The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume
XVII, 1609-1616, by Various
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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume XVII, 1609-1616
Explorations By Early Navigators, Descriptions Of The
Islands And Their Peoples, Their History And Records Of
The Catholic Missions, As Related In Contemporaneous Books
And Manuscripts, Showing The Political, Economic, Commercial
And Religious Conditions Of Those Islands From Their
Earliest Relations With European Nations To The Close Of
The Nineteenth Century
Author: Various
Editor: E. H. Blair
Release Date: April 3, 2005 [EBook #15530]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS ***
Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the PG Distributed Proofreaders Team
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,
Volume XVII, 1609-1616
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XVII
Preface 9
Documents of 1609
Laws regarding navigation and commerce. Felipe II and
Felipe III; 1583-1609 27
Jesuit missions, 1608-09. (From _Annuæ litteræ;_ Dilingæ,
1610.) 53
Decree regulating services of Filipinos. Felipe III;
Aranjuez, May 26 79
Documents of 1610
Petition of the Recollects. Dionisio de la Anunciacion,
and others; Manila, June 30 85
Dominicans request suppression of the Audiencia. Baltasar
Fort, O.P., and others; Manila, June 30 89
Relation of 1609-1610. Gregorio Lopez, S.J.,; Manila,
July 1 100
Letter to Felipe III. Juan de Silva; Cavite, September
5 144
Letter to Silva. Felipe III; Madrid, December 7 151
Documents of 1611
Foundation of the college of Santo Tomás of
Manila. Bernardo de Santa Catalina, O.P., and others;
Manila, April 28 155
Hospital at Nueva Cáceres. Pedro Arce, O.S.A.; Manila,
July 20 172
Letters to Juan de Silva. Felipe III; Guadarrama and
Madrid, November-December 174
Letters to the Dominican provincial. Felipe III; Madrid,
December 31 183
Documents of 1612-1613
Status of missions in the Philippines. Gregorio
Lopez, S.J., and others; [Manila, _ca._ 1612] 189
Trade of the Philippines. Juan, marques
de Montesclaros; Los Reyes, April 12, 1612 213
Letter from the bishop of Nueva Segovia [Domingo
de Soria, O.P.]; Manila, August 15, 1613 233
Letter to Silva. Felipe III; Pardo, December 2,
1613 237
Documents of 1616
Recommendations regarding the archbishopric of
Manila. [Council of the Indias?]; Madrid, 1613-16 245
Letter to Felipe III. Valerio de Ledesma, S.J.; Manila,
August 20 249
Portuguese and Spanish expedition against the Dutch,
1615. Juan de Rivera and Valerio de Ledesma, S.J.;
[Manila, 1616?] 251
Bibliographical Data 281
Appendix: Chronological list of the governors of the Philippines,
1565-1899, and the administration of the islands at different
periods 283
Illustrations
Title-page of _Annuæ litteræ Societatis Iesv_ (Dilingæ, M. DC. X);
photographic facsimile, from copy in Library of Congress 51
Title-page of _Documentos, datos, y relaciones para la historia
de Filipinas_--MS. collection of transcripts from documents in
Spanish archives, for the period 1586-1792, by Ventura del Arco
(Madrid, 1859-1865), possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago;
photographic facsimile 101
Autograph signature of Gregorio Lopez, S.J.; facsimile from tracing
of original, in Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library) 141
PREFACE
The present volume covers the seven years from 1609 to 1616,
the leading subjects in the documents therein being commerce and
navigation, missions, and ecclesiastical affairs. The commercial
and navigation laws covering a quarter of a century previous to
this period give incidentally much curious information on social and
economic conditions in the islands. The outflow of silver from Nueva
España to China via Manila still causes alarm; but it is evident
that the suppression of the trade between Acapulco and Manila is
not an infallible remedy for this difficulty. As it is, the islands
are suffering from the injuries to their trade that the Dutch have
inflicted, and from the ruinous expenses caused by their wars with
these persistent enemies. No less do the Indians suffer from the
exactions levied upon them for the public works and defense; but the
home government attempts to lessen these burdens, and protect the
natives from oppression. The missions of the Jesuits are reported
as making rapid progress; and statistics of the work conducted by
them and by the other religious orders give a view of the general
missionary field. The Dominicans begin their college of Santo Tomás
at Manila; and their officials urge upon the king the suppression of
the Audiencia. The relations between the various orders appear to be
not strictly harmonious. The power of the Spaniards in the Orient,
and the future of the Philippine colony, are seriously menaced by
the increasing gains of the Dutch in the Moluccas.
Various laws regarding the navigation and commerce of the Philippines
are presented, in chronological order, dated 1583-1609. The sale of
merchandise by _pancada_ is to be retained, and regulations are made
therefor. Trade between the American colonies with China or Filipinas
is prohibited; and the citizens of Filipinas are granted a monopoly of
the trade to Nueva España. But this is limited to a specified amount
and only two ships may be sent annually. The goods thus sent to Nueva
España must be consumed there. Copies of the merchandise registers of
these vessels must be sent to the Council of the Indias. Persons who
have been exiled to Filipinas must be compelled to reside there. No
slaves may be taken thence to Nueva España, except a small and
specified number allowed as servants of royal officials. The number of
officers and men allowed to each ship is limited and specified. The
soldiers sent must be effective and suitably equipped. The ships
must not be stripped of their defenses by Filipinas officials. Pilots
must undergo examination for this voyage. Information regarding the
money and goods carried on these vessels must be exchanged by the
officials at Manila and Acapulco. Ships must not be overladen. No
person may go from Nueva España to the islands unless he give bonds
for becoming a permanent resident of them, or is sent thither as a
soldier. Officials of the trading vessels may not engage in trade in
any form. The fares paid by passengers thereon shall be regulated,
and so adjusted that they shall pay their share toward the expenses
of carrying on this commerce. Due inspection of merchandise shall
be made at Acapulco and in Mexico. No Chinese goods may be traded
or conveyed, in any way, between Nueva España and Peru. The dues
collected at Acapulco on Filipinas merchandise shall be spent for the
needs of the islands. The amount of money which may be carried back
from Mexico is strictly limited to five hundred thousand pesos; and in
this amount must be included, to avoid frauds, all amounts of legacies,
and gifts for benevolent works, sent to Filipinas. No wrought silver
may be carried thither, except under close restrictions. The governor
of Filipinas and the viceroy of Nueva España shall exchange reports
of the business carried on by these ships. A trustworthy person must
be appointed at Manila to regulate the migration of Chinese and other
foreigners to the islands. Directions are given for the placing of
cargoes, marine stores, etc., on the ships; and their rigging must be
obtained at Manila instead of Acapulco. The ships and their crews must
be suitably armed for defense; and the men may not carry any baggage
save what they actually need for the voyage. No slave women shall be
allowed on the ships, nor any married woman who is not obliged to
make the voyage. The citizens of the islands may trade with Japan;
but the Japanese shall not be allowed to go to the Filipinas.
In _Annuæ litteræ_ for 1610 is a report of the Jesuit missions in
the Philippines. Beginning with some tabulated statistics, there are
presented separate accounts of the college at Manila and the various
mission stations. Two lay brethren in that college have died, whose
lives and virtues are briefly reviewed. Religious zeal is growing
among the people of Manila. The Jesuit church has been greatly adorned
and improved, and their Indian disciples have erected in a new church
several handsome statues. One of the Jesuit fathers devoted himself
to the care of the heretics captured in the battle with the Dutch,
and secured recantations from twenty of these. The new governor, Juan
de Silva, has given to the Jesuits not only favor but substantial
aid. In Antipolo and Taitai are many zealous and devout converts,
of whom various incidents are related. The church at Antipolo has
been often burned, but again rebuilt. Several miraculous cures are
related. At Zebu the Jesuits have done much to cultivate religion
among the Spanish residents, and to promote the peace and welfare of
the community. In Bohol many conversions have taken place, and the
headmen have become most helpful to the missionaries. Even some of the
priests of the heathen are zealous converts to the true faith. The
Indian converts are displaying true faith and charity, and support
a hospital. No longer consulting their idols, they now invoke the
Virgin Mary, an act which brings them great success in hunting. At
Dulac much success has been obtained--sometimes impeded, however, by
the plots of the Evil One. Palapag has suffered from scarcity of food,
but the Jesuits have from their own stores cared for the poor. A new
church has been erected there, and many conversions are reported. The
expedition to the Molucca Islands was accompanied by the Jesuits;
there are many Christians there, who are oppressed by the Dutch
heretics. Many of the reports in this document mention miraculous
cures, and deliverances from danger; and state that in many cases
the Indian converts practice scourging as a token of devotion.
A law dated May 26, 1609, regulates the services of the Indians. When
possible, the men needed for public works shall be hired from among
the Chinese and Japanese; and the Filipino natives shall be expected
to work voluntarily. If these measures shall not provide sufficient
laborers, the natives may be forced to work, but only under certain
conditions. Such work must be of absolute necessity; no one shall be
forced when there are enough voluntary laborers; the conscription must
be made as considerate and equitable as possible; the governor shall
assign their hours of labor, and their wages shall be paid fairly
and promptly. Such requisitions shall be made at seasons when they
do not interfere with the agricultural labors of the natives. The
vessels shall be provided with shelter for the rowers against rain and
storm. Any ill-treatment received by the Indians shall be vigorously
punished, especially when the offender is a royal official.
