
for the Indians of these three provinces; and to encourage them
greatly. Order him to summon their leaders so that they may always
continue in his Majesty's service. Have a relation made to the effect
that we have heard that they serve well, and of their fidelity. This
being so, let him execute the aforesaid; and let nothing which is
here proposed be said that may annoy the military officers."]
CONFLICTS BETWEEN CIVIL AND ECCLESIASTICAL AUTHORITIES, 1635-36
_SECOND BOOK OF THE SECOND PART OF THE CONQUESTS OF THE FILIPINAS
ISLANDS, AND CHRONICLE OF THE RELIGIOUS OF OUR FATHER, ST. AUGUSTINE_
[_Translation of title-page_: "Conquests of the Filipinas Islands:
the temporal by the arms of our Catholic Sovereigns of España, and
the spiritual by the religious of the Order of St. Augustine; and the
foundation and progress of the province of Santísimo Nombre de Jesús
of the same order. Part second: compiled by the use of the materials
which the very reverend father Fray Gaspar de San Agustín, [31]
author of the first part, collected, by Father Fray Casimiro Diaz, [32]
native of Toledo, of the Order of our father St. Augustine, chronicler
of this province of Santísimo Nombre de Jesús, procurator-general,
and twice secretary and definitor of the same. With the necessary
licenses. Valladolid [33] ... 1890."]
CHAPTER XV
_The raid of the Mindanao pirates into Leyte. Election of father Fray
Juan Ramirez as provincial. Arrival of the governor, Don Sebastian
Hurtado de Corcuera, and the religious who came in his company._
That year of 1634 was so quiet and so barren of events worthy of
remembrance that I shall not dwell long upon it; for there is nothing
of which I have heard to detain me, unless it be the raid of the
Mindanao enemy into the island of Leyte, and the depredations that
they committed there with the license permitted to them in seeing
that there was no attempt made in Manila to check them.
On Sunday, December 3, 1634, the Mindanaos arrived with eighteen
galleys at the village of Ogmuc, leaving behind in that of Baybay
the rest of the vessels which they brought in their fleet. Fifty
of our Indians went out to resist them, but being unable to fight
so many, they gradually retired to a little fort, possessed by the
village. They thought that they would be able to resist the pirates
there, being encouraged by their minister, Father Juan del Carpio, of
the Society of Jesus; and they did so for some time, until the Moros,
knowing that the church was higher than the fort, entered it and our
men could not reach them with their shots. They planted three pieces
in a convenient place at the church, in order to do great damage to
those in the fort; and firing without cessation, they did not allow
our men to fire a shot through its loopholes and windows. Others
of the enemy hastened by another side to gather bundles of thatch by
uncovering the roofs of the houses; and by fastening together what wood
and bamboo they could gather, and pushing this contrivance toward the
fort, they set it afire. The fire burned a quantity of rice and abacá
(which is the hemp of this country), and many men were choked by the
smoke. The besieged, seeing that the fire had caught the timber-work
[of the fort], and that they were being inevitably killed without any
chance to defend themselves, displayed a signal for surrender and in
fact did so.
They were all captured; and a great contest arose among the enemy as to
who should have Father Carpio as his captive. In this contention they
had recourse to the Mindanao captain, and he ordered that the father
be killed. That they did very gladly, and beheaded him and carried his
head back to present it as a spoil to their king, Cachil Corralat. The
latter had charged them not to leave alive any religious or Spaniard,
for so had he vowed to their false prophet Mahomet in an illness that
he had had. They took the others captive, and sacked and burned all
the village. From that place they sailed out and committed the same
destruction in the villages of Soyor, Binñangán, Cabalián, Canamucán,
and Baybay. But they were so stoutly resisted in the village of
Inibañgán in [the island of] Bohol, and in Dapitán, that they retired
but little the gainers; for those Indians are very valiant, and very
different in valor from the other villages which the Mindanaos sacked.
The Camucones also--a people from islands subject to Borney, cruel
and barbarous, and Mahometan by religion, although there are pagans
in some islands--made their raids into the island of Panay, chiefly
on the villages of Bataán, Domayan, and Mahanlur, and in those of
Aclán and Bahay, where they captured many of our Indians, and burned
the churches of the visitas. The visitas are usually deserted, and
have no houses to defend them; and those Camucones are very cowardly
and very different from the Joloans and Mindanaos, who are valiant,
and much more so the latter named. The Camucones entered by the
river and bar of Batán, which is salt water, where a very grievous
jest happened to two or three of their craft. The river of Batán has
another river a short distance above the village road, which ends
in a very wide and spacious sea, which they call "tinagongdagat," or
"hidden sea," in which the inhabitants enjoy excellent fishing. With
the ebb of the tide that spacious sea is left almost dry, and then
many kinds of shellfish are caught, such as oysters and crabs. The
Camucones entered that sea, with the intention of lying in wait for
some capture, but when they least expected it they found their craft
on dry ground. An Indian who was gathering the aforesaid shellfish
saw them; and, recognizing them to be piratical enemies by the style
of their craft, went to the village and gave warning of them. Many
of the inhabitants of Batán assembled, and, well armed, attacked
the Camucones very courageously. They made a great slaughter of the
pirates, and captured many of them and burned their craft. Some of
the Camucones escaped through the mangrove plantations and swampy
ground. They were captured next day, with the exception of those who
had the luck to rejoin the boats of their companions--who repenting
of their carelessness, returned to their lands, and did not return
to try their fortune in those regions for many years.
Those Camucones enemies, entering that island of Panay in the
same district between Bataán and Aclán, in 1672, captured the
alcalde-mayor of Panay, Captain Don José de San Miguel. He defended
himself against them until he was killed, and immediately when that
was known they beheaded him, and took his head and skin to their land
as a trophy. Better fortune was experienced by the notary, Pedro de
Villarús, who was in another boat; for, having seen the Camucones,
he had his boat beached, and, taking to the mangrove swamps, saved his
life after great danger. This he attributed to a miracle of the apostle
St. Peter, to whom he was very devoted, and to whom he made a great
feast as a thank-offering. The piteous death of that alcalde-mayor, Don
José de San Miguel, could be attributed to the punishment of God, as he
had been a cruel persecutor of the regular ministers; so much so that
in the time during which he governed that province (which by the Divine
permission was short), they suffered a great persecution. But God knows
the truth; and it is not permitted, nor do I wish, to interpret the
events of His holy will and providence. But it has not seemed proper
to me to omit a circumstance which I positively know concerning that
ill-starred youth; namely, that after his death, there was found
among his papers a letter from his father, Don Basilio de San Miguel
(who is said to have been much given to astrology and soothsaying),
who told and ordered him not to receive an office of justice under
any circumstance, for the first that he should obtain threatened him
with a very great disaster. I know that fact absolutely; for the rest,
concerning the infallibility and even possibility of like judgments,
I declare that I am ready to obey the command of our holy Mother the
Church, in the constitution of his Holiness Sixtus V which begins,
_Cæli et terræ Creator_.
Father Fray Gerónimo de Medrano finished his triennium, notable
both for his pacific and prudent government, and by the two martyrs
of Christ who ennobled this province during his triennium. In the
chapter celebrated in the convent of Manila, April 28, 1635--over
which father master Fray Alonso de Carvajal presided, by virtue of
the letters of our father-general--father Fray Juan Ramirez, [34] a
religious of great prudence, learning, and devotion, was elected, to
the content of the whole province. The definitors elected were father
Fray Estacio Ortiz, the father master Fray Teófilo Mascarós, [35] Fray
Cristóbal de Miranda, and Fray Andrés Berdugo. [36] The visitors were
father Fray Diego Martinez [37] and Fray Juan Gallegos. They enacted
regulations very useful for the good government of the province, and
provided ministers for the ministries of it, both priors and vicars,
as at that time it contained many distinguished members of the order.
Two galleons arrived at Cavite on St. John's day, which were returning
from Nueva España with the reënforcements for these islands. The
flagship of those vessels was called "Nuestra Señora de la Concepción"
[_i.e.,_ "Our Lady of the Conception"], and the almiranta "San
Luis." They brought the new governor and a company of religious of
our order, and also some of St. Dominic, among them father Fray Diego
Collado. [38] On July twenty-seven father Fray Diego de Ordás [39]
entered the convent of Manila with his mission, which was composed
of twenty-five religious, who have been very useful to this province.
That same year came also Governor Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera,
knight of the Order of Alcantara, and member of the Council of War
in the states of Flandes, where he had served many years with great
credit, being one of the most renowned captains in the siege of
Breda. He had afterward been master-of-camp of the port of Callao in
Perú, and captain-general of the cavalry of that kingdom, and lastly
governor of Panamá. He brought a great reënforcement of soldiers,
many of them from Perú, as he made his voyage to Acapulco from
that kingdom. He was a gentleman of great valor, and one prone to
undertake rash enterprises. However he did not have much good fortune
in the outcome of these, either in war or in politics, for all had a
disastrous end. The reason of this is hidden, with the Divine plans;
but, as the reader will see in the events that I shall soon write,
it will appear that the beginnings of his government, fatal for
these islands, could not have less unfortunate progress, the effects
lasting until the present time. Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera
took possession of this government on June 25 of the above year.
His Majesty had promoted Don Hernando Guerrero to this archbishopric of
Manila; and the latter, upon the arrival of the decree of presentation
in the year 1632, asked the cabildo on May 25 to put him in possession
of his government. But inasmuch as the decree which was required for
it was lacking, the cabildo refused to receive him in possession until
the arrival of the bulls and pallium. Consequently, he remained in
Manila without governing, until, in the above year [_i.e.,_ 1635],
came an official statement that the bulls and pallium were already
attended to in the Roman court; and he thereupon insisted once more
that he be admitted to the government of the Church. There were
various difficulties raised by the cabildo in receiving him; for in
that ship there came only a statement from an apostolic notary, without
approval. In regard to this matter long opinions were uttered by each
side, which were finally settled by admitting Señor Guerrero after he
swore to present himself with the bulls and pallium within a year. In
accordance with this, possession was given to him on June 25, 1635.
Don Fray Hernando de Guerrero began to govern this church at the same
time that Don Sebastián de Corcuera these islands: At the beginning
there were abundant indications of what would happen at the end;
for the new governor showed himself so greatly bent on increasing
his own jurisdiction that it was necessary to act with severity,
and not to allow him to make precedents by which certain notions
(already beginning to be apparent when he was governor of Panamá)
which he had in mind should be established. That gentleman was at
once very prudent, very harsh and austere, very tenacious in his
resolutions, and wedded to his own notions--which is the occasion for
the greatest errors in princes; for by not yielding, in matters that
self-love adopts as certain, they allow themselves to be carried over
any precipice. This passion was greatly predominant in that gentleman
and was the cloud that obscured other talents, worthy of esteem, that
adorned him. Immediately occasions of dispute arose between the two,
not because Guerrero tried to meddle with the civil government, but
because the governor was trying to govern both estates, by giving
unfair interpretations to several matters called by the name of
"royal patronage;" these are delicate to handle, and the attention
with which they ought to be treated is not bestowed on them. Don Fray
Hernando greatly regretted the unavoidable occasions that arose,
and feared that by the precedent of the first disputes all those
which might afterward arise would be regulated; and accordingly,
he tried not to weaken at the beginning, which is the time when one
must pay heed in order to avoid consequences.
The first occasion when the governor contrived to introduce himself
into the ecclesiastical government more than was his right, was in
trying to aid father Fray Diego Collado of the Order of Preachers in
the division which the latter was attempting to make of the province of
Santo Rosario, under the title of "Congregation of San Pablo," dividing
the province into two parts. For that purpose the father had brought
a company of religious, who were called "barbados," because they wore
long beards, and were destined for the new province which he was going
to found under the title of "congregation," for the conversion of
Japón and China. For this purpose the said father Fray Diego Collado
had obtained the bulls necessary for it in Roma; but seeing that he
would not be given license for it in the royal and supreme Council
of the Indias, on account of the difficulties that were apparent to
the eyes of the least prudent, he did not present them there, being
content with having Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera on his side, with
whom he had come to these islands in the aforesaid company. That was
a very dangerous and critical time for the province of Santo Rosario,
which was exposed to many disturbances by the division that they were
trying to make of it; and the best convents near Manila were to be
taken away from it for the new congregation. In that pretension the
aid of the governor was freely used, and it was necessary for the
archbishop to oppose him, the province of Santo Rosario having had
recourse to the latter. Thereupon the dispute was openly declared,
because the governor tried to carry to completion the undertaking that
had been begun. The said division would without doubt have been carried
into effect had it not been opposed by the archbishop and by Don Fray
Diego de Aduarte, a Dominican, and bishop of Nueva Segovia. That was
the beginning of the sharpest controversies that have been seen in
the Indias between the two jurisdictions--ecclesiastical and civil;
and from it originated the disturbances which scandalized the world,
causing lamentable effects which are experienced even until the present
time. Not only laymen, whom worldly considerations cause to follow the
side of power in these islands, conspired on the side of the governor,
but also certain ecclesiastical persons, whose advancement depended
on the will of the civil government. These latter, being domestic
enemies, were the greatest spur in the hostilities that had been
begun. They would have been ended by the care that the archbishop was
taking, had the unyielding disposition of Don Sebastián de Corcuera,
in what had been begun, allowed him to be less insolvent in what he
was attempting. For if on such occasions something is not yielded on
both sides, the fire that has been started will continue to increase
until any check will be entirely impossible--as was experienced on this
occasion; for instead of being extinguished, it became more furious
with what happened afterward, as we shall see in the following chapter.
CHAPTER XVI
_Relation of the disputes and strife between the archbishop and the
governor, Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera._
The strife, being greatly inflamed by the events above mentioned,
became entangled with one of the most memorable disputes that have
occurred in the islands--a necessary occasion for the sharpest
encounter between the two jurisdictions, and one from which Don Fray
Hernando Guerrero could not excuse himself, as it concerned the most
sacred part of the ecclesiastical immunity. That was a matter in which
the archbishop could not neglect to sally out with all his might, in
order to comply with the obligation of a true prelate. The case was
as follows: There was an artilleryman in Manila, named Francisco de
Nava, who had a female slave with whom he had illicit communication,
as came to the ears of the archbishop. The archbishop ordered him to
remove from himself this occasion [for sin] by selling the slave-girl
to another person; and had the latter placed, for that purpose, in the
house of a lady who was related to Doña María de Francia, who became
fond of her and arranged to buy her from the artilleryman. The latter
was so beside himself over the loss of the said slave that he refused
to sell her at any price, saying that he wished, on the contrary,
to marry her. But Doña María de Francia so arranged matters that
the slave was sold, and came into her possession with very slight
effort. The artilleryman, grieved and regretful for what had happened,
almost became mad, and, it having been given out that he was mad,
certain violence was shown him; and on one occasion he had received
a sound beating at the house of Doña María de Francia, because he had
gone there to request that they should give him the slave, as he had
resolved to make her his wife.
Aggrieved and rendered desperate in this way, he saw the girl pass one
day in a carriage with Doña María de Francia. Going to her he asked her
whether she knew him, who was her master. The slave answered him with
some independence, whereupon he, blind with anger, drew his dagger in
the middle of the street and killed her by stabbing her, before anyone
could prevent it. All the people, both those in the carriage and those
in the street, ran tumultuously [after him]; but the artilleryman
escaped them all, and took refuge in the church of our convent in
Manila. The governor heard of what had happened, and ordered Don Pedro
de Corcuera, his nephew (who was then sargento-mayor of the camp),
to take the artilleryman from the church, saying that he could not
avail himself of the sanctuary of the church, as he had committed a
treacherous act--although it was only a homicide, and the settlement
of this question did not concern the governor. However, his action
arose mainly from the anger that he felt that what had happened was
in the presence of his nephew, Don Pedro de Corcuera--who, also being
angered at what concerned his wife, made use of his commission with
less prudence than he ought to exercise in executing such orders from
his superiors. He caused the church and convent to be surrounded; and,
going inside, examined everything, not excepting even the sacristy;
and it is even said that he declared that, if he found the artilleryman
there, he would take him out a prisoner. But not having been able to
find him then, Don Pedro left the church and convent surrounded by a
double guard. The governor added to that that he would not allow the
religious to enter or leave, until he had hold of the refugee. The
latter was finally found, and taken from the sacristy, and surrendered
to the commander of artillery, in order that he might proceed with the
trial as his competent judge; and he, either carried away by flattery,
or in obedience to the commands of the governor, proceeded so hastily
that in a very short time he condemned the artilleryman to death.
The archbishop's provisor, Don Pedro Monroy, bore himself on this
occasion with the prudence that was fitting, and proceeded against
the commander of artillery, requesting him to deliver his prisoner
and return him to the church. Having been informed that the commander
of artillery was a mere instrument, and that all his actions were
according to the impulses of the governor, he sent three lay priests to
the palace to intimate to the latter that the judge should deliver the
refugee to him. The priests entered, without anyone hindering them;
and finding that the governor had already retired, as it was then
an advanced hour of the night, they started to withdraw in order to
return next morning; but the soldiers of the guard would not permit
them to leave, saying that such was the order of the governor.
The sentence against the artilleryman having been given--which it is
said that the governor sent ready made out to the judge, to sign--they
proceeded to execute it, notwithstanding that the provisor proceeded
to threaten censures, and to impose an interdict [40] and suspension
from religious functions [_cessatio de divinis_]. The governor
ordered a gallows to be erected in front of the very church of
St. Augustine, and the criminal was hanged thereon--to the contempt
of the ecclesiastical immunity, for the [proper] place assigned
for such punishments was very distant from there. The governor,
seeing that the sentence was already executed, and that he had now
obtained the chief object of his desire, wrote to the archbishop,
requesting him to have the censures removed and the interdict raised,
and the churches opened on the day of the nativity of our Lady. The
archbishop, recognizing the duplicity of the governor, refused to
answer that letter without first consulting the orders; and, after
consulting with some of them, decided that he would not raise the
interdict, since there was less inconvenience in having it imposed
[even] on so festive a day, than there would be in his yielding on
an occasion so inimical to the ecclesiastical immunity. However, the
requests of the Recollect fathers of our father St. Augustine, who
had charge of the advocacy of the nativity, had so much influence that
the archbishop ordered the interdict to be removed, and it was done.
The commander of artillery was condemned to some pecuniary fines,
from which he appealed to the judge of appeals, who was the bishop
of Camarines. The ecclesiastical judge refusing to admit the appeal,
he threatened the royal aid of fuerza; and this question having been
examined in the royal Audiencia (which at that time consisted of but
the governor and only one auditor, Don Marcos Zapata), it was declared
in his favor, and the appeal went to the bishop of Camarines. The
latter--namely, Don Francisco Zamudio, of the order of our father
St. Augustine, and a son of the province of Méjico--declared the
commander of artillery to be free from the sentence given by the
ecclesiastical judge. The trial of the commander of artillery had its
second hearing. On that account there did not fail to result certain
charges against the governor, such as his having ordered the secular
priests to be detained in the guard-house; his declaration that he
could not be excommunicated by anyone except the pope; and that if an
order were given to him to arrest the pontiff, he would arrest him,
and even drag him along by one foot (which he was proved to have said
by several persons). The governor freed himself from all these charges
by excuses in a manifesto which he published; but as it is not a part
of my duty to examine their adequacy, I shall not do so. I shall refer
the reader to the reply made to him by a learned ecclesiastic of the
university of Méjico; [41] for there is no liberty in Filipinas to
enable any one to complain, or to speak his mind against what the
government manipulates.
The governor ordered the provisor, Don Pedro Monroy, to go to the
island of Hermosa to serve in the post of chief chaplain, endeavoring
by this means to revenge himself--as if he were able to give the former
the collation and the spiritual jurisdiction necessary. The provisor
resisted him, and informed the archbishop thereof. The governor also
wrote a letter to the latter, ordering him to appoint another provisor
in place of Don Pedro Monroy, both because he had been assigned to the
island of Hermosa and such was advisable for his Majesty's service
(the mask under which the passions of those who ought to fulfil
their duties with justice are generally cloaked), and because the
office of provisor could not be exercised by him in contradiction of
a royal decree which ordered that the provisor should not be one who
had not been graduated and who did not have the learning necessary
(although the learning of Don Pedro was sufficient, and the holy
Council [of Trent?] and the sacred canons do not fix conditions for
such an office). The archbishop convened the orders for the solution
of this matter. Having written to Father Luis Pedrosa, rector of the
Society, to attend the meeting, the said father rector excused himself;
and, although summoned the requisite number of times, he refused to
attend. Consequently, the archbishop promulgated an act, in which
he deprived the fathers of the Society of the privilege of preaching
throughout the archbishopric, of the titles of synodal examiners, and
of active and passive right of assembly with the secular priests and
the orders both in public acts and in other functions, in consideration
of the fact that they refused to concur in the defense of the rights
of the ecclesiastical estate. On the following day, Tuesday, October
9, 1635, the archbishop sent a letter to the governor, requesting him
to accept the excuse given by the provisor, so that he might not go to
serve in the post of chaplain at the island of Hermosa; for he had need
of him [_i.e._, the provisor]. The governor should know that it was
beyond the power of secular judges to appoint ecclesiastical vicars
and to confer spiritual jurisdiction. Consequently, he petitioned
the governor in his own name, that of the bishop of Cebu, and those
of the orders, to refrain from such appointment; and counseled him
that he should consult with learned persons who feared God, since
there were so many in the body of secular priests and in the orders,
in such determinations. The religious of the Society, angered at the
act of the archbishop, after various demands and replies on both sides
(which I shall not set down here, as it is not my intention to stir up
so delicate matters--in which it must be believed that each one would
strive according to the dictates of his conscience, for one cannot
imagine the opposite of either side, rather believing that the common
enemy was preparing his weapons in order to occasion the misfortunes
that followed afterward), appointed the schoolmaster, Don Fabián
de Santillán y Gabilanes, judge-conservator (because they declared
that they were prevented from the exercise of their privileges). He
accepted the appointment, and immediately erected a tribunal against
the archbishop, issuing acts against him and fulminating censures in
case he should again oppose the proceedings that had been commenced.
Who could now look for less lamentable issues than those that were
seen in these islands from so wretched beginnings, as are those
that we have seen even to our days? The archbishop was very much
grieved over this determination, for he saw arrayed against himself,
on one side, the tyrannical governor (for Don Sebastián Hurtado de
Corcuera was domineering), and on the other an order so great as the
Society. Notwithstanding he determined to present himself in the royal
Audiencia by way of [pleading] fuerza, although he recognized the
little that he could accomplish by that means. But he was unwilling
to incur the fault of having failed to take this precaution, as was
determined by the orders of these islands--who firmly and steadfastly
assisted the archbishop, aiding him to maintain the ecclesiastical
immunity, which was running so great danger. The archbishop presented
himself in the royal Audiencia, where his arguments were examined in
two meetings; and a disagreement [in the Audiencia] having resulted,
the fiscal, who was the third, undertook to discuss the question. He
declared against the archbishop, saying that the judge-conservator had
used no fuerza. The latter continued to urge his censures against the
archbishop, who, destitute of all aid, determined to surrender and
withdraw the acts. He first made a protest before Diego de Rueda,
royal notary and a familiar of the Holy Office, in regard to the
fuerza that the governor and the judge-conservator were employing
against him. When the governor learned of the protest that the
archbishop had made, he had the notary, Diego de Rueda, arrested,
through the agency of the judge-conservator, and locked him up in
the castle of Santiago, after having taken from him his deposition
as to the contents of the protest--for the governor had been informed
that it was a defamatory libel against him. The notary declared that
the protest of the archbishop contained no special clause that was
prejudicial to anyone, but that it was directed only to the defense
of his rights. After the arrest of the notary, the judge-conservator
fulminated new censures against the archbishop, ordering him to annul
the protest. The archbishop treated those censures as invalid, for the
judge-conservator's jurisdiction did not extend to the trial of that
question. He further replied that the said protest no longer remained
in his possession, as it had been given to father Fray Diego Collado
to keep. He contented himself with this reply, being unwilling again
to attempt the remedy of having recourse to the Audiencia by a plea
of fuerza, whence he knew that he would issue ill-despatched. The
archbishop retired to the convent of St. Francis, where the governor
went to see him, pretending that he wished to serve as intermediary
between the archbishop and the judge-conservator, although it was
clear that all the actions of the latter were regulated according
to the governor's intentions, and were executed by his aid. At the
end of his visit he asked the archbishop to give him the protest,
pledging his word that he only desired to burn it, without reading
it or showing it to any one. The archbishop recognized the purpose
of his pretense, and reaffirmed the first reply that he had given
the judge-conservator. In order to free himself for the time being
from the importunities of the governor, it was necessary to give him
some hope that he would make the efforts possible to get hold of the
protest and send it to him. In a letter that he sent afterward to
the governor, he wrote the following:
"After your Lordship showed me the kindness to come to console and
favor me, the most diligent efforts possible were made in order to have
the protest returned to me. But it is hammering on cold iron. What more
can I do? Had my purpose been not to show it, I could have said that
I had torn it up, or have alleged some other pretext, and would not
have indicated the person to whom I gave it to keep, as I knew that
there was an order to sequester my goods. Since it is impossible,
sir, and it is not my fault, I do not accept the excuse which your
Lordship gives me in your letter, in order to free yourself from
showing me further kindness, and from making the effort to settle this
matter as a governor and friend. Therefore, I petition your Lordship,
since this matter rests with you, and is to be settled by you alone,
and since you are all-powerful in this matter, that your Lordship do
as you are able to do for one who has recourse to your protection; for
I wish to remain in your Lordship's protection, only bound to serve
you as long as I live. May God preserve the life of your Lordship
for long years. From this convent of St. Francis, November 24, 1635.
_Fray Hernando, archbishop._"
That prelate wrote the letter with this humility and gentleness;
but it was insufficient to cause the so ingenuous confession of the
archbishop to be believed, although it was the truth.
On the other side, father Fray Francisco de Herrera, of the Order
of Preachers, commissary of the Holy Office, made a demand, asking
that the notary, Diego de Rueda, as one of his household, be given
up to him. For that purpose he fulminated censures against the
judge-conservator, demanding from him the prisoner, and ordering
him to make no further search for the protest, as that was outside
his jurisdiction. He was obeyed, and order was given to deliver
the prisoner to him; but the governor refused to deliver him
up. Consequently, the father commissary of the Holy Office sent
two religious of St. Dominic to notify the governor by another act,
similar to that sent to the judge. The governor not only did not obey
it, but arrested the two religious and sent them to Cavite with an
adjutant, and had them placed in the convent of San Telmo of their
order. Afterward, when the governor found himself at variance with
the tribunal of the Holy Office, he began to work more clearly in
the opposition that he had commenced, repeating many times that
proposition of his which speaks of the ecclesiastical estate: "In
order to curb the spirit of the obstinate and arrogant mule, take
away its fodder." That was an impious comparison, and unworthy of
a gentleman who was so good a Christian and so devout, and of whom
some pens so well affected to him write so much, that already they
pass on (as is generally said) to ennoble his actions, gilding his
errors with the excellent gold of vigor and rhetoric. Some of them,
however, refrain almost entirely from discussing this contention,
which gave the Dutch of Batavia much matter for blasphemous talk.
Don Pedro de Monroy had retired outside the walls of the city, as
he had already left the office of provisor. The governor ordered
that he be not allowed to enter the gates of the city. Consequently,
when he deemed it advisable to enter Manila to see the archbishop,
he had to disguise himself in the habit of St. Francis; and went
to enter through the gate of Santo Domingo, with a religious who
accompanied him. The commander recognized him, and, together with
the rest of the soldiers, surrounded him and tried to take him to the
governor, as they had an order for it. They would have accomplished
this, had not some religious of the convent of St. Dominic come up,
who, although maltreated by the soldiers, removed Don Pedro Monroy
from that danger, and placed him in their convent. Matters daily
continued to grow worse, for the governor neglected no occasion,
nor left any rock unturned in order to annoy the archbishop--now
taking as his instrument the judge-conservator (who was continuing to
accumulate acts against the archbishop), now arousing new causes for
controversy. However, he was impelled in all this by the suggestion
of a third party, and of late by Don Andrés Arias Xirón, who was the
secular priest most opposed to the archbishop--both in having prevented
the archbishopric from being given to him, as we have already related,
and because he was the close friend and helper of the conservator,
Don Fabián Santillán. Another and still more recent cause was, that
in the visitation that the archbishop was then making in the chapel
of Nuestra Señora de Guía, where the said Don Andrés was acting as
cura--in which the natives had deposed various charges against him;
and on account of their verbal process, as it appeared that he had
threatened them, the archbishop had ordered him by an act to leave
his benefice within four and twenty hours, and to remain six leguas
from it. Don Andrés Arias Xirón did not obey that order, and remained
in Manila, where he had recourse to the royal Audiencia by a plea of
fuerza, which was decided [to be such] by the only auditor, Don Marcos
Zapata, who was not ignorant of the rules of the Council of Trent which
forbid appeals in a trial arising from the visitation. On account of
that decision of fuerza, the archbishop declared the auditor Zapata to
be excommunicated; consequently, that official was also ready to work
against the archbishop. All greatly blame that magistrate, because
Don Sebastián de Corcuera found an aid and support in him. One would
believe that the Holy Spirit talks with the governors and auditors
of Filipinas more than with others, although these words and warnings
are declared in the chapter of Wisdom: _Discite judices finium terræ,
prebete aures vos, qui continetis multitudines, et placetis vobis in
turbis nationum; quoniam data est a Domino potestas vobis, el virtus ab
Altissimo, qui interrogabit opera vestra, et cogitationes scrutabitur,
quoniam cum essetis ministri regni illius, non recte judicastis, nec
custodistis legem justitiæ, neque secundum voluntatem Dei ambulastis._
[42] Of such ministers and counselors, the holy king said that they
who were confounded and ashamed should remove themselves far from
him: _Avertantur statim erubescentes, qui dicunt mihi, "Euge, euge!"_
(Psalm lxix). But He must have chosen on this occasion that the passion
of the governor should regard the flattery of that magistrate as to
his favor, in order to excuse his own conduct. It may be that his
error was for lack of his understanding and not of his will; and to
judge of that pertains to the Supreme Tribunal.
At that time the Order of the Society having considered the
disturbances which the judge-conservator had occasioned, full of
repentance at having been the origin of troubles of so disagreeable
publicity, in the attempt to check them for the sake of the future
made the judge-conservator renounce his commission, and be absolved
by the archbishop. This the latter did on January twenty-eighth,
1636. The governor pretended that he had been the mediator of that
agreement. The archbishop nodded acquiescence and pretended to believe
it, in order not to lose that occasion for peace. The governor went to
the archiepiscopal house, and took the archbishop to the church in his
own carriage, and there knelt down on his knees, begging pardon from
him. The good prelate gave him pardon very willingly, thinking that
that was to be the end of all those past troubles. But the common
enemy did not so permit, for he very soon relit the fire which had
only been hidden under the ashes of those courteous exteriors.
CHAPTER XVII
_Of the lamentable ending of the disputes between the governor and
the archbishop; and how the latter was exiled to Mariveles._
Within a short time, the old wounds were reopened, and the archbishop
was given new causes for anger in which it was impossible for him to
employ dissimulation, as they were all concerning the administration
of his office. The governor deprived the Order of St. Francis of
the administration and chaplaincy of the royal hospital of Manila,
which they had administered with great care, charity, and zeal; and
appointed a lay administrator and a secular chaplain. The archbishop
felt that greatly, and declined to give the new chaplain permission to
administer the sacraments, on account of legitimate reasons which he
had for this step. The latter had recourse to the Audiencia by plea
of fuerza; and the auditor, Don Marcos Zapata, immediately declared
that it had been committed. The archbishop protested, knowing by what
had happened in the past the prejudice that the said auditor felt,
and because one auditor with only the fiscal could not constitute so
sovereign a tribunal. For the fiscal had not the royal appointment,
but had only been appointed by the governor _ad interim_; for the
plurality of votes which attest a correct decision and authorize the
best opinion, according to the Divine sentence _Salus autem ubi multa
consilia_ (Proverbs, ch. 5), were lacking. This has been experienced on
various occasions, on which only one auditor has been left in Manila,
an arbiter following rather the dictates of his will than that of
his understanding, which has the truth as its object.
At that same time, Don Francisco de Valdés having resigned the post
of archdean, to which he had been presented by Don Juan Cerezo de
Salamanca, the governor appointed Don Andrés Arias Xirón to it on
the eighteenth of April, and presented him to the archbishop, so that
the latter might give him the collation. The prudent prelate grieved
sorely over an occasion that could only with great difficulty terminate
satisfactorily, as the said Don Andrés was then prohibited from being
promoted to any dignity, because of the visitation in which he had
been proclaimed as a criminal by many heavy charges, which demanded a
rigorous sentence and deprivation of the benefice that he held; and
it was impossible to give him the collation for so lofty a dignity
according to the holy canons and council. The archbishop refused to
commit a like act of injustice, whereupon Don Andrés Arias Xirón,
aggrieved, interposed the appeal from fuerza, which the auditor
Zapata did not fail to declare against the archbishop. He did this,
and despatched a royal decree for it, which the archbishop refused to
obey. The governor was very angry at not succeeding with his attempt,
and because the archbishop had not given the canonical collation to
Don Andrés Arias Xirón. That strife increasing in violence by means of
the interlocutors, Don Andrés and the auditor, the declared enemies
of the archbishop, assemblies and meetings were held in order to
exile the archbishop from the kingdom, because he did not obey the
royal decrees. In conclusion, they issued a decree for his exile,
and notified the archbishop of it May 9, 1636.
The archbishop called a meeting of the orders, in order to consult
them and get their advice in so urgent a case. All were of the opinion
that the archbishop ought not to yield, since what they were trying
to compel him to do was manifestly unjust. They exhorted him to be
constant in defending the ecclesiastical immunity, and the observance
of the holy canons; for that, in case he were exiled, he was suffering
for defending his church as a good shepherd, and it was enough to
acquire the aureola of a martyr. Upon this the archbishop took the
resolution to suffer for his church, with a valor and constancy worthy
of wonder. The party of the governor having learned this, and that
the archbishop would not yield his right, the governor determined to
execute what had been decided by what he called the royal Audiencia.
The evening of that same day, Friday, May 9, the governor summoned
the auditor Zapata and the fiscal to a meeting. After the meeting
they sent the chief constable of that court with orders to execute
the banishment of the archbishop. He was given such aid of soldiers
as the governor deemed sufficient. The latter also sent other squads
to the cathedral church, so that they might take their station in the
sacristy of the most holy sacrament, so that it might not be taken
out or destroyed. That order went forth and immediately the city
learned of the impious imprisonment that was about to be executed
on their shepherd. It caused great excitement and grief to all,
and a great scandal among the natives of these islands, even among
the pagans and Mahometans who frequent the islands for commerce;
and not many wished to concur in so unjust a determination. The
orders hastened to the archiepiscopal houses, where they found the
archbishop with the warnings that they were about to arrest him,
clad in his pontifical robes. He, also knowing that the most holy
sacrament was being guarded in the cathedral, sent father Fray Juan
de Piña, guardian of St. Francis, to his convent for the most holy
sacrament. On that occasion it was placed in a lunette; and it was
brought with all the propriety possible, accompanied by many religious
carrying candles. When it had been brought, the father guardian placed
it in the hands of the archbishop. He, bathed in tears, received it;
and, with noteworthy courage, seated himself to await the agents of
the execution. He sent his notaries to notify the governor and the
auditor, Don Marcos Zapata, of censures; but the notaries, finding them
assembled with the fiscal in the hall of meeting, had more respect
for the human Majesty, whom they represented there in assembly, than
the chief constable and his helpers had for the supreme majesty of
majesties, Christ our Lord, whose sacrament was in the hands of the
archbishop. Therefore the ecclesiastical notaries notified them at
the doors. While doing this at one of the doors, it is said that the
governor ordered a soldier to extinguish the lights by which they
were reading, by waving his hat, which was done.
At that same time the chief constable and his helpers were in the
archiepiscopal house, where the archbishop was found in the manner
above described, surrounded and accompanied by all the orders except
that of the Society of Jesus. The chief constable sent to advise
the governor of the condition in which he had found the archbishop,
whereupon the governor sent him orders that he should cause the
religious to retire to their convents; and that, when the archbishop
grew tired of holding the most holy sacrament, he was to arrest him
with the soldiers whom he had with him. That was intimated to the
religious and lay priests who were about the archbishop; but they
refused to obey it, fearing lest they incur the wrath of God if they
abandoned the prince of the Church on such an occasion. Thus by common
consent they remained to aid their afflicted prelate; relieving him
at times by easing him of the weight of the lunette, by placing their
hands on those of the tired old man, whose eyes were turned into two
fountains of tears when he reflected on the acts of desecration that
they were practicing on the Supreme Lord. The governor was so far
from mitigating his anger in what he had commenced, that, in place
of repenting and returning to himself, he took horse, although it
was the middle of the night, and went to the archiepiscopal house;
and, seated at the door, sent his orders to the executors of the
commission. The first order was for them to eject forcibly all the
priests who were with the archbishop, the adjutants striking the
soldiers with the flat of their swords and giving them heavy blows
because they did not execute their orders. Thereupon the religious,
seeing that the poor soldiers were forced to do what they did
not wish, allowed themselves to be seized and carried outside. The
soldiers humbly begged their pardon, protesting that they were under
orders. The governor's purpose was to wait until the archbishop,
destitute of all human consolation, should surrender on account
of his advanced age and his lack of nourishment, his watching and
continual annoyance, and should relinquish the most holy sacrament,
so that they could then seize him and make him enter the boat. That
report circulated among the orders, and accordingly they all came
in a body with lighted candles to attend to the recovery of the most
holy sacrament. But the governor had already seized the entrances of
the streets by means of soldiers, in order that they might not pass,
and they accordingly returned to their convents. The city and the
magistracy sent their commissaries to the archbishop, begging him to
avoid compromising himself, which was equivalent to telling him to
allow himself to be arrested and exiled. For, as these islands are
one body which has only one head, it is the latter which attracts
all wills to his own; for fear (which is very powerful here), or
self-interest, has more place here than anywhere else in the world.
The afflicted shepherd seeing that "this was his hour of darkness,"
and that the frightened sheep had abandoned him, ordered the interdict
to be raised--the grieving bells publishing the feeling that many
did not give vent to and others could not show, in order not to
incur the anger of the passionate governor. The governor ordered
the soldiers to disperse the religious by force, even if they had
to take them into custody. The soldiers carried out the order with
the violence necessary for so unjust a sentence, being instigated by
the sword-blows and strokes of the adjutants. That having been seen
by the priests, they pitied them so keenly that they preferred to
have that punishment executed on them than on the poor soldiers. Some
religious were seated beside the archbishop to see whether they would
be allowed to aid him; but so many were the pushes and prods given
them by the soldiers, that not only did they tear them away, but
they fell down with the holy monstrance breaking the lunette in which
was the holy host. This ought to be written with tears of blood. The
father guardian of St. Francis and a secular priest hastened to put
a strap about the archbishop's neck and to fasten the lunette to him,
so that he could support it, for his powers were now failing him. At
that juncture, order was given to a soldier named Juan de Santa Ana
(whom I knew, and who told me that event many times), to draw away
the hand of the archbishop. He, assisted by a living faith, answered
boldly that he would kill himself before he would commit such an
act of sacrilege. Then drawing his sword, and placing the point in
his breast, he fell upon it. By the permission of divine Providence,
the sword doubled up in such a manner when the soldier fell upon it,
that he was not wounded at all. That incident caused great surprise
to all the bystanders; but the governor was so little moved by it that
he ordered the soldier to be arrested, when he ought to have rewarded
his heroic determination. At one o'clock at night, the archbishop was
so greatly weakened and tired out from thirst, that he begged to be
given a little water. They sent to consult with the governor as to
what they were to do. The governor ordered that they should not allow
it to be given him, explaining that the denial of the temporalities
was understood not to allow water to be given him for his thirst, and
that to do otherwise would be not to execute the royal law--as if so
sovereign dispositions extended to such impieties. Advice was given
to the convents, threatening the suspension of religious functions,
in order that they should not forestall by celebrating the offices of
the following day. The archiepiscopal hall was cleared of the religious
who were assisting the archbishop, the soldiers having already driven
them away by blows. The soldiers stationed themselves with firearms
in hand, and thus did they remain all the night without giving any
nourishment to the archbishop, except what a pious Franciscan religious
could give him by applying to his lips a wet cloth, under pretext of
tightening the strap with which the most holy sacrament was fastened
to the afflicted prelate's breast. And he did not receive any other
nourishment for a day and a half, until they took him to the island
of Mariveles. Saturday, the second [_sic; sc._ tenth] of May dawned,
the most fatal day that these islands have seen. On that day the
archbishop was so defeated that, seeing that he could make no further
resistance for lack of strength, he ordered the most holy sacrament to
be returned to the church with all possible reverence, and, bathed in
tears, he laid aside the pontifical robe. Immediately he was seized by
an adjutant and fifty soldiers with firearms. They led him from the
archiepiscopal palace on foot, at five in the morning, and without
other following than the troops who executed the tragedy. They did
not need so great preparation for an old man of sixty, worn out by
so much fatigue, hunger, and thirst. They took him on foot through
those streets boasting of their victory, the fearful inhabitants
thrusting their heads out of the most hidden windows, frightened by the
despotic governor, to whom any commiseration that should be shown to
the poor archbishop was regarded as a detestable crime. The soldiers
took the archbishop to the gate on the river, called Santo Domingo,
where the prelate, complying with the precept of Christ, shook off
the dust from his shoes; and, bathed in tender tears, he threw five
little stones at the ingrate walls of Manila. It was noted that one
of them touched the leg of Don Pedro de Corcuera (sargento-mayor of
the camp, and chief of that impious execution), where later in the
war with Joló he received a ball, from which he died.
They put the archbishop aboard a champan of a ship-captain called
Marcos Cameros, who would not allow one single mouthful of food to
be placed on board. Setting sail, they carried the archbishop to the
island of Mariveles, which is situated in the middle of the mouth
of the bay. There they disembarked the exiled shepherd, for whose
lodging they had provided a wretched little room, where he suffered
many discomforts, too long to relate; for it has not been my intention
to enlarge upon this lamentable tragedy, in the narration of which
I have omitted many circumstances which aggravate the execution [of
his banishment]. For it is my intention not to exaggerate, but only
to relate succinctly what happened; and, although eye-witnesses of
everything are not lacking today, to guide myself by the most truthful
relations, and chiefly by those which are found in a book containing
sketches of the archbishops, which is kept in the cathedral church
of Manila. [43]
The purpose of the governor and his followers having been obtained,
as we have seen, they persuaded the ecclesiastical cabildo to take
charge of the government, interpreting the archbishop's exile as
a vacant see, thus opening the door to other disturbances, no less
serious, which originated from this intrusion--in the very sight of
the archbishop who was [still] within his diocese, and who had left a
provisor in Manila, Doctor Don Francisco Fernandez de Ledo. For his
forcible banishment and the deprivation of his secular revenues did
not extend to his spiritual jurisdiction, which originated from the
Roman pontiff. In case that the church had suffered a vacancy by the
death of the archbishop, then the bishop of Cebú, Don Pedro de Arce,
was to enter its government; for it belonged to him by virtue of the
bull and royal decree mentioned in another place. The archbishop
had already appointed the father master, Fray Francisco de Paula,
of the Order of Preachers, to govern the archbishopric in the first
place, and two others in the second, and hence they could not allege
the condition of affairs that the law points out in the chapter _Si
Episcopus: de supplenda negligencia Prælatorum_, in Case sixth. That
happened afterward in Manila, in the exile of Archbishop Don Fray
Felipe Pardo, [44] of the Order of Preachers, who had appointed to
his place of governor during his absence Don Fray Ginés de Barrientos,
bishop of Troya; the cabildo refused to admit him, but [declared] that
it was a case of a vacant see, and took charge of the government--which
cost the dean, Master Don Miguel Ortiz de Covarrubias, and all the
prebendaries, very dear.
The cabildo took charge of the government at the governor's command,
and appointed Don Fray Francisco Zamudio, bishop-elect of Camarines
(who had come to Manila to negotiate concerning his bishopric),
as provisor-general. He received the appointment under protest
of _ad interim_ until the bishop of Cebú should be advised, for
the vacancy pertained to him in case that one were proclaimed. He
absolved the governor, the auditor Zapata, and the others included in
the excommunications of the archbishop, on the twentieth of May. It
is said that when the cabildo were obliged to take charge of the
government by the governor and auditor, they entered their protests;
but the archbishop was greatly grieved over it when he heard of it,
which with the many other sorrows [that he endured] made it remarkable
that his life did not come to an end, since he was so aged and had
borne so many hardships.
CHAPTER XVIII
_Return of Archbishop Don Fray Hernando Guerrero from his exile in
Mariveles; and the end of the relation commenced._
Stripped of all consolation, the archbishop, Don Hernando Guerrero,
remained twenty-six days in the island of Mariveles, where he endured
perforce privations, both because of his advanced age, and because
of the dreariness of the island--which is very great, as it is nearly
deserted, and contains only some few Indian huts. Those Indians have
charge of scouting those seas, and of advising Manila of what they
discover, by the greater or less number of fires which they light--in
the manner that the Persians were wont to do, who gave advice by means
of those fires, which they called _angaros_, as is mentioned by Bardayo
in the first chapter of his _Argenis_. The climate [of Mariveles]
is very unhealthful, and the location is not a pleasant one as the
island is shut in on all sides by thick forests, and because of the
continual beating of the sea. There lived the venerable shepherd,
meditating on the ingratitude of his sheep, venting his feeling in
gentle sighs, and relieving his afflicted breast with tears. Thus
was he found by four prebendaries of the Manila cabildo who went to
console him, and to propose to him certain matters in behalf of the
governor, which we shall detail later.
The church at Manila remained during that time as a flock without a
shepherd. All was confusion and disorder. The new provisor, the bishop
of Camarines, had readily raised the interdicts and the suspension of
religious functions. He ordered the bells to be chimed for the feast
on Saturday, the eve of the festival of the Holy Ghost. The prelates
of the orders, with the exception of him of the Society, thought that
the provisor who had been intruded could not legitimately raise the
interdict and the other censures. For no mention of this is made in
the chapter _Alma Mater: de Sententia Excomunic._ in 6; and having
held a conference in regard to this matter, with the university of
Santo Tomás, which always maintained a firm attitude in defense of
the immunity of the Church, they determined to close their churches,
and to observe the orders imposed by their legitimate prelate. They
did so until after the feast of Pentecost was over. The Audiencia
summoned them to act in accordance with the cathedral, but they paid
no attention to it until they had despatched a suitable person to
the archbishop. The latter, fearful lest greater disturbances should
originate, gave heed, as a true father, and sent an order for them
to raise the interdict; and they did so on May 20.
The orders and the two universities held various meetings and
consultations with the governor, when they saw that the troubles
which had originated from the archbishop's exile were increasing,
because of the acts of jurisdiction enacted by the provisor who
had been intruded, invalid procedures in the administration of the
sacraments, and scandals which had been occasioned to these new
fields of Christendom. This last was not the point least worthy
of consideration, since that precedent did more damage than was
realized, both in the new fields of Christendom, and in the report
of this matter among the foreign nations who surround these islands
on all sides, for they note our actions carefully. They rendered
various signed opinions for this; and they also drew up another,
counseling the archbishop to yield certain things in order to avoid
greater troubles which were indispensably necessary to restore the
peace of that church, which was exposed to greater disturbances;
and that, to assure his right, he should make a protest regarding
it. They despatched the aforesaid prebendaries with this commission,
who, on their arrival, laid the determination of the cabildo, orders,
and universities before the archbishop, as well as the decision of the
Audiencia in regard to the recalling him from exile, if the archbishop
would concede three points, to wit:
"That he would consider as lawful, and confirm, all the acts of
jurisdiction performed by the bishop of Camarines.
That he would place in possession of their posts Don Andrés Arias
Xirón as archdean, and also the chaplain of the royal hospital.
That he would not proceed in any ecclesiastical trial pertaining to
the archiepiscopal government, without the advice of the counselor
who would be assigned to him."
The archbishop resented greatly the proposition of such points to him,
and preferred to remain in exile, where he had greater quiet than in
Manila; but considering the decision and advice of so erudite persons,
which were sufficient to discharge his conscience, he agreed to all
the points proposed--first having made a protest that he was doing
this to relieve himself from molestation, and to obtain the peace
of his church and repose for the consciences of his sheep, until the
decision of the matter should come from the royal and supreme Council
of the Indias, in whom it inhered.
The governor and Audiencia determined to restore Don Fray Hernando
Guerrero to his church, and on June 6, 1636, they withdrew him from the
island of Mariveles. He entered Manila amid the great rejoicing of all,
who could not look enough at their beloved shepherd; and commenced to
govern his church. But it was not with the peace that he ought to have
had, for new contentions and new causes for anger arose daily with the
governor, who was ever despotic in his actions. [45] The archdean Don
Andrés Arias Xirón took possession of his prebend, but God did not
permit that he who had been the origin of so many disasters should
obtain much; for in a short time he sickened with dropsy and other
bad complications, and died in the flower of his age. The greatest
evil was that he died impenitent, refusing to be absolved from
the excommunication and censures by which he was bound, although
the archbishop, as a pious shepherd, sent a priest to his house to
persuade him to be absolved. The soldiers who took the archbishop
into exile all died within two years, by quick and sudden deaths. The
auditor Zapata died suddenly, being found dead in his bed, although
he had retired in perfect health. The governor lost his nephew, Don
Pedro de Corcuera, whom he loved dearly; and another nephew, named
Don Juan de Corcuera, perished while going as commander of the ship
"Nuestra Señora de la Concepción," which was dashed to pieces in the
islands of the Ladrones (today the Marianas), where many people were
lost, and where the governor lost a great quantity of riches, which
his greed (which was great) had amassed during his term. At this same
time, Don Pedro de Francia, brother-in-law of Don Pedro [de] Corcuera,
died; and so that no branch of that house might be left, God took to
himself Don Pedro de Francia, son of Don Pedro Corcuera and Doña Maria
de Francia. The same year the governor received news of the death of
his brother, Don Iñigo Hurtado de Corcuera. His entire government was
fatal and unfortunate; and later, in his residencia for it, he suffered
many troubles, for he was kept prisoner for five years in a castle,
and all his property was confiscated. Misfortune followed him into
all parts, for having returned to España, where he was corregidor
of Córdoba, they tried to kill him, and he got out of it by the
skin of his teeth. Finally, when he was governor of the Canarias,
it is said that he died suddenly. I write here only the results;
I shall not consider what so many disasters together demonstrate. I
leave the generally-known things which these islands still bewail,
since the universal knowledge of them frees me from it; and in the
following chapter, another and better pen [will take it up.] [46]
But it does not seem to me fitting to neglect to mention in this place
a testimony of what, it seems, Divine justice must have executed;
so that we may conjecture from it how great an offense to the divine
Majesty was the scandalous manner in which the exile of Archbishop
Don Hernando Guerrero was carried out; so that we may know that if He
displayed his temporal punishment in regard to what was pardonable
and not guilty, how great will be the punishment which His Divine
Majesty will mete out in His just tribunal to those men who were the
cause and instrument of so sacrilegious and scandalous a desecration,
unless they first hastened to atone for it by works of true penitence,
in order to be deserving of His infinite mercy.
The many and horrifying earthquakes from which the city of Manila
has suffered from its beginning until the present, have resulted in
almost its destruction and depopulation--especially in those of 1645
and 1658, as we shall see later. But in the midst of these ruins, the
houses which suffered most always preserved the principal walls, some
even the first floor, and others more--although these were stripped
of their covering, and, as it were, the skulls and shapeless skeleton
which indicate the robust symmetry of that building's corpse. Only in
the area and place where this lamentable tragedy occurred (namely,
the archiepiscopal palace of that time) has there remained not
only no wall, nor a vestige of its building, but not even the
foundations. Neither were any stones found there, which tell that
there was a house of human habitation. There is seen naught but an
open space, which forms a square for some splendid houses owned now
by Sargento-mayor Don Domingo Bermudez, alcalde-in-ordinary, who
inherited it from his father-in-law, Don Francisco de Moya y Torres,
chief constable of the Holy Office of the Inquisition. Whenever I
pass by that place, this memorial of the Divine punishment presents
itself to me.
The sardines were once as ordinary a food in Manila as in Coruña; but
from the time of that lamentable exile, they have so abandoned those
waters that one can catch them but seldom, and then it is a matter for
surprise. And (in order to publish more fully that that [exile] was
the cause), whenever any consecrated archbishop or bishop arrives at
Manila, on those days some sardines are caught, and then they retire to
continue their interdict. [47] Pens have not been wanting to undertake
as their employment the defense of Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera,
chiefly those from one order--to which he was very devoted until, as
is said, they came to regard him as a saint. But they do their duty as
thankful [for favors received], although it was not necessary for them
to do so much that they should declare themselves his admirers. The
worst is that in the year of 1683, Manila again relapsed into this
scandalous sin with the exile and banishment of Don Fray Felipe Pardo,
of the Order of Preachers. But I shall relate, in its proper place, the
disastrous end that all those who were guilty in that affair suffered.
The common enemy of the human race was not content with the lamentable
tragedies of which he made the Filipinas Islands the sad theater;
on the contrary, fearful that the peace which all desired might be
established between the governor and the archbishop, he commenced to
arouse new contentions. Although they did not result in scandalous
outbreaks, they were sufficient to make the archbishop, Don Hernando
Guerrero, live in the midst of continual warfare, the matters of
controversy threatening to assume very quickly an evil aspect. Not the
least important of these was that which even until the present has
not ceased to result in disastrous effects--namely, the founding of
the royal chapel for the military forces of Manila, which was founded
by Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera. Thus did he separate from the
parochial right of the cura of the Spaniards all the soldiers, who
constitute the majority of the people in these islands, and especially
in the city of Manila. For that purpose he created twelve collegiates
in the college of San José (which is in charge of the fathers of the
Society of Jesús), with the title of royal chaplains; they were clad
in blue cloaks, with sleeves of violet velvet, on which were wrought
the royal arms; and for their support [was given] the encomienda of
Calamianes. Taking two reals from the pay of each soldier every month,
which is a very considerable sum, he applied five hundred pesos of
it as a means of sustenance for the chief chaplain, and sums at the
rate of two hundred pesos for the other chaplains. It has a chief
sacristan who looks after its adornment, and its administration is in
charge of either the master-of-camp or the sargento-mayor. The soldiers
are buried there, and they pay well for it when they die. It has the
advocacy of our Lady of the Annunciation, and there they celebrate
other feasts during the year, by vote of the camp of Manila--such
as, chiefly, the advocacy of the Immaculate Conception and the most
holy sacrament, besides others which the governors add for their
devotion. There is a sermon in this chapel during Lent on Wednesday
and Friday mornings; to which the governor and royal Audiencia go.
That caused very great detriment to the right of the cura of the
Spaniards, because of the division which it made of the soldiers;
and it became necessary for the archbishop to sally out in defense of
that point. As the governor was so desirous of the said foundation,
there were debates of great heat on both sides; for the archbishop was
unwilling to grant permission for that foundation, which would cause
so much harm to the parochial right. But, recognizing that the break
would only widen, he agreed to concede the permission under certain
limitations and obligations which he was able to impose, reserving
the determination for his Holiness. Afterward, there being some
difficulties in that permission, because it was opposed by the curas
of the cathedral, as they said that the chief chaplains abused the
permission, extending their functions more than was their right, they
begged a declaration of that permission from Archbishop Don Hernando
Guerrero. He gave it with the privilege that is observed today, and it
is attested by the records which exist in the ecclesiastical archives,
under date of January 5, 1640.
The archbishop tried to appoint a collector of the contributions for
masses during that year of 1636; for one was lacking in the cathedral,
from which arose certain troubles. The cabildo resisted him, refused
to obey the act for the appointment of one, and denied that the
archbishop had authority and jurisdiction for it. As an argument
that he did not possess it, they declared that he had not presented
the confirmation of his Holiness and the pallium, and the year in
which he had taken oath to present it had passed. That caused the
archbishop considerable anxiety, for the cabildo presented itself
in the [Audiencia] session with a plea of fuerza, and the matter was
declared against the archbishop. Various opinions were given in this
matter by the universities and by erudite persons; and consequently,
that suit lasted a long time, until, at the arrival of the ships from
Nueva España, the pallium and the bulls of confirmation came to the
archbishop. New disturbances were feared, in case the contrary should
happen, and the method adopted for adjusting this matter was that the
archbishop jointly with the cabildo should appoint the collector of
the contributions for the masses, and that is still observed in the
cathedral of Manila.
The archbishop had scarcely gotten out of that matter when he found
himself involved in another of no less importance; for the governor,
Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera, wished to appoint a governor to
the bishopric of Camarines, because of the death of its bishop, Don
Fray Francisco Zamudio. That thrust gave the archbishop considerable
anxiety, as he had experienced fully the despotic disposition of
the governor. But he could do no less than oppose it, as it was a
matter which concerned the ecclesiastical authority and the spiritual
jurisdiction; and the archbishops have always made the appointment
in the vacancies that have occurred in these islands, as it pertains
to them by their right as metropolitans. The governor threw himself
with all his might into what he had commenced, and gave the bishop to
understand that that occasion for dispute would end worse than the
past; and he continued to arrange matters in so high-handed a way,
that the archbishop feared what the governor threatened. But God
permitted that that controversy be settled by the interposition
of zealous and influential persons, who mollified the governor;
and it was settled that the archbishop should name three subjects,
so that the governor might appoint one of them. For that purpose
the archbishop called meetings of learned men, and, having made a
protest, appointed in the first place Doctor Hernando Paez Guerrero;
in the second, Master Don Juan de Velez, who died bishop-elect of
Cebú; and in the third, Licentiate Manuel Reaelo [_sic; sc._ Rafaelo]
Macedo. The same thing happened afterward through the death of Bishop
Don Fray Diego de Aduarte, of the Order of Preachers, a man of singular
virtue, the bishop of Nueva Segovia. In his government, Canon Alonso
de Vargas entered to govern, with the same form of choice as the
first. That form of appointing governors for the vacancies of the
bishops was usurped many years in these islands--although there has
been sufficient opposition from the bishops at such an innovation
and corruption--until the provision suitable to so essential a
matter was made in the royal and supreme Council of the Indias,
and in our own times a decree was received from the queen mother,
that the archbishops alone should appoint rulers for the bishoprics,
but the cabildo of Manila [should do this] when the see is vacant.
During all the time while Archbishop Don Fray Hernando Guerrero
governed the church of Manila, he was exercising echoes of the
etymology of his name in the contentions that he had with Governor
Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera; [48] and had there not been a
prelate in the church of Manila so zealous and vigilant in matters
of ecclesiastical immunity, it would have been involved in other
and greater difficulties. The archbishop commenced the visitation of
his diocese as soon as he became free from the late storms; and he
continued it through all the benefices of his clergy, until he reached
the island of Mindoro. There he found himself in another danger, no
less than those which he had experienced on land; for he was attacked
by six hostile galliots of the Mindanao enemy, which bore down upon the
boat in which he was, near Naohan. Had not that boat been staunch and
swift, the enemy would have captured and killed him--as is the usual
custom of those Mahometan pirates, the enemy of our holy faith. It
defended itself with the men aboard it, until it arrived at the land
of Bacoo, where they had scarcely time to land and get into a place
of safety; when, as the boat had remained in the sand, the pirates
seized it, and captured many of the followers of the archbishop. They
pillaged all the cargo aboard the boat, even the ornaments and the
pontifical robe, all which was of much value. That blow caused great
sorrow to that good prelate, for the Mindanaos killed most of the men
whom they captured, and it was only after many difficulties that a few
could be ransomed. The bishop became very ill with a serious sickness,
from sorrow and his past troubles. [49]
LETTER WRITTEN BY A CITIZEN OF MANILA TO AN ABSENT FRIEND
I will try to give your Grace an accurate account of the changes
that have occurred this year, and of the anxiety and unrest of this
community, so that your Grace may have an adequate conception of the
matter, and may judge it on its merits, since you have no reason to
distrust him who relates it--a thing which would cast doubt on the
relation itself. Such has actually been the case with a relation
written by the Order of St. Dominic, which has been sent from this
city to that of Zebu and other parts, whose author shows manifest
prejudice and but little accuracy in what he relates. Laying aside
then, all partiality, and as one who has been a witness of everything,
although I had no part in it, I shall relate to your Grace all that
has happened.