The Augustinian Recollects write to the king (June 30, 1610) asking to
be released from the restrictions imposed upon them by the visitor of
that order, claiming that otherwise their work will be ruined. They
also ask for royal bounty in its aid. The Dominicans at Manila, on
the same day, memorialize the home government for the suppression
of the Audiencia in the islands. They claim that the royal decrees
are not obeyed as they should be. The royal fiscal is accused of
illegal traffic, and the opportunities and means of profit are given
to relatives or friends of the auditors. The Dominicans suggest that
the archbishop and the religious orders be authorized to serve as a
check on the governors, the only real use of the Audiencia. They ask
the king to increase the income of the archbishop, and take occasion to
commend the honor and integrity of the royal officials at Manila. Their
letter is accompanied by a list of the reasons why the Audiencia
should be suppressed in the islands. The number of lawsuits is much
greater since the reestablishment of that court, and the prisons are
crowded; while many persons are neglected and languish in prison for
many years. Justice is not done in the Indian lawsuits, the Spanish
procedure being entirely unsuitable for these cases; and the innocent
suffer the penalties, while the guilty escape. Dignities and offices
are given to the unworthy and incompetent, and to relatives of the
auditors. Criminals connected with the auditors go unpunished. The
auditors engage openly in trade, by which they have gained enormous
wealth. The royal intention that they should advise the king regarding
the governor's conduct is frustrated, since they are in such relations
with the governor that they will not oppose him.
The Jesuit Gregorio Lopez relates (July 1, 1610) events in the islands
for the past year. Rumors of an invasion by the Dutch cause Silva to
fortify Cavite, hitherto unprotected. Several disasters befall the
Spaniards--among them the treacherous murder of a large number of
Spaniards by their Chinese and Japanese rowers; and the Chinese need
to be pacified. During the latter part of 1609 and the early months
of 1610 the Dutch squadron commanded by Francis de Wittert remains
near Manila, capturing the Chinese and other vessels that trade with
Luzon. Meanwhile, the Spaniards collect military supplies and make
all other preparations for defense. On April 24 the Spanish squadron
encounters that of the Dutch at Playa Honda, outside Manila Bay;
after a hot contest in which Wittert is killed, the Dutch flagship
surrenders, as does their almiranta; another ship is destroyed by
fire, and the rest take to flight. Many ceremonies, both religious and
secular, signalize the rejoicings in Manila over the victory of the
Spaniards, as well at their mourning for the slain. Then the spoils
of the conquered are distributed, amounting to nearly four hundred
thousand pesos. Many of the Dutch heretic captives are reconciled to
the Church through the ministrations of a Jesuit priest. Lopez relates
various incidents connected with this war, and gives a vivid account of
the perils and hardships of the ocean voyages, especially in relating
the shipwreck on the Japan coast of the galleon "San Francisco." A
boat carrying supplies to the Jesuit mission at Maluco is captured
by the Dutch and with it Father Masonio; but he escapes their hands,
after many dangers. His companion, Father Gabriel de la Cruz, dies
after a long sickness; and Antonio Pereira, sent to take his place,
dies on the voyage. The Dutch pay a heavy ransom for their captive
commander van Caerden.
Governor Silva advises the king (September 5, 1610) of affairs in the
islands, especially of those in the Moluccas. The Dutch have regained
everything there except the fort at Ternate; they have also secured
a foothold in Japan, and are striving to do the same in China. If
they obtain control of the trade from those countries, the Spanish
colonies in India and the Philippines will be ruined. Accordingly,
Silva is preparing to go, in conjunction with the Portuguese troops
from India, against the Dutch, to recover the Moluccas. He will
also take the captive Ternatan king back to his own country, as he
promises to become a vassal of Spain and to refuse intercourse with
the Dutch. Silva has, however, but little money for this expedition,
for the royal treasury is heavily in debt. The king writes to Silva
(December 7, 1610) ordering him to investigate the complaint of the
Indians of Quiapo against the Jesuits.
The establishment of the college of Santo Tomás at Manila is begun
in 1611 by the Dominicans, its foundation being a bequest left for
this purpose by the late Archbishop Benavides, and certain other
legacies. The articles of establishment and the endowment are
presented, showing the funds, location, management, and character
of the institution. It is provided, among other things, that if any
ecclesiastical or secular power should claim jurisdiction over the
conduct or property of the college, all the possessions of the college
shall become the absolute property of the Dominican order and province.
The bishop of Nueva Caceres asks the king (July 20, 1611) for aid for
the hospital there. In the same year, the king writes several letters
to Silva. He orders the governor (November 12) to restrain, but with
prudence, the arrogance of the religious; to check evasions of the
laws regarding commerce, and to make certain regulations regarding the
Mexican trade; to continue the prohibition of Japanese from residing in
the islands; and to cease the military training hitherto given to the
natives. On November 20 he sends an order to Silva to set at liberty
van Caerden and other Dutchmen held captive in Manila, provided they
shall not have given any cause for being recaptured. On December
19 he commands Silva to keep a squadron of ships on guard near the
Luzón coast, to prevent the Dutch from plundering the vessels that
go to the islands for trade. Letters from the king to the Dominican
provincial at Manila (December 31) warn him to correct the lawless
and disobedient proceedings of certain of his friars; to maintain
amicable relations with the governor; and not to allow his friars to
go to Japan without the governor's permission (commands of like import
with this last being sent also to the provincials of the other orders).
Interesting statistics of the houses and missions of the various
religious orders in the islands are furnished (_ca_. 1612), at
the royal command, by their superiors. The Augustinians enumerate
fifty-six houses with one hundred and fifty-five priests and thirteen
lay brethren. The Jesuits maintain two colleges (Manila and Cebú),
six residences and two missions; in these are forty-five priests,
twenty-eight lay brethren, eight novices, and eleven scholastics--in
all ninty-two religious. Each "residence" is a center of missionary
activity for all the Indian villages around it, in some of which are
churches, and to others visits are paid more or less frequently by the
fathers who live at the residence. The Franciscans have forty-eight
houses in their missions to the Indians, and four in the Spanish
towns; they also maintain six hospitals. They have one hundred and one
priests and thirty-eight lay brethren, besides twenty-one religious
in Japan. The Dominicans have eighteen houses, and one hospital, with
sixty-two friars; besides these, they have three houses in Japan, with
nine religious. The field occupied by the Augustinians is in Western
Luzón, Panay, and Cebú; and the villages in which they minister
number 58,800 tributes--which, at three persons to each tribute,
means a population of 176,400 souls. The Jesuits conduct missions in
Luzón, Panay, Leyte, Samar, Bohol, and adjacent islands; they have
sixty-eight churches, besides those in Manila and Cebú, and are in
charge of about 50,000 souls. The Franciscans have missions in Luzón,
with 80,000 souls; also some in Maluco and Japan. The Dominicans also
work in Luzón, ministering to somewhat more than 16,000 souls.
The viceroy of Peru writes to Felipe III (April 12, 1612) in regard
to the Philippine-Mexican trade, giving his report and opinion, at
the king's command, regarding the request of the Sevilla merchants
that the Philippine trade be taken from Mexico and transferred to
Spain and Portugal. This letter is an interesting exposition of
the theories regarding colonial administration then held by certain
Spanish statesmen--and, more or less, of the policy then pursued by
the Spanish government: for Montesclaros had already been a viceroy
of Spanish colonies in America for nine years, at the time of this
report, and was highly regarded by his home government. He describes
the progress of commerce since the colonization of the New World
began, and shows that the markets of the latter are overstocked with
European merchandise, and thus the profits of the trade are greatly
decreased. The viceroy carefully analyzes the proposal to transfer
the Philippine trade to Spain, and shows its probable results. The
Manila merchandise is almost entirely silk; this could be replaced in
Mexico with the cotton fabrics made by the Indians in that country,
and the silk industry might be introduced into Mexico and made a
success there. Nevertheless, the Philippines would be injured by
the suppression of their Mexican trade, and there would not even
be a corresponding benefit to Spain. He has not much confidence in
the disinterestedness of the Sevilla merchants, and refutes some
of their arguments. The Spanish goods sent to Manila via Acapulco
are mainly articles of luxury, and in small quantity; and the cloth
stuffs of Spain are not desired in Japan or Luzón. He disapproves any
course which would bring the Chinese silks into Spain, for thus the
silk industry of that country would be ruined; moreover, the Chinese
goods are poor and have little durability. Montesclaros emphatically
denies that the stoppage of Philippine trade will materially affect
the outflow of silver from Nueva España, or benefit Spain; and advises
the king not to favor the Seville merchants or the Portuguese of India
to the neglect of his Castilian subjects. He compares the advantages
of the two routes between Manila and Spain, and considers that by
the Pacific Ocean the better. The viceroy discusses the matter of
sending reenforcements to the Philippines, and suggests that it
might be advantageous to send troops to Acapulco via the Isthmus of
Panama. He points out various dangers from the proposed suppression
of he Philippine-Mexican trade.
The bishop of Nueva Segovia writes (August 15, 1613), apparently
to some high official at the Spanish court, asking that aid may be
furnished to the recently founded college of Santo Tomás. Soria
complains of the Jesuits and the governor, who are opposing the
Dominicans. More priests of that order (to which the writer belongs)
are needed in the islands. Soria makes various accusations against
the Augustinians and their leading officials, and recommends Aduarte
and his mission to his correspondent's favor.
Felipe III writes to Silva (December 2, 1613), directing him to send
to Mexico all the quicksilver that he can procure in China. The
king approves Silva's acts in regard to Chinese immigration, and
investigation of corrupt officials. He asks for further information
as to Japanese trade, the treatment of the Indians by the religious,
etc. One of the royal councils makes recommendations to the king--by
communications dated respectively June 28, 1613, and July 1, 1616--that
for the aged archbishop of Manila shall be appointed a coadjutor, who
shall receive one-third of the former's stipend, with certain fees. An
abstract of a letter from the Jesuit Ledesma to Felipe III (August 20,
1616) presents a gloomy view of the condition of the islands. Their
trade has greatly decreased; the expeditions against the Dutch have
nearly ruined the citizens; the Indians are exhausted by the burdens
and taxes levied upon them; and the islands are in constant peril
and are frequently harassed by their numerous enemies. The king is
asked to send aid for the colony without delay.