An artilleryman, named Francisco de Nava, seems to have been
maintaining illicit relations with a slave-girl whom he owned, named
Maria. That gave rise to troubles, and the artilleryman was placed in
the house of brother Guerrero; and finally the slave-girl was taken
away from him, and the archbishop, Don Fray Hernando Guerrero, had
her sold. The artilleryman was very angry and vexed at that, and his
love drew him so powerfully that he said that he wished to marry the
slave-girl. She answered that she preferred to be the slave of another
than his wife. For that reason, when the slave was very unguardedly
following the coach of her mistress on Sunday, August nineteen, one
thousand six hundred and thirty-five, that man, with deliberate purpose
and overconfident, stealthily approached her in the principal street,
near the cemetery of Sant Agustín; and, embracing her from behind,
asked her whether she knew him. She answered in the affirmative,
and he treacherously stabbed and killed her. He sought refuge in
the convent of St. Augustine, where neither the sargento-mayor
nor the master-of-camp, who surrounded the convent with soldiers,
could find him. At a hazard, they prevented any religious from going
out--an abuse contingent on the military, which cannot be checked
by a captain-general. Accordingly, the Order of St. Dominic did
the governor an injury in their relation, by declaring that he had
incurred excommunication on that account, since he had no share in it,
but only ordered the soldiers not to allow the treacherous homicide
to leave the church. A few days after that, when the matter had cooled
down somewhat, an adjutant of the camp, one Don Juan de Frias, because
of the reward that was offered, entered the convent at midday, where
he found and seized the artilleryman. The cause was referred to the
commander of artillery (for the artilleryman was under his command),
in order that he might try it in the first instance; and he condemned
the artilleryman to death. The latter appealed to his captain-general
and the auditor-general of war. The cause was returned, as the appeal
was considered out of order, for the captain-general was convinced
of the treachery and treason of [the artilleryman]; whereupon the
commander of artillery tried to execute the sentence of death.
The archbishop of this church of Manila excommunicated the commander
of artillery; and his provisor, one Don Pedro de Monrroy, had two
notifications served on the governor, although there was no reason
for his so doing. Once the notification was made after ten o'clock at
night, when the governor had already retired. Two clerics entered for
that purpose through the midst of the body-guard. As the governor was
already asleep, and his servants had retired, and the doors of their
chambers were locked, they could not serve their notification at all;
accordingly, they turned to go. Trying to depart by passing through
the body-guard, by the way that they had entered, he who was stationed
at the door would not suffer it--in accordance with a general order
received many days previously to the effect that, although they should
allow entrance into his house at night, they should not allow anyone to
leave; as he judged such an order expedient for the proper government
of his household. Consequently, the clerics who had entered could not
leave; for, when they went back to the governor, they found him shut
in his room and asleep, and when they returned to the guardroom, the
soldiers were minded to observe their orders without any distinction
of persons. Hence the clerics had to stay all night and until dawn
on the stairway and in the corridors of the palace. On that account,
certain persons also took opportunity to say, and not with any good
intention, that the governor had incurred excommunication--although
he was so far from that, and this was so accidental a case that it
could not have been foreseen in the order that was issued so many
days previously. The relation of the fathers of St. Dominic charges
that accident to the governor, unjustly and with prejudice.
During the execution of the sentence on the night of Thursday,
September six, an interdict was imposed and the cessation of divine
services ordered. The sentence was executed, and the artilleryman
was hanged on the same spot where he had killed the slave-girl. The
provisor was so carried away by passion that he tried to make
(and it is even said that he did make) a report that they hanged
the culprit in a sacred place--although the street was public, and
[the hanging occurred] at the same place where the artilleryman had
committed the homicide. Your Grace can see the so great want of logic
[in this matter]; for if that were a sacred place, then the crime had
been committed in it, and the artilleryman could not avail himself
of the church as he was trying to do.
The governor wrote to the archbishop in terms of the greatest courtesy,
requesting him to throw open the churches, and not to deprive this
community of mass and consolation on a day of so great importance as
was the nativity of our Lady, which came on the following Saturday;
for, since the execution was already over, there was no remedy for the
matter. The archbishop called a meeting of the religious of all the
orders, who thought by that means to avenge themselves for the injuries
which they imagined that they had received from the governor--those
of St. Dominic, because he had divided the Parián treasury; those of
St. Francis, because he had regulated the hospital expenses, which
they were incurring to the so great detriment of the royal estate; and
those of St. Augustine, because he had deprived them of some Sangley
shops in Tondo--and for other private feelings of resentment. They
carried the torch into that meeting, making the encounter between
the governor and the archbishop a political matter; consequently,
they expressed the opinion that the censures should not be raised
under any circumstances. A religious of St. Dominic said that they
ought to last for five hundred years, while another added "even to
the end of the world." Very indecorous was their speech regarding
the person of the governor, for they did not stop to consider that
he represents the royal person by reason of his office. Only one
Franciscan father, named Fray Bartolome Bermudez, and the two of
the Society who were present--namely, the reverend fathers Luis de
Pedrasa and Father Lorenço Goreto," [50] master in the morning classes
[51]--were of the opinion that the censures should be raised. They
even showed clearly that justice had been rightly exercised, since
the treacherous murder had been committed so openly. Therefore,
and because of other defects in what had been enacted, they proved
that the censures did not bind the commander of artillery, or any one
else. On this account the other religious gave much [opportunity for]
merit to those of the Society, by uttering insulting words against
them. From that time, they conceived so great an aversion for the
fathers of the Society, that it was the beginning of the disturbances
that afterward arose. The governor again requested the archbishop, for
the second and third time, to raise the interdict and the cessation
of divine service. But the latter was so far from complying, that he
refused to answer the papers, and so the matter stood. But afterward,
when we least expected it, in order to please the Recollects and allow
them to celebrate their festival of St. Nicholas, the archbishop lifted
the censures and absolved the commander of artillery, _ad cautelam_
[52]. For the latter did not consider himself as excommunicated, nor
even did learned men regard him as such. That was very apparent then,
for, when he had appealed to the bishop of Camarines, the sentence was
in his favor; and the bishop absolved him from the pecuniary fines
which the archbishop had imposed. Thereupon that tempest was laid,
the principal cause of which was the provisor, Don Pedro de Monroy;
while those who increased its fury were the religious of St. Dominic,
St. Francis, and St. Augustine. On that account, in order to prevent
similar troubles that might arise in the future, the governor undertook
to execute a royal decree, by the terms of which the said provisor
had been proclaimed, in the time of Governor Don Alonso Fajardo,
as banished from the kingdoms. The temporalities had been taken from
him, as is clear from the authentic royal decree which was despatched
for that purpose. Your Grace will notice the lack of accuracy in the
other relation, since its author declares therein that that royal
decree had been repealed, while in truth it was in full vigor and
force. That is so true that there is no unprejudiced man in this
city who does not know it. This year, as I have heard reported, the
original of that decree has been sent to his Majesty. The archbishop
held various meetings with the religious, and they agreed to defend the
said provisor to the death, as they said, if necessary. The governor,
in order to remedy these troubles in so small a community, desisted
from his purpose, and tried to conduct the matter along smoother
channels. He offered the said provisor the chaplaincy-in-chief and
vicariate of the island of Hermosa, in a letter of the following tenor:
"It is necessary for his Majesty's service that your Grace go to serve
in the island of Hermosa as chaplain-in-chief, and vicar of those
presidios. [You will receive] three hundred pesos salary per year,
the altar fees, and the fees from the confraternity of the soldiers,
which has been lately instituted; and, with these and the pay, you will
be able to live well. Thus will certain irreparable disadvantages,
that might ensue if you do not accept this service for his Majesty,
be avoided. And inasmuch as I have received letters from the said
island of Hermosa this morning, in which the governor begs me to send
him such a person very speedily, your Grace will make the decision
to depart, so that this same champan may return to Cagayan, whence
it and one other are to take fifty native soldiers, so that the two
may go together. May our Lord preserve your Grace, as He is able. The
palace; October eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five.
_Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera_"
Although the governor does not state the motive in this letter, his
motive was to remove the occasion for disputes; and also because the
commandant of the island of Hermosa, Francisco Hernandez, wrote him
a letter, part of which is as follows:
"There is a religious in this island called Fray Lucas Garcia, [53]
of the Order of Preachers. He is judge-provisor; and I have so many
debates with him at present, and he is so crazy to govern, that he
is hurling many shafts at me, without heeding that I am serving
him to my utmost in everything, and that I am endeavoring to aid
him in all that arises. He is much given to suits and questions,
even going so far as to prevent the ringing of the animas [54] at
night or the singing of the _alabado_ hymn. It may be that in regard
to the most holy sacrament and the pure conception of our Lady the
Virgin Mary, who was conceived without the taint of original sin,
he does not wish that any mention be made of the Virgin, to say that
she is immaculate. Lastly, sir, this matter demands a remedy, by the
archbishop sending a cura as judge-provisor. That is very necessary, so
that we may be able to go on and live as God orders. If this blessed
religious be removed from his charge, he will change his habits,
and we shall be left in peace and quiet--which, as I see, it would
be very difficult to obtain in any other way. Can your Lordship
believe that, if he had any reasonable ground [for his conduct],
I would not ascertain it, in order to give account of the matter
to your Lordship, or that still less would I allow dissensions so
vexatious to exist? I am very sorry to inform your Lordship of this,
but I cannot do otherwise; for it is not right that this religious
should place these forts in the condition in which he left Cagayan. For
with authority as judge-provisor, while my predecessor was exercising
the duties of this government, he did his utmost to usurp the royal
jurisdiction--arresting and punishing soldiers and other persons
without asking the royal aid, or fulfilling his obligation and his
Majesty's command. Will your Lordship be pleased to relieve this
condition as the occasion demands, by sending a secular cura as
judge-provisor with the suitable despatches, so that this blessed
religious may not offer him any trouble. The island of Hermosa,
October 13, 1635.
_Francisco Hernandez_"
The provisor, Don Pedro de Monrroy, answered the governor's letter
as follows:
"In response to the honor which your Lordship does me in your letter
by ordering me to make a decision, I say, sir, that I have but little
health, as can be seen in my face; consequently, I do not dare to
embark. Besides I am occupied with the duties of the offices which
I am, at my prelate's behest, exercising at present. If I were quite
well, I would ask my prelate for permission to go anywhere in order
to give pleasure to your Lordship. May our Lord preserve your life
for many years. Manila, October eight, one thousand six hundred and
thirty-five. Your Lordship's chaplain,
_Licentiate Don Pedro de Monrroy_"
The archbishop raised a great disturbance on account of this,
declaring that the governor was a violator of the ecclesiastical
immunity. He immediately summoned the two bishops of Zebu and Nueva
Segovia (who were here) and the orders and the clerics to a meeting,
by a letter of the following tenor.
But, before mentioning the letter, I wish to recount to your Grace
certain actions of the governor, which, as the relation of the
Dominicans asserts, obliged the archbishop to assemble the bishops
and orders, and others; but which (as I suspected) happened after
the meeting, so that your Grace may see how they are stirred up,
and engaged on the side of evil. The first was, that the governor's
guard detained several priests by force one whole night, without
allowing them to leave the palace. It has been seen above already
that this happened by accident, and without the governor's order. 2d,
that he gave orders at the [city] gates for the soldiers not to allow
any ecclesiastics to leave. The justification for that was, that it
was rumored that several ecclesiastics were trying to take flight,
and to carry with them a number of soldiers and sailors who were in
the pay of his Majesty. That did in fact happen, for two religious,
one secular, and more than thirty soldiers and seamen who had just
been paid more than three thousand pesos from the royal treasury,
deserted. [Third], that he did not allow the religious to enter or
leave their convent. It has been already seen above that the occasion
for the surrounding of the convent of St. Augustine was in order to
prevent the escape of the treacherous fugitive. Consequently, all else
that happened was the over-zeal of the soldiers, who take military
orders very literally. [Fourth], that he tried to exile the provisor,
Don Pedro de Monrroy, by virtue of an old royal decree, the execution
of which had been repealed. It is outside of all truth to say that it
was repealed; for it is certain and appears that it had full force and
vigor, as I have said above. [Fifth], that he was persuaded that no
one could excommunicate him but the supreme pontiff. This opinion is
not so improbable, as I have heard discussed by men who know more than
I. But Burguillos, [55] a learned man of the Order of St. Francis,
holds and supports it valiantly; and at the least the governor, by
his membership in the habit of Alcantara, enjoys by a bull of Leo X
the privileges and immunities of the Cistercian religious; [56] and,
by another bull of Alexander III, the privileges of the knights of
Santiago, who can be excommunicated only by the supreme pontiff or
by his legate _a latere_. [57] As for saying that the governor can
exile from these islands any of his Majesty's vassals whom he wishes
to, I do not know that it is said in so harsh terms. What I do know
is that the royal patronage gives him authority, in punishing the
seculars and ecclesiastics, to remove them when they undertake to
meddle with what does not concern them. [In regard to the charge]
that he prevents the soldiers from becoming religious, no such thing
enters his mind. His order is that, before the soldiers embrace a
religious life, they shall inform him of it, so that their accounts
may first be examined, to ascertain whether they owe anything to
the king, in order that it may be paid before they become religious
[58]--as was ruled by Sixtus V in his bull. Here in Manila there is
another thing which further justifies this action of the governor,
namely, that many soldiers embrace a religious life with the sole
intention of getting rid of their duties as soldiers; and then after
a few months as novitiate, many vagabonds go out. In order to avoid
that annoyance, it is well to have it appear and to have it noted in
their accounts that they became religious, so that, if they leave
that life, they may be compelled to serve the king. If this is not
so, let the authors of the other relation tell [of any one] who has
asked permission to become a religious who, if he is not indebted to
the king, has not obtained his desires.
[Resuming my narrative], the formal letter, then, which the archbishop
wrote to the father rector of the Society, Luis de Pedrasa, is
as follows:
"The governor has today written a letter to the provisor, in which
he says that it is fitting for the service of his Majesty for him
to go to the island of Hermosa, to serve as chaplain-in-chief and
vicar of those presidios--and this without any opportunity being
afforded the provisor to ask my consent. It appears to me, Father
Rector, that this is a very grave matter; and it seems best to call
a council of the bishops and of all the orders, so that, we may
decide that two of those at the meeting shall proceed to ascertain
the authority possessed by the governor _in spiritualibus_ [_i.e.,_
"in spiritual matters"], in order that we may not continue day after
day with these letters and these mandates. Since I advise you of the
point which is to be discussed in the meeting, I beg your Paternity
to do me the favor to be present at it, and to bring with you the
father confessor of the governor and two father readers tomorrow
morning, Tuesday, at eight o'clock; for thus is it advisable for the
service of our Lord and of His church, and that of his Majesty King
Don Phelipe. Your Paternities are bound to follow the footsteps of the
other and mendicant orders in matters so justifiable and for the common
welfare; and I am confident that I shall receive your support. May our
Lord preserve your Paternity for many years. From the [archiepiscopal]
house, today, Monday, October, 1635.
_Fray Hernando_, archbishop."
The bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Diego Duarte, excused himself
by saying that that measure calculated not to quiet but rather to
disturb the citizens. The clergy excused themselves--one for illness,
another for ill-health, a third because he could not attend, and a
fourth because he did not wish to attend; and so no one went. Your
Grace should note here the malice of the other relation; for although
the bishop of Nueva Segovia and the ecclesiastical cabildo had excused
themselves, that relation makes no mention except of the dean--saying
that he could not attend, because of sickness--and of the fathers of
the Society, in order to stigmatize their motives and to make them
more odious. Although it is true that the latter excused themselves,
they did so by a courteous letter, which was written for that purpose
by their rector; and in order that your Grace may read it, and know
exactly its contents, since from it originated the disputes that
followed, I place it here.
"Most illustrious Sir:
"It appears that the more the Society endeavors to serve your most
illustrious [Lordship], and your provisor, in striving for the peace
of the community, and harmony and friendly relations between the
ecclesiastical and secular leaders, in the same proportion do some
(I know not whether with so good intention)--making, as is said,
a poison from the antidote--endeavor to injure that peace. Hence I
am unable to see what benefit our attendance can be, or what lack
there will be if we fail to offer our opinion; since whatever we say
will be received in the manner that the so pious efforts that have
been made during these last few days have been received. Therefore,
I beg your Excellency, with due humility and respect, to be pleased
to excuse us on this occasion, for the love of God our Lord; for
other occasions on which we can serve your Excellency will not be
wanting. May our Lord preserve and augment your person as we all,
your chaplains, and I the least of them, desire.
_Luis de Pedraza_"
Some at the council read this letter, and the archbishop and religious
were very angry at the absence of the members of the Society from the
meeting. They paid no attention to the fact that the clergy and the
bishop of Nueva Segovia were also absent. They couched their lances
against only those of the Society; and the first thing done in the
said meeting was to enact an act and resolution so harsh that it
seems best not to mention it at all, but to copy it word for word,
so that your Grace may judge what may be your pleasure, and whether it
was only to express some resentment, as the other relation declares,
or to disclose their passion by not telling the hatred that they
felt. The act is as follows:
"In the city of Manila, on the ninth of October, one thousand six
hundred and thirty-five, his Excellency the archbishop of Manila, and
at his summons, the most reverend bishop of Zebu, and the prelates
of the orders of St. Dominic, St. Francis, and St. Augustine, and
the Recollect fathers of the last order, and the readers of all of
the said orders, having assembled in the archiepiscopal palace,
it was resolved that, inasmuch as the fathers of the Society of
Jesus had been summoned to the said assembly, this and another time,
by his Excellency, in order to communicate matters to them touching
the service of God and of His Church, which his Excellency wished to
execute with the advice of all for their better result; and since
both times when they were summoned they excused themselves and in
fact did not attend the said meeting, by which one can see that they
separate themselves from the cause of the Church, and that they leave
her deserted and abandoned in whatever pertains to them: therefore
it was resolved in the said meeting, that from any one who separates
from his mother in her greatest trials and necessities, his brothers,
the children of the Church, ought to separate themselves--namely,
by not attending the functions of common interest that shall be held
or celebrated in the convents and church of the Society of Jesus,
such as are feasts, contests in debate and other things similar to
these; and by not inviting them to those which are celebrated either
in the cathedral church and parochial churches of this city, or in
any other churches whatsoever, whether subject to his Excellency or
to the prelates of the said orders. Also, from this time henceforth,
his Excellency deprives them of the sermons [assigned to them] on the
list of the said cathedral, and of all other sermons that they have
or can have throughout his archbishopric, so that they can preach in
none of the churches subject to his Excellency. His Excellency also
resolved that no cleric of his archbishopric, of whatever rank or
degree he be, either by himself or in the name of the communities which
he represents, may or ought to go to the said functions celebrated
in the convents or churches of the said Society. His Excellency
also deprived them of the title of synodal examiners in all his
archbishopric. The said archbishop promised that he would observe
all the above until a decision should be made by another assembly
of like character with this. And thus his most illustrious Lordship
affixed his signature with the rest who attended the meeting, [59]
on the said day, month, and year.
_Fray Hernando_, archbishop.
_Fray Pedro_, bishop of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus.
_Fray Domingo Gonsalez_
Fray Geronimo del Spiritu Santo
Fray Juan de Montemayor
Fray Gaspar de Santa Maria [60]
Fray Francisco de Herrera
Fray Alonso de San Joan
Fray Joseph de Santa Maria
Fray Antonio Gonsalez
Fray Vicente Argente
Fray Alonso de Carvajal
Fray Sebastian de Oquendo
Fray Diego de Ochoa
Fray Pedro de Santo Thomas
Fray Miguel de San Juan [61]
By order of his Excellency, the archbishop, my lord,
_Bachelor Joan Fulgencio_, notary."
But it is to be noted that although the above act is signed by so many,
some of them afterward stated that they had been misled. For the Order
of St. Augustine afterward renewed through its definitors its former
friendship with the Society, saying that those who had signed had no
authority to do so; and the bishop of Zebu, Don Fray Pedro de Arçe,
retracted it as a mistake, as your Grace will see by the enclosed
document that he drew up.
"In consideration of a council called by Archbishop Don Fray
Hernando Guerrero, on the ninth of this month of October--at which
I was present, together with certain religious of the orders of
St. Dominic, St. Francis, and the caked and discalced religious of
St. Augustine--and of a paper that was drawn up against the Society of
Jesus, in which the archbishop deprived them of the sermons [assigned
to them] in the lists of the cathedral and of other secular churches
subject to the said archbishop, as well as the other things that
the said document contains because the fathers of the said Society
of Jesus did not attend the said council: I signed the said paper
at the meeting, on account of the relation that was made then in the
absence of the said fathers of the Society. But afterward, having been
informed of the truth, and that the fathers had very just reasons
for not attending such meeting, I declare for the discharge of my
conscience, that my opinion given then is null and void, and that
the action taken in the said document is not just. On the contrary,
I think that the said fathers of the Society are worthy of praise and
reward for their great devotion, holy doctrine, and excellent method of
procedure--of which it is not proper to deprive the faithful, by taking
from them the fruit that is received from their sermons and admirable
instruction everywhere. In order that this my sentiment and opinion may
be apparent for all time, I affixed my name to this present document
in Manila, October eighteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five.
Fray Pedro, bishop of Santissimo de Jesus.
His most reverend Lordship signed in my presence and I witness thereto,
and know him.
_Juan Soriano_, notary-public."
Following the decree enacted by the archbishop, another point
was discussed in the assembly, which concerned the attempt of the
governor to have Don Pedro de Monrroy go to the island of Hermosa
as its chaplain. In this regard they resolved to offer effective
opposition; and the archbishop, at the advice of the assembly, wrote
the following letter to the governor:
"I have read the letter written by your Lordship to my provisor, and
his answer, and the resolution of your Lordship to send him to the
island of Hermosa. As I desire peace and harmony with your Lordship,
I entreat you to receive his excuse, since it, and my need of his
person, are well known. Besides this, I ask your Lordship to note
that the appointment of a vicar, or the granting of ecclesiastical
authority and jurisdiction, or the administration of sacraments,
is the prerogative of the ecclesiastical prelates, and not of the
civil government. Therefore, I request your Lordship to refrain from
making similar appointments in this regard. I write all the above to
your Lordship by the advice of the bishop of Zibu and of the orders,
so that your Lordship may see that I am not moved by passion, but by
reason and justice; and that I do not trust to my own opinion, but to
that of many. I entreat your Lordship to form another like opinion
in making your decisions, and with persons who are free to speak
their minds to your Lordship. May our Lord preserve your Lordship
and prosper you in His holy service. Today, Tuesday, October nine,
six hundred and thirty-five.
_Fray Hernando_, archbishop."
The governor answered the above letter of the archbishop as follows:
"I do not think that your Lordship desires peace and harmony as
you say, since you order me to receive the excuse of Don Pedro de
Monrroy in what I ask from him, which is fitting to the service of
his Majesty. I am doing it with all peace, without desiring war,
and without seeking war with anyone. Many can supply your Lordship's
need of his person, who are better intentioned and more learned,
in accordance with his Majesty's orders in his royal decree.
On the contrary, your Lordship has rather too much of Don Pedro de
Monrroy than too little, for the quiet, harmony, and good government
of your church.
I am not ignorant that the approval of ecclesiastical persons is
reserved to the prelates in order that they may administer the
sacraments; but the appointing of them belongs to the government
by virtue of the royal patrimony, just as his Majesty appointed
your Lordship bishop and archbishop, and as his Holiness approved
and confirmed it. Consequently, I cannot, even though your Lordship
orders it, abstain from appointing curas and vicars, choosing from
three whom your Lordship ought to nominate, the person whom I shall
consider most suitable. In the case of canons and dignidades of this
holy church, governors of vacant bishoprics, and chaplains, superior
and subordinate, of the soldiers, presidios, and galleons of his
Majesty, I need no nomination by your Lordship, although they need
your approval. If your Lordship writes me thus 'at the advice of the
bishop of Zebu and of the orders, so that I may see that your Lordship
is not moved by passion, but by reason and justice,' I am moved by
passion in ordering that all who came to these islands at the king's
cost or in his galleons, and who are his vassals, whatever be their
rank and degree, shall serve him. And when I say that this is fitting
for his royal service, only his Majesty can call me to account for it.
I value the advice given me by your Lordship that, when I make
decisions, I take counsel with persons who are free to speak their
mind to me. When I take counsel for the better service of God and
the king, I look for the most learned men of good reputation, and
many disinterested persons, so that they may not confuse me with
so many different opinions. To them I do not declare my intention
or determination, as is the general custom, until all have spoken;
and then I conform to the opinion of those which I deem best.
May your Lordship understand this truth, and that I fear God more
than the king and his vassals. May His Divine Majesty preserve your
Lordship for many happy years. The palace; October nine, six hundred
and thirty-five.
_Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera_"
The archbishop and the orders seeing that the members of the Society
were not disturbed (which seems to have been their intention, to judge
by the resolution of the assembly), the archbishop sent a notary, a
few days afterward, to notify the superiors of the Society of an act,
which I shall place here together with the reply of the father rector,
Luis de Pedraza.
"We, Don Fray Hernando Guerrero, by the grace of God and the holy
apostolic see archbishop of these Philipinas Islands, member of his
Majesty's Council, etc. Inasmuch as we ordered for just reasons that
moved us thereto, in harmony with the rules of the holy Council of
Trent (in chapter four, _De reformatione,_ session twenty-four),
that the religious fathers of the Society of Jesus be notified--the
father-provincial, Joan de Bueras, the rector, Luis de Pedraza, and
the other superiors of the said order who live in this city--not to
preach outside of their convents in any part of all this archbishopric,
or in camps, or guardhouses, by any manner of talk or preaching,
or in any other manner: that order they shall observe to the letter,
under penalty of major excommunication, _late sentencie, ipso facto
incurenda una protina canonica monitione premisa_, [62] and a fine
of four thousand Castilian ducados for the Holy Crusade, to which
we hold them immediately condemned if they do the contrary. Given in
our archiepiscopal palace, in the city of Manila, October twenty-six,
one thousand six hundred and thirty-five.
_Fray Hernando_, archbishop.
By order of his Lordship: _Diego Bernal_
"At the residence of the Society of Jesus in Manila, on the
twenty-ninth day of the month of November [_sc_., October], one
thousand six hundred and thirty-five, I read and announced the act
contained in the other part [of this document], exactly as is therein
contained, to the father rector, Luis de Pedraza, in the presence
of the witness Diego de Rueda, royal clerk, and the fathers Pedro de
Prado, procurator-general, and Gregorio Bellin. In their presence, he
desired me to give him an attested copy of the act, as a protection
of his right, and they were witnesses of the entire proceeding. I
attest this.
_Juan de la Cueva Moran_, notary-public.
"Then immediately the said father Luis de Pedraza required me once,
twice, and thrice, to set down the reply which will be declared,
notwithstanding that the notification is set down. And, inasmuch as
I am constrained by the said requisitions, I give it; and it is of
the following tenor:
'That in all things that were not a violation of their privileges,
they were prompt to obey, since they were under that obligation; but
if any demand were in violation of those privileges, then they would
make use of the means afforded them by the law for their defense and
which his Holiness granted them. He affixed his signature, in the
presence of the above witnesses.
_Luis de Pedraza_
Before me.
_Joan de la Cueva Moran_, notary-public.'"
The fathers of the Society thought that act was a manifest injury
to their order and privileges, for three reasons. First, because
they were deprived of preaching to all persons, with no exception,
without there being other cause therefor than those which your
Grace may infer from the document. Second, by commanding them with
excommunication and pecuniary fines, a thing which is manifestly a
violation of the immunity of the regulars. Third, because they were
prohibited from giving instruction in the camps and guardhouses,
which is a violation of a _Clementina_, [63] as I am told, and to
which no contrary decision has been rendered by the holy Council of
Trent. The fathers of the Society attempted to maintain peace by all
possible ways, but they were unsuccessful; and they could find no
route to that end. The past governor, Don Juan Cerezo [Salamanca]
who was desirous of settling the matter, undertook to secure that
end by writing to the archbishop the following letter:
"Our friendship, and the respect with which I always view the affairs
of your Lordship, and my obligations, constrain me to represent
affectionately to your Lordship, on the present occasion, the great
danger that is being incurred in maintaining the provisor in his
office, in hatred of him who represents to us the royal person, so
that your Lordship may consider in time the scandalous end that is
threatened. And although your Lordship will doubtless proceed, I must
warn you through my experience of European affairs, heedfully, that
the reasons that operate in this small presidio, which is surrounded by
barbarians and hostile nations, have no place in populous cities. The
governors base their defense on the public peace, in the attainment of
which the prelates [should] always aid, without trying to examine the
governor's intention, or throwing obstacles in his path under pretext
of ecclesiastical immunity; and although peace is composed of both
estates, and it is the business of both to secure and maintain it,
its prerogative belongs only to the royal jurisdiction.
"In order to repair these troubles, so that we can hope for great
harmony in the future, I consider it as the only remedy, and the one
most fitting for the authority of your Lordship, for Don Pedro de
Monrroy to display his nobility of character, and resign himself
of his own free will to the will of Don Sebastian, thus valuing
his favor more than the comforts which he is now enjoying. If he so
act, I am sure that it will open a free door for greater promotions
[for him], and for the consolation of this community. Your Lordship,
as a father, ought to pay attention to this without permitting the
matter to be carried to a compulsory settlement, of which I have
certain proofs. This opinion seemed good to father Fray Domingo
Gonsalez--although, after having conferred with your Lordship,
he replied to me that he does not find any secular who can fill the
vacancy of the said Don Pedro de Monrroy. But I remember to have seen
that your Lordship was inclined to the canon Don Pedro de Quesada. I
have here been addressing your Lordship with tenderness and love; and
you may believe that any action contrary to this would be held as a
great disservice by his Majesty--especially, as it is understood that
the points of [ecclesiastical] government are reduced to assemblies
of theologians, your Lordship being their counselor. May God our Lord
preserve your Lordship. From my residence.
_Don Juan Çerezo [de Salamanca]_"
Don Juan de Cerezo was not content with this letter, but, being
constrained by his excellent desires, wrote another letter of the
following tenor:
"As no beginning has been made in procuring the desired peace,
I shall charge myself to treat of it, as it concerns so deeply the
licentiate, Don Pedro de Monrroy, to whom I remain a true friend;
and at the pace at which the matter is being matured it must be that
some little devil has been unchained, and that he is defrauding all
the gains. But, nevertheless, as all this cause is for the service of
our Lord, I am confident that your Lordship and all the orders will
favor it. I am awaiting joyful news this afternoon, in order to be
able to commence openly to be the mediator of harmony which, it is
represented to me, this community will hereafter enjoy. And should
that harmony unfortunately be not attained, I rely, in everything,
upon this assembly. At least will your Lordship be pleased to give
such direction to it, by your great prudence, that these matters may
not be further disturbed. May God preserve your Lordship, as He is
able, and as I desire. From my residence, October 12, 1635.
_Don Juan Çerezo Salamanca_"
The dean of this holy church, Don Miguel Garçetas, also did on his part
what he could to stay this storm; and he with three other dignidades
went about among the four orders, to talk to their superiors in order
that they might aid with their advice, so that the affair of Don Pedro
de Monrroy might be directed to the satisfaction of the governor, since
he had so good an intention; and, at the same time, so that they might
annul the resolution taken against the Society in the meeting above
mentioned. Each one in private promised mountains of gold. They met
with the archbishop; and the bishop of Nueva Segovia and some seculars
having attended that meeting, they were not allowed to take part in
it, because others thought that they were on the side of the Society,
and that they were inclined to support the governor's decision. In
that assembly not only did its members not revoke the resolution,
as each one had promised, but they confirmed it and refused to give
satisfaction to the governor in regard to Don Pedro de Monrroy.
Immediately the obstinacy and stubbornness of the participants in the
meeting was learned; and those who had tried to act as angels of peace
felt it keenly, especially Don Juan Cerezo. As he had exerted himself
most in striving for peace, his grief at seeing that his good desire
had not been obtained was greatest. Therefore he wrote the following
letter to the archbishop:
"By your Lordship's letter I have learned the opinions of the religious
who attended the meeting of last night. Of the purpose that animates
them and their hearts, may God judge. With this outcome I retire from
these matters, and my only desire is that they come out right. I
meddled in the affair because I thought it expedient and desirable
to procure, by honorable means, the restoration of your Lordship's
liberty of the ordinary jurisdiction. That was injured and enslaved,
the moment when it was subject to the hindrance of not being able to
alter anything without a fresh intervention of the orders, and of being
obliged to temporize with them so much as your Lordship indicates;
for the person and dignity of the archbishop of Manila are of great
importance, and his feelings of anger should be of less duration,
so that he should not be compelled to chide the quarrels of others
with his crozier.
"I petition your Lordship to keep this in mind, for I say it through
my love as a son of your Lordship, as a corrective for the present
and a warning for the future; and the greatest happiness exists when
the two heads of the state are in harmony. May God direct it, as He
is able, and preserve your Lordship, as I desire. From my residence,
October 19, 1635.
_Don Juan Çerezo [Salamanca]_"
The fathers of the Society, seeing that the peace measures had been
useless, and that the doors to any suitable settlement were tightly
closed on them on the part of the archbishop and the religious who
were their opponents; and that two days afterward they had notified
the rector of the Society of the first act, they had notified the
minister of Santa Cruz of another (that place being a mission of
the Society), in order that he should not instruct certain Indians,
a right which the preceding prelate had given to the Society. [64]
It was rumored that the archbishop was trying to deprive them of
the confessional. Daily new troubles were feared, and the fathers
of the Society were compelled to appoint a judge-conservator; and
one was in fact appointed on the second of November, 1635. This
was Don Fabian de Santillan y Cavilanes, schoolmaster of this holy
metropolitan church. He was not serving _ad interim_, as the other
relation declares, but held that office in regular appointment,
and had held it for several years. He was the son of a treasurer
of the royal exchequer. Alonso Baesa del Rio was assigned as his
notary, a notary-public and a man of vast experience and skill in
papers. The judge-conservator ordered the archbishop, under penalty
of major excommunication and a fine of four thousand ducados for the
Holy Crusade, to repeal the acts passed against the Society, as they
were manifestly injurious. Before he was notified of this act, the
secretary read to him his appointment as judge-conservator made on
behalf of the Society. This is apparent by the identical acts, which
I have seen. I advise your Grace of this so that you may have accurate
information on this point; for it is stated and restated often, in the
other relation, that the archbishop was not notified legally before
they notified him of the act of the judge-conservator. He was notified,
for it is certain that the first document read to him by the secretary
was the appointment as judge-conservator, as above stated. Later,
the same secretary read to him the bull for judge-conservators,
and that of Gregory XIII, in which he concedes authority to the
fathers of the Society to preach anywhere. The secretary entering the
archbishop's hall with the documents, the latter asked him what he
had, and he answered that they were the bulls. "But why?" added the
archbishop; and Fray Antonio Gonsalez, who was in his company, said:
"He has been tired, for we have already seen them in the collection
of bulls." If this is so, I am surprised that the hostile relation
states that the act of the judge-conservator was null and void, as
he did not first exhibit the briefs (of which no notice was taken)
to the archbishop. The latter's procurators also were not bashful,
and were so bold as to allege the same in public session of the
Audiencia. But they were convinced by the secretary that he read
the acts, whereupon an auditor declared: "We must pay heed to this,
and not to the new falsehoods that they bring."
Next day the archbishop presented himself with a plea of fuerza, during
prison inspection, before the auditor Don Alvaro de Mesa y Lugo _[sic;
sc._ Zapata?]; and as there was no other auditor, he issued the usual
order. On Tuesday, the sixth of the same month, recourse was had to
the royal Audiencia, on behalf of both the archbishop and the Society,
to examine the records. The royal Audiencia, seeing that the order
issued during the prison inspection was not sufficient, but defective,
issued another and new one, and nothing further was discussed in
that meeting of the Audiencia. Next day, Wednesday, November seven,
the records were brought. The archbishop was represented by the
father prior of St. Augustine, Fray Juan de Montemayor, and the
father reader, Fray Diego de Ochoa, of the same order; the father
definitor of the Recollects, Fray Pedro Barreto; the father guardian
of St. Francis, Fray Juan de Pina; and Bachelor Fulgencio de Ribera,
a secular, and the deacon and servant of the archbishop. The Society
was represented by Father Diego de Bobadilla, [65] and Father Lorenco
Goreto, masters of theology. The latter, before all else, declared that
they had no quarrel with the holy orders, and that in consequence the
fathers had nothing to do there. But the others replied that they had
been authorized by the archbishop. The royal Audiencia ordered the
authorization to be read. It made mention only of the father reader,
Fray Diego de Ochoa, father Fray Pedro Barreto, and the bachelor
Fulgencio de Ribera. Thereupon, they ordered from the room the father
prior of St. Augustine, and the father guardian of St. Francis,
who went out somewhat shamefacedly. The secretary read the records,
but was interrupted at every step by the reader Fray Diego de Ochoa,
which resulted in some animosity. After the reading, the president
asked the representatives of the archbishop whether they had anything
to state. The bachelor Fulgencio de Ribera took the floor, and said in
few words that the judge-conservator was not legitimately appointed,
for there were no manifest injuries in the case. Then the president
invited the two religious who had remained [to speak]. They said that
those of the Society should state their case first, and accordingly
the latter were given the floor--Father Diego de Bobadilla first,
and then Father Lorenço Goreto. They proved in the judgment of those
of us who were present (and it so seemed to me, although not much is
obtained from these things) that the acts which I have mentioned are
manifest injuries; and that, consequently, the judge-conservator was
legally appointed. In order that your Grace may understand more of
what was declared, I am sending you a summary of the allegation made
by the fathers of the Society, which one of them communicated to me,
and I enclose it herewith. Hence I shall not go into greater detail
here, by mentioning what I have heard erudite men say in reply to
certain arguments by which the other relation tries to prove that
the enactments of the judge-conservator were null and void. I shall
only say a word, if I remember it, on three or four points which the
relation heaps together, but which are of small moment. It declares
that the judge exceeded his authority in not giving the archbishop more
than one hour's time-limit in which to read the bulls and to withdraw
the act, while in reality twenty-four hours were granted him; and when
the secretary, Alonso Baesa del Rio, went to notify the archbishop of
the act, to his offer that he could easily obtain more time from the
judge, answer was made by Diego Bernal, who was the secretary of the
archbishop, that they had time enough, and that no more was necessary,
as they had read the bulls often enough. The point was not in this, but
in the fact that the judge-conservator could not command the archbishop
to withdraw the act that he had made against the Society. By that
one may see the calumny in alleging that the time was insufficient
to withdraw the act. The relation states that it was a dispute over
jurisdiction, and that consequently, according to the ruling of
the Council of Trent, judge-arbitrators were to be appointed. That
is an error; for there was no contest over jurisdiction, but only
that the judge-conservator, as the delegate of the supreme pontiff,
ordered the archbishop to withdraw an act manifestly injurious to
the Society. The relation declares that the bulls were authorized
by the same judge-conservator and his secretary. That is true, but
how did that cause any nullification? For the judge did not feign
briefs, or say that the one that he presented was the original one,
but that it was a faithful copy of the original, which the Society
had showed him. Therein he obeyed the behests of the supreme pontiff,
in order that such copies might have legality and authority. When the
fathers of the Society had finished their statement, the president told
the father reader Fray Diego de Ochoa, and the father definitor Fray
Pedro Barreto, to make what further statements they had to make. But
they, changing color, and being uneasy, answered clearly and frankly
that they had nothing more to say, as they had not come prepared for
it. I confess to your Grace that we who were present were put to the
blush at seeing so shameful a thing; and we asked, since they had
not come prepared, why they had come and why they had received the
archbishop's authorization. They requested that audience be granted
them the next day, and, although that is contrary to common practice,
it was conceded to them, so that they could at no time say that they
had not presented their side of the matter, and that they were without
defense. That was so clear and manifest a victory for the fathers of
the Society, and before the tribunal, the officials, and the great
crowd which was present, that I am surprised how those of the other
side dared to utter a word. They returned to the conflict on the
following Thursday; and other religious besides the two above mentioned
and the secular, were summoned. Those who came newly were father Fray
Antonio Gonsalez, vicar-provincial of St. Dominic; Fray Diego Collado,
of the same order; and father Fray Pedro de Herrera, of St. Augustine:
on entering the Audiencia, they presented their authority without
being requested to do so--fearing to encounter any such jest as had
happened to the others the day previous, for lack of authority. The
father reader Fray Diego de Ochoa spoke first in this Audiencia, in
a loud voice and with many exclamations, and casting opprobrium on
the person of the judge-conservator. Then the father definitor Fray
Pedro Barreto spoke. He read a short paper that he had written, saying
that he had not been able to commit it to memory. He was followed by
father Fray Antonio Gonsalez, who alleged a very trifling defect in
the bull. After him Fray Diego Collado spoke. He said that he was the
confessor of the president of Castilla when the bishop of Cordoba had
a similar suit with the orders in España. Father Fray Pedro de Herrera
gave his opinion last. All of them together consumed more than one and
one-half hours. The fathers of the Society answered, Father Diego de
Bobadilla first, and then Father Lorenso Goreto. Such was their reply
that, to all of us who were present, it seemed that they had proved
their case, and it is sure that they showed the act to be a manifest
injury: first, because they had been ordered not to preach outside of
their churches, under pain of excommunication and pecuniary fines;
second, because the archbishop, through his anger toward only one
of the Society, had forbidden all of them in his archbishopric to
preach. The controversy then hinged on [the question] whether the
prelate may prohibit some of the Society, for just causes (which he
said that he had, but did not express), from preaching in camps and
guardhouses. The friars said that he could, and their whole argument
consisted of what the Council [of Trent] says, according to what they
alleged--making fuerza out of those words, _contradicente episcopo_
[_i.e._, "the bishop opposing"], and giving as explanation that the
prelate may by his own authority oppose and forbid the regulars to
preach, even in their own churches. Thence they inferred that the
archbishop had not laid on the fathers of the Society all that he
could. Those of the Society answered this at length, and showed by
several books which they brought to the Audiencia that that phrase
_contradicente episcopo_, ought not to be understood in that manner,
but according to a certain Clementina which, if I am not mistaken,
is that of _De sepulturis_, and begins with _Dudum_. As this was the
point of all their controversy, I refer you to the statement that
is enclosed herewith. But I am unable to conjecture why the other
relation wastes so much paper, and becomes wearisome, by bringing
in so many statements to prove that the religious may not preach in
the churches of others without the permission of their owners, since
the Society never claimed anything else, nor were their statements
intended to prove it. And believe me, your Grace, on this second day
no less glory fell to the Society than on the first. I have related
this point so extensively, as some prejudiced persons have stated that
the adherents of the archbishop silenced the fathers of the Society.
The gentlemen of the royal Audiencia remained in the hall, and
on voting on the point of fuerza they were divided. Thereupon,
his Majesty's fiscal was appointed, as that pertains to him by
law. His vote, it appears, was cast in favor of the fathers of the
Society. Consequently, it was declared that the judge-conservator had
not used fuerza toward the archbishop, and that he should proceed
with his commission. Some persons were not lacking who tried to
suspend the proceedings and declare them null and void, because the
archbishop's representatives were not notified that it was because the
auditors' opinions were discordant that his Majesty's fiscal had been
appointed judge. They did not take note that this matter of making
notifications and summons is an act of superiority and jurisdiction;
and that, as the royal Audiencia does not hold that in ecclesiastical
matters, it does not employ such acts, and only declares whether the
ecclesiastical judge practices fuerza or no--and this not as judge
of the ecclesiastical estate, but as a political governor who desires
peace in his country. The other and contradictory relation also tries
to prove the proceedings null because, before the royal Audiencia
declared that the judge-conservator was not committing fuerza, the
procurators of the archbishop drew up a petition which they presented
to the president, in which they challenged the auditor Zapata. But
he who regards this as nullification, proves that he is but little
accustomed to the manner of procedure of the Audiencia; for in the
first place the petition was not presented in time, and second, it was
not signed by a lawyer--an essential lack, as that is contrary to his
Majesty's orders for what is to be done in such cases of challenging
a judge, and especially so superior a judge as an auditor.
As the judge-conservator was declared by the Audiencia to be legal,
he proceeded, constraining the archbishop with censures so that he
should furnish an official statement of the acts issued against the
Society. He did so, sending the original act already mentioned, the
original [record of the] meeting that he held with the religious,
and the act that was issued ordering the fathers of the Society
not to minister to the Indians of Santa Cruz. Within a few days the
matter was well on the way to a conclusion and settlement, when it
was discovered that the archbishop and some of the said three orders
of St. Dominic, St. Francis, and St. Augustine, had held a meeting,
and under color of a protest had issued a defamatory libel, in which
they linked the same judge-conservator, the Society of Jesus, the
governor, and the royal Audiencia, because these had declared against
their will. This document was a matter of common talk and notoriety,
not only because it was declared by many of the townspeople, who
had heard it from those who had been present at the meeting (and as
there were so many of them it could not be kept secret); but also,
as soon as it was requested, the archbishop told the father rector,
Luis de Pedrasa, that he would not give up such a paper, even if
he were deprived of the archbishopric; and father Fray Pedro de
Herrera, his procurator, said that they would not give it even if
they were hanged. The father provincial of St. Francis asked Adjutant
Juan de Vega Mexia, why he demanded such a paper, for it was not
well for the Society, or their judge-conservator, or the governor,
or the royal Audiencia to see it. This tone increased the reports
of the townspeople, and the constant rumor that that protest was a
defamatory libel and contained grievous things about many persons. It
was authenticated by a royal clerk named Diego de Rueda, who is also
a familiar of the Holy Office. The judge-conservator arrested him,
and took his confession, in which, although he did not tell openly all
that the protest contained, he made known sufficient of it so that one
could get light on the matter. The judge-conservator petitioned the
governor for the aid of the civil arm, and on Friday, November 16,
arrested the clerk by its help. The commissary of the Holy Office,
Fray Francisco de Herrera, of the Order of St. Dominic, came out to
demand his familiar from the judge-conservator. The judge answered that
he had already taken his statement; that, although he had arrested him
so that he might declare more, the man was no longer necessary to him;
and that it did not concern him, and they should demand the familiar
from the governor, who had him. The father commissary answered that the
reply of the judge was not satisfactory, and that his familiar should
be handed over to him. The judge answered that in writing, as follows:
"In the city of Manila, November twenty-three, one thousand six
hundred and thirty-five. Don Fabian de Santillan y Gavilanes,
schoolmaster of the holy cathedral church of this said city,
apostolic judge-conservator of the Order of the Society of Jesus,
etc., declared that [he makes this declaration] inasmuch as the
reverend father preacher Fray Francisco de Herrera, of the Order of
St. Dominic, commissary of the Holy Inquisition in these islands,
sent him an oral message by the accountant, Alonso Baesa del Rio,
notary-public and apostolic notary of this tribunal, yesterday,
Thursday, between six and seven in the morning, asking to have Diego
de Rueda sent to him (as he said that he had arrested him), for a
certain declaration that he had need of making before the said father
commissary. To that message the said judge-conservator also responded
orally, saying that although he had arrested the said Diego de Rueda,
because of what pertained to his office as judge-conservator, it was
two days since he had finished with him, and that the said Diego de
Rueda was no longer held prisoner at his account. Therefore, he should
go to Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, governor and captain-general
of these islands, to ask for him. Nevertheless, after his declaration
that he was not holding the said Diego de Rueda a prisoner, the said
father commissary, by an act that he issued today, ordered the said
judge-conservator, under penalties and censures, to deliver the said
Diego de Rueda within two hours, and he was notified of it at the hour
of nine in the morning. The judge-conservator made the same answer
in writing that he had given orally to the said apostolic notary,
and more fully (although the said [oral] reply was sufficient). At
the hour of ten in the morning he wrote a letter to the said father
commissary, sending it by Adjutant Juan de Vega Mexia, in which he
offered to the commissary to draw up a document requiring, exhorting,
and notifying the said governor and captain-general of these islands
that, in what pertained to this court of the said apostolic judge
conservator, inasmuch as the latter had no longer anything to do with
the said Diego de Rueda, the governor should set him free and send him
to the said father commissary. The latter answered in writing through
the said adjutant, Juan de Vega Mexia, that the said governor declared
that it was not his Lordship, but the said judge-conservator, who had
arrested the said Diego de Rueda. And after the said reply, and for
greater satisfaction, and so that his obedience, as an obedient son of
the Church to the mandates of the Holy Inquisition may be recognized,
the judge-conservator thereupon petitions and supplicates--and in a
necessary case, requires, exhorts, and charges--Don Sebastian Hurtado
de Corcuera, governor and captain-general of these islands, in what
pertains to this court of the said apostolic judge-conservator,
inasmuch as the latter no longer has anything to do with the
said Diego de Rueda, to free that man and send him to the father
commissary, as the latter has ordered and commanded the said apostolic
judge-conservator, under penalties and censures. Thus did he enact,
and affixed his signature. The schoolmaster,
_Don Fabian de Santillan Y Gavilanes_
By his order:
_Alonso Baeza Del Rrio_,
notary-public and apostolic notary."
After receiving this reply, the father commissary left the judge, and
requested the governor to give him his familiar. His Lordship answered
him that the said familiar had transgressed in the exercise of his
office by having authenticated, as a royal notary, a defamatory libel;
and that the punishment for that devolved upon the royal jurisdiction,
according to the agreement in the new compilation [of laws]. The
governor sent Diego de Rueda under arrest to the fort of Cabite,
whereupon the father commissary had the governor notified of the
following act through a youthful friar called Fray Ignacio Muñoz,
and another who accompanied him:
"In the city of Manila, on the twenty-sixth of the month of November,
one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, the reverend father Fray
Francisco de Herrera, commissary of the Holy Office in these islands,
declared that he is at present engaged in a cause pertaining to the
tribunal of the Inquisition, in regard to a protest which is reported
to be a defamatory libel against the holy Order of the Society of
Jesus, and other persons occupying places of dignity. The principal
witness in it is Alférez Diego de Rueda; and, for lack of him, the
service and execution of the Holy Office in investigating this cause
is suspended and prevented. Inasmuch as the pontiff Pius Fifth,
and other pontiffs order in very strict terms that the causes of
the Inquisition take precedence over all others, and that all causes
cease and be superseded until the Holy Office concludes its business:
therefore the said commissary ordered (and he did so order) Governor
Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who says in his letters that he has
arrested the said Diego de Rueda for having become an apostolic notary
when he was a royal notary, for the purpose of authenticating the
protest that is said to be a libel--an offense which by being committed
in connection with this cause, belongs by law to the Inquisition,
and to no other tribunal, as it is in regard to what is said to be a
defamatory libel against the said order and persons; and gives him a
time-limit of thirty hours within which to present Diego de Rueda at
the Holy Office, under penalty of major excommunication and a fine of
five thousand ducados for the expenses of this tribunal. And, under the
same penalties, he orders the said governor not to make any further
effort to demand or inquire about the said protest, since if it is,
as is asserted, a defamatory libel, it belongs to no other judge, but
only to the Holy Office; and the governor shall not molest the said
prisoner until the Holy Office has entirely concluded its cause. And
he thus decreed in this act, which he ordered and signed.
_Fray Francisco de Herrera_
Before me:
_Fray Ignacio Muñoz_, notary."
The friar commenced to read his act, and, at the commencement of the
reading, the governor asked the friar to hand it to him. Seeing that
this was the beginning of disturbances in the community, he ordered an
adjutant to conduct those friars courteously to their convent at the
port of Cabite, and charge their superior to retain them there and
look after them well; and that they should not disturb the peace of
the community for him, nor talk with the freedom and levity that they
had displayed to him. The fathers of St. Dominic took occasion from
that to utter innumerable evil reports about the governor, so that
there was no place where they did not murmur aloud about him. Father
Fray Sebastian de Oquendo of the Order of St. Dominic, in especial,
went one morning to the auditor-general of war, Manuel Suarez, with a
bull which he declared had been promulgated by Pius V; and having read
it, he declared that the governor was excommunicated for preventing
the exercise of the Inquisition's authority (although the governor
declared that he did not prevent it but that he was maintaining, as
he ought, the royal jurisdiction); that he was deposed, that he was
not governor, and could not act as such; and that the senior auditor
should immediately assume the government, and arrest Don Sebastian
and place him in a fort. The auditor-general referred all the above
to the governor; and, as a confirmation of this and other rumors
that were current through the city, the same fathers of St. Dominic
brought a friar from Cabite, named Fray Francisco Pinelo, [66] a man
of talent and eloquent in the pulpit, in order that he might preach
on the second Sunday of Advent, December 9, 1635. He did in fact
preach [on that day], and before beginning his sermon, he said that
he had called and invited the people to read a bull that he declared
was given by Pius V, and was translated from Latin into Romance, in
which his Holiness regards those who prevent the exercise of the Holy
Inquisition's authority as infamous, and incapable of holding offices
and dignities, and as _ipso facto_ deposed from them. The said father
asserted all the above with such tones and manner, and at such a time,
that it was clearly seen that he meant it for the governor; and that
he was scoffing at him as an infamous person, and as one deposed from
the government of these islands, because he had sent to Cabite the two
friars who had been sent to him. He began his sermon after that, and
it was throughout a satire on the Society, on the judge-conservator,
and on the governor and the royal Audiencia. He said of the fathers
of the Society that they were the cats of the Church, and a damnable
and corruptible milk, who were trying by their deceits to influence
other religious not to go to Japon. He added that such as they were
members that had been lopped off from the Church; and that by their
shrewdness and political methods they were insinuating themselves
into everything. Of the judge-conservator he said that one would
believe him a canon of London rather than of the cathedral of Manila;
that the Jesuits had made him a pope or popelet, and that through
him they had undertaken to give them [i.e., the other orders] pap;
[67] that he was a gambler, and that he had lost some thousands of
pesos, which I know is not the case. Of the governor, the preacher
said that he was a Pilate, and even much worse; since Pilate had
refused to intervene in the death of Christ, while the governor was
trying to take part in the controversies with the archbishop; he also
compared him to Herod. He talked very venomously about an auditor,
and, although he did not name him, it was just as if he had done so,
for one could plainly infer of whom he was speaking. He characterized
him as unjust and vicious, and all without other foundation than his
having declared that the judge-conservator was legal, contrary to
what the fathers of St. Dominic claimed. The muttering and commotion
among the audience were very marked. It is a fact that many of us
think that the preacher had no other aim or motive than to disturb and
rouse the crowd so that there should be an uprising, as there had been
in Nueva España. And as I have already begun this matter of sermons,
and so that I may not afterward interrupt the thread of my discourse,
I shall say somewhat here to your Grace of the many disorders that
have happened in this direction.
On the day of St. Lucy, December 13, in the convent of the
Recollects of St. Augustine, father Fray Andres del Spiritu Santo
preached. I was present, and his whole sermon was a satire against the
judge-conservator, the fathers of the Society, and the governor. He
said many evil things of them, all of which I do not remember
in detail, except that he said, by mistake, of the fathers of the
Society that they were Hippocrates; and then, immediately correcting
himself, that they were hypocrites and arrogant fellows, and that it
was the Society not of Jesus, but of the devil. He characterized the
judge-conservator as a vicious fellow. The same father preached on
the afternoon of Palm Sunday, in his convent. He said of the governor
that he was not setting [a good] example in having founded the royal
chapel in the palace, where he hears preaching, because he does not
go out to their churches to hear these things. He said also that the
governor was obstinate because he did not humiliate himself before the
archbishop, as it was Holy Week and the season of the jubilee. The
worthy father did not consider in the midst of his zeal what the
governor has done for the archbishop, and how he has aided him. He
added that the governor did not understand the law of the Christians,
as he had said (according to the preacher's statement) that he could
not be excommunicated. That scandalized the hearers, and was the
motive for many of the city to declare (as I hear) that these sermons
kindled the fire that raged, and were the cause of these revolutions.
On Sunday, the third day of Lent, February 24, 1636, at the publication
of the ordinary edict, the whole city gathered in the cathedral,
where I was present. The father guardian of St. Francis, Fray Juan
de Piña, preached. He mentioned in the pulpit a balance that the
accountant Juan Bautista de Zubiaga had brought forward against the
fathers of St. Francis (who have had charge of the royal hospitals),
of more than thirty thousand pesos. Inasmuch as soldiers without
weapons have not been received in the hospital for many years, and a
great number of men have died in it, and there is no account of what
has been done with those arms, they amount, when appraised at low
prices, to over thirty thousand pesos. The preacher declared that
he had reason to make a greater charge and declare a larger balance
against the king of España. The charge was that Fray Francisco Ximenez
conquered Oran; and that one of their friars, named Zumarraga, [68]
pacified Nueva España. Thus a great part of his sermon was taken up in
indecorously contending and taking issue with the king of España. On
the Wednesday following, February 27, the same preacher delivering
a sermon in the same cathedral church, returned to the same balance,
and treated the said computer of accounts, Juan Bautista de Cubiaga,
with great contumely. He called him a Gascon devil, disguised as a
Viscayan or Navarrese, who getting a smattering of accounts, gave out
that he was an accountant, in order to come to give him a beating. And
this he said amid the laughter and commotion of the audience.
On one Friday in Lent, the fifteenth of March, I was present at the
convent of St. Augustine; Fray Diego de Ochoa of the same order came
out to preach. At the beginning, he read a notice which said that
Father Lorenso Goreto would preach on the following Tuesday at the
church of the Society of Jesus, on the good thief. [69] He added
that that feast of the thief was very suitable for the Society,
characterizing its members as thieves. Later in the course of his
sermon, he brought in the balance which, as I have told your Grace, the
accountant Juan Bautista de Zubiaga presented against the Franciscan
fathers concerning the hospitals. He declared it to be an Inquisition
case, and that, if that holy tribunal did not take cognizance of it,
he himself would seize him. This he said with loud words and a menacing
aspect. And, so that your Grace may have a good laugh, I will tell
you his argument for saying that it was an Inquisition case--namely,
that the pontiff had seen in dreams St. Francis and St. Dominic with
their shoulders holding up the church of San Giovanni in Laterano,
which was about to fall--a sign that their sons must keep the Church
of God upright by means of their glorious labors, as if for that
reason no one of the said orders could do anything wrong. Besides the
fact that your Grace will see that this vision is not of the Divine
attestation--although it pertains to Christian piety to believe it,
as so many others--I would never finish if I should try to tell
your Grace the disorder that has reigned in the pulpits all this
year. I only tell, in general, what occurred this past Lent, and
even since Advent. I and many others have gone through curiosity to
hear the preachers of St. Dominic, St. Francis, and the Recollects of
St. Augustine. Most of the sermons have consisted of satires against
the governor, the Audiencia, the judge-conservator, and the fathers
of the Society of Jesus; and in utterances so extravagant that they
caused a great scandal, and in things ridiculous and unworthy of the
pulpit. The latter they made a professor's chair for the avenging
of their passions, instead of one for teaching the doctrine of
Christ. Your Grace can see what fruit the audience would get from it.