A prominent Jesuit in Manila, Juan de Ribera, writes (probably in 1616)
an account of an expedition sent from India in 1615 for the aid of
the Philippines. The Dutch are obtaining so firm a foothold in the
Orient that the Spanish commerce is not only much decreased, but is
in constant danger from the attacks of the "Dutch pirates." Silva
despatches Ribera to India, to ask from the viceroy aid for the
Philippines; he sends with the envoy four galleons, which, after
a voyage of many delays and hardships, reach Malacca. There they
encounter a large Malay fleet, which they defeat, with great loss
on both sides. A few weeks later a Dutch fleet arrives at Malacca,
intending to unite with these very Malays; a fierce battle ensues,
in which the Portuguese galleons are destroyed. In February 1616,
Silva arives at Malacca with his fleet; but soon afterward he is
attacked by a fever which causes his death (April 19). To this is
added another version of Ribera's letter, and a letter by Valerio de
Ledesma--both obtained from Colin's _Labor evangelica_. These cover
the same ground as the preceding letter, but contain some matter not
found therein, including an account of the battle at Playa Honda.
A biographical and chronological list of all the Spanish governors
of the Philippines, from 1565 to 1898, is here presented. It is
prepared by a careful collation, sifting, and verification of data
obtained from the best authorities extant; and will be found useful for
reference by general readers, as well as by students of history. This
is followed by a law of 1664, providing for the government of the
islands ad interim; and an extract from the _Historia_ of the Jesuit
Delgado (1751), "Some things worth knowing about the governors of
the Filipinas Islands." He says: "In no kingdom or province of the
Spanish crown do the viceroys or governors enjoy greater privileges,
superiority, and grandeur than in Filipinas." Delgado moralizes
on the qualifications necessary for such a post, illustrating
his remarks by historical examples. He outlines the intercourse
and relations of the Philippines with the peoples about them,
and the conquests made by the Spanish colonial governors. Next is
given a chapter from the _Estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842_ of
Sinibaldo de Mas--a Spanish diplomat who visited the islands--on "the
administration of government and the captaincy-general" therein. He,
too, describes the great authority and privilege of the governor of
the Philippines; and outlines the plan of the general, provincial,
and local governments. The mestizos, when numerous in any community,
have their own separate government. As the cabezas de barangay and
some members of their families are exempted from paying tributes,
they form a privileged class which is a burden on the taxpayers--a
serious defect in the system of government. A special arrangement
is made for the Chinese residing in Manila, and they are enrolled
and classified for the payment of taxes. Finally, a chapter on "the
political and administrative organization of Filipinas" is presented,
from Montero y Vidal's _Archipiélago filipino_ (1886). He devotes
special attention to the subject of local government in the native
towns; and explains why the Filipino natives are so anxious to obtain
the post of gobernadorcillo. The writer describes the mode of dress and
the customs in vogue among these local dignitaries, as well as their
methods of administration. There are certain other petty officials,
whose functions are described; and he ends by stating the powers
and functions of the provincial rulers and those of the governor and
captain-general of the islands, and sharply criticising "the vicious,
anomalous, and unsuitable organization of the provinces of Filipinas."
_The Editors_
July, 1904.
DOCUMENTS OF 1609
Laws regarding navigation and commerce. Felipe II and Felipe III;
1583-1609.
Jesuit missions, 1608-09. (From _Annuæ litteræ_; Dilingæ, 1610.)
Decree regulating services of Filipinos. Felipe III; May 26.
_Sources_: Two of these documents are taken from _Recopilación de
leyes_--the first from lib. ix, tit. xlv; the third, from lib. vi.,
tit. xii (ley xl). The second is obtained from _Annuæ litteræ_
(Dilingæ, 1610), pp. 507-532.
_Translations_: The first and third of these documents are translated
by James A. Robertson; the second, by Henry B. Lathrop, of the
University of Wisconsin.
LAWS REGARDING NAVIGATION AND COMMERCE
[The following laws are translated from _Recopilación de leyes_,
lib. ix, tit. xxxxv, "Concerning the navigation and commerce of the
Filipinas Islands, China, Nueva España, and Perú." [1] The various laws
of the _Recopilación_ are not arranged chronologically, but they are
here thus given--retaining, however, the number of each law. Those laws
given in the present installment range in date between 1583 and 1609,
those beyond the latter date being reserved for a future volume. Some
of the laws, as shown by various dates, were promulgated more than
once, either in the original form, or possibly amended. When there
is more than one date, the chronological order follows the earliest
of these.]
Law LVIII
The appraisements and registers that shall be made of the merchandise
shipped in the vessels despatched from Filipinas to Nueva España
and other places, shall be made solely by the officials of our
royal exchequer. The distribution [of cargo] that shall be made
in the vessels of the said islands, and of the merchandise shipped
on our account, and the appointment and examination of the pilots,
masters, and other officials, shall be made in the presence of the
aforesaid persons; and the laws ordained by this titulo shall be
observed. [Felipe II--San Lorenzo, June 14, 1583.]
Law XXXV
It having been committed to, and charged upon, the governor
and captain-general of the Filipinas that he should endeavor to
introduce, in the exchange and barter for the merchandise of China,
trade in other products of those islands, in order to avoid, when
possible, the withdrawal of the great sums of reals which are taken
to foreign kingdoms, the governor executed it in the form and manner
that he considered most fitting; and a method called _pancada_ [2]
was introduced, which has been observed and executed until now. It is
our will that that method be observed and kept, without any change,
until we order otherwise. [Felipe II--Añover, August 9, 1589; Toledo,
January 25, 1596.]
Law LXVI
We order that a duty be collected on the first and subsequent sales
or all the merchandise shipped from Filipinas to Acapulco, and the
pesos per tonelada on freight according to custom; for this sum and
much more is needed to pay the troops, and equip the vessels that
engage in commerce. In this there shall be no innovation. [Felipe
II--Añover, August 9, 1589.]
Law V
We ordain and order that there shall be no permission to trade or
traffic between Perú, Tierra-Firme, Guatemala, or any other parts of
the Indias, and China or the Filipinas Islands, even though it be by
license of the viceroys, audiencias, governors, or magistrates, under
penalty of confiscation of the merchandise that shall be shipped. The
masters and pilots shall also incur the confiscation of all their
property and ten years in the galleys. [Felipe II--San Lorenzo,
December 18, and February 6, 1591.]
Law I
Inasmuch as it is advisable to avoid trade between the West Indias
and China, and regulate that of Filipinas, as it has increased
considerably, thus causing the decrease of that of these kingdoms:
therefore, we prohibit, forbid, and order, that no person of the
natives or residents of Nueva España, or any other part of the Indias
trade or be allowed to trade in the Filipinas Islands. Should anyone
do so, he shall lose the merchandise with which he shall trade,
and it shall be applied, one-third each, to our royal exchequer,
the denouncer, and the judge who shall sentence him. In order to
show favor to the citizens and inhabitants [of Filipinas] and that
that trade may be preserved to sufficient extent, we consider it best
that they alone may trade with Nueva España, in the manner ordained
by the other laws, with this provision, that they convey their goods,
or send them with persons who shall come from the said islands. They
cannot send them by way of commission or in any other form to those
who actually reside in Nueva España, in order to avoid the frauds of
consigning them to other persons--unless it be because of the death
of those who should come with the goods from the said islands; for in
such case it can be done. And we also order that the inhabitants of
Filipinas cannot consign their merchandise to generals, commanders,
captains, officials, soldiers, or sailors of the vessels of that
commerce, or of any other vessels, even though these be inhabitants of
the said islands as well as the persons above mentioned. [3] [Felipe
II--Madrid, January 11, 1593. Felipe IV--Madrid, February 10, 1635.]
Law VI
It is our will that the trade and commerce of the Filipinas Islands
with Nueva España be carried on for the present as ordained. Under no
consideration shall the amount of merchandise shipped annually from
those islands to Nueva España exceed two hundred and fifty thousand
eight-real pieces, nor the return of principal and profits in money,
the five hundred thousand pesos which are permitted--under no pretext,
cause, or argument that can be advanced, which is not expressed by a
law of this titulo; and the traders shall necessarily be citizens of
the Filipinas, as is also ordained. [Felipe II--Madrid, January 11,
1593. Felipe III--December 31, 1604; Madrid, May 4, 1619; Lisboa,
September 14, 1619.]
Law XV
From Nueva España to Filipinas only two vessels can sail annually,
up to three hundred toneladas' burden. In them shall be carried the
reënforcements of men and supplies, and they shall bear a permit. For
this purpose there shall be three ships, one of which shall remain
in readiness at the port of Acapulco, while the other two make the
voyage. For the security of the voyage, those who go on account of
our royal treasury shall endeavor to see that the cost be drawn from
the freights. From Nueva España not more than two hundred and fifty
thousand pesos de tipusque shall be taken in the vessels during any
one year. Whatever above that amount is taken shall be confiscated
and applied in three equal parts to the exchequer, the judge, and the
denouncer. We order the governor of Filipinas to inspect the ships
when they reach port, and execute the penalty. [Felipe II--Madrid,
January 11, 1593. Felipe III--Valladolid, December 31, 1604.]
Law XXXIV
We order and command that no person trade or traffic in the kingdoms
or in any part of China, and that no goods be shipped from that
kingdom to the Filipinas Islands on the account of the merchants of
those islands. The Chinese themselves shall convey their goods at
their own account and risk, and sell them there by wholesale. The
governor and captain-general with the council of the city of Manila
shall annually appoint two or three persons, whom they shall deem best
fitted, to appraise the value and worth of the merchandise, and shall
take the goods at wholesale from the Chinese, to whom they shall pay
the price. Then they shall distribute it among all the citizens and
natives of those islands, in accordance with their capital, so that
they may all share in the interest and profit that arises from this
traffic and trade. The persons thus appointed shall keep a book,
in which they shall enter the amount of money invested each time,
the price at which each class of merchandise is valued, among what
persons the merchandise is divided, and the amount that falls to the
share of each. The governor shall take particular pains to ascertain
and discover how the said deputies make use of their commission. He
shall not allow them to be rechosen the following year. He shall
send annually a report, signed by them, of all the aforesaid to
our council, and another to the viceroy of Nueva España. [Felipe
II--Madrid, January 11, 1593.]