Returning to our narrative, the fathers of St. Dominic were not
content with saying the above-mentioned things in and out of the
pulpits, but they incited a petition to the dean of this holy church,
Don Miguel Garçetas, who, as the archbishop was excommunicated by
the judge-conservator, was exercising the office of provisor and
vicar-general in it; they asked him to declare the governor to be
excommunicated. For I cannot tell your Grace the fear which seized the
religious orders in this matter, that they must place the governor on
the excommunicated list; and how many actions that he had committed for
which, as they said, he had incurred excommunication--so much so, that
in a paper that appeared afterward, there was mention of twenty-five
excommunications that he had, in their opinion, incurred; and I do not
know whether there are any more in the law. With that petition they
presented a paper proving that the governor was excommunicated, and
speaking indecorously of him, saying that he was a mean and foolish
gentleman. The dean, who is a discreet man and aged, was quite far
from assenting to the request made of him, as he saw that they were
uneasy and their disturbance was superfluous.
The judge-conservator afflicted the archbishop with new censures
and penalties to get him to hand over the protest, but the latter
would agree to do so under no considerations. He declared that he
had given it some few days before to Fray Diego Collado of the Order
of St. Dominic, and that he could not get it back from him. The
archbishop did not consider himself as excommunicated, although he
had been declared as such. Neither did the religious consider him as
such, but persuaded him that he could say mass, and he did so. The
religious went in and out of his archiepiscopal palace as before,
holding meetings and causing trouble in the community. Therefore,
measures were taken to establish some sentinels at the archbishop's
door, so that so many religious might not enter to disturb him;
but the fathers of the Society interceded with good results, so
that the sentinels should be removed. That was done immediately. The
archbishop left his house on the twelfth of November and retired to
[the convent of] St. Francis. On the eighteenth, the four provincials
of the said four orders went to consult the governor. He told them not
to overturn the community as they were doing. All the efforts possible
were made and various means were taken to get hold of the protest,
since it was fundamental to the conclusion of the peace which was
desired. The archbishop wrote the following letter to the governor
from the convent of St. Francis:
"Sir:
"Since your Lordship did me the kindness to come to console me and show
me favor, I have made the most strenuous efforts in the world to have
the protest returned to me; but it is hammering on cold iron. What
can I do? For if my intent had been not to show it, I could say that
I had torn it up, or could have alleged some other pretext; and I
would not have mentioned the person to whom I gave it to keep, as I
knew that there was an order to sequestrate his [70] property. Since,
sir, it is impossible, and it is not my fault, I do not accept the
excuse that your Lordship gives me in your letter, in order to free
yourself from showing me favor and undertaking to act, settle this
affair as governor and friend. Therefore, I petition your Lordship,
[71] as you can do for one who avails himself of your protection;
for I desire ever to remain in your Lordship's favor, and only bound
to serve you all the days of my life. May our Lord preserve your
Lordship's life for long years. From this convent of St. Francis,
November 24, 1635.
_Fray Hernando_, archbishop."
The governor responded as follows to the above letter:
"Most thoroughly do I believe what your Lordship says in your letter
in regard to the efforts made to get hold of the protest, and that
your Lordship does not have it. But it is an exasperating and serious
thing that Father Collado, or whoever else has it, should display
this tenacious obstinacy; and that so many efforts, so many mediators,
and so much argument are not sufficient to get it. It is certain, sir,
that so great obstinacy in a subordinate ought not to be overlooked;
for it is hindering good men so that we cannot go farther in this
matter, until we have subdued that disobedience, which is unworthy of
so religious a person--especially since I have given my word to burn
it in the presence of your Lordship, without letting any person see
it except Diego de Rueda, so that he may acknowledge before witnesses
whether it is the paper which he wrote or authenticated. All these
considerations, and many others which occur to me, almost render it
impossible for me to serve your Lordship. On the other hand, your
Lordship's present need of my service constrains me more; and as Don
Sebastian de Corcuera, I am doing more, I judge, in charging myself
with these affairs than I would do in concluding them had I all the
authority that your Lordship mentions.
Now, sir, that I may move in the matter with more security, it will
be necessary, since there is no other remedy, to compel Diego de
Rueda to declare to me, and attest as a notary, the contents of the
protest; and in order to cause him to do so, even though he resist,
I shall have to make use of the means, however harsh, that I shall
find available. May God direct the matter, and may He guide me in all
things so that I may be successful in serving your Lordship. Given
at the palace, this day, Sunday.
_Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera_"
In order to bring about that settlement, the governor went, November
20, to see the archbishop, whom he consoled; and he offered to do
all in his power in favor of his Lordship. The next day the same
governor called a meeting of the gentlemen of the royal Audiencia,
his Majesty's fiscal, and all the learned jurists in Manila. They
agreed that this matter could not be settled so long as the protest
did not make its appearance. In accordance with that decision, the
governor wrote the following letter to the archbishop:
"From the time when I went last evening to pay my respects to your
Lordship, I have thought of nothing else excepting how I might manage
to serve you. With that purpose, I had the four advocates of the
royal Audiencia summoned, and others--ecclesiastics, jurists, and
theologians. On meeting them, I set before them my great desire for
peace and for the quiet and comfort of your Lordship. I had them read
the letters that your Lordship wrote me, the efforts that had been
commenced, and the papers given me yesterday by the father readers of
St. Augustine. After discussing them, little credit was given to the
statement of father Fray Pedro de Herrera and to the mandate of father
Fray Antonio Gonsalez; for both of them are accomplices. Moreover,
it was not well for them that the people should see them meddling
in a matter that is so unrighteous and one so unbecoming to their
profession. [I told those who were assembled] that, accordingly, they
should protect these papers, so that neither the mandate of father
Fray Antonio should bind father Fray Diego Collado or any other of
his religious, or the statement of the said father Fray Pedro de
Herrera have any effect. For it was considered also that the latter
had been issued nine days after the incident [of Rueda's arrest]
had occurred; and more especially was noted the obstinacy of father
Fray Diego Collado in refusing to return to your Lordship the paper or
protest that had been made. For these reasons all unanimously, without
one dissenting voice, were of the opinion that your Lordship should
make new and more strenuous efforts to secure and surrender the said
protest on account of the difficulties that so evidently result from
secreting it. And since, sir, it contains nothing that can tarnish the
reputation of the Order of the Society, or that can be of importance to
any other, I would judge it impossible that there can be any agreement,
or that the cause can be concluded to the pleasure and satisfaction of
your Lordship, except by handing over the said paper--with the promise
that I hereby give, as a gentleman, that if it be handed over to me, I
shall only allow the notary to see the signature, so that he may attest
that it is the document that he authenticated; and then immediately,
in the presence of him who hands it to me, or in the pretence of your
Lordship (for which purpose I shall go to your residence), I shall burn
it so that nothing of it can remain. It has also seemed best for me
to ask the judge-conservator to grant your Lordship four or six days
more than the time-limit that he has assigned; and I shall do that
immediately, so that your Lordship may have more time to see that
that religious may not ruin the whole affair, and that he may hand
over the paper. And in case that he always prove obstinate, I shall
immediately refrain from meddling in this matter, either for or against
your Lordship. I beg you to pardon me for having made this resolution,
in accordance with the opinion of so many erudite and well-intentioned
men. And, even had they not given it, I would have made it of my own
accord, after hearing what the sargento-mayor has just told me of
the religious of St. Dominic, who have broken into the guardhouse at
one of the gates of the wall, defying the soldiers stationed there,
and forcibly bringing inside Don Pedro Monrroy--contrary to the order
that I had given that he was not to be allowed to enter, since he is
not provisor, and has nothing to do inside the walls. And if these
disorderly acts are committed while I am seeking means and methods of
doing your Lordship a service, by which I may aid you in paying the
condemnations that have been ordered, I am freed from the obligation
of having anything to do with these matters, either pro or con. On
the contrary I shall inform the king our sovereign of the efforts
made on my part; and all the community will have understood them and
will know that your Lordship, taking counsel of the three orders,
neither desires nor tries to secure peace. I beg your Lordship's
pardon for speaking so boldly, and rest assured that there is not,
nor will there be, more than I have said here. May God preserve your
Lordship for happy years. Given at the palace, November 21, 1635.
_Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera_"
Since the above letter makes mention of the forcing of the guardhouse,
I shall narrate to your Grace what occurred. Don Pedro de Monrroy,
since he was not provisor, left the city. The governor, fearing that
if he returned hither, the matter would be more unsettled than ever,
left orders at the city gates that Don Pedro should not be allowed
to enter, should he make the attempt. But on November 21--on the same
day and at the same hour when the governor was with the archbishop in
the convent of St. Francis, trying to settle the matter--the said Don
Pedro Monrroy, clad as a Franciscan friar, with another Franciscan
friar as companion, attempted to enter by a gate near the convent of
St. Dominic, at the time of the Ave Marias. A great number of religious
went out of the convent to receive him. The commandant at the gate,
one Alférez Don Francisco de Ribera, recognized him; he seized him, and
called out to his soldiers to take their arms, and prevent Don Pedro's
entrance. But there were so many friars of St. Dominic, who charged
down and defended him by fighting with their fists, that the soldiers
could not use their weapons or prevent his entrance. Consequently,
forcing the guardhouse, they took him into the city. The governor
felt just anger at this. He ordered the commandant and soldiers to be
arrested, and he was about to garrote the commandant and punish the
soldiers for not having obeyed his order. They exculpated themselves
quite sufficiently in the report that they made of having done their
utmost, but that the fury of the religious gave them no time to do any
more. The governor in great anger wrote to the father vicar-provincial
of St. Dominic, Fray Antonio Gonsalez, regarding the matter; and the
latter responded very coolly that his religious had not done such a
thing, and that he had proof and information to the contrary. The
father vicar added that Don Pedro de Monrroy had entered the city
in obedience to the summons of the Inquisition. For your Grace
must suppose that as the friars saw the matter was ending ill, and
as their passion against the fathers of the Society was so great,
they endeavored by all means to make it a case of Inquisition against
them. Therefore, on November 19, the father commissary sent for a copy
of the act of the judge-conservator, in which the latter ordered the
archbishop to produce the protest or defamatory libel, under penalty
of suspension; that act was affixed to the archbishop's door, as he
was not at home, and as he could not be found to notify him. Father
Fray Francisco de Paula [72] acted as notary on this occasion. He
ordered a writing-desk to be placed in the street, and, with great
pomp and clatter, had the said act removed, and copied it on the
writing-desk. Next morning the father commissary sent another friar,
named Fray Ignacio Muñoz, [73] to act as notary to summon the judge,
Don Fabian de Santillan; he did it in so clamorous a manner, and at
such a time, that people thought he was trying to place some stain on
the said judge. The latter, in order to purge himself from it, asked
the father commissary for an official statement stating that he had not
been summoned for any crime, but only to be told that the trial of the
said protest did not pertain to him. At nine o'clock in the morning
of the twenty-third of the same month of November, two lay brothers
of the same Order of St. Dominic, also in the capacity of notaries,
went to the judge-conservator, who was at [the convent of] the Society,
to notify him that he must surrender Diego de Rueda. And because the
doorkeeper of the Society told them to wait a moment, they began to
cry aloud and to attest by witnesses that they were being prevented
from attending to the affairs of the Inquisition. On the twenty-sixth
of the same month, another notification was made to the same judge,
asking for Diego de Rueda, and ordering that he be sent to demand
the protest. Many other notifications were served on him through the
agency of Fray Antonio Espexo [74] of the same order. From this your
Grace will observe that they had a different notary for each day;
this is a matter on which I may reflect much, and I even imagine
that the inquisitors of Mexico would not be pleased with so great a
variety of notaries for one commissary--some being lay brothers and
others ordained priests, some youths and others of greater age--and
usually but little restrained. To show that, I will only tell your
Grace of one thing that one of those notaries, Fray Ignaçio de Muñoz,
said, when going one day to a garden with another friar of his order,
Fray Pedro de Ledo, [75] and with the collegiates of Santo Thomas:
"I shall not stop until I see all the Theatins [_i.e._, Jesuits]
put to the knife." What a fine disposition is that, your Grace,
and what a good inclination in a notary of so holy, upright, and
dispassionate a tribunal as is that of the holy Inquisition! Finally,
the father commissary asked the judge-conservator to surrender to
him an information that he had brought against Don Pedro de Monrroy,
because he had said that Lutero and Calvino [_i.e._, Luther and Calvin]
and other heretics had not done so much harm to the Church of God as
had the fathers of the Society. The judge gave him the original, but
kept a copy, which the father commissary also sent to get from him. The
judge refused to give it to him, saying that he could not give it up,
and that it was necessary to adduce in the cause; and that although
it pertained to the father commissary, as far as it was a mischievous
statement, yet it pertained to the judge himself, so far as if was
an injury against the Society, of whom he was the conservator. The
father commissary notified him, besides, that he himself would send
to demand the protest or defamatory libel, since, being such, it
pertained to the Inquisition to try it. The judge answered him that
it did not pertain exclusively to the Inquisition, and that he had
begun to try that cause, as it concerned the principal cause. The
father commissary served many different notifications on the judge,
in which it could be plainly seen that he was trying to embarrass the
affair, so that if should not proceed further. Accordingly, the judge
notified the commissary, or rather, father Fray Francisco de Herrera,
not to lay obstacles in the path of his apostolic jurisdiction, and to
cause him no hindrance in it. In order to conclude this part of the
matter, I shall cite here the answer given by the judge-conservator
to an act by the father commissary; it is as follows:
"I, Don Fabian de Santillan y Gavilanes, schoolmaster of the holy
cathedral church of this city, apostolic judge-conservator for the
observance and immunity of the privileges, rights, and actions,
of the Order of the Society of Jesus, etc., declare that, having
examined the reply of the reverend father Fray Francisco de Herrera,
commissary of the Holy Office of the Inquisition, given to the act
issued by myself on the twenty-eighth of the present month and year,
he says therein that he is not trying and never has tried to disturb
the peace, or anything that the said judge-conservator could do in
its defense; but only to take cognizance of what pertains to the
Holy Office of the Inquisition in order to fulfil his obligation
(to which pertains all that of which he has been notified), and to
obtain the papers regarding the said causes, according to the terms
of the briefs of the supreme pontiffs, so that no paper shall remain
in possession of any judge, notary, or any other person; and that
the said judge-conservator has no brief to oppose to this, nor can he
have such. As for the chief order in the said my act, it is not that
the said reverend father commissary should not disturb the peace, nor
do all that which he may do in defense of it, but that he restrain
himself from hindering and disturbing, in any manner, the exercise
of my apostolic jurisdiction, which I am actually exercising; and,
especially, that he do not ask for papers which do not pertain to him,
but to my court and to the cause that I have in hand. Such are the
papers that the said reverend father commissary asks from me; for the
originals of those which belong to the cause of Don Pedro de Monrroy
I have delivered without waiting to have them asked from me, as I
have mentioned in the said my act--only because in a certain manner
they may belong to the said tribunal of the holy Inquisition. But
they belong principally to my court, and to the cause that I have
in hand; for the words spoken by the said Don Pedro de Monrroy are
especially injurious and insulting to the said Society of Jesus and
its religious. It is necessary for this reason that an authenticated
copy of the papers which I delivered to the said reverend father
commissary remain in the records of this cause, in order that I may
not fail in my duty and jurisdiction, and that I may give a good
account to his Holiness of the affairs under my charge. As for the
assertion that the briefs of the supreme pontiffs order that the said
tribunal of the Holy Office shall obtain all the papers (both original
and copies) touching the causes that pertain to the Holy Office, and
that no paper remain in possession of any judge, notary, or any other
person--that is understood, as is apparent from the said briefs, to
mean the causes which belong strictly to the said tribunal of the Holy
Office, and to no other court. Likewise, those which are asked from me
belong--inasmuch as they contain injurious and insulting words against
the said Society, whose apostolic judge-conservator I am--peculiarly
and chiefly to my court; and if I handed them over I would be greatly
delinquent in the obligations of my office, and I would cease to be
a judge-conservator of the said Society of Jesus. Neither can I be
ordered to refrain from requesting the protest or paper that I am
asking from the archbishop of Manila, Don Fray Hernando Guerrero;
for it contains affronts and insults uttered recently against the
said Society of Jesus, and against my jurisdiction, and the acts
that I have pronounced. And supposing that it could also pertain to
the said tribunal of the Holy Office to try the defamatory libels
against religious persons, it has not hitherto been understood that
the exclusive trial of such causes has pertained to it. And since
this cause is at least _mixtifori_; [76] and since I am actually
trying this cause as apostolic judge-conservator, and consequently,
with exclusive apostolic authority, without anyone having the power
to take it from my hands, except his Holiness (whose delegate I am,
and to whom only I am immediately subject); and since, for all this
[authority], it is unnecessary for me to produce any other brief except
the apostolic authority and jurisdiction of judge-conservator which
I hold and which I am exercising; and since with less justification
can the said reverend father commissary restrain me from asking the
said paper or protest from the said archbishop, and make me leave
it to the said reverend father commissary--first, because he has a
part in this affair, as he was present and signed the first act of
the said archbishop against the said Society of Jesus on the ninth
of October of this present year, together with certain religious of
his order, whose signatures I have in my possession (that act having
been the foundation and origin of all the insults received by the said
Society of Jesus, and the reason whereby they were incited to appoint
me their judge-conservator); and second, because, the said archbishop
having made the said protest or defamatory libel, the said reverend
father commissary cannot lawfully demand it, for the said archbishop
is not his subordinate, while I, forsooth, can ask it as being his
legitimate apostolic judge, and moreover I can constrain him with fines
and censures against his obstinacy and disobedience to the apostolic
mandates; hence the said reverend father commissary's command that
I leave to him the demand for the said protest or defamatory libel,
and that I refrain from asking for it, means that I should allow him
to exceed the authority of his commission, and that I refrain from
fulfilling mine: therefore I order the said reverend father commissary
to observe and obey the act of which he was notified yesterday, the
twenty-eighth, exactly as is therein contained, without exceeding
it in any point, under the penalties and censures therein contained,
to which I regard him as immediately liable in their fullest measure
if he does the contrary. By this act, I decree and order, and affix
my signature. If the said father commissary should not appear so that
this notification may be served by the notary who shall make it, the
latter shall serve it at the doors of the college of Santo Thomas,
where the said father commissary is rector and where he lives; and
the notary shall affix a copy of this act to the doors so that he may
consider it as completely a damage and injury as if the notification
were made and read to him in person. And the notary shall establish
this act by an attestation. Given in Manila, November twenty-nine,
one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. The schoolmaster,
_Don Fabian Santillan y Gavilanes_
By his order:
_Diego de Aldave_, apostolic notary."
"In the city of Manila, on the twenty-ninth of November, one thousand
six hundred and thirty-five, about half-past eleven in the morning,
more or less, I, the present notary, read and announced the act on
this folio to the reverend father Fray Francisco de Herrera, of the
Order of St. Dominic, and commissary of the tribunal of the holy
Inquisition of these islands, in his own person, exactly according
to its contents. Having heard it, he said that it was impossible to
notify him of the said act on the said day, as it was a holy day;
and that I should accordingly return on the first workday, when he
would answer in due form and at greater length. In accordance with
my orders in the said act, I affixed a copy of it, signed by the
hand of the said judge, and authenticated by me the present notary,
to the gates of the college of Santo Thomas, where the said reverend
father commissary lives, in the presence of fathers Fray Sebastian de
Oquendo and Fray Andres Gomez de Espexo and other persons. Witnesses
present were Juan Ortiz de Sossa, Benito de Cañeda, Francisco Correa,
and Juan Garcia de Nava, soldiers of the company of Captain Pedro de
la Mata. I attest it.
_Diego de Aldave_, apostolic notary"
At this juncture all the community was thrown into an uproar by
certain religious, who showed the hate that they had toward the
Society--to such an extent, that on the day of the Presentation,
November 21 (which is the chief day of the holy Misericordia of this
city, which the orders always attend), not any of them went except
those of the Society. The others refused to meet with them although
they had been invited--a matter that scandalized us not a little. As
often as possible, the same religious uttered innumerable evil and
infamous things against the fathers of the Society, which the latter
passed by, silencing their suffering. The orders discussed innumerable
innovations, all apparently in order to make confusion. As it pertains
to the governor to preserve peace, he one day (namely, November
27) had the superiors of the orders of St. Dominic, St. Francis,
St. Augustine, and the Recollects, summoned to the royal Audiencia. He
summoned also the father commissary of the Holy Office, but he refused
to attend, and sent no excuse. The others attended. They were told in
the royal Audiencia that they must quiet their friars, so that they
might not continue to stir up the community. The governor ordered
their superiors to banish from the city those who were ringleaders
in this--namely, Fray Francisco de Paula, and Fray Sebastian de
Oquenda, of the Order of St. Dominic; and two others of the Order of
St. Augustine. The superiors would, however, under no considerations
obey. On the contrary, on St. Andrew's day, the thirtieth of November,
while celebrating the feast of the apostle, who is the patron saint of
this city, in [the church of] Santa Potenciana, the master Don Juan
de Ledo ascended the pulpit to preach. A notice was given to him [to
read] which stated that father Fray Francisco de Paula would preach
on the following Sunday in his convent of St. Dominic. That was a very
ill-considered act, since it was equal to giving the governor and the
royal Audiencia a slap in the face, not paying any attention to what
they had ordered in his Majesty's name--all of which the governor
prudently overlooked, in order to avoid other annoyances.
At this time the despatch of the galleons which were to take the
reënforcements to Maluco was being discussed. The religious enticed
a pilot, named Francisco Domingues, who had been honored and favored
by the governor by being made captain of infantry, and who had been
appointed pilot of the flagship, to flee with some of them by way
of Yndia. The governor learned of it, and was obliged to arrest the
said pilot, and to order at the city gates that two religious of the
Order of St. Dominic, namely, Fray Francisco Pinelo and Fray Diego
Collado--who were the ones who had planned that escape--should not be
allowed to pass through them. Then that order also began to say that
the governor was incurring a thousand excommunications, not stopping to
consider that he who has charge of this city and these islands is bound
to preserve them and watch over them, and to give the proper military
orders that he considers necessary; and that he could not prevent that
loss, except by not allowing those religious to leave the walls. By
another method, other religious stirred up a goodly number of sailors,
and as many soldiers; and they, having already received money for the
journey to Maluco in the galleons which were about to sail, fled in
a champan by way of Yndia. There was in this affair a cleric named
Don Francisco Montero, who had been expelled from the priesthood,
and who was a restless man. He carried papers and authority from
the archbishop. There was also a French Recollect friar, named Fray
Nicolas de Tolentino, who was angered at his order because they did
not elect him provincial in accordance with his claims. A friar of
St. Dominic went also. It was said that he was going on to España
with grievous complaints against the governor, the royal Audiencia,
and the fathers of the Society. But much greater can be the complaints
of the governor of him because he had committed so unreasonable an act,
and one so much to the disservice of his Majesty, in taking away the
men who were to aid his royal service in the royal fleet.
The judge-conservator weighed down the archbishop with censures,
to make him give up the protest or libel. He had declared him
excommunicated and suspended; but the archbishop refused to surrender
the protest, while the judge-conservator did not cease to demand
it. While matters were in this condition, at the petition of the
fathers of the Society the governor took hold of affairs, in order
to settle them. He called a council of four lawyers--the best in
Manila--among whom was his Majesty's fiscal. The father provincial
and the father rector of the Society were at the meeting, and also the
judge-conservator. The lawyers read the opinion which they had studied
over for several days; and all agreed that the judge-conservator
could remove the suspension that he had imposed on the archbishop,
in order to obtain from him the said protest or libel, as they said
that the said suspension was comminatory. For the same reason, they
declared that the pecuniary fines could be moderated or completely
withdrawn. The fathers of the Society, although they were the offended
parties, took the part of the archbishop and supported the opinion
of the lawyers; they made every effort that the archbishop might come
well out of the affair, and they managed so well that I promise your
Grace that the settlement of this matter is wholly due to them. The
judge-conservator only was somewhat harsh, and would agree to none
of all this; for he thought that it could not be done, according
to the counsel that he had received from some learned men. But the
governor had the prudence and wisdom to smooth over all difficulties,
and finally, the archbishop was absolved, January 28, 636, from the
censures and penalties. The governor went in person to his house for
him and took him in his carriage to the cathedral, giving him the
right-hand side, notwithstanding the ruling of the royal decree that
orders that he shall not give it. He took him as far as the choir,
where, seating the archbishop in his chair, and bending his knee to
him, he kissed his hand, which he had already done in the archbishop's
house. The governor paid from his own pocket more than one thousand
pesos, in costs and expenses of the suit. Great was the happiness at
the conclusion of these suits, and all the orders assembled. Father
Juan Antonio Sana, of the Society of Jesus, preached at the feast of
the dedication of the church, celebrated that day in the cathedral. The
archbishop was full of expressions of thanks for what had been done for
him, but that happiness was of little duration. For as the archbishop
had at his side and at his ear certain religious who, it is to be
believed, did not desire peace, but, on the contrary, did their utmost
so that it might not exist between the leaders of the community, and
were taking the archbishop as a means to oppose the governor, and,
as it were, to avenge themselves on the latter for injuries that they
thought that they had received from him; from that so many were the
angry feelings that arose, that they led to the last rupture; but,
before going on to relate that, I shall relate some matters of less
moment that happened.
A few years ago, a surgeon came to this country, named Francisco
Garçia, who had been exiled by the viceroy of Nueva España for certain
libels and crimes; and he was ordered to come to these islands, to
serve at the will of the governor. The latter having need of him to
go with the galleons which, I have already said, were to go to Maluco
with the reënforcements, he was fitted out for the expedition. But
he took refuge in [the convent of] St. Dominic, alleging that he
was a familiar of the Holy Office. From that occurrence also arose a
thousand lies against the governor, declaring that he tried to take
the surgeon from his retreat--as if the church can be of any avail
to a soldier, so that he need not go to serve in the post where his
captain orders him. And if the fact that he was a familiar of the
Holy Office (which was not proved), did not avail him in Mexico, in
the opinion of the inquisitors, to exempt him from coming here under
condemnation, it is a token that those gentlemen did not wish that plea
to be of any use to him in Filipinas so that the sentence should not
be executed upon him. However, a few days after he had taken refuge,
the said Francisco Garçia came to a better resolution, and, leaving
the church, delivered himself to the governor. The latter received him
kindly, and told him that he need not go in the said galleons. But
a few months after, as the hospital of the port of Cabite had been
put in order, so that the soldiers and sailors might have a place
of retreat in their illnesses, Francisco Garçia was detailed as the
physician of that hospital, with a salary of one peso per day--which
was not a bad stipend. But, that he might not obey his orders, the
archbishop ordained the said Francisco Garçia on Tuesday, April 20,
with the tonsure and with minor orders; and he, garbed in very reverend
fashion as a cleric, began to walk through the city in sight of the
governor--to whom those orders meant to give a slap in the face,
although he passed it by. In truth, sir, I cannot see that they could
be of any use, since, for one to enjoy the clerical privilege, it is
necessary that one be already ordained when the crime is committed;
but without that, then it matters but little whether he is ordained,
according to what I have read in some authors. Your Grace will ask,
then, why the archbishop ordained him and did not think of that. I
answer that even as he ordained him, he ordained a few years ago,
a Portuguese physician who was living in this city, who went to the
city of Macan, one Licentiate Pereira. I have heard that he was
twice married in Portugal, and that one wife was a widow. Such a
one as this did the archbishop ordain in Pampanga, _extra tempora_
[77] in the three days of a feast, proceeding from the two degrees
that he lacked, namely, those of subdeacon and priest. According to
the account that I have heard given by learned men, there were more
than twelve irregularities, all of which the archbishop passed by,
without its being proved that there should be any dispensation, or
without considering that there can be no dispensation here in this
case--a matter that was considered by many men, both the learned and
the ignorant.
The governor thought that there was a great waste of the royal revenue,
which was not carefully spent, in the royal Spanish hospital of
this city of Manila, and that the sick were not well cared for. In
order to remedy both these evils, the governor conceived the idea
of appointing a chaplain in the said hospital, and of ordering the
fathers of St. Francis, who had it in charge, to leave it. Although
the Franciscans objected, they finally left the hospital; for there
was no royal decree ordering that the hospital should be given into
the care of those religious--since, although the governor asked for
such a decree, it was never shown to him. Many of the religious of
the same order, zealous for its welfare, wrote to the governor that
it was advisable for their own order that the friars be withdrawn
from the hospital. What machinations did they not begin to set
in motion because of this deed! What councils did they not hold
with the archbishop! What excommunications did they not heap on
the governor! The newly-appointed chaplain went to the archbishop
to get leave to administer the sacraments in the said hospital,
but the archbishop steadily refused to give it; nor without that
would he consider examining the chaplain, as the latter wished. The
archbishop said that, if there had to be a chaplain, he must be
appointed through an open competition--although there is a decree
of his Majesty against this, ruling that the choice of chaplains
pertains to the governor alone, and that the person chosen shall go
afterward to the ordinary, so that the latter may give him a license to
administer the sacraments. There was more in this than the key of the
most holy sacrament at that hospital. The archbishop interposed, and
had the said chaplain ordered, under penalty of major excommunication,
not to administer the sacraments or say mass in the said hospital,
so that the hospital remained many days without succor. The governor
sent his Majesty's fiscal to bring the archbishop to reason, but he
could not do it. And although the royal Audiencia, whither recourse
was had on the plea of fuerza, declared that he had committed that
offense, not for that would the archbishop soften or change his mind.
At that time a general visitation of the clergy was ordered, and it is
wonderful to see along what rough lines the archbishop conducted it,
and what harsh methods he took, so that the remedy was worse than the
disease; he placed the clerics in irons among the negroes and vile
people, and that not for serious causes. That was a thing that tended
to produce contempt for the priestly estate; and its effect was that
all the clergy, as a body, became thoroughly disgusted, and viewed
their prelate and shepherd not as a father, but as a severe judge,
who treated them very harshly in his language--behavior which they
greatly resented. I will relate to your Grace one instance of this. I
attended the cathedral of this city on Holy Thursday, March 20. I saw
on the platform (where the oils had been blessed that morning) that
the said archbishop was clad in his pontifical robes, and that he had
been given the towel for the washing of the feet. The twelve clerics
whose feet he was to wash were already barefoot, the gospel had been
said, everything was ready, and there were many people before him. It
happened that, because some Indian singers and some one of the clergy
were absent, the archbishop began to scold, saying that it was a most
shameless act for anyone to be absent from the cathedral during that
ceremony. Then he began to disrobe himself in great wrath and fury,
also removing his pontifical ornaments in his anger, and throwing on
one side his miter (which fell to the ground), and his towel to the
other side. Thus did he continue to lay aside the rest, and with all
haste he went to his own house--leaving the priests barefooted, and
without washing their feet; and all those present, thunderstruck and
amazed, and even scandalized at the sight of so great fury and wrath
in a prelate, and during a ceremony that demanded so great humility.
But to return to our governor; there was no action, however
insignificant it may have been, that they did not for it cast calumny
on him. The archbishop and religious drew up a paper with twenty-one
questions, which the archbishop put to the superiors of the religious,
in the form of cases of conscience. The questions were prepared with
such skill that, with the reply that would be given to them, they would
present weapons against the governor. They proceeded to set down on a
paper whatever he did, even in matters of the political government,
in order to write to his Majesty. That paper certainly twisted the
truth, in many of its statements; and it contained more than sixty
or seventy sections. One of the religious who were concerned in it
gave it to the governor. Just consider, your Grace, what a tax on
his patience this would be, and how it would wound him! Furthermore,
the paper ended with twenty-five excommunications which the governor
was said to have incurred. Everything was quite ready for the greatest
kind of a rupture.
The archbishop went to visit La Hermita, a district where Master Don
Andres Arias Xiron was cura. It was well known that the archbishop
had a prejudice against him, on account of various matters that
had occurred between the two, chiefly because Don Andres was an
intimate friend of the judge-conservator, Don Fabian Santillan. His
Lordship was very harsh with the affairs of the said Don Andres Xiron;
and on Saturday, April 26, after the Ave Marias, he ordered him to
be notified of an act by which the archbishop commanded that within
fourteen hours he be taken before a fiscal at a village outside Manila,
called Calompite. Don Andres tried to answer that act, but they would
not allow him to do so; nor would they give him a copy of the act,
which he requested. He claimed that the notification was null and void,
because it was made at night; but no attention was paid to that. Seeing
that the whole affair was being conducted with violence, very early
on the morning of Sunday, April 22, he presented a petition, appealing
from the said act and claiming the royal aid against fuerza, for which
he made representations in the royal Audiencia. The latter declared on
the following Monday that the archbishop had employed fuerza against
the said Don Andres Xiron; and notified the said archbishop of that
declaration. On Tuesday, the twenty-fourth of the same month, at
three in the afternoon, the archbishop notified Licentiate Marcos de
Zapata y Galves--the only auditor of this royal Audiencia, because of
the death of the others--that he should consider himself as publicly
excommunicated, because he had meddled in ecclesiastical affairs; and
notices to that effect were placed on the churches. Upon receiving
that notification of excommunication, the auditor Marcos Zapata de
Galves made a spirited reply; he alleged the invalid points in the
act (which were many), and finally, for greater advantage, appealed
to and threatened the royal aid against fuerza. The master Don Andres
Arias Xiron, inasmuch as he had hidden, was not found, in order to be
notified of another excommunication; but he was placed on the lists
as publicly excommunicated. On the following Wednesday, April 30,
the governor, the auditor Marcos Zapata, his Majesty's fiscal, and
three advocates of the royal Audiencia--namely, Doctor Luis Arias de
Mora, Licentiate Nicolas Antonio de Omaña, and the auditor Manuel
Suarez--met in the royal Audiencia. The auditor Marcos Zapata set
forth the manifest violence shown him by the archbishop. The lawyers
were sworn so that they might serve as judges, and they so acted. The
auditor Marcos Zapata leaving the hall, they judged that fuerza was
employed against him. Without doubt it was so, for the auditor Marcos
Zapata had not sinned further than in admitting Don Andres Xiron into
the royal Audiencia on his appeal from fuerza. If that were a sin,
so also was it to admit the said archbishop, when, in his suit with
the judge-conservator, he appeared before the royal Audiencia with
a plea of fuerza. And if Don Andres Xiron incurred excommunication
for having thus presented himself, the archbishop likewise incurred
it when he appeared there. But no consideration was given to this,
and the point of fuerza is a stale one in España, and consequently it
was not discussed. The archbishop was notified of a royal provision
issued by Don Phelipe, by which he was ordered to absolve the auditor
Marcos Zapata. The archbishop obeyed it, and that afternoon he sent
Master Juan Velez to absolve him. That was done _ad cautelam_; for
in truth he did not consider himself as excommunicated, nor did the
learned jurists so consider him.
Not only was the master Don Andres Xiron not absolved, but new acts
were passed against him and new penalties imposed on him. All this was
to prevent his presentation, that the governor had made, for the post
of archdeacon of this metropolitan church, because of the resignation
of the said post by Don Francisco de Baldes. The archbishop refused to
accept the said master Don Andres Xiron, as he asserted that he was
his mortal enemy, and for that purpose he threw out all the rest [of
the governor's nominations]. He had the prebendaries of the cathedral
notified not to accept Don Andres, under penalty of excommunication,
and notified Don Francisco de Baldes to assist in the choir as before,
since he was the archdeacon--telling him that his resignation had been
invalid, as it had been made through the governor and not through
the ordinary, before whom the resignation of any ecclesiastical
benefice must be made; but the good man did not heed the archbishop
and those who were aiding him. Although it is true, and a matter that
has been settled by law, that the resignation from an ecclesiastical
benefice in which the incumbent has been canonically installed must be
presented only through the ordinary, yet Don Francisco de Baldes did
not hold the post of archdeacon _in titulum_, but only in charge, and
until his Majesty should appoint another. Therefore, the resignation
from it was governed by the same rule as the resignation from other
chaplaincies of the king, who was the one to appoint other incumbents
to them. It is not necessary that those who hold these should make
their resignation before the ordinary; and this, it seems, is the
practice. For the same object of preventing that presentation,
the archbishop exiled Don Andres Xiron, and announced that he was
excommunicated. But his Majesty likewise orders in a royal decree
that, when the governors should present any persons as prebendaries,
the archbishops should accept them, unless they had some objection to
offer to them; but that if any exception were made, then such were not
to be accepted--with the proviso that the exception must be proved,
and, if it should not be proved, then they must pay damages to the one
presented. Therefore, the archbishop came forward for this purpose,
and entered several exceptions before the royal Audiencia against
the said master Don Andres Xiron. The latter manfully repelled these
accusations, and purged himself from them all; for at the outset,
in reply to a formal accusation with evidence that he had caused a
miscarriage, some years before, by ordering a pregnant Indian woman
to be whipped, the said master Don Andres Xiron came forward with
another report made by the same judge, in which the witnesses who
had sworn against him retracted their oaths, and declared that they
had been induced by others to swear; whereupon the judge declared him
free from that calumny. Further, on the part of the archbishop, they
accused the master Don Andres Xiron of an act of simony; but he gave
the lie to that, as salt dissolves in water, by means of authentic
documents and reports. They opposed him with other things of less
account, but these were not proved, nor was there any witness of them,
nor were the accusations completed; they could, therefore, prove of
no harm to him, and he did not have to clear himself. Consequently,
the royal Audiencia declared that the archbishop had not proved his
exceptions to the master Don Andres Xiron, who must be admitted into
the archdeaconate, according to the royal patronage. But the archbishop
refused to admit him. Hence the royal Audiencia despatched a royal
decree, issued by Don Phelipe, ordering that Don Andres be admitted,
under penalty of [losing] the temporalities and of banishment from the
kingdoms. The archbishop was tied to what the religious who sided with
him incited him to, as will be seen from the following letter which
he wrote to the master Don Joan de Toledo, his provisor, who counseled
him to obey the royal decree, as that was advisable in order to avoid
trouble; and that, if he did not obey, without doubt his exile from
the kingdoms would be an assured fact. The letter is as follows:
"All that those gentlemen have enacted is in violation of the royal
patronage, and contrary to [the precepts of] God and justice; and,
although it comes in the name of the king, I am not under obligations
to obey it, since men so governed by passion have made it. It is less
harmful that I go into exile, and that I suffer, than that so evil a
priest enter the cathedral contrary to the will of his Majesty--who,
even for but one of the exceptions that I have made, is unwilling that
the canonical institution be given to him. It is a piece of nonsense
to assert that the cabildo must take charge of the government, for I
am not excommunicated or suspended. Already I have appointed governors
for the archbishop, and I pray your Grace not to give me any counsel
in such things, for I do not wish it. It will seem an admirable thing,
in Roma and in Madrid, that an archbishop should be exiled in behalf
of Don Andres Arias Xiron, who is a person of great importance in this
community. If I shall go, I shall leave the city, so that they shall
come to seek me; and they must not think that I shall do through fear
what is wrong. Rather will I die twenty deaths. Such is my resolve,
and I shall not change it. Accordingly, your Grace may advise them to
prepare immediately a ship in which to embark me. I shall not fail
to have persons who will go with me, and God will defend so just a
cause and will not permit so great evils and tyrannies, for these
acts have no other name. Perhaps God is permitting this in order
that some one or some persons may pay for their evil acts--which
God allows, but not forever. All the community will judge whether
those actions are justified, and they will write to his Majesty;
since those actions stand out so clearly. May our Lord preserve your
Grace many years. From La Hermita, Friday, May 9, 1636.
_Fray Hernando_, archbishop.
"In regard to your Grace saying that the king, as sovereign, is able
to give the prebends to whom he likes, even to natives, your Grace
could not have reflected when you wrote that; since his Majesty, being
so Christian and Catholic, is not one to waste the ecclesiastical
property, for the purpose of giving it to unworthy men. And you,
your Grace, do not you venture to write such words, for they are
ill-sounding. I shall not go without forbidding the saying of mass,
and without hurling a curse, in the name of God and of the Church,
on the circumstances and persons who have caused my exile."
As the archbishop refused to obey the royal decrees, the royal
Audiencia had him notified by an act on the morning of May 9, at nine
o'clock, that the temporalities were taken from him, and that he was
declared an exile from these kingdoms. Then began the trouble. The
archbishop summoned the religious of all the orders, and notified the
father rector of the Society to go to a meeting with the rest of the
religious. The latter excused himself, for reasons that your Grace
will see in the following letter written to the archbishop:
"Most illustrious sir:
"Licentiate Don Bartolome de Cañedo, coming from outside, has
just now notified me, at half-past six o'clock, to go to a meeting
which your most illustrious Lordship is holding with the religious
of our fathers St. Dominic, St. Francis, and St. Nicholas [_i.e._,
the Recollects], who drew up against the Society of Jesus the paper
and resolution that your Lordship knows of, and which has not as
yet been revoked--as we understand ought to have been done before
the matter went so far as closing the doors of the church on us, as
happened in Cabite. Consequently, so long as the said paper remains
in force and is not revoked, your Lordship can well understand that
we are legitimately excused from such meetings, although never from
serving your most illustrious Lordship very willingly and lovingly."
The resolution made in the meeting with the religious was, that under
no circumstances would the archbishop obey the royal decrees, besides
other disorderly things, which continued to happen, and which I shall
relate in their order.
In the afternoon of that same Friday, the archbishop sent the
monstrance with the most holy sacrament to the convent of St. Francis,
whence it was carried irreverently in his sleeve by a friar, and
taken to the house of the archbishop. The latter, at nightfall,
sent two clerics who had taken the minor orders, to excommunicate
the governor and Auditor Marcos Zapata; the latter, together with
his Majesty's fiscal, were assembled in the tribunal of the royal
Audiencia. Seeing things in so great confusion, they ordered the
clerical notaries to enter. The latter, upon reaching the tribunal,
with wisdom and prudence did not dare to give notice of anything. In
order not to lose any time, which was fast fleeting, they went first
to the doors of the auditor Marcos Zapata, and commenced to read the
excommunication by the light of a torch. But a soldier, who happened
to be passing along the street, gave the torch a flick with his hat,
and extinguished it. They were unable to proceed with the reading,
and accordingly went to give an account of events to the archbishop,
who was at home with the most holy sacrament and a great number of
religious of all the orders--except those of the Society, who were
not summoned and who did not go. The archbishop ordered the said
excommunication against the governor and Auditor Marcos Zapata to
be read at the door of the master-of-camp, Don Lorenzo Olaso. They
were read, and great bills were posted on the church doors, which
read as follows:
"Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, governor and captain-general
of these islands, and the senior auditor, Marcos Zapata de Galves,
will be considered publicly excommunicated, because they prevent the
exercise of ecclesiastical justice and the general visitation that is
being made by his Excellency Don Fray Hernando Guerrero, archbishop of
these islands. No person shall dare to remove or destroy this paper,
under penalty of major excommunication, _late sententie, ipso facto
incurrendo una protina canónica monitione premissa_, and a fine of
one thousand Castilian ducados for the Holy Crusade, for those who
violate the commands herein contained, which penalties they shall be
regarded as having forthwith incurred. Given in Manila, on the ninth
day of the month of May, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six.
_Fray Hernando_, archbishop.
Before me:
_Francisco de la Roca_, notary."
I am told that an act was issued by the archbishop for the purpose
of announcing to the said master-of-camp that he was not to obey
the governor, as the latter was publicly excommunicated. But I
have been unable to assure myself of the truth of that statement,
and consequently, I do not mention it, except with the doubt that
surrounds it. But, if it were a fact, let your Grace consider whether
that were an act of mutiny or no.
The governor had sent a company of soldiers under command of an
adjutant of the camp, and the chief constable of the Audiencia, Captain
Bartolome Tenorio, with orders to execute the royal decrees and to
expel the archbishop from these kingdoms. The latter was clad in his
surplice, stole, and cope, and was holding the most holy sacrament in
his hands. He was surrounded by the said religious and by a number of
seculars. The chief constable disliked that execution exceedingly,
but he was ordered to carry it out under severe penalties, as it
pertained to his duty. But, since the archbishop had the most holy
sacrament in his hands, he could not do so; accordingly, the governor
ordered it to be done when he should lay the sacrament aside. Three
times did he send to order the religious, in his Majesty's name,
to leave that place, and not to cause that disturbance and scandal,
but they refused to obey. Hence the soldiers took them away by main
force--first requesting them with great courtesy to go away of their
own free will; and, if not, to give them leave to obey the orders
of their superior officers. But the religious asserted that they
would not obey, and that, if they were garroted by the soldiers, they
would be martyrs. The said chief constable declared that, if he did
not obey his orders, he would lose his head, and several thousand
ducados which had been imposed upon him as a penalty. A religious
replied to him: "If your Grace should die for this matter, we of all
the orders will give you our signed statement that you have died as
a martyr." The father guardian of St. Francis, Fray Juan de Piña,
showed himself to be a great prater--now crying out about the most
holy sacrament, now threatening the soldiers with the wrath of God,
now exhorting the archbishop to stand firm; and it is even asserted
that the said father, appearing at the balcony, commenced to call
loudly to the inhabitants to come to the aid of their archbishop. That
appears probable to me, since a religious of St. Dominic, after the
confusion was over, remarked to a resident of Manila, as if chiding
him, that the citizens of Manila were worthless, since they had
not hastened on that occasion to the aid of their archbishop. The
inhabitants answered as follows: "Father, we are faithful vassals
to the king, and not traitors." There was a religious who went to
the archbishop and told him to be steadfast, saying that, since the
governor was excommunicated, most of the infantry would declare in
the archbishop's favor. While the soldiers were busied in clearing
the hall from the religious, it was seen that the whole convent of
St. Francis was coming in a close procession with lighted candles in
their hands. The soldiers went to meet them, and prevented them from
passing farther, but forced them to return to their convent. Thus
can your Grace see that all the actions of those fathers at that time
were for the purpose of creating confusion and stirring up the people.
The city seeing that the disturbance was increasing, assembled at
that time in the cabildo houses, and sent commissaries to consult
with the archbishop on the part of the city, and to protest against
the disturbances and mischief. The commissaries were the castellan,
Don Fernando de Ayala, and General Don Joan Claudio, and I think that
there were two others. Bearing before them the maces of the city,
they talked with the archbishop, who was clad in his pontifical robes,
and held the most holy sacrament in his hands. But they got nothing
out of the archbishop; and taking, by way of testimony, the protest
that had been made to him, they retired.
Now at that time, namely, at the hour of ten at night, the interdict
having been rung at the cathedral, and all the orders, without any
exception, having followed it, and ringing the interdict (as they
were obliged to do, in order to follow the metropolitan church),
the uproar caused the governor some anxiety. He went out with an
escort of soldiers, and gave orders that no one be allowed to go to
the house of the archbishop, in order that there might be no greater
concourse of the people. The soldiers began to remove the religious
and seculars who surrounded the archbishop, by violence, for they
refused to go willingly. On going to take away a secular who had hold
of the lunette of the monstrance, the most holy sacrament fell to the
ground, causing a great scandal. The father guardian of St. Francis
began to call out, and beat himself and fell to the ground. With
that the infantry, scandalized, began to be more gentle. There was
one soldier who drew his sword, and turned it on himself, crying:
"It is finished." Although he did not kill himself, he was grievously
wounded. Thus wounded, they took him away for treatment, and at the
same time arrested him as a rioter. Some praised that soldier's act,
but I think that the devil would have laid hold of him as of Judas,
had he died.
That affair had occupied all of Friday until twelve o'clock;
and all that time the bells were ringing the interdict, and the
city was in a great uproar and confusion, which was caused by the
religious. Their purpose seems to have been no other than to arouse
the people; and beyond all doubt they would have succeeded in it,
had not the fidelity of this city been so great, the infantry so
numerous, and the military discipline so strict. Saturday, May 10,
was already dawning; and, at one o'clock at night, the archbishop
ordered a suspension of divine services, of which all the orders and
the other churches were warned. Thereupon the bells stopped ringing,
and the inhabitants were allowed to snatch a little sleep. By this
time most of the people had been driven from the hall where the
archbishop was, some of those who accompanied him leaving him,
for he remained steadfast with the most holy sacrament. But now,
tired out and overcome, it dropped from his hands; although he again
took it whenever he saw any soldier entering; until in the morning,
a Franciscan friar came and put about his neck a reliquary with a bead
of St. Joanna, as if the most holy sacrament--the lunette of which
they fastened with a ribbon to his neck, after removing it from the
base of the monstrance--were not more efficacious. But as that could
not endure, at last the archbishop grew tired and laid aside the most
holy sacrament. They returned it to the convent of St. Francis, whence
it had been taken, with the same irreverence. The archbishop divested
himself of the stole and cope, whereupon the infantry took him outside
the city, and embarked him in a champan which was prepared at a port
called St. Dominic. With an escort of an adjutant and twelve soldiers,
he was taken to the island of Mariveles, opposite and in sight of
this city, so that they might await the order there, and prepare a
ship and the necessary supplies to convey him outside these kingdoms.
The ecclesiastical cabildo assumed the powers of the government,
and assembled, and authorized the bishop of Camarines, Don Fray
Francisco de Zamudio, to act as provisor until the bishop of Zebu,
Don Fray Pedro de Arze, should be notified, to whom the government
of this archbishopric belongs by a bull of Paul V. However, it was
learned that he did not care to come to assume the government because
of his ill health and age; in such case, the government would pertain
legitimately to the said bishop of Camarines. He absolved the governor
and the auditor Zapata from the censures _ad cautelam_, for there were
innumerable invalidities in the censures, as they did not observe the
citations and legal terms. He raised the interdict and the suspension
of church services; and at twelve o'clock at night, at the end of
Saturday and the beginning of the Sunday of the [feast of the] Holy
Ghost, the cathedral bells were chimed. All the other bells of the
orders followed suit; and in the morning the churches were opened,
and the divine offices celebrated. Thus passed the three days of
the feast, while Fray Antonio Gonsalez preached in his convent of
St. Dominic, uttering a thousand choice things against the governor.
The governor had appointed Fray Francisco de Paula of the Order
of St. Dominic, a father of St. Augustine, and a Recollect father
as governors of the archbishopric. Father Fray Francisco de Paula,
who had been named in the first place, went to the dean, Don Miguel
Garsetas, and other prebendaries of the cabildo, with his paper, in
order to have them admit him as governor. But they did not do so,
and it appears that they were right; for it is a common judgment
of theologians and those versed in canonical law that no mendicant
religious can be a provisor or governor of a bishopric; and there is
an express prohibition in law to the Friars Minor of St. Francis.
After the feast of the Holy Ghost, on the following Wednesday, May 14,
it appears that the three orders of St. Dominic, St. Francis, and the
Recollects, determined to observe the interdict and the suspension of
divine services. Consequently, they did not open their churches; and,
although they opened them later, the altars were draped in mourning,
and they did not say mass. On the contrary, they gave out that it was
a mortal sin to hear it, for the interdict and the prohibition to say
mass could not be raised. These were observed so strictly that the
religious did not ring their bells at the Ave Marias or at the Animas,
as usual, as if that were a prohibited action. That shows that it was
not devotion but fear, as the other Portuguese said. [78] But I ask
those fathers, if it could not be removed, why did they ring their
bells at midnight on Saturday, and why, during the three days of the
feast of the Holy Ghost, the doors of their churches were open while
they said mass, and celebrated the other divine offices? For to say
that that feast is privileged by law, like Corpus Christi day, was
correctly stated when there is only an interdict, but not when there
is a suspension of mass--as is the common opinion of the doctors and
the general practice. Thus that is demonstrated; besides which, if
the cathedral and the other secular churches have lifted the interdict
and the suspension of divine services, the religious were obliged to
follow the action of the mother-church, according to a Clementina that
has been cited to me. Thus the fathers of St. Augustine and those of
the Society acted very prudently, in concurring with the cathedral.
The royal Audiencia, seeing the schism, and that some of the orders
were observing the interdict and suspension of mass, while others did
not observe them, called a meeting, on the afternoon of May 14, of the
superiors of the orders. They charged the superiors not to disturb the
community, and that all should conform to the mother-church, according
to their obligations, in harmony with the said Clementina. But there
was nothing that they heeded less than this; and hence proceeded with
their interdict and suspension of mass. The most amusing thing was
that they did as they pleased, observing it when they chose to, and
not observing it when it did not suit them. On the afternoon of the
eve of St. Bernardine, the fathers of St. Francis rang their bells;
and on the morning of the following day they celebrated solemn mass and
had a sermon. A trustworthy person assured me that during that period
one of the Dominican fathers went daily to say mass at the house
of an influential woman, very devoted to him, one Doña Constanza,
or that they admitted her into their church to hear it. But perhaps
those fathers had a privilege of observing the interdict and suspension
from mass _ad libitum_, and toward what persons they pleased; for at
that same time, they condemned to sin and cast into hell the other
fathers who said mass. But that your Grace may not be surprised that
that difference should exist between distinct orders, you must know
that there was a difference of opinion among those of the same Order of
St. Dominic. For father Fray Diego Collado, superior and vicar-general
of the new congregation of San Pablo--who by the aid of the secular
arm had already taken possession of the convents assigned him by
his general, namely, those of the Parián, Binondoc, the hospital,
and Cabite--drew up for his general a document which proved that the
orders ought to conform to the mother-church and raise the interdict
and the suspension from mass, as the mother-church had raised them. He
sent that paper to the fathers of his order at Manila, telling them
that, so that they should not imagine that he was trying to oppose and
contradict them in everything, he was conforming with them for two or
three days, and was keeping the interdict and suspension from mass;
but that now he was thinking of doing so no longer, but of conforming
with the cathedral. Hence from that moment he ordered the bells to be
chimed in all his convents, and the divine offices celebrated. However,
finally, at noon of Tuesday, May 20, the three orders of St. Dominic,
St. Francis, and the Recollects rang their bells most joyously;
for until then they had observed the interdict and suspension from
mass. Some of them being asked why they rang their bells, replied
that the archbishop sent them permission from the island of Maribeles,
where he was detained, to raise the interdict and the suspension from
mass. Surely, sir, I do not understand this, nor do I understand
those fathers, nor do I know what they are desiring and attempting
in affairs of this sort.
The archbishop remained in the said island of Maribeles with the
adjutant and soldiers above mentioned, awaiting his despatch. Three
prebendaries of the cathedral--namely, the precentor, Don Gregorio
Ruiz Descalona, the canon, Don Juan de Ledo, and the canon, Don
Pedro de Quesada--asked permission of the governor to take him some
refreshment, and to go to visit him in his trouble. The permission
that they asked was given them, and they went. While they were there,
the prior of the Indian village of Maribeles, a Recollect friar,
arrived. With him occurred the quarrel that your Grace will gather
from the following letter written from the island of Maribeles to
the governor by the adjutant, Don Diego de Herrera.
"Sir:
"The prior of Maribeles made great efforts to come to this island
to see the archbishop; but I did not allow him to come until your
Lordship sent the order by the prebendaries. Notwithstanding the order
sent by your Lordship, had I known the intent of that religious, I
would not have allowed him to come. He came here at eight o'clock on
Tuesday evening. The first thing that he did was to ask the infantry
why they subjected themselves to the mandates of a man, and did not
obey the mandates of God. I was angered, and told him not to talk
like that, and that the members of his order are commanded, under
penalty of obedience, to perform certain duties; and that we in our
turn are like religious, and are under penalty of our life and of
[being denounced as] traitors. The prior said that, if the religious
were garroted, his Holiness would publish them as martyrs. Then he
began to cry out to the archbishop not to subject himself to anyone,
for if he submitted now, he would be ordered on the following day to
put his head in the stocks. Then the precentor and the others took
part in the discussion, and began to treat him as he deserved. They
summoned me to tell the archbishop not to be guided by what that
father told him, and that I might cause his Lordship to see how ill
he was advised, and that submission was not damaging to his Lordship
(for the decree was issued in the name of the king, our sovereign),
and the troubles that he could cause. Your Lordship will not care to
know more, than that the prebendaries brought a letter from a religious
of St. Dominic for the archbishop. It said that he should refrain from
executing the [governor's] mandate, and that all would follow him,
even should not a single order be left in that city. The precentor
opened it, and on seeing its contents tore it to pieces. He will
relate everything to your Lordship. The reason that these gentlemen
have not gone to that city is that, in the first order given me by
your Lordship, I am ordered not to allow the archbishop to write to
the government; and in this letter that these gentlemen brought me,
your Lordship does not order me to allow him to write, but that I allow
them to talk and communicate to him as much as they wish. Consequently,
I have done that. The archbishop gave two powers of attorney begging
that the execution of the royal decrees that have been issued against
him be suspended in the royal Audiencia, saying that he is ready to
obey and observe them. These were given to the precentor, to Don Pedro
de Quesada, to father Fray Francisco de Paula, and to the Recollect
definitor, as your Lordship will see when they are presented. There
is nothing else to write your Lordship, except that may God preserve
your Lordship long years in more important stations. From this island,
today, Wednesday, May 14, 1636. Your Lordship's most humble servant,
_Don Diego de Herrera_"
The said prebendaries consoled the archbishop, whom they found
repentant over his disobedience of the royal decrees. Accordingly, he
granted them authority to present themselves in the royal Audiencia,
to make in his name declaration to the effect that he would obey
the royal decrees, and to ask that they should not proceed farther
in exiling him from these kingdoms. The prebendaries came to Manila,
and petitioned in the royal Audiencia in the said archbishop's name, he
offering to obey the royal decrees. A copy of the petition was given to
his Majesty's fiscal, and his answer was that the archbishop could be
brought back to the kingdoms by the one who had exiled him from them.
Wednesday, May 21, the governor called a meeting of lawyers; and,
according to what I have been told, most of them delivered as their
opinion that the archbishop, although exiled, could still remain
governor of the archbishopric, but no mendicant religious could act
thus, as they were prohibited by law. And since there was no one left
but religious, it was as if he had not left them; and the cabildo
and the bishop of Camarines, to whom the cabildo gave their votes,
were governing legally. Other matters were discussed in that meeting,
of which I shall take no notice.
Monday, the twenty-fifth of the same month of May, the archbishop's
agents brought forward another petition, urging his restoration
more forcibly, and offering to obey the royal decrees--especially by
admitting Don Andres Arias Xiron to the arch deaconship and to the
chaplaincy of the royal hospital for its administration, which had
been the cause of the suits and quarrels. The royal Audiencia received
his promise, and ordered him to return to his archbishopric. Then the
royal Audiencia having reported to the governor, who was in Cabite, the
governor replied, congratulating them on their decision. Accordingly,
he signed, very willingly and gladly, the decree which the Audiencia
had despatched for that restoration. The decree was sent to the island
of Maribeles, where the archbishop was; and at the same time an order
was given to the adjutant and soldiers to bring the archbishop back to
Manila. They did so, and he entered his archiepiscopal house on the
morning of Friday, June 6. There he was visited by all the orders,
and many other people, and great happiness reigned at seeing the end
of those suits. May God grant that the peace last. May He preserve
your Grace, as this your true friend and servant [79] desires. Manila,
June 15, 1636.