Law XLIV
The apportionment of the permitted amount of two hundred and fifty
thousand pesos, conceded to the inhabitants of the Filipinas
Islands, must be made among them, and the whole amount must be
registered. Endeavor shall be made to have less than one third part
return in gold; and the governor shall prevent and take precautions
against any fraud or deceit, and shall take what measures he deems
expedient. This also we charge upon the viceroy of Nueva España in
whatever pertains to him. [Felipe II--Madrid, January 11, 1593.]
Law LXVIII
We declare and order that the Chinese merchandise and articles which
have been and shall be shipped from Filipinas to Nueva España, can
and shall be consumed there only, or shipped to these kingdoms after
paying the duties. They cannot be taken to Perú, Tierra-Firme, or any
other part of the Indias, under penalty of confiscation of all those
found and apprehended in the possession of any person whatever, and
shall be applied to our exchequer, the judge, and the denouncer. [4]
[Felipe II--Madrid, January 11, 1593; Felipe IV--Madrid, February
10, 1635.]
Law LXXI
We order and command, that under no consideration in any manner can
any ship go from the provinces of Perú, Tierra-Firme, Guatemala,
Nueva España, or any other part of our Western Indias, to China to
trade or traffic, or for any other purpose; nor can any ship go to
the Filipinas Islands, except from Nueva España, in accordance with
the laws of this título: under penalty of the confiscation of the
ship; and its value, money, merchandise, and other things of its
cargo shall be sent to these kingdoms in accordance with law 67 [5]
of this título, and thus it shall be executed. We prohibit and forbid
any merchandise being taken from Nueva España to the provinces of Perú
and Tierra-Firme, that shall have been taken there from Filipinas, even
if the duties should be paid according to the rules and ordinances;
for it is our purpose and will that no goods shipped from China and
the Filipinas Islands be consumed in the said provinces of Perú and
Tierra-Firme. Whatever shall be found in the possession of any person,
we order to be confiscated, applied, and regulated, as contained
in this law. [Felipe II--Madrid, January 11, 1593, and July 5,
1595. Felipe III--Valladolid, December 31, 1604.]
Law LXIV
It is advisable for our service to have constant reports on what passes
in the trade and commerce between the Filipinas and Nueva España,
in order to ascertain and discover whether it continues to increase,
and what kinds of merchandise are traded, their prices, and in what
money or material. Accordingly we order the viceroys of Nueva España
to send to our royal Council of the Indias in each trading fleet,
a copy of the registers that the ships brought from those islands,
and also of those of the ships sent thither; and all shall be made
with great distinctness and clearness. [Felipe II--Madrid, January 17,
1593; and Toledo, June 9, 1596.]
Law XXVIII
The viceroys, presidents, and auditors, and all other officers of
justice shall make efforts to find all those who shall have been sent
to Filipinas to reside during the time of their obligation, who have
remained in Nueva España and other parts of their jurisdiction, and
shall force them with all rigor to go to reside in those islands,
proceeding against their persons and properties and executing
the penalties that they shall have incurred. The fiscals of our
Audiencia in Manila shall plead what is advisable in regard to the
aforesaid. [Felipe II--Madrid, February 20, 1596.]
Law LIV
We order that the governors of Filipinas shall not allow slaves to
be sent to Nueva España as a business transaction or for any other
reason--except that, when the governor goes there, his successor may
give him permission to take as many as six slaves with him; to each of
the auditors who shall make the voyage, four; and to other respected
persons, merchants with capital, and officials of our royal treasury
who go and do not return, two. We order the viceroy, alcalde-mayor and
officials of Acapulco, to see to the fulfilment and execution of this
law, and to confiscate the slaves in excess of this number. [Felipe
II--Madrid, April 10, 1597]
Law XL
We order that there be but one commander and one lieutenant (who
shall be admiral) for the two ships from Filipinas to Nueva España;
that each ship shall take no more than one military captain, besides
the ship master and as many as fifty effective and useful soldiers
in each ship with pay, and the sailors necessary to make the voyage
properly each way--who shall be efficient and examined--and one pilot
and assistant to each ship; for both ships one purser [_veedor_]
and accountant. All appointments to the said posts shall be made by
the governor and captain-general alone, without the intervention of
the archbishop, or of any other person, notwithstanding what shall
have been provided to the contrary. We order that choice be made from
among the most respected and influential inhabitants of those islands,
and of those most suitable for the said offices and the duties that
the appointees must exercise. If they shall not be such, the matter
shall be made an article in the governor's residencia. [Felipe
III--Barcelona, June 15, 1599; Valladolid, December 31, 1604; San
Lorenzo, April 22, 1608; Madrid, May 23, 1620.]
Law XXVII
We charge and order the viceroys of Nueva Espanña that the troops
that they send to Filipinas be useful, and that they go armed; and
that the men go to the governor of the islands to ask for the pay that
the captains take from their soldiers. In regard to this the governor
shall take legal action and punish those whom it touches. [Felipe
III--Denia, August 16, 1599.]
Law XXIII
The governors of Filipinas are wont to take the artillery and arms
from the ships that sail from Nueva España. Inasmuch as the vessels
return unarmed and without the necessary defense, we order the said
governors not to take, or allow to be taken, from the said ships the
artillery, arms, supplies, or war-materials that those ships carry
for their defense on the return voyage, for it is not advisable to
risk what is so important. [Felipe III--Valladolid, July 15, 1601.]
Law XXXIX
Since there are skilled and examined pilots for the Filipinas line,
those who are not such shall not be admitted in our ships and other
craft. [Felipe III--Valencia, December 31, 1603.]
Law XVI
The utmost diligence shall be taken in the port of Acapulco to
ascertain and discover the reals, silver, and other things taken to
the Filipinas, and our officials of the said port shall take account
of it all. They shall advise the governor and royal officials of the
islands of it, sending them the registers, and notifying them of what
is advisable. The royal officials of Filipinas shall do the same with
those of Acapulco. [Felipe III--Valladolid, December 31, 1604.]
Law XVII
Inasmuch as the ships of the Filipinas line have been overladen,
many have been wrecked and their crews and cargoes lost; and,
inasmuch as it is advisable to provide beforehand the remedy,
therefore we order that great care be taken so that the toneladas
[assigned] be those that the ships can carry, in accordance with
their capacity. The things conveniently necessary for the crew, and
the necessary food, with a reserve in case the voyage be prolonged,
shall be left in them. Especial care is to be taken that the ships
do not sail overladen, or embarrassed, because of the danger of
being wrecked in any misfortune. They shall make the voyage each
way as lightly laden as is necessary for the chance of storms and
enemies. Felipe III--Valladolid, December 31, 1604.]
Law XXI
Illegal acts have been committed in taking more artillerymen and
sailors than were necessary, and some of them useless, in the trading
ships from Filipinas to Nueva España. We order that this be avoided and
remedied. For each piece of artillery, only one artilleryman, and no
more, shall be taken and superfluous pay shall not be given. [Felipe
III--Valladolid, December 31, 1604.]
Law XXIX
Inasmuch as the majority of those going annually from Nueva España to
Filipinas do not stop there, but return immediately, after investing
their money: therefore, we order the viceroy of Nueva España to permit
no one to go to Filipinas, unless he give bonds that he will become
a citizen and live there for more than eight years, or unless he be
sent as a soldier to the governor. [6] On those who violate this,
and their bondsmen, shall be executed the penalties that they incur,
without pardon. [Felipe III--Valladolid, December 31, 1604.]
Law XLII
We order and command that the generals, captains, agents, and officials
of the Filipinas ships give bonds, to what sum the governor and
captain-general shall deem best, for the greater security of what shall
be in their charge. They shall give their residencia of each voyage
before the auditors of our royal Audiencia of Manila and shall render
satisfaction in the aforesaid. [Felipe III--Valladolid, December 31,
1604; Madrid, May 23, 1620. Cárlos II (in this _Recopilación_)--1681,
the date of first edition of _Recopilación de leyes_.]
Law XLVIII
We prohibit and forbid, under any circumstance, commanders, admirals,
and officials of the commerce between Filipinas and Nueva España from
trading or trafficking, seizing, or lading anything, in any quantity
in the ships during the voyage under their command, under their own
name or another's. Neither shall toneladas be apportioned to them
as to the other citizens, nor can they take or buy them from others,
under penalty of perpetual deprivation of the said posts of the said
line and the confiscation of what goods they lade, carry, or take,
which shall be found to be theirs. [Felipe III--Valladolid, December
31, 1604. Cárlos II (in this _Recopilación_)--1681; see preceding law.]
Law LIX
We order the viceroy of Nueva España and the governor of Filipinas,
each one as it pertains to him, to adjust and regulate the fares to
be paid by passengers, according to the place that each shall occupy,
in the ship on which he sails, with men and goods; and what is to be
paid on the trips going and coming, according to the expense incurred
by the ships, in accordance with their burden and crew. They shall
apportion it in such manner that superfluous and useless expenses shall
not be caused. And unless it lacks what is necessary and requisite,
it shall be unnecessary to supply anything from our treasury toward
the expenses of that fleet. We order that the advisable care and
effort be given to this by the overseer [_veedor_], accountant, and
royal officials of the Filipinas Islands. [Felipe III--Valladolid,
December 31, 1604; San Lorenzo, April 22, 1608.]