REQUEST FOR JESUIT MISSIONARIES
Sire:
The Order of the Society of Jesus is serving your Majesty with great
love, without ever refusing to do what is asked from them in your royal
name--not only as chaplains for the galleons, but for the forts, the
missions, and whatever else is entrusted to them. They do not object
when it is necessary to decrease their stipends somewhat; for they are
vassals in both good and ill treatment. They do not receive members in
these islands, for those who are of excellent ability are very rare;
and, as your Majesty knows, they readily dismiss those who do not
walk on the highway and heed the royal law. [80] For this reason your
Majesty's governor is relieved in his conscience, whenever he asks
for any member of that order, to occupy him in your royal service;
for the governor has no need of investigating or inquiring into
the qualifications of the religious given him, for the superior has
considered them thoroughly, and they know the intention to change them
when advisable. This relief for the governor is not enjoyed with all
[the orders]. Consequently, I petition your Majesty, in all humility
and reverence, to be pleased to have these islands furnished with
subjects of this order from España, to the number that your Majesty
can send from it, and fewer from the other orders. Your Majesty will be
served, and God our Lord also. I assure your Majesty, as a good vassal,
that neither prepossession nor prejudice influences me to make this
report, but the belief that I am thereby discharging the obligations
of my conscience. May our Lord preserve the Catholic person of your
Majesty in its greatness, as is needful to Christendom. Cavite,
June 19, 1636. Your Majesty's vassal kisses your feet,
_Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera_
LETTER FROM THE BISHOP OF NUEVA CACERES TO FELIPE IV
Sire:
We vassals and servants of your Majesty, who behold ourselves so far
from your presence and in so remote districts in these Filipinas
Islands, are ever desirous of knowing of your Majesty's health,
which may God our Lord give you for many years; and in much greater
troubles we declare with the holy king Josias: _Cum ignoremus quid
agne debeamus hoc solum residum havemus ut oculos nostros dirigamus_,
etc. This remedy alone is left us, namely, to turn our eyes toward your
Majesty, as to our natural lord and sovereign; indeed there is great
need that your Majesty apply with your powerful hand that remedy that
is necessary in the affairs in these islands that are happening with
the archbishop of this city of Manila, and the orders of St. Dominic,
St. Francis, and the Recollects of St. Augustine. They, irritated
because Don Sevastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who is now governing
these islands, has restrained them and limited their excesses, have
united with the said archbishop, and have endeavored to impair his
[_i.e._, the governor's] Christian actions directed to the service
of God our Lord and of your Majesty, and the increase of your royal
treasury. They preach in the pulpit things unworthy of that place,
trying to seduce the citizens, both in that place and in their houses,
irritating them and making them restless, and disturbing the peace and
quiet of the community. They cause innumerable scandals, by reporting
which I might enlarge this letter to great details. In fact, Sire,
they are trying to make themselves masters of the spiritual and
temporal. In all the provinces of these islands they live so absolute
masters of all things that they do not recognize your Majesty. For
they say openly in their missions that they are kings and popes. They
hold the Indians so subject, and have such control of the wills of the
alcaldes-mayor in their districts that the latter neither administer
justice nor can do more than the religious wish. And if, perchance,
they exceed that, the religious impeach them, and try to discredit
them. They live without God, without king, and without law. For
them there are neither bulls of his Holiness nor decrees of your
Majesty, nor Council of Trent or of Mexico; nor do they recognize
any bishop; for, even in regard to the administration of sacraments,
they say that the bishop is not their prelate. Without his consent
they confess and marry, although they are not curas. In short, they
live as they please, and there is no further law than their own
wills. They are more notorious traders than those who are traders
by profession. Their only efforts are to increase their convents,
taking away from the bishops the benefices and patrimonies which
your Majesty has given them. In such condition do they keep these
islands that I have considered it advisable to come to this city and
to leave my bishopric of Caçeres. I am resolved not to return to it,
while there should be any discalced Recollect Franciscan friars, for
their life is not that of religious. Those sheep are at my account;
and I can but poorly instruct them, if whatever I build for them in
one part is destroyed for them in another. They [_i.e._, the friars]
are a mischief-making folk; and although I know that Don Fray Hernando
Guerrero does not possess the talent that he ought to have for the
position which he occupies, I consider it beyond doubt that if the
friars had not perverted him by their ambition and haughtiness, he
would not have committed so many blunders, nor would he have given
cause that through them the royal Audiencia of your Majesty would
pronounce him an exile from your kingdoms, banishing him for some
days to an island six leguas from Manila. But as the governor has
learned that his sin was one of ignorance, and that he was carried
away so greatly by the prejudices of the orders, who have advised him
to what has not been for his good, the governor has contrived to have
the said royal Audiencia, in the exercise of kindness and clemency,
return the archbishop to his church--as, in fact, has been done. It
was the act of a Christian gentleman; for not only has he not paid
any attention to the annoyances that they have caused him, but, just
as if he had received many acts of kindness from the said archbishop,
he has given him prudent counsels, directed to his peace and to the
service of God and of your Majesty. I fear lest they will prove of
no use to him, for the religious are disturbing and disquieting him.
In order to visit the friars of my bishopric, which the religious
there would not permit, it was needful to seek the aid of your Majesty
from your governor. He gave me a dozen soldiers with a corporal, so
that they might guard my person; and yet the friars refused to let me
visit them _de moribus et vita_ [81]--saying that they knew of no royal
decrees, bulls of his Holiness, or decrees of councils, that treat of
the matter, and they shut the doors of the churches against me. Let
your Majesty judge whether I have courage to return to my bishopric,
among such people. They have tried to kill me, and God does not
oblige me to go there, since I know what they will do, and that such a
course would place me in danger. So many lawless acts in men who say
that they profess religion are worthy of correction. This is hoped
from your Majesty as soon as possible; for, if it be delayed long,
I doubt whether these islands can be saved. For there is no measure
that the governor enacts for your Majesty's service that they do not
resist and oppose _in toto_. The most effective method that I find for
cutting roots that produce so evil fruit is to deprive the religious
of their missions, and send virtuous seculars to serve these in their
stead. May God put His hand to the work, so that so many disorders
may be driven out. May He preserve your Majesty in your greatness for
the many years that Christendom needs. Manila, June 20, 1636. Your
Majesty's humble chaplain and servant, who kisses your hands,
_Fray Francisco_, bishop of Cazeres. [82]
LIST OF PROMINENT ECCLESIASTICS IN MANILA AND THE ISLANDS
_Memorial on the state of the ecclesiastical cabildo of this cathedral
of Manila, and the dignities which are subject to his Majesty's
appointment; and the persons who are serving them in the meantime
by appointment of the governor, and their qualifications, origin,
and ages._
The dean is named Don Miguel Garsetas. He is a native of Toledo, and
came to these islands more than thirty-eight years ago. He is not a
graduate. He was given the deanery, to serve _ad interim_ after the
death of Licentiate Francisco Gomez Arellano, and your Majesty favored
him with a confirmation thereof. He is more than sixty years of age.
The archdeaconry was held from your Majesty by Don Alonso Garcia de
Leon; and at his death the governor gave it to Juan Mre to serve
it _ad interim_. On the death of this said person it was given to
Don Francisco Valdes, who likewise served it _ad interim_. He is
a secular ecclesiastic. He placed his resignation in the hands of
Governor Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera because--I would rather
not admit it--of a very serious simony; as it has now been well
established that Master Don Andres Arias Giron, claimant of the said
archdeaconry, promised the said Don Francisco de Valdes five hundred
pesos of income to make the said resignation, as he did. Thereupon
the said governor gave the appointment as archdeacon to the said Don
Andres Arias Giron, on account of the latter's illegal negotiations
and gifts--on which account I came to be exiled from the kingdom,
and fined two thousand ducados, because I would not give the collation
inside of an hour. He was excommunicated and posted on the bulletin,
[83] as a result of his visitation which I conducted; and there were
many very ugly accusations to prove against him, which had been brought
up in court. He has now admitted that he is not archdeacon, because
the collation was given him by a judge thrust into that office, for
I had left my vicar-general and two ecclesiastical governors whom I
had appointed. He sent, while on his deathbed, asking me to give him
the collation for the said archdeaconry; but I did not do so because
it is not expedient, according to the opinion of learned men. From
this it follows that the stipend from the royal treasury ought not
to be paid him; and, if it is collected, your Majesty may command
that it be returned from his property to the royal treasury.
The office of precentor was held for your Majesty by an honored secular
ecclesiastic named Santiago de Castro, who died a number of years
ago. Since that time it has been served _ad interim_ by four others,
with appointments from the governors. He who serves it at present
(likewise _ad interim) _is named Master Don Gregorio Ruiz de Escalona,
who came to this country with his father (who was your Majesty's
treasurer) as a boy, and studied in these islands, graduating as a
master of arts. He is a good student, and is thirty-two years of age.
The office of school-master was, on the death of the man who held
it, given by your Majesty to a secular ecclesiastic, Don Alonso de
Campos, who was in Nueva España and had lived many years in these
islands. Although authority was sent for the members of the cabildo
to take possession for him, they would not give it to him because in
the foundation of the church it was decreed that candidates for these
dignities must be graduates. Although the said Don Alonso de Campos
procured a decree from your Majesty dispensing with the said act of
foundation for this time, the cabildo would not receive him even then,
although he sent a second power of attorney. They accepted a man who is
filling the office by appointment from the governor of these islands,
who is named Don Fabian de Santillan. Not only is he not graduated,
but he is ignorant and lawless; and for his excesses while a canon
_ad interim,_ he was excommunicated, and kept out of the cabildo
for four months. Although he has no qualifications for the dignity,
and is serving merely _ad interim_, contrary to the fundamental rule
of the church, he was accepted as judge-conservator by the fathers of
the Society, and proceeded in the manner of which I have advised your
Majesty. He is a creole of this country, and his ancestors came to
serve Governor Don Francisco Tello, formerly of these islands. He is
only present in the choir on rare occasions; and he it is who causes
all the hard feelings, misunderstandings, and quarrels in the cabildo,
losing the respect of all its members, as well as mine. He is about
thirty-four years old, more or less.
The treasurership was held for your Majesty by Thomas de Guimarano,
and on his death the governor gave it to Don Juan de Achoteguy Olaso,
as a favor, for he is an uncle of the master-of-camp. He is serving
_ad interim_, contrary to the fundamental rule of the church; for
he is not only not graduated, but hardly knows Latin, and has no
ability which would make him capable of being a dignitary, or even for
being a member of the cabildo. He came from España with his nephew,
the master-of-camp. He must be about thirty-four years of age, more
or less.
The first canonry is held for your Majesty by Juan de Miranda Salazar,
through the death of Don Juan Valentin. He has served in the church
more than thirteen years, and is a very good singer. He is not a
graduate, although he knows Latin and has studied, having been for
some years steward of the cathedral; and he has acquitted himself
very well. He is a native of Nueva España, and came to this country
as a boy. He is about fifty years old.
The second canonry, on the death of the man who held it, was given by
your Majesty's favor to Don Francisco de Valdes, who would not accept
it, as he was serving _ad interim_ in the dignity of archdeacon,
which he held for some years. He is the secular ecclesiastic who
resigned the said archdeaconry to the governor, as I have said above,
for the reasons mentioned. This canonry is being served by him _ad
interim_ through nomination by the former governor, Don Juan Cerezo,
who came to govern _ad interim_. He is not a graduate, although he
knows Latin, and is an honored and exemplary ecclesiastic. He was this
year made steward of this cathedral, and is acting satisfactorily. He
is fifty-six years old.
The third canonry was held for your Majesty by Doctor Juan Mre
Briseño, and on account of his death two or three have served it
_ad interim_. At present it is being served likewise in the same
manner, through appointment by Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, by
Bachelor Don Pedro de Quesada, son of the auditor Quesada, who died
in Mexico. He came to this city with his brother Don Juan de Quesada,
fiscal of your Majesty. He is a canonical lawyer, and for this reason
I have appointed him as our provisor and vicar-general. He is about
thirty-two years of age.
The fourth canonry, which was served by Thomas de Guimarano, and was
left vacant when your Majesty favored him with the treasurership,
was last year discontinued, in accordance with what your Majesty
ordered me by his royal decree.
The first racion that your Majesty has confirmed and granted arrived
last year for Master Don Gregorio Ruiz de Escalona. He did not use
it, as he is serving the precentorship _ad interim_, as I have said
above. The said racion is being served _ad interim_ by Pablo Rodriguez,
a fine singer, who has served in this church many years, and is of
great service here. He is a Portuguese, and is about sixty years old.
The second entire racion your Majesty had granted to Juan de Miranda
Salazar, and it became vacant when he was promoted to the canonry,
as I have said above. At present it is being served _ad interim_
by Bachelor Diego de Gastetu, who came from Nueva España in search
of his father (who is in this city, and is a regidor here). He has
studied here, and is about twenty-nine years of age.
The first media-racion has never been filled by your Majesty,
and the governors have made appointments to it. It has been held
by many different persons, and at present is served _ad interim_ by
Bachelor Luis de La Calle, who is ordained as reader on the gospel side
[_del evangelio_]. He was born in this city, of an honorable family,
and graduated as a bachelor of arts. He is a virtuous and exemplary
youth, and serves punctually in the cathedral. He is twenty-three
years of age.
The second media-racion has been served by many persons, with the
governors' appointments, and at present is served _ad interim_
by Pedro Flanio, who came to this country as a soldier, studied in
the college of the Society, and is already a priest and bachelor of
arts. He is about thirty-five years of age.
_Fray Hernando_, archbishop of Manila.
_Memorial on the honored and able ecclesiastics in these islands,
furnished in case your Majesty should be pleased to have removed
from the cathedral those who are serving ad interim contrary to
its fundamental rule, and who have not qualifications, so that your
Majesty may name others in their places._
Licentiate Don Pedro de Monrroy, a learned man and an exemplary
gentleman, is known to be from Badajoz. In the time of my predecessor
he was provisor and vicar-general, and commissary of the crusade for
four years, acquitting himself very well. During my time he has been
provisor and vicar-general one year, and would have been that still
if Governor Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera had not disturbed him;
for there is no one of more ability, or longer in service, or more fit
for the said office, and for any dignity of the cathedral whatsoever.
Doctor Juan Ochoa de Arriola is a very learned ecclesiastic, and
an excellent preacher. In his graduation as doctor, he made very
evident his great competency and ability. He obtained the curacy
of the port of Cavite (which is one of the best hereabout) in a
competitive examination, in which he was opposed by very learned men
and masters. He might honor the cathedral with his person and learning,
if your Majesty would grant him the favor.
Master Don Juan Fernandez de Ledo is a learned man and a good
preacher. He served the canonry _ad interim_ in the cathedral, and
it was taken from him last year because the one which he was serving
happened to be the one which was suppressed. Last year he was provisor
and vicar-general, and deserves that your Majesty should honor him
with a place in the cathedral.
Master Juan de Velez is a learned man and a very good preacher. He
is at present proprietary curate of the cathedral, which place he
obtained in competition.
Master Francisco Martinez de Paz is a learned, virtuous, and exemplary
man, and knows the language of the Tagal natives of this province. He
lately obtained the living of Lobo and Galban in competition, as he
is a good minister.
Master Pablo de Avalos is a learned and exemplary man. He last year
obtained in competition the benefice of Santo Thomas, which is an
allotment of Tagal Indians, as he knows their language very well.
Licentiate Don Juan de los Cobos is a learned and exemplary man,
who has been six years governor of the bishopric of Nueva Caceres,
_sede vacante_, where he acquitted himself well, and is today chaplain
of the royal college of Santa Potenciana.
Licentiate Manuel Rabelo is a learned man, and is a very good preacher
in Spanish and in three native languages, each different from the
other. He has the benefice of the district of Tabuco, as he is as
well acquainted with the Tagal language as are the Indians themselves;
and he is loved by them, because he treats them with gentleness.
Licentiate Juan de Arguijo Plata has long been versed in canon law,
and had experience in this country; he has been for many years the
fiscal-promoter of this archbishopric, and has been so often before.
Bachelor Amaro Diaz is a very virtuous and exemplary ecclesiastic,
well liked by all, and trustworthy in any office.
Bachelor Diego Donoso, chaplain of this royal Audiencia, is a learned
man and well liked.
Licentiate Don Bartolome de Cañedo is master crossbearer.
Master Josef Cabral is a learned man, a preacher, and well versed in
the Tagal language. He has the benefice of the district of Balayan,
which he obtained in competition. He is much liked by the Indians,
as he treats them with love and gentleness.
_Fray Hernando_, archbishop of Manila.
_The year 1636. Memorial of the dignities and other prebends of the
cabildo of this cathedral of Manila; and of those which are confirmed
in order to be served ad interim._
The dean is named Don Miguel Garzetas. He came to these islands
thirty-eight years ago, and is more than sixty-six years old. He
is a graduate in no branch of learning. He is a good ecclesiastic,
and is present in the choir whenever his health permits. He has your
Majesty's confirmation for the said dignity. At present he has enjoyed
it ten years, more or less.
The archdeacon is named Master Don Andres Arias Giron. He has been
the stone of offense in this city, through his empty pretensions,
trusting to the fact that he has thirty thousand pesos, which he
acquired--quite unscrupulously, as is publicly known--in profits
from Indians where he held benefices. He is a creole of this country,
thirty-four years of age. Although he has the title of master of arts,
it was given to him more through his schemes than for his learning. He
has been an evil example with his licentious mode of life, for he is of
kin with the Biscayans, who have the most power in this country. About
two months ago the governor gave him the appointment of archdeacon,
although the dignity was not vacant. They exiled me from the kingdom
and condemned me to two thousand ducados fine, because I would not give
the collation, he being at the time excommunicated. It was given to him
by an unauthorized judge, while I was exiled and had left governors
for the archbishopric. I am certain that the master of the schools,
who is investigating it for the cabildo, will inform your Majesty of
this in a very distorted way; for he is a great friend to the said Don
Andres Giron, and gave him entertainment and presents when he exercised
the duties of judge-conservator, and they did not leave each other's
side. He cannot enjoy the income which your Majesty gives him from
your royal treasury with a good conscience, for I have not given him
canonical investiture; nor can it be given or confirmed, conformably to
clause seven of the royal act of patronage; for he is guilty of many
grave misdeeds, which will be presented in the royal Council. Rather,
he is deserving of punishment; for he brought this commonwealth to the
verge of ruin, as will appear from the relations and other information.
The precentor is named Master Don Gregorio Ruiz de Escalona. He
is a learned and exemplary man, a son of your Majesty's treasurer,
Juan Ruiz de Escalona, who died, and brother of the treasurer who
now fills the place, Don Baltasar de Escalona. He is thirty-three
years of age, and came from España while a boy, with his parents. He
has served in this cathedral for ten years as a medio-racionero, an
entire canon, and master of school. At present he has been precentor
for about a year and a half, all the time _ad interim_, until this
year the confirmation of the prebend which he held arrived. He is a
good preacher and has ability; and your Majesty should favor him with
some of the dignities for his virtue, learning, and exemplary life.
The schoolmaster is named Don Fabian de Santillan. He is a creole of
this country, and is thirty-six years of age, more or less. While he
was chaplain to Don Juan Niño de Tavora, formerly governor of these
islands, a canonry became vacant and was given to him. He has studied
no branch of learning, except Latin; and if he knew that well it
would not be so bad. While he was a canon he was suspended from the
cabildo for four months, on account of his licentious life and evil
example. He has lost the respect of the dignitaries on every hand,
for his arrogance. He was given the said dignity a year and a half
ago, by the intercession of Licentiate Marcos Zapata de Galvez,
the auditor, as the latter was under obligation to his relatives
and sisters--contrary to the fundamental rule of the church, which
commands that they should be graduated. He exercised the office of
judge-conservator, in which he insulted me, and posted me on the
corners as excommunicated within twenty-four hours. He had not been
recognized as judge, nor presented papers for it, as will appear from
the information which was sent in regard to this.
The treasurer is named Don Juan de Achotequi y Olaso. He is the uncle
of the master-of-camp, and is ignorant and of little ability. He
was given the said dignity contrary to the fundamental rule of the
church, which commands that he should be a graduate. He came from
España about ten years ago, and is about thirty-six years of age. He
merits no dignity. He has no confirmation from your Majesty, having
enjoyed the place three years, and having been first canon.
The first canon, who has served longest in the church, is named Juan
de Miranda Salazar, who came from Mexico while he was a boy. He has
studied nothing but Latin. He was a prebendary several years, and for
nine years has been a canon. This year he received the confirmation
of your Majesty. He is a very good singer, and exemplary of life; he
has been many years steward of the cathedral, and has attended to this
very well. As having served so long in the said church, he deserves
that your Majesty should favor him. He is forty-four years old.
The second canon is named Don Pedro de Quesada. He is a graduate in
canon and civil law. He came from Mexico with his brother Doctor Don
Juan de Quesada, who was fiscal of the Audiencia about seven years
ago. He is about thirty-four years of age, more or less, and has
served the said canonry more than six years. He is a learned man,
and might be favored with some dignity. He has no confirmation.
The third canon is named Pedro de Rivera. He is more than sixty years
old. Don Juan Cereço, who came as governor _ad interim_, brought him
with him as his chaplain, and when he was done with that office,
gave him the canonry. He has not had it confirmed, as he has not
enjoyed it much more than two years. He signs himself "Bachelor,"
although this is a misrepresentation.
The fourth canon is named Master Don Juan Fernandez de Ledo. He
came when a boy from Nueva España, and is a learned man and a good
preacher. At present he is exercising the duties of provisor; and
his father, Doctor Don Juan Fernandez de Ledo, holds the office of
fiscal in the royal Audiencia _ad interim_, owing to the death of
the proprietor. He is thirty years old, and was given the canonry a
little more than a year and a half ago. It is not confirmed.
The first racionero is named Pablo Rodriguez. He is a Portuguese, and
has been many years in this city. He is a very good singer, and serves
very well in the choir. He is about seventy years old, and has enjoyed
the racion more than seventeen years, without its being confirmed.
The second racionero is named Diego de Veas [_sic_]. He came to this
country as a soldier, about nine years ago, and is about twenty-eight
years of age. He is a bachelor of arts, and was given the racion
about a year ago by an exchange which he made with the man who held it.
The first medio-racionero is named Pedro Flanio. He came as a sailor
to this country fourteen years ago, and is about thirty-four years
of age. He is a bachelor of arts, and has held the media-racion for
a little more than two years. It is not confirmed.
The second medio-racionero is named Luis de la Calle. He is a creole
of this country, and is ordained as reader on the epistle side. He
is graduated a bachelor of arts, and is a virtuous and exemplary
youth. He exchanged with the person who held this media-racion, for
a chaplaincy. He is twenty-two years of age, and has served a little
more than two months.
_Memorial of the deserving and honored ecclesiastics in this city,
besides those mentioned by the cabildo, so that your Majesty may be
informed in regard to them and can favor them. They are as follows:_
Licentiate Don Pedro de Monroy, a lawyer, was provisor and sub-delegate
of the crusade for four years, in the time of our predecessor, Don
Fray Miguel Garcia. When I entered into the government last year,
as he was the most worthy I gave him the office of provisor and
vicar-general--which he was obliged to leave because of Governor
Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera; for that gentleman was anxious
for it, and we had a great many disputes over it. He ordered that
Don Pedro should not be allowed to go in or come out through the
gates of the city; and the judge-conservator made some accusations
against him which obliged him to conceal himself and retire, later,
to the convent of the Dominicans, entering disguised, in the habit
of a Franciscan. He is a very exemplary clergyman, of good life. My
predecessor informed your Majesty of his abilities and excellent
conduct. It would greatly please me if your Majesty would order by
a royal decree that he be restored to the office of provisor and
vicar-general, which [he holds] by my consecration (which is the
only one adequate for the said office), and as there is no one else
who can fill his place in these islands. I do not dare to do this,
for the governor would oppose it, and we would have many disputes;
and Don Pedro has suffered many hardships for defending the immunity
of the church.
This city contains another grave and learned ecclesiastic, who is
called Licentiate Don Francisco Montero Saavedra, who has been visitor
for several bishoprics, and cura of the cathedral of Cebu. I sent
him to Goa in the month of December past with two other religious,
in his own boat, in order to give an account to his Holiness and to
your Majesty of the grievances and affronts which have been offered
me by the judge-conservator who was appointed by the fathers of the
Society. He must have already arrived at your court, and deserves
that your Majesty should favor him for his great ability, and for the
trouble which he has taken in returning [to Europe] for the affairs
of the church.
The third is named Master Juan de Veles, who is curate of this
cathedral of Manila. He is a learned man and a good preacher, and
exemplary in his mode of life. For two years he has been judge of
wills and chaplaincies. He sent his papers approved.
The fourth is named Licentiate Don Juan de los Cobos. He has been
governor of the archbishopric of Nueva Caceres for ten years, and
has acquitted himself well in what was entrusted to him. At present
he has just finished visiting the districts of the clergy in this
archbishopric.
The fifth is named Bachelor Amaro Diaz, who is a very virtuous
ecclesiastic, of so exemplary and moral life that no one is more so;
and he can be trusted in any matter whatever.
The sixth is named Gabriel de Muxica Buitran. He is an ecclesiastic
who has been here long, and is rather aged. He is very exemplary,
learned in archives, and very retiring.
The seventh is named Don Pedro Enriquez de Artosa. He is a gentleman,
and has attended lectures in arts and theology. He is an exemplary
ecclesiastic, and is well liked in this city on account of his
character.
The eighth is named Don Bartolome de Cañedo. He is the son of one of
the conquerors who served your Majesty many years in these islands. He
is a prominent and estimable man and has attended lectures in arts
and theology. He is at present my crossbearer [in processions].
The ninth is named Licentiate Manuel Rabelo. He has been long in this
country, and is a learned man and a good preacher. On account of his
qualifications he has obtained the best benefices which have been
assigned; and at present has the district of Tabuco, twelve leguas
from this city.
The tenth is named Don Diego de Velasco. He has studied arts and
theology, and is the nephew of the most deserving, exemplary, and
honored ecclesiastic that we have had in this cathedral--who was
provisor for a number of years, and schoolmaster, and distributed
all his property among pious works. He was named Don Miguel de Velazco.
_Fray Hernando_, archbishop of Manila.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA
The following documents are obtained from MSS.--except No. 2, which
is printed--in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla:
1. _Manila treasury accounts_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos
en el Consejo; años 1629 á 1640; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8."
2. _Letter from Andres del Sacramento_.--The same as No. 1.
3. _Letter from commissary-general_.--The same as No. 1.
4. _Discussion regarding Portuguese trade_.--"Simancas--Secular;
Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes de personas seculares
de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; años 1635 á 1642; est. 67, caj. 6,
leg. 41."
5. _Military services of Filipinos_.--The same as No. 4.
6. _Request for Jesuit missionaries_.--The same as No. 1, save the
dates, "1629 á 1637."
7. _Letter from Zamudio_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas;
cartas y expedientes de los obispos sufraganes de Manila; años 1579
á 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 34."
8. _List of ecclesiastics_.--"Simancas--[Eclesiastico?]; Audiencia
de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de Manila; años 1579
á 1690; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32."
The following documents are taken from the "Cedulario Indico" in the
Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:
9. _Royal decrees_, 1633-35.--"Tomo 39, fols. 209, 196b, 197b, 201b,
203b, 213b, 214, 217b."
10. _Tenure of encomiendas_.--"Tomo 32, fol. 276b."
The following documents are obtained from MSS. in the Academia Real
de la Historia, Madrid:
11. _Letter of consolation_.--"Papeles de los Jesuitas, tomo 84,
no. 20."
12. _Letter from a citizen of Manila_.--The same as No. 11, except
"no. 42."
The following document is obtained from a MS. in the Biblioteca
Nacional, Madrid:
13. _Memorial by Monfalcon_.--"Tomo de papeles varios, impresos y
MSS. relativos á Indias; Aa--47."
The following document is taken from _Recopilación de leyes de Indias_:
14. _Laws regarding navigation and commerce_.--In lib. ix, tit. xxxxv.
The following documents are taken from Pastells's edition of Colin's
_Labor evangélica_:
15. _Opinion of Council and decree_.--Vol. iii, pp. 755, 756.
16. _Letter from Pedro de Arce_.--The same as No. 15, but pp. 796, 797.
The following document is taken from Diaz's _Conquistas de las Islas
Filipinas_:
17. _Conflicts between civil and ecclesiastical authorities_.--In
pp. 323-343.
NOTES
[1] A note to this law in the _Recopilación_ says that the prohibition
of reciprocal commerce between Perú and Nueva España for natural
products, and with various limitations, was raised by a decree of
January 20, 1774.
[2] Título xxii is entitled: "Of the captain-general of artillery,
the artillerymen-in-chief, and others of the war and trading fleets;
the artillery, arms, and ammunition." It consists of forty-eight laws.
[3] The above law refers to lib. viii, tit. xvi, ley xvii, which reads
as follows: "We order that the valuation of Chinese merchandise be
made in Nueva España, in the same way as the merchandise which is
sent from these kingdoms, observing in it the ordinances that have
been established. After it has been made, it shall be remitted to
the bureau of accounts of Méjico, so that it may make the account,
and give certifications of what must be collected, and from what
persons." The law is dated Madrid, December 6, 1624.
[4] See VOL. xvii. p. 34, law lxxi.
[5] See _VOL. XVII_, pp. 39, 40.
[6] The parenthetical clause is evidently the work of one of the clerks
who copied the decrees in the "Cedulario Indico." The decree mentioned,
whose general tenor can easily be seen from the present decree,
is not given, probably owing to an oversight of the transcriber,
too late to rectify.
[7] The decree whose location is above given.
[8] Also contained in the "Cedulario Indico," immediately following
the decree here presented, to which it is very similar in tenor.
[9] An island off the south coast of Batangas, Luzón, midway in the
channel between that island and Mindoro.
[10] The manuscript has a side- or sub-heading at the right that reads
"Pieces of gold," and in the margin at this point is the figure 10.