Law LX
The registers of all shipments from Filipinas shall be opened in
the port of Acapulco, by the person to whom the viceroy of Nueva
España entrusts it, and the officials of our royal treasury of the
said port. They together shall examine and investigate the bales
and boxes, and shall make as close and careful an examination as
shall be necessary to discover what may have come outside of the
register and permission. They shall send the registers to Méjico,
as has been the custom, with all investigations made at the port of
Acapulco, by a sufficiently trustworthy person, or by one of our
said officials. In Méjico everything shall be again investigated,
and the duties appertaining to us shall be appraised and collected;
and all other investigations requisite to ascertain and discover
what has come unregistered shall be made. All that shall have been
sent without register and in violation of the prohibition shall be
confiscated. No permission shall be given by this means, pretext,
and occasion, to cause any unreasonable injury to the owners of
the goods. [Felipe III--Valladolid, December 31, 1604; San Lorenzo,
April 22, 1608; clause xi.]
Law LXIX
In the vessels that we shall permit to sail from Perú to Nueva España
and the port of Acapulco or from Nueva España to Perú and its ports,
no quantity of Chinese stuffs can be laden, sold, bought, or exchanged,
even though it may be reported to be gratuitously as a gift or charity,
or for the service of divine worship, or in any other quality or form,
in order that the prohibition may not be evaded by such pretexts
and frauds. In case that any shall be convicted of the above as
chief factors, associates, or participants, or of aiding or giving
advice, they shall, besides the confiscation of their goods and boat,
incur on their persons the civil and criminal penalties imposed
on those who handle contraband goods, and of perpetual banishment,
and deprivation of the post that they shall have obtained from us
in the Indias. In regard to the above we charge the conscience and
care of our servants. [Felipe III--Valladolid, December 31, 1604 (?);
San Lorenzo, April 22, 1608 (?); clauses 16 and 17.] [7]
Law LXX
If any quantity whatever of Chinese stuffs be found in any boat sailing
from Nueva España to Perú or in the opposite direction, the inspector,
royal officials, and the other persons who take part in the register
and inspection shall be considered as perpetrators and offenders in
this crime; so that, taking example from them, others may abstain from
similar transgressions. The captains, masters, boatswains, and other
officers whose duties extend to the management of vessels, shall also
be considered as offenders and accomplices. [Felipe III--Valladolid,
December 31, 1604 (?); San Lorenzo, April 22, 1608 (?); clause 18.]
Law LXXIV
We order the viceroys of Nueva España to maintain very special care
of the observance and execution of the ordinances for the commerce
of the Filipinas line, established by the laws of this titulo; and
to keep at the port of Acapulco, in addition to the royal officials
who shall be there, a person of great honesty and trustworthiness,
with the title of alcalde-mayor, so that everything be done with very
great caution, and justice be observed. He shall not permit more
silver to be taken to Filipinas than that conceded by these laws,
with or without license. [Felipe III--Valladolid, December 31, 1604.]
Law LXXV
The viceroy of Nueva España, and the governor and captain-general
of Filipinas, all other of our judges and magistrates, and private
individuals, each one in what pertains to him, shall observe, and cause
to be observed and fulfilled, the ordinances regarding this traffic
and commerce, and shall execute them exactly without remission or
dispensation. In their residencias, especial attention shall be paid
to their omission and neglect. We charge the archbishop of Manila to
exercise the same care in what shall be specially entrusted to him,
which is not repealed or altered by these laws. Of all, advice shall
be given us. [Felipe III--Valladolid, December 31, 1604.]
Law LXXVI
We charge and order the viceroys of Perú to see that all the
ordinances in regard to the prohibition of Chinese stuffs be
fulfilled and executed exactly. For their execution and fulfilment,
they shall appoint an auditor of our royal Audiencia of Los Reyes,
in whom they can place entire confidence. They shall see that he
proceeds thoroughly and executes the penalties with the required rigor,
without any dispensation. The auditor shall privately try these cases
in the said city and its districts in so far as he shall have cause
to invoke the law; and all other justices in their territories shall
do the same. [Felipe III--Valladolid, December 31, 1604.]
Law LXXVIII
Permission was given for two ships to go to Nueva España annually
from Perú for commerce and trade to the value of two hundred
thousand ducados; which was afterward reduced to one ship, with
certain conditions. And inasmuch as the trade in Chinese stuffs
has increased to excessive proportions in Perú, notwithstanding so
many prohibitions expedient to our royal service, the welfare and
utility of the public cause, and the commerce of these and those
kingdoms; and a final decision of the viceroy, Conde de Chinchon, [8]
having preceded, and a vote of the treasury to suppress absolutely any
opportunity for this trade: therefore we order and command the viceroys
of Perú and Nueva España to prohibit and suppress, without fail, this
commerce and trade between both kingdoms, [9] by all the ways and
means possible; and that it be not carried on by any other regions,
for we by this present prohibit it. This prohibition shall be kept
strictly and shall continue to be so kept. [Felipe III--Valladolid,
December 31, 1604; San Lorenzo, June 20, 1609; Madrid, March 28, 1620,
clause 1. Felipe IV--Madrid, November 25, 1634; Madrid, March 29,
1636, a clause of a letter to the Conde de Chinchon.]
Law XXIV
The inspection of ships sailing from Nueva España to Filipinas shall
be made by our royal officials, according to custom. They shall
examine in great detail the lists of soldiers and sailors of the
ships, in order to abolish the places that shall be found without
justification; and they may proceed by law, when they discover any
infraction or fraud in this. Such shall be visited on the person
causing it, with the greatest severity. [Felipe III--Valladolid,
January 25, 1605. Felipe IV--Madrid, October 16, 1626.]
Law LXV
We order that the duties and freight customs collected in the port
of Acapulco on the Filipinas merchandise, shall not be placed in the
royal treasury of Méjico, but shall be expended in things necessary
to those islands; and the sum lacking [for those necessities] shall
be sent from the treasury of Méjico. The viceroy and the governor of
Filipinas shall send us a particular report for each voyage of the
amount of the duties and freight customs and what must be sent. [Felipe
III--Valladolid, February 19, 1606.]
Law IX
We declare that in the five hundred thousand pesos granted by
permission [to be sent] from Nueva España to Filipinas, must and
shall be entered the amounts of legacies, bequests, and charities
[_obras pias_], with the wrought silver and all other things carried
thither; and nothing shall be reserved, except the pay of the sailors,
as is ordered by the following law. [10] [Felipe III--San Lorenzo,
August 19, 1606.]
Law X
We grant permission to the sailors serving on the trading ships
between Nueva España and Filipinas to carry in money the actual and
exact sum of their pay, in addition to the general permission. Thus
shall the viceroys of Nueva España provide, unless they perceive some
considerable objection. They shall see to it that the said sailors
or other persons shall not be allowed to exceed the amount permitted
by this law. [Felipe III--San Lorenzo, August 19, 1606.]
Law XI
No wrought silver can be taken to Filipinas, even when for the service
of those who shall go thither, or for any other purpose, unless bonds
are first given to return it, or unless it shall have been included
in the permission. [Felipe III--San Lorenzo, August 19, 1606.]
Law XLVII
The governor of Filipinas shall send the viceroy of Nueva España a
report of the apportionment of toneladas that he shall make, and what
is to be laden in the ships of that commerce. The viceroy shall send
the former a report of the money that shall be sent in accordance with
the ordinance. The latter shall pay consideration and attention to
the reports sent him by the said governor, so that he may adjust more
equitably and circumspectly the licenses of this kind that he shall
give. [Felipe III--San Lorenzo, August 19, 1606; Madrid, June 4, 1620.]
Law IV
Inasmuch as it is advisable for the security and conservation of
the Filipinas Islands that great care and vigilance be taken there
regarding the foreign nations and Sangleys who live in Manila;
and inasmuch as there should be a trustworthy, influential, and
disinterested person in the said city, who should have charge
of purifying the country and giving license to those who must
remain there: therefore we order the governor to take charge of
his appointment and to appoint for the said commission the person
most suitable for it in that community, of whose zeal for our royal
service and the common welfare, and of whose trustworthiness and care,
he has the greatest assurance. The governor shall not appoint for this
office and employment any of his servants, inasmuch as we expressly
prohibit that. [Felipe III--San Lorenzo, March 6, 1608.]
Law XVIII
The cargo of the ships of the line, on both outward and return
trips between Nueva España and Filipinas, shall be stowed in the
fore-hold; and only the sea stores, the sailors' and mess chests,
the rigging, sails, and all the necessities, between decks. Likewise
rigging shall be taken to the port of Acapulco, in consideration of
the fact that the city of Manila has it at cheaper rates than the
port of Acapulco--whither it is carried from San Juan de Ulua [11]
at very great cost and expense. We order this to be so executed,
providing there is no inconvenience; and if there should be any, we
shall be advised in order to provide the advisable measures. [Felipe
III--San Lorenzo, April 22, 1608.]
Law XX
The governor and captain-general of Filipinas shall furnish the ships
of that commerce from Nueva España with the arms needed for their
defense, and shall see that the soldiers, sailors, and passengers
go well armed. He shall order each ship to carry a person to whose
care the arms shall be confided, and who shall have charge of them,
and shall make efforts to preserve them, as is advisable. [Felipe
III--San Lorenzo, April 22, 1608.]
Law LII
Great disorder has occurred in the Filipinas ships, and the sailors
have been permitted to take two or three very large boxes, under
pretext that these contain wearing apparel, and thus cumber the
ships. We order that no irregularity be permitted in this, and that
the utmost circumspection be exercised; and that the sailors be not
allowed to carry more boxes or clothing on the said ships than that
indispensably needed for the voyage. [Felipe III--San Lorenzo, April
22, 1608.]
Law LVI
It has been reported that the passengers and sailors of the trading
ships of Filipinas transport and carry slave-women, who are the cause
of very great offenses to God, and other troubles; this should be
prohibited and reformed (and more reasonably so in a navigation so long
and dangerous), and all occasions for offending God suppressed. For
the remedy of this, we order and command the president and auditors
of our royal Audiencia of Manila not to permit any slave-women to
be transported or carried on those ships. They shall pay particular
attention to the correction of the aforesaid evil, so that those
difficulties may cease and be avoided. We also order and command the
fiscal of the Audiencia to see to its execution. The senior auditor
shall inspect the ships at the time of their sailing, and see if
any married woman is aboard, who has no necessity for making the
voyage. The trying of any cause shall be before the said president
and auditors, who shall provide justice, and this shall be made a
clause of their residencias. [Felipe III--San Lorenzo, April 22, 1608.]
Law XII
After those who wish to go to the Filipinas have bound themselves
and given bonds to live in the islands for at least eight years, the
viceroy of Nueva España shall permit them to take thence their own
property in money, outside of the general permission. He shall take
precautions and ordain that there shall be no fraud; and that such
persons shall not carry more than the value of their own property,
under any consideration. In case of a violation of this, the penalties
imposed shall be executed. [Felipe III--El Pardo, November 20, 1608.]
Law II
The trade, commerce, and navigation from the Filipinas to Japon shall
be made by the citizens of the former islands, and the Japanese shall
not be allowed to go to the islands. On the merchandise carried
in the ships despatched on the account of our royal treasury, no
less freight charges shall be collected than those caused in the
ships of private persons, so that the cost of the merchandise may
be assured. If there should be any inclination or substance in this
trade, so that the duties may be paid and our treasury relieved of
a portion of its costs and expenses that be paid from them, we order
that they be collected and paid. [Felipe III--Segovia, July 25, 1609.]
JESUIT MISSIONS, 1608-09
Province of the Philippine Islands
These islands have ninety-one [_sic_] members of the Order. Four have
passed away; and the same number have been received into the Order.
Total Priests Preceptors Scholastics Lay
Brethren
Manila College XXXII XII XI IX
Seminary of St. Joseph III I II
Elementary School XI IX II
Establishment at Silang II I I
Establishment at Antipolo VII IV III
Cebu College VIII IV IV
Bohol Residence V IV I
Carigara Residence VI IV II
Dulac Residence VI IV II
Tinagon Residence V IV I
Palapag Residence V IV I
Arevalo Mission II I I
Adults cleansed by holy baptism, two thousand three hundred and
eight-three. Heretics condemned, twenty-three.
Chastity protected against suitors or immodest women, fifteen times.
Heretics reconciled, seven times.
The sacred commentaries have been used by eleven.
The Holy Cross and the recitation of the Gospel of St. John has
rescued thirteen persons from various dangers; the Blessed Virgin,
two; the Blessed Ignatius and Xavier, five.
The College at Manila
I. Since last year's letters regarding this college were very full,
we shall deal with it now very briefly; we will begin with two brethren
who have finished their course of life: Luis à Figueroa and Didacus de
Zarcuela. Luis was of noble birth, but of nobler nature. When he had
studied the humanities, he could not be persuaded that he might be
admitted to sacred orders; and when the fathers hesitated to admit
him into the Society because of a lack of strength in his feet,
"Receive me," he said, "I beg you, as a servant, to set fire to the
wood others have cut; and, when the work is done, to cover the fire
with ashes or put it out." Being admitted in so humble a frame of
mind, he took care for the most part of the wardrobe, being best
satisfied with the lot of Martha, which he praised wherever he had
the opportunity. So powerful and effective was he in persuasion and
dissuasion that one of his associates declared that he went to his work
more readily on account of Luis's words in conversation than through
the formal speech of any orator whatsoever. He exhibited the virtue
of charity in the highest degree; and although unable to tolerate the
slightest deficiency in himself, he strove with love and prudence to
effect the same perfection in others. Receiving from Rome at the end
of his illness letters by which he was formally enrolled among the
lay brethren, he was so penetrated with joy that he had strength to
offer his vows in the church--after which, his illness increasing
again, he soon died. Didacus also attained the same vows, having
been two and twenty years a servant of the Society; of this number
he devoted not a few to the seminary of St. Joseph. He was a man who
set a good example, and was of extraordinary diligence. So desirous
was he of the salvation of the Indian races that he said: "If Spain
were only two leguas away, I should not care to go thither. Nothing
would induce me to exchange my lot with any brother in Europe"--which
saying he repeated oftener as death approached. He died of a fever,
contrary to the expectation of the physicians, but not to his own;
for he declared that he should die when his illness attacked him,
and so he passed away. Some persons who took refuge from external
danger, under the protection of the Blessed, our fathers Ignatius
and Xavier, were preserved alive. To three women Ignatius granted
easy childbirth; and one Basque they relieved of toothache, when he
prayed to them. Xavier came to the aid of a Spanish commander of a
battalion of soldiers, who was near to death; and prolonged his life
in return for two wax candles promised him.
II. As for the rest. Among those of all ages, Christianity
advances daily throughout the population of Manila, so that the
devotion of youths cannot be affected by entreaties or overcome
by reward--especially among those who glory in the name of members
of sodalities; while women do not at all fall behind men in fervor
and piety. Although on account of their sex they cannot join men's
associations, they think that they have the right to perform the same
acts which would be praised in the members of sodalities. There are
some of the Spanish women who fast three times a week; they sleep
on the ground; in their private chambers, among their intimate
friends, they scourge themselves until they draw blood. One woman
who was delivered by the Virgin from a grievous illness vowed that
everything she and her women could make with the needle should be
wrought to adorn our church. She has already finished many articles;
and, because she seemed to have vowed beyond her strength, she was
directed to cease. Her answer was that she had taken her vow to do
this, so that if Ours refused the work she would bestow it on some
other church. Other decorations have been added to this church, so that
it is almost unique in the islands; and, as a result, the religious
services which are wont to be held on the three days of the Carnival
[12] have been attended by much larger congregations. For, before,
bare tiles scarcely covered it; and the dripping water penetrating
when it rained, the church was defiled by a multitude of bats. By the
contributions of very many pious men a new ceiling has been added to
the roof, adorned and wrought with various decorations, so that it
gives dignity and splendor to the place--a work worth many a piece
of gold, because it seems very great, considering the poverty of the
city. Those Indians, too, whom many years ago the Society supported
near this city, have now set up in a newly-built church a statue of
their patron Saint Michael, together with a new and beautiful image
of the Virgin Mother of God, and other statues--marks of no small
piety in a small town.
III. The heretics among the prisoners taken in the Dutch fleet last
year (they were over ninety) [13] have been visited and assisted by
Father Andrea de la Camara very often, both those in prison and the
wounded in hospitals. Of the Lutherans and Calvinists in both those
places he taught over twenty to recant their heresies--and those
generally of the higher rank among them, masters, superintendents,
surgeons, etc., and (if he ought to be named in the same class) a
minister of the Word. This man, ashamed of his ignorance, readily
gave us his hand, and the letters which he had received from his
anti-bishop in testimony of his authority, having been in a manner
dragged from pitch and shoemaking to the ministry of the Word. These
all are now as true lovers of our Society as before they were bitter
adversaries of it. When on account of the scarcity of workers Father
Camara was sent to the Pintados Islands, these men went to the vicar
of the Holy Inquisition, and asked him that he would not suffer them
to be without some Jesuit, whose ministry they might enjoy--even
through an interpreter, if need be. For, they declared, they were
persuaded that Ours might differ in language, but not in character.
In fact, many others have been reconciled to us, or at least, if
friends have been made, more friendly. Distinguished among them is
he who governs these islands in the royal name, Don Juan de Silva;
for he has showed forth his love toward God and us in many ways. He
has especially done so by the restoration, at no small expense, of
the chapel in which the relics of the saints are kept, for which he
also provided that a lamp should be kept constantly burning. He has
also liberally assisted us with money and other things in a sickness
which afflicted us all for a short time. We have restored to not a
few persons their friends, from whom they had been torn by covert
grudges; but I wish to avoid unpleasant allusions; and I only praise
the greatness of soul of one woman in forgiving injuries. She sailed
all the way from Europe, first to Mexico, then to these Philippine
Islands, and finally to the Malucas, in search of her absent son. She
found him at last in the island of Ternate, where he held an official
position; but while she was rejoicing at finding her son, she was
deprived of this brief joy also. For soon after her coming her son,
pierced with many wounds, was slain in a quarrel; and she had again
lost him whom she had found with so great efforts and after so many
journeys. This misfortune the woman has borne in such a spirit that she
has not only freely forgiven the slayer, but, turning this grief to a
good use, has begun to give herself wholly to the praises of God and to
heavenly actions. Every day she devotes four hours to prayers; thrice
in the week she fasts; thrice she mortifies herself with a hair-shirt,
thrice with scourging; and partaking on the Lord's Day of the divine
feast, she continues to this day in this most beautiful mode of life.
Establishments at Silan and Antipolo, With the College of Cebu
IV. The town of Silan is accessibly and commodiously situated. Hence it
is easily and frequently visited by sojourners, the more so because
the inhabitants themselves are uncommonly humane and devoted to
Christian piety. It happened that some Indians turned aside from their
journey to visit one of the inhabitants; and as they were taking out
of a little chest some clothes that they were carrying with them,
packed up, it happened that they took out along with them a tiny
idol formed of a twisted mass of hair. The people of Silan who were
present were frightened when they saw this, and told one of Ours,
who was stationed there, of it. He went to the house as if on another
errand, and uncovered the deceit together with the idol. Then taking
advantage of the occasion, he made a serious address to the Indians,
warning them against such wickedness; and he inspired in the owner
of the idol (who was a woman) a better mind. With the help of God she
abjured the impious worship of hair, which she had before pursued, and
also abandoned and corrected another sin of no small heinousness. The
delights of a festival which had been announced were almost destroyed
by a great misfortune which accidentally befell this place. For while
all were looking forward to the day sacred to All Saints, when all
the inhabitants had prepared themselves for the proper reception of
the feast, behold, at the oncoming of night the fury of all the winds
arose. The rain and storm which followed did not cease to rage until
they had overthrown more than two hundred houses, to the incredible
alarm of the Indians, who left their own houses to take refuge as
quickly as possible in our church, where nearly the whole night was
spent in hearing their confessions. But not even here were they safe
enough, for the wind blew the boards off the walls and whirled them
away; so that the whole body of people took refuge in the sanctuary,
where they waited for death and the last hour.