[11] Spanish, _el cargo de penas de Camara_. _Cargo_, as thus used,
refers to the amount charged on the books of the accountant, and
especially to the general balance struck; in a general sense, _cargo_
and _data_, in the old Spanish system of accounting, corresponded to
"debit" and "credit" in modern bookkeeping. The difference between
these (_alcance_), in an individual account, would be nearly the
same as our term "balance of account." The old Spanish methods
of accounting were somewhat different from the modern, and based
on more complicated procedure; and it is difficult to find modern
equivalents for various words and phrases used therein--especially
for some which designate the duties of accountants, and for others
which are no longer in actual use. The whole accounting and auditing
system was very elaborate and characteristically suspicious. There
were, in every case, two men working together; and, if one of them
was absent, some different work must be assigned to the other for that
day, by the bureau of accounts. There were three classes of employees
in this work, in the Spanish colonies: the _contadores de cuentas_
(who apparently were of higher rank than the others), _contadores
de resultas_, and _ordenadores de pago_. The second of these terms
is no longer used in accounting, and no satisfactory explanation of
its commercial use is given in lexicons. The _ordenadores de pagos_
(an office abolished at intervals) might correspond to our disbursing
officers, save that they did not, I think, actually handle the
money; hence, their functions rather correspond to a part of the
duties of our auditors. It may be that the term _cuentas_ is used
in the accounting system to define accounts in general, items of
any and all sorts owed to the state; and _resultas_, as referring
to the accounts kept of money paid out, on one or another account,
by the public treasury--its balances (_alcances_) being, therefore,
the sums remaining over and above the amounts spent. This would give
us a system of accountants for the items owing to the state--in other
words, for its incomes; and another system of accountants for the
expenditures of the government. In such case, _resultas_ might also
designate the balances reverting to the credit of the state--that is,
the unspent balances of various funds; this meaning would harmonize
with the related functions of the _contadores de resultas_ and the
_ordenadores de pagos_, who supplied each other's places. These are
suggestions rather than definitive statements, for which latter is
needed expert knowledge of the old Spanish accounting system. The
_Recopilación de leyes de Indias_ contains much information on
these points; see especially lib. viii, tit. i, ii, xxix; lib. ix,
tit. viii.--_James A. LeRoy._
[12] _Mesada_: a month's pay or salary. The _derecho de mesada_ was
a tax of that amount levied (like the half-annat on civil offices)
on ecclesiastical benefices and preferments which had been granted
by the popes to the crown of Spain as part of its royal patronage
of religion. Laws regarding this tax may be found in _Recopilación
de leyes de Indias_, lib. i, tit. xvii; the first of these is dated
1629. See also _Teatro de la legislación universal de España y Indias_
(Madrid, 1791-97). The mesada was to be collected on the basis of
the receipts from each preferment during the five years preceding
the new incumbent's entry upon his office.--_James A. LeRoy_.
[13] _Estrados_: literally, "platforms;" the platform on which stood
the royal throne, or the seat of the judge, afterward came to mean
the court itself. Perhaps the Manila treasury received from Mexico
a sum for the proper maintenance of the dignity of the tribunals,
for the hangings, furnishing, platforms, etc. This might also refer
to the platforms and carpets and hangings provided in the cathedral
for certain royal officials.--_James A. LeRoy._
[14] In the margin at this point occurs: "4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings."
[15] In the margin at this point occurs: "4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings."
[16] In the margin at this point occurs: "4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings."
[17] In the margin at this point occurs: "88 taes, 1 real of gold."
[18] This raid spread fear and alarm throughout the Visayas; and the
religious, especially the Jesuits, urged the governor (then Cerezo de
Salamanca) to provide some defense against the pirates. Accordingly he
ordered (although in the face of much opposition) the establishment
of a fort and garrison at Zamboanga, Mindanao; and to aid in the
expenses of this enterprise, a contribution of a ganta of rice from
each tribute in the Visayas. (Combés says that this measure originated
with the Jesuit Bueras.) This contribution was afterward extended to
all the provinces, and was known as "the Zamboanga donation." The fort
at Zamboanga (begun June 23, 1635) was planned by the Jesuit Melchor
de Vera, and built under his direction. See accounts given by Combés
(_Hist. Mindanao_, col. 213-224), Murillo Velarde (_Hist. Philipinas_,
fols. 76b-78a), and Montero y Vidal (_Hist. Filipinas_, pp. 190-192).
[19] "The seed is the blood of Christians."
[20] A corruption of _kasis_ (VOL. XVI, p. 134), or _kázi_, an
appellation of Mahometan preachers.
[21] Part of the thirty-fifth verse. The quotation should end with
_eam_. The English is: "And whosoever shall lose his life for my sake
and the gospel, shall save it."
[22] Translated: "_He that shall lose (his life)_, He says, _for my
sake._ There is the whole cause. _He that shall lose_, not in any way
whatsoever, not for any reason that you like; but: _For my sake_. In
prophecy those other martyrs already said: _For thy sake we are killed
all the day long_ (Ps. xliii, 22). Not therefore is it the punishment,
that makes a martyr, but the cause." This is found in St. Augustine's
sermon _In natali martyrium_ ("On the festival of martyrs"), cap. ii,
sec. 2; it is Sermon 331, ed. Migne, Paris, 1841 and 1845--in older
codices, "Sermon 100 _de Diversis_."--_T. C. Middleton_, O.S.A.
[23] Translated: "If a robber should assault, or a wild beast attack,
or hunger or thirst or cold afflict, one fleeing in the desert and
mountains, or a storm or hurricane drown one making haste through the
seas in precipitate navigation, Christ beholds in him His soldier,
wherever he may be fighting; and He gives the reward to him who
dies persecuted for the name of His honor, which He promised that He
would give at the resurrection. Nor less is the glory of martyrdom,
in having perished not in public, nor in the midst of a multitude,
when the cause for which he dies is to lose his life for the sake
of Christ. For the witnessing of martyrdom, it is enough that He was
witness who approves and crowns the martyrs."
[24] Théophile Raynaud was born November 15, 1587, at Sospello, in
the county of Nice, and entered the Society of Jesus November 21,
1602. He taught grammar and the humanities at Avignon, philosophy for
six years and theology for ten at Lyons, where he was also prefect of
studies for two years. He lived for some years at Grenoble, Chambéry,
and Rome, and passed the last thirteen years of his life at Lyons,
where he died October 31, 1633. He was a most voluminous writer, but
his style was poor. Some of his works have been printed, while others
exist only in manuscript. He had planned to print them all together,
but death hindered the project. The book referred to in the text is
_De Martyrio per pestem Ad martyrium improprium, et proprium vulgare
comparato, Disqvisitio Theologica, Theophili Raynavdi Societatis
Iesu Theologi_ .... (Lvgdvni, Sumpt. Iacobi Cardon, M.DCXXX.) See
Sommervogel's _Bibliothèque_.
[25] "In goodness and liberality."
[26] A portion of St. Mark x, 30. The Latin of the entire
passage is: _Qui non accipiat centies tantum, nunc in tempore hoc:
domos, et fratres, et sorores, et matres, et filios, et agros, cum
persecutionibus, et in sæculo futuro vitam æternam_. The English of
the Douay version is: "Who shall not receive an hundred times as much,
now in this time; houses, and brethren, and sisters, and mothers,
and children, and lands, with persecutions, and in the world to come
life everlasting."
[27] Translated: "I greet you, well-beloved and blessed brethren,
yearning also myself for the joy of seeing you, if only the conditions
of place would allow me to reach you. For what could be more to
my wish and my joy than to be with you now? ... But because no
opportunity now offers for this happiness of being present myself
to your eyes and ears, I am sending this letter instead; whereby I
equally felicitate and exhort you to stand strong and firm in your
confession of the heavenly glory: and, having entered upon the way
that the Lord has honored, to go forward in spiritual strength to
receive the crown." This is the "Letter of St. Cyprian to Sergius and
Rogatianus, and other confessors in the Lord"--no. vi in Tauchnitz
ed. (Lipsiæ, 1838).--_T.C. Middleton, O.S.A._
[28] "Let them be of a considered and chaste eloquence, that they
may be a cause for edification."
[29] _Bancon_: "A boat with three oars to the side, which is used in
China."--_Dic. Nacional ... de la lengua Española_ (Madrid, 1878).
[30] The language of this sentence is somewhat obscure and elliptical,
but would seem to indicate that the Portuguese fear the diminution of
their trade in China with its natives, and the loss of their prestige
in the carrying trade outside that country.
[31] Gaspar de San Agustín, the author of the first part of the
Augustinian history of the Philippines (Madrid, 1698), was one of the
most prominent Augustinians who have ever been in the islands. He
was born in Madrid in 1650, and professed in the convent of San
Felipe el Real in 1667. On going to the islands he ministered at
Lipa (1689-1692), Parañaque (1693, 1708, and 1719), Pásig (1695 and
1716), Malate (1698 and 1714), Tambobong (1702 and 1707), Tondo (1699,
1701, and 1710); and exercised the duties of procurator-general (1677
and 1686), provincial secretary (1686), definitor (1689 and 1711),
visitor (1701), and commissary of the Holy Office. He died after a
long and painful sickness, which deprived him of his sight, at the
convent of San Pablo at Manila, in 1724. He was a graceful poet, and,
besides his history and the materials for the present work, he left
various writings, among them his famous _Compendio de la arte de la
lengua tagala_ (Manila, 1703). His letter on the nature of the Indians
will be published later in this series. His history is said to be the
most interesting of those on the Philippines. See Pérez's _Catálogo_,
pp. 134-136.
[32] Casimiro Diaz was a native of Toledo, being born in 1693. He
took his vows in the convent of San Felipe el Real in 1710, and after
his arrival at the Philippines completed his literary studies. He
was stationed in the missions at Magalang (1717), Mexico (1728),
Aráyat (1734), Betis (1735), Minalin (1737), and Candaba (1740). He
was procurator-general (1719), provincial secretary (1722), definitor
(1725), presiding officer of the chapter (1731), qualifier of the Holy
Office, chronicler of the Augustinian province in the islands, reader
(1744), and conventual preacher. His death occurred in Manila in 1746,
and he left behind many writings. See Pérez's _Catálogo_, pp. 222-224.
[33] The editor of Diaz's work is Fray Tirso López, who is still living
at the Colegio de Filipinos in Valladolid. He was born at Cornombre,
May 25, 1838, and took the Augustinian habit at Valladolid in 1855. He
spent the years 1864-1866 in the Philippines, while most of the rest
of his life has been passed at the above college, where he has filled
various duties. He has several times refused an appointment as bishop,
and is well known in certain circles as a writer, being a correspondent
of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid. The editors of the present
series are under many obligations to him for his kindly interest and
aid. See Pérez's _Catálogo_, pp. 525-527.
[34] Juan Ramírez was a native of La Mancha; and, after going to the
Philippines, was one of those who contributed most efficiently to the
pacification of the Zambales in 1618, and in 1639 fought in the front
rank against the Chinese insurgents in Manila. He was missionary
in Lipa in 1621, in Taal in 1623, in Bay in 1626, in Taal for the
second time in 1630; and definitor in 1632, and provincial in 1635,
dying in 1641. See Pérez's _Catálogo_, p. 91.
[35] Teófilo Mascarós was born in Valencia, and professed in the
province of Aragon, and became doctor and master of sacred theology in
the university of Orihuela, and prior of the convent of Mallorca. Upon
his arrival in the islands, he became missionary in Malate in 1626
and 1629, in Pásig in 1632, in Hagonoy in 1638 and 1641; and was also
prior of Bay and Manila, and definitor in 1635. He died while prior
and missionary of the village of Bay (June 26, 1644). See Pérez's
_Catálogo_, p. 101.
[36] Andrés Verdugo was a native of La Mancha, and professed in the
province of Castilla where he became reader of philosophy. Having been
destined for the Tagál provinces, after having read theology and the
canons in the convent of San Pablo at Manila, he became a missionary
in the villages of Tambobong (1629), of San Pablo de los Montes (1630,
1638 and 1650), of Bulacan and Pásig (1641), of Taguig (1644), and of
Bay (1656). Being elected prior in 1647, he resigned that office, and
continued his ministry until 1653, when he was elected provincial. He
died in Bay in 1656. See Pérez's _Catálogo_, pp. 99, 100.
[37] Fray Diego Martinez was born in La Mancha, and professed in the
province of Castilla in 1613. He was minister of Barbarán in 1626,
of Passi in 1629 and 1632, of Mambúsao in 1635 and 1639, of Oton
in 1641, of Dumalag in 1644, of Batan in 1648, of Dumangas in 1650,
and of Panay in 1651 and 1653. His death occurred probably about the
year 1656. See Pérez's _Catálogo_, p. 99.
[38] Diego Collado, O.P., was a native of Miajadas, in Estremadura,
and took his vows in the convent of Salamanca July 29, 1605. He
labored for some years in Cagayán, and in 1619 was sent to Japan,
where he became vicar-provincial. Recalled thence in 1622, he was sent
to Spain as procurator, where he worked zealously for the order. In
1635 he returned to the islands with twenty-four religious, when he
caused great disturbances in the province. Being at last abandoned by
Corcuera, his schemes came to naught; and he was sent to Cagayán, where
he remained until 1641, when he set out for Manila in order to return
to Spain at the king's command, but was drowned at Cabicungan. He
continued the history of Japan written by Orfanell, and printed it
in 1632 at Madrid; and he also compiled and published a Japanese
dictionary in 1631 at Rome. See _Reseña biográfica_, i, pp. 338, 339.
[39] Diego de Ordax was born in León in 1598, and professed in the
convent of Burgos in 1618. In 1626 he was missionary in Laglag, became
subprior of Manila in 1629, prior of Santo Niño de Cebú in 1630, and
commissary-procurator in the court of Spain in 1632. He returned to
the islands in 1635, and in 1637 was appointed prior of Cebú for the
second time and afterward definitor and missionary of Oton (1638),
prior of Manila (1644 and 1656), and provincial (1647 and 1659). See
Pérez's _Catálogo_, p. 103.
[40] This interdict was imposed by only the local ecclesiastical
authorities; but the period in which it occurred renders desirable
and interesting a mention of the controversy (then fresh in men's
minds) between Paul V and the Republic of Venice, in which the papal
interdict on a state or commonwealth was deprived (1606) of its power
as a weapon of the papal authority. A full account of this episode,
in which the chief figure was the celebrated Fra Paolo Sarpi, is given
by Andrew D. White in his "Fra Paolo Sarpi," in _Atlantic Monthly_,
xciii (1904), pp. 45-54, 225-233. Cf. Ranke's _Lives of the Popes_
(Foster's translation, London), ii, pp. 110-130, and iii, 123, 124; and
Alzog's _Universal Church History_ (Pabisch and Byrne's translation,
Cincinnati, 1878), iii, pp. 365, 366.
[41] The University of Mexico was founded in 1551 (some make it
earlier), its endowment being begun with property left for that purpose
by Mendoza, the first viceroy, and afterward increased by royal grants
and private bequests. In the troublous times of the nineteenth century,
the national university languished, and finally perished.
[42] This quotation includes a portion of the second verse and all
of the third, fourth, and fifth verses of the sixth chapter of the
apocryphal book of Wisdom, and is as follows in English: "... Learn,
ye that are judges of the ends of the earth.
Give ear, you that rule the people, and that please yourselves in
multitudes of nations;
For power is given you by the Lord, and strength by the most High,
who will examine your works, and search out your thoughts;
Because being ministers of his kingdom, you have not judged rightly,
nor kept the law of justice, nor walked according to the will of God."
[43] Cf. La Concepción's account of these controversies (_Hist. de
Philipinas_, v, pp. 254-290). He says that Corcuera arrived in the
islands at the height of the discussion in Manila over the maintenance
of a fortified post at Zamboanga in Mindanao; that he was on intimate
terms with the Jesuits, who were anxious for the benefit of their
missions to have Zamboanga occupied; and that their influence led
Corcuera to support that measure. La Concepción blames the Jesuits
throughout the controversy with the archbishop; and his account is more
detailed than Diaz's. See also accounts by Murillo Velarde (_Hist. de
Philipinas_, fol. 86-89), and Montero y Vidal (_Hist. Filipinas_,
pp. 192-197).
[44] The exile of Archbishop Felipe Pardo occurred March 13, 1683,
and his restoration to his see, November 15, 1684. The matter aroused
considerable controversy which extended over a number of years. The
controversy was most bitter, and the manuscripts concerning it pro and
con aggregate some tons, and are scattered in various archives. The
episode will be noticed in its place in this series.
[45] Murillo Velarde says (fol. 89, verso) that this occurred in
1637. Colin does not mention the controversy between the archbishop
and governor; and most of the friar chroniclers omit it.
[46] The following chapter consists of a short extract from book 1,
chap. i, p. 4, of Baltasar de Santa Cruz's _Historia_, which is
followed by a heavy and would-be learned discussion filled with
classical allusions, by an auditor, Licentiate Salvador Gomez de
Espinosa, of which Tirso López, the Spanish editor, says that it
might have been omitted without any loss to Diaz's _History_.
[47] This decrease and almost total disappearance of the sardines
from the bay of Manila from those times, is easily explained without
the necessity of considering it a miracle, by the great movement of
coastwise trading vessels, which have come into those waters, from
which as is known, several species of fish flee.--_Fray Tirso López._
[48] _Guerrero_ means "warrior."
[49] He died on July 1, 1641, aged seventy-five years. La Concepción
cites (_Hist. de Philipinas,_ v, pp. 301-303) the book of memoirs
preserved in the Manila cathedral (mentioned by Diaz, _ante_. near
the end of chap, xvii), for various particulars regarding Archbishop
Guerrero's life and character.
[50] Lorenzo Goreto was born at Ferrara, November 1, 1592, and entered
his novitiate at Rome, December 8, 1608. He went to the Philippines
(1622), and labored in the Visayan missions, where he died June 17,
1638. Murillo Velarde says that he was master of theology in Manila,
and that he was a very learned man. See his _Hist. Philipinas,_
fol. 102 verso-103; and Sommervogel's _Bibliothèque_.
Luis de Pedraza was a native of Baeza, Spain, and entered the Jesuit
order in the province of Andalusia. He was a prominent laborer in
the Visayan missions, and held important posts in the college of
Manila. Later, he went to Mindanao, and died at Zamboanga, October 22,
1639. (Murillo Velarde, _Hist. Philipinas,_ fol. 107.)
[51] _Maestro de prima: prima_ was the name applied to the first three
hours of the day, the term being extended to universities and studies,
indicating the lessons that came during that period, or the professor
who gave his lectures during that period.
[52] _i.e._, "as a precautionary measure."
[53] Lucas García, who belonged to the mission of 1615, performed
missionary duties in Cagayan, and was also vicar of Fotol, of Maquilá,
and jointly rector of Santo Tomas, and procurator-general. He was
later vicar of Gattoron, of Fotol, of Tocolana, and of Lallo-c,
and also served in the province of Cagayan for a number of years. He
was also definitor several times, and vicar-provincial in Cagayan. In
1633 and 1635 he was vicar-provincial in Formosa, being also vicar of
Nuestra Señora del Rosario, at Tanchui. After thirty-six years' labor
in the Indias, he died at Lallo-c about 1651. See _Reseña biográfica,_
i, p. 349.
[54] The ringing of bells at a certain hour (usually sunset), which
admonishes the faithful to pray for the souls in purgatory. The
_alabado_ meant a hymn sung in praise of the sacrament when it was
placed within the tabernacle.
[55] The only Burguillos mentioned by Huerta is Pedro, a lay
brother connected with the Japanese missions, who died at Manila in
1615--apparently therefore, not the one mentioned in our text.
[56] The Cistercian Order was founded by St. Robert, the son of
a gentleman of Champagne, who had taken the Benedictine habit, at
Cistercium (the modern Citeaux) in 1098, and professed the rule of
St. Benedict. The rule was very austere, but despite various reforms,
it gradually became relaxed and approached the observance of other
orders. The Trappists are an offshoot of this order. See Addis and
Arnold's _Catholic Dictionary_, pp. 186-188.
[57] An ambassador (generally a cardinal or bishop) sent by the pope
to a foreign prince, with full powers.
[58] The following royal decree on this subject was issued in 1637:
"Inasmuch as I have been informed that many soldiers and sailors who
are in my service in the Filipinas Islands are becoming, and have
become, religious, while indebted in large sums of maravedis to my
royal treasury for pay which has been advanced to them; and that, after
having been for some years in the orders, they leave them and wander
about as vagabonds with the utmost freedom, and refuse to reënter
my service: desiring to apply a corrective to such delinquencies,
and the matter having been conferred over in my royal Council of
the Yndias, I have considered it fitting to issue the present. By it
I request my very reverend archbishop in Christ, the father of the
metropolitan church of the city of Manila, and charge the venerable
and devout fathers-provincial and other superiors of all the orders in
the territory of his archbishopric, to note that they are to inform
my governor of the said islands whenever such cases shall occur to
the prejudice of my treasury, and that the culprits be punished as is
fitting. No one may take the vows of religion without first satisfying
the amount that he shall thus owe. In order that the contents of
this my decree may be well known to all, I order my governor and
captain-general of the said Filipinas Islands to publish it in all
the necessary places, and to send a copy of it to the provincials of
the orders throughout the said islands, in order that they may give
to its fulfilment the earnest attention to which they are obliged;
for such is my will. Madrid, December 23, 1637."
The copy of this decree existing in the Archivo general de Indias at
Sevilla--with pressmark, "Audiencia de Filipinas; registros de oficio;
reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades del distrito de dicha
Audiencia; años 1635 á 1672; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 2, lib. 4"--bears
the following endorsement in the margin: "In order that no soldier
or sailor in the Filipinas Islands who may be indebted to the royal
treasury may take the vows of religion without first satisfying the
amount of his debt."
[59] _Dominicans_.--Domingo Gonzalez came to the islands in 1602;
for several years he was an instructor in theology in the cathedral
of Manila, and afterward spent five years as a missionary in
Cagayan. Returning then to Manila, he was rector of the college
of Santo Tomás, provincial of his order (chosen in 1633, and
again in _1644_), and commissary-general of the Inquisition for
sixteen years. He died November 5, 1647, at Manila, at the age of
seventy-three.
Francisco de Herrera came with the mission of 1598. He filled numerous
important offices in the order--among them, those of provincial
(1629-33), rector of Santo Tomás, and commissary-general of the
Inquisition. He died at Manila, August 9, 1644.
Antonio Gonzalez accompanied the mission of 1632, and at first was
an instructor in Santo Tomás; but early in 1636 he went to Japan,
where he suffered martyrdom, September 24, 1637.
Sebastian Oquendo also began his labors in the Philippines as
instructor at the college in Manila; he afterward held various offices
in the convent there, but died at Méjico in 1651. (All these notices
are obtained from _Reseña biográfica,_ vol. i.)
_Augustinians_.--Juan de Montemayor came to Manila in 1613. He held
important posts in the order, and was minister in several Indian
villages; and died at Manila in 1638.
Alonso Carbajal arrived at the islands in 1618. Among the posts of
honor which he held was that of provincial (1644), and more than once
he declined a bishopric offered to him. He also spent several years in
missionary labors, among the Pampangans and Visayans, and died therein
(1654).
Diego de Ochoa had just come (1635) to the Filipinas mission; he
ministered in several villages in Luzón, and died in 1648. (These
notices are obtained from Pérez's _Catálogo_.)
_Franciscans_.--Gerónimo del Espiritu Santo came to Manila in 1633,
and in the following year became vicar-provincial. He accompanied the
sisters of St. Clare to Macao (1634), who founded there a convent
of their order. From January, 1635, to June, 1637, Fray Gerónimo
was minister-provincial; he then retired to Sampaloc, and in 1638
departed for Mexico. The ship was wrecked on the Marianas, and this
priest, refusing to save his life while he could console the dying,
perished with the rest, September 21, 1638.
Jose de Santa Maria began his labors in the Philippines as early as
1621, and seems to have been a missionary among the Indians from 1626
to 1637. He was minister provincial during the first half of 1638;
and died at Manila in 1645.
Vicente Argent arrived at Manila in 1630. In alternating periods of
his life he was a missionary among the Indians, and an official of his
order at Manila; from January, 1643, to January, 1646, he was minister
provincial. In 1656 he sailed for Mexico, but died at sea, before
reaching Acapulco. (These notices are obtained from Huerta's _Estado_.)
[60] Another copy of this episcopal decree (found in one of Corcuera's
letters dated June 30, 1636) gives the name as here, but adds,
"(I mean Santa Monica)"--an error of Corcuera's transcriber.
[61] These last two names, with Fray Gaspar de Santa Maria and Fray
Alonso de San Joan above, are apparently those of Recollect priests;
but there is no available information regarding them.
[62] _i.e.,_ "by the very act, immediately incurring canonical censure,
already imposed."
[63] A reference to the canons of Clement V, which are contained in
the collection called _Clementinas_, published by John XXII.
[64] Reference is here made to a long and vexatious controversy
over the spiritual jurisdiction of Santa Cruz and Quiapo, between
the Jesuits and the diocesan authorities; it was settled in favor
of the Society, but not until 1678. See Murillo Velarde's account of
this dispute, in his _Historia_, fol. 89 verso-91. Cf. Colin's _Labor
evangélica_ (ed. 1663), p. 813; and La Concepción's _Hist. Philipinas,_
pp. 281, 286. Santa Cruz is on the shore of the Pasig River opposite
Manila; above it lies Quiapo, and below it Binondo (an island formed by
two bayous from the Pasig). As previous documents have often mentioned,
Binondo was inhabited chiefly by the Chinese, as also was Santa Cruz.
[65] Diego de Bobadilla was born at Madrid, September 19, 1590;
and at the age of sixteen entered the Jesuit order. He came to the
Philippines in 1615, and spent fifteen years as an instructor in
the Jesuit college at Manila, and five years as its rector. In 1637
he went to Rome as procurator for his order, and returned in 1643
with a band of forty-two missionaries. Again he became rector of the
college, and in 1646 was elected provincial. While making an official
visitation of the Mindanao missions, he died at Carigara, February 26,
1648. See Murillo Velarde's sketch of his life, _Hist. Philipinas,_
fol. 159, 160.
[66] Francisco Pinelo, who had been prior of the Dominican convent at
Tabora, Portugal, came to the Philippines in 1632, where for some time
he was vicar of San Telmo at Cavite. Afterward he went to Europe on
business of the order--part of which was to secure the dissolution of
the Congregation of St. Paul, formed by Fray Diego Collado, in 1636,
with the Dominicans who came then with Corcuera (who were called
_Barbones_; see Diaz's account _ante_, p. 161). Pinelo remained in
Spain, dying in the convent at Segovia, January 23, 1643. See _Reseña
biográfica_, i, pp. 391, 420.
[67] There is an evident play on words in this passage. The
original reads: "_Que le auian hecho papa ó papilla y que con el
les auian querido dar papillas_." "_Papilla_" is the diminutive of
"_papa_"--meaning "pope," or "pap"; and the phrase _dar papilla_
is used to mean "deceiving by insidious caresses."
[68] Referring to Juan de Zumárraga, guardian of the Franciscan
convent at Abrojo, Mexico; who was appointed (December 12, 1527)
the first bishop of the new diocese of Mexico, and protector of the
Indians. He filled these offices ably, although his energy and zeal
made him numerous enemies. He was made archbishop when the diocese of
Mexico was raised to an archdiocese (by papal bull of July 8, 1547);
but on account of his great age he declined the honor, and died (June
3, 1548) a few days after those documents arrived, being eighty years
old. A cloud upon his memory is the ruthless and vandalic destruction,
under his direction, of the Aztec images, manuscripts, and other
records, both public and private, for which his agents made close
search, not only in the City of Mexico but in all the larger cities
and towns--a cruel and irreparable loss to scholars and historians. See
Bancroft's _History of Mexico,_ ii, pp. 297-300, 556-559.
[69] Apparently alluding to the penitent thief who was crucified
with Christ.
[70] _Secuestrarle_, in MS.; but compare the same letter in Diaz's
narration, _ante_, where the word is _secuestrarme_ ("sequester my"
property).
[71] A line is omitted here by transcriber; see Diaz's copy, as above.
[72] Francisco de Paula, a native of Segovia, arrived at Manila
in 1618, where he ministered to the Chinese, and afterward gave
instruction in the college of Santo Tomás for sixteen years. He filled
numerous important posts--among them that of provincial (twice), and
commissary-general of the Inquisition; and not long before his death
he had been appointed bishop of Nueva Cáçeres. He died at Manila,
April 5, 1664, at the age of sixty-seven.
[73] The only friar of this name who is mentioned in _Reseña
biográfica_ came to the islands with the mission of 1635; "he returned
at once to España, summoned by his Majesty to take charge of the
chair of mathematics at the court, with a stipend of one thousand
ducados a year."
[74] Antonio Gomez de Espejo was born in Manila, in 1604; and made
his profession in the Dominican order, at the age of twenty-one. He
ministered in various Indian villages in Luzón; and in 1678 died,
at Lallo-c.
[75] Pedro Fernandez de Ledo, a native of Mexico, made his profession
as a Dominican friar in 1625, at the age of seventeen. He was one
of the faculty at Santo Tomás until 1651, when he was chosen prior,
and afterward provincial. Ledo died at Manila, October 15, 1662;
soon afterward, his appointment to a bishopric was received there.
[76] Applied to a crime that may be tried either in ecclesiastical
or secular courts.
[77] Dispensation for receiving orders outside the time specified by
the church.
[78] Perhaps some allusion to a well-known proverb or saying.
[79] There is no direct clue to the authorship of this document;
but it was evidently written by a lawyer, and one who sided with
the Jesuits and the governor. It is possible that this was Fabian de
Santillan, appointed by that order as judge-conservator; it would be
very natural for him, from prudential motives, to mention himself in
the third person in the letter, knowing that it would almost certainly
be read by others than his correspondent.
[80] There is here a play on words, the text reading, _que no andan
Por El camino Rl_ y derecho. _Derecho_ has a now obsolete meaning,
"road," or "path."
[81] That is, to inspect their morals and mode of life.
[82] Fray Francisco Zamudio, an Augustinian by profession, was a native
of Mechoacán, Mexico. Little information about him is available; but
Pérez says that Zamudio was in Manila in 1594, and died in 1636--an
event which, according to Delgado (_Hist. de Filipinas_, p. 178),
occurred in 1639. Diaz's mention of it, however (pp. 197-198, _ante_),
would imply that the earlier date was the correct one. Pérez does
not mention the fact that Zamudio became a bishop.
[83] Spanish, _tablilla_: a list of persons excommunicated, exhibited
in churches.
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898,
Volume XXV, 1635-36, by Various
*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS ***
***** This file should be named 19118-8.txt or 19118-8.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
http://www.gutenberg.org/1/9/1/1/19118/
Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/
Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.
Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.
*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
http://gutenberg.org/license).
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that
- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License. You must require such a user to return or
destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
Project Gutenberg-tm works.
- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
of receipt of the work.
- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
[email protected]. Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at http://pglaf.org
For additional contact information:
Dr. Gregory B. Newby
Chief Executive and Director
[email protected]
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit http://pglaf.org
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card
donations. To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.
Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
http://www.gutenberg.org
This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
*** END: FULL LICENSE ***