V. At the proclamation of the same feast in the village of Antipolo
ninety persons received communion--sixty more than in that of
Taitai--which is a large number for new Christians. And among these
tribes, as has been elsewhere said, that cross is still much visited
to which in this year a woman brought a public attestation of the
recovery, on two occasions, of her health. The inhabitants of the
village have given a silver cup and other ornaments to the church.
VI. The women of Taitai, who formerly surpassed all other Indians in
their worship of idols, are now as completely devoted to the pursuit
of Christian rites and customs. Even those of high rank among them are
not ashamed to sweep the floor of our church, and to appear in public
with broom and water, in order that they may be able to command their
servants to do the like. This is the praise due to the women; the
men deserve another. A very old man dropped from his hands the slip
of paper given to him monthly, on which was written the name of the
saint whom he had received by lot. Grieved at his loss, the good old
man ran back to the village of Taitai, which is about a mile from his
own; and thence (as he did not find the father who used to distribute
that kind of slips of paper) he went on to Antipolo, over a rough and
hilly road. When he reached there, after going four miles, he first
asked the father's pardon for his carelessness; and then begged him
not to refuse to give him another in place of his lost patron. This
fact shows plainly enough with what zeal these tribes strive after
the greater matters of salvation. In another place an Indian was
lying sick, and had received communion and been anointed with the
holy oil. Early in the evening he began to be in such agony that
the people in the house took him for dead, and, after laying out the
body, put him on his ancestral bier. After they had watched the whole
night about his body, when dawn returned he returned also, stammered
something, and about noon uttered his words articulately. Then he
said first that he seemed to have been dead three years, because of
the cruel torments which he had himself suffered in hell, and which
he had seen an infinite number of Indians suffer. There demons--as it
were, smiths--kindled forges with bellows, poured melted iron over the
wretched souls, and in the midst of their pitiful howlings burnt them
forever with never-ceasing tortures. After he had seen these things,
he said, he had been led by a venerable old man away to a higher place,
by reaching which (for he thought it was heaven) he was filled so full
of bliss that he was unwilling to leave it. But when he was commanded,
he returned to life, to inform the living about each place to which
men are consigned, that of the blessed and that of the damned; and
this command, he affirmed, was laid upon him under a heavy penalty;
for there are among mortals not a few who by the pretense of virtue
deceive themselves and others, and although they are looked upon as
good, yet are very far from the service of God. Then he added that
his conductor told him to bid his fellow-townsmen be of good courage,
for the church they were then engaged in building would be better and
stronger than the others. The Indian, after he had said these things,
recovered, and a general confession was appointed. He continues to
this day to show by his life and example that those things which he
reported were no dreams. The improvement of morals which has followed
in many others who heard of these things has almost entirely put an
end to pretexts for doubt and suspicions of deceit.
The prophecy, moreover, with regard to the church--that it should be
stronger than the others--has been fulfilled. A few months before, the
church of these Indians had burned down for the second time, together
with our house. The fire broke out in the following manner. Some of
the townspeople were out hunting, and, a dispute arising among the
barbarians about the hunt, they came to blows. Soon after the quarrel,
fire was thrown on our house, and destroyed the new church with almost
all the furniture. The relics of the saints and the images were in
part saved from the fire by the dexterity of the Christians. But Ours
after no long delay bent themselves to the work again, and erected
another church for themselves, at no trifling expense, and with no
small labor on the part of the Indians. This is the seventh church
erected in the ten years since the founding of the town. A further
fortune which befell an Indian woman confirmed many in the Christian
faith. She had ventured, without confessing her sins after the manner
of Christians, to receive Christ in the communion; after she went home,
she began to suffer from such agony in her throat that she thought
she should choke to death. Thus she suffered, complained, an wailed
until, having recognized the cause of her suffering, she went to the
church that very evening. She prayed and besought the father to hold
back her soul, already departing; and to succor an unhappy woman,
whose throat was burned by the host as if by a flaming torch. When
the father heard this, he instantly besought God, and God instantly
showed mercy. She declared her sins, and thereupon all her torment
ceased; and by this salutary remedy of confession the maladies of
many Indians have been suddenly dispelled by Ours, the name of God
or of some saint being invoked.
At the college of Zebu one of the Society, when in the town one day,
heard weeping not far away; and when he followed it he discovered a
mother bitterly lamenting the death of her new-born infant. Touched
by her grief, the father went a short distance away, and entreated
God, in the name of the Virgin Mother, to help this afflicted
woman. Instantly the child revived, without a trace of sickness left
upon him. Whether it was his senses or his soul that had left him,
it is surely to the divine goodness that his sudden revival is to be
attributed. The recitation of the Gospel of St. John has also benefited
many sick persons; but Ours have found nothing so fit for removing
the sicknesses of souls as the salutary Exercises of our blessed
Father [_i.e._, Loyola], which the very heads of each magistracy,
the sacred and the civil, have employed--not alone to private but
also to public advantage. Their example, imitated by some of those
in the higher ranks, has been followed by the same results. The rest
of the people have been marvelously stirred up by the renewed fervor
of the members of the sodalities, among other things; and by the new
confidence given them by letters from Rome received this year, to the
great delight and approval of all; which letters have much promoted
the worship of the most blessed Virgin, and have also kindled those
who are reckoned among the first in the city to accept the advice
to join a sodality. By these means cares have been turned aside,
and four bitter family quarrels, in which the very heart of life and
salvation was attacted, not without public scandal, were brought to
an end with the desired success.
Bohol Establishment
VII. The harvest of souls at Bohol has increased with the decrease
of the audacity of the enemy, and of the almost annual invasion by
the people of Mindanao. As many as a thousand have been baptized, if
children and adults are reckoned. In this number are several _bailans_,
or priests of idols; and one there was who, before his baptism, did
nothing but rage, and attack with teeth and nails those who passed by,
who came forth from the waters of the sacred font, gentle and in his
right mind. And when some Indians saw this, snatching the cause from
the fact, they went to the father and begged him to sprinkle a dying
Indian woman with the same healing waters. Our father, suspecting that
they made this request with the the purpose of enabling the woman
to avoid the trouble of learning the catechism refused, unless she
would first learn what Christians know. "Father," said they, "that
ought not to be the way in which you act; we want her baptized to
keep her alive." "And I," said one, "when I was lying near to death,
was by the command of another father sprinkled by an Indian cantor,
and as soon as I was sprinkled immediately I began to recover. Then
that madman, as you know, washed away his madness in the same font; and
this companion of mine, who was already despaired of, when he received
baptism was restored to himself and his kinsfolk." The father yielded
to all these arguments, ordered the sick woman to be carried into the
church, and after putting the questions demanded by the occasion and
the need, cleansed her with that purifying sacrament: she immediately
began to improve, and soon recovered all her former strength. Every
day several feel the healing power of this font. An equally great
miracle is that the chiefs of this tribe, who have been very ill
disposed towards us, and from whom not even the lives of Ours were
safe, have been so suddenly changed at the sight of one of our fathers
that they not only--themselves, without being urged--have submitted
to the Christian ordinances, but also seek out the barbarians,
even in the mountains, where they wander and are dispersed like
wild beasts; and partly by the exercise of their authority, partly
by persuasion, bring them down to the villages, and offer them to
the fathers for instruction and baptism. Together with these there
were once offered more than seventy idols, the spoils of the bailans,
which were publicly burnt by Ours before the uplifted cross. The same
thing has been done again and again elsewhere, especially at Jalibon,
Ingaon, Orion, and Canliron, where the joyful Indians in this manner
took vengeance upon the evil demon who had so often deceived them by
the delusions of idols. The bailans are conspicuous in this zealous
attack upon the enemy. They go so far as to scourge themselves [14]
until they draw blood, in order to atone for their sins; and thus they
who formerly opened the door to all kinds of impiety are now the means
above all others by which the rest of the bailans who still work their
impious sacrifices are led to the faith, for the art of these latter
loses its power when the others reveal the deceit. Indeed the deceit
not seldom reveals itself by their predicting that which never comes
to pass, or threatening terrors which injure no one.
VIII. The members of the Sodality of the Blessed Virgin are devoting
their attention to themselves, and striving to root out from their
souls those sins which have grown old there. There was an Indian
woman who was seized by a suitor in her bed, and who, to protect her
chastity, threw herself out of the window; there was a youth who,
being unable to keep a crowd of wanton girls out of his cottage,
so savagely scourged his own back with cords that they, alarmed at
the fierceness of the sounds, at last dispersed. There were some who,
to avoid the sin of drunkenness, entirely denied themselves the use
of wine.
Of old there were among these Indians no bowels of compassion, no
signs of family affection. Nay, parents sold their very children
for food; children did the same by their parents; and this sort of
avarice (or rather of cruelty) was still more common among kinsmen
by marriage or blood, so that they did no kindness without doing
an injury. Now, by the grace of God, all these things are reversed,
and these people delight in doing to others as they would be done by;
and on that account the hospital which has been built never wants for
necessaries, and always has some, even of high rank, who rejoice in
giving themselves to the service of the poor.
Moreover, this hospital is supported thus: during the week a basket
is placed before the doors of the church, in which every one puts
what he pleases, according to his ability, either of food or herbs,
to be carried to the hospital. On Sundays, besides, each village in
turn serves the sick, after the following manner. Those whose turn it
is go hunting boars or stags, and on the appointed day bring flesh,
boiled or roasted, with rice, or bring some equivalent food, for the
sick. Now this tribe, which is at this time so Christian, formerly
observed the custom of never going hunting without consulting their
idols. When they perceived that the fathers of Ours detested this
custom, and indeed wholly annulled it, some of them asked them what
they ought to do then when they went out on such enterprises. When they
were told that they should go to some church and beseech God through
the Virgin Mother of God to give them success in their hunting, they
did so; and at noon of that very day they killed twenty-two boars
and stags not far from the village. When they came home loaded with
their game, every one marveled greatly; and they said: "Ah, Father,
how good is the God of the Christians! The gods that we used to worship
would scarcely grant us, in return for long continued implorations,
at last two boars or stags, and most often nothing; but now the true
God after having been barely prayed to has freely given us all these
beasts in a short time." The pious example of these people having
been followed by others in another village, they too had slain five
and twenty of this kind of game within three or four hours; and they
went about shouting: "Away with you, lying bailans, who were about
to destroy us and all that we had! For us there will be henceforth
no God but Jesus Christ, who has displayed so great liberality to us
who have recently turned to Him." I might say more as to the Gospel
of St. John, the saving sign of the cross, and other mysteries of the
Christians, whose marvelous efficacy these tribes have experienced;
but I would not be prolix. Let it be enough to state that seven or
eight sick persons at least have been cured by amulets of this sort.
Establishment at Dulac, Carigara, Tinagon, and Palapag
IX. At the establishment at Dulac Ours have often had the better of
the devil, and the devil of them. They certainly believe that what has
happened can have had no other author. They had appointed the festival
of which we have spoken above; and when they were all assembled in
the church and were waiting for divine service, a messenger suddenly
appeared and announced that the Mindanaos, their ancient enemies, were
at Carigara. As soon as the Indians heard that, they poured out of the
church all together in consternation, each trying to pass the other;
and leaving the priest, for the mass was not yet finished, they fled
from the village and took refuge in the mountains. The priest, when he
had finished the divine office, and arranged his affairs as well as
time permitted, began himself to think of flight, that the shepherd
might be with his flock. However, being detained by an Indian chief,
whose wife he had been about to bury, he remained, and performed the
rites for the woman--one who had deserved well of the Christians,
and who, as her husband testified, had been visited by the Blessed
Virgin, In the mean time a messenger brought a more certain report,
to the effect that a few small villages on the island had been visited
by some five or six ships at Caragara; and that they had captured
only twenty Indians, the rest having taken refuge in flight.
They all came back then from the mountains, and in a few days the
work of many was accomplished. The number of those who confessed the
faith increased so rapidly that the long days seemed short. This, I
am sure, grieved the devil not a little; and no less did what Father
Christoforo Ximenez effected after he returned to Manila where he put
into print the catechism of Cardinal Roberto Bellarmino, translated
into the Bisayan language. [15] He went by the order of his superiors
to Alongala, then without a priest. When he had remained there up to
the beginning of Holy Week, and had made the people ready and active
in all works of piety, it happened that a certain idol-worshiper of
that island, a man of very high rank, Malacaia by name--who owned over
sixty slaves, and who was reverenced by all the Indians most highly,
even as a father--was once looking on, and wondering to see many of the
natives busied in pious works, and so seriously engaged in scourging
themselves. In amazement he said, "Shall I do that, Father?" "Do,"
replied Ximenez, "what they are doing, and scourge thyself." "Will
that scourging do me any good?" asked Malacaia. "It will do thee no
little good," answered the father. The other instantly took off his
tunic and girded himself for the work, and walking upon the stage
with the others, the Christians, he so tragically worked upon himself
that, not content with one scourge, although it was rough with little
sharp studs, he also snatched the scourge from one standing near,
and, as with a two-edged sword, fearfully smote himself upon the back
as if with thunderbolts. These scourgings reached even to the man's
soul, although at the time he knew not what he was doing; for this
noble deed was an example of great profit to others, and he himself,
moreover, received at this time the desire for baptism, for which he
is now being prepared as a catechumen.
X. The Christians taught by the fathers at the establishment at Cangara
have this in common with those at Dulac, that they receive a mighty
protection from the services of the church when duly celebrated. For
as the former, by setting up a cross in the fields and by the use
of holy water, drive the swarms of locusts from their grain, so
the latter by bearing palm-branches and seeds to the church effect
the same result. An old custom of theirs has been condemned--namely
setting up in the fields great beams, which they call _Omalagars_,
upon which they believe the souls of the dead to sit. Here fifty have
been initiated in the Christian mysteries, and more would have been
if ministers had not been wanting. Forty couples have been joined
with a more holy bond. Several persons were found by the marvelous
providence of God (for it would be impious to regard that as a chance
which was wrought for Ours, kept safe in so many perils), who, being
scattered over the mountains, so that they could have no one else,
begged for a father to whom they might confess their sins. There were
also found in a little island forty lepers loathsome with filth and
stench, unclothed, and without food, lacking everything. To all of
them first the teaching of Christ, then baptism, and finally food
and clothes were given. But one man found God sterner, who, though
warned by Ours to desist from his impious habit of swearing, yet never
obeyed. He was often wont to use an expression by which he devoted
himself to the crocodile; and not long after, being made the prey of
one, he taught others by his evil fate to do that which he had refused
to do before. As compared with his death all the more happy was that
by which Father Alfonso Roderico was taken from us. He had professed
the four vows, and was dear alike to Spaniards and to Bisayans. He
was so devoted to the good of both that he was not satisfied with the
narrow space of twenty-two years, during which he was permitted to
live among us, but at his death used the very words of St. Martin:
"Lord, if I am still needed by thy people, I do not refuse to labor."
XI. The attention of Ours at Tinagon has wisely been given to the
women, since they are more ready to take an interest in sacred things,
and are more seldom absent from the village--except when one or another
makes her escape from the hands of some procurer, preferring to pass
the nights in the forests and mountains in the midst of serpents,
rather than at home to suffer danger to her chastity among men that are
as deadly. As for the other affairs of this establishment, they may
nearly all be included under two examples, one of divine compassion,
the other of divine justice. An Indian woman was carelessly crossing
a stream, and was carried off by a ferocious crocodile. She screamed,
she cried, she prayed to God for pardon, and for only so much time
as should serve her to make her confession. Her husband, who was
not far away, ran up quickly, threw himself into the water to attack
the monster, struck it, and at last dragged his wife from its claws;
but she was so mangled and lacerated that there was no hope for her
life. What were the good people to do in a village without a priest,
and far distant from the residence where the fathers lived? The woman
was in such a condition that it was impossible to take her there before
her death. Yet a way out of all these difficulties was easily found by
the wise God of mercy, for by His guidance there came into the village,
while they were still doubting what to do, a priest of our Order, quite
unaware of what had happened. As soon as the matter was reported to
him, he went to the dying woman, consoled her in her affliction, and
sent her to Heaven, confessing and sorrowing for her sins. The other
case differs little from that which we recorded earlier as occurring
at the Carigara establishment. A fellow whom no fear or warning could
improve, and who would not control his wicked habit of swearing and
blaspheming, was one day testifying in a legal case. He devoted his
head to the crocodile, if the matter were other than as he testified,
adding that he could confirm his testimony by calling in others as
witnesses. As he was crossing a stream to summon them in behalf of
his case, he was carried off by a crocodile; and--a certain proof of
the damnation of the man--it was later discovered by the testimony
of others that he had borne false witness.
XII. At the settlement at Palapag there has been a conflict with hunger
and disease; yet the Indians have so conducted themselves that the
sick have not lacked the necessary services. Likewise Ours have made
such provision that the poor were cared for from the harvest; for at
their gate they daily served food to more than seventy persons. Their
newly-built church and their sodality make them hopeful of great
good, for their beginnings are such that six hundred of full age
have presented themselves at the sacred font for purification;
while I should reckon the number of children at eight hundred,
the greater part of whom have gone the straight way to heaven. One
of Ours was called to a little infant which was said to be sick,
to baptize it; and he refused, partly because he thought the matter
was not so pressing, partly because he wished to teach the Indians
the custom of bringing their little ones to the churches. At last,
overcome by the importunities of those who asked him, he went thither;
but when he could perceive in the child not the least sign of illness,
he was about to return without baptizing it. But when he looked at
the boy again he seemed to be silently warned by it not to deny it
that benefit. At last, when he had complied, and when everything
had been performed duly and in order, the child expired in the very
arms of its sponsor. By this event the father was rendered joyful,
but still more cautious not to think that time should be allowed any
advantage in matters of this kind; for, as he said, he would rather
suffer all the ills of sea and land if he might open heaven to this
single little boy. There have been seen other signs (not a few) of
the singular care extended by divine providence to this tribe and
Ours. Such a one was this. An Indian was wrapped in the folds of a
serpent eight feet long, but, groaning forth the saving name of Jesus,
he was released. Again: when there was a deficiency of that kind of
food which it is lawful to eat in the days of Lent, a boat on the
beach, brought by I know not whom, freely supplied fishes of a kind
not usual there. Again, when a church was on the point of falling,
the Indians were frightened out from it by a tremendous roar; and,
because the mass had not been finished, it did not fall before the
father had taken refuge in the sacristy, the chalice being safe, with
the sacred images on the abandoned altar. These things we mention,
passing over those persons to whom God has been pleased to grant good
of soul or body through Ours. To this establishment there was sent ten
years ago Francisco Simon, a lay brother; he died on the day on which
twenty years before he had entered the Society. And although through
all this interval of time he had neglected none of the things for
which a good religious may be praised, yet the nearer he approached
to death, the more content he seemed in doing them. The garden, the
kitchen, the dining-room, the sacristy, the workshops, the other places
in which he labored, he regarded somehow as sanctuaries--sometimes
saying his beads, sometimes holding colloquies with the Holy Trinity,
Christ, and our Lady the Virgin. A naturally irritable temper he
had so completely overcome by virtue and diligence that the fathers
whom he accompanied on their missions wished for no one more kindly;
they could hardly have had anyone more diligent and more ready to do
anything. But as witnesses of his virtue Francisco had not only the
priests of his home but also those of other places; for when he died
he was away among them, attending to the preparation of rice--offering
to all a good example, as he first sent to his superiors a report
of his business by letter; and, as he was to return no more, he sent
his last farewell to his companions. A place of burial was given to
him by the priest who has in charge the village of Abla in Luzon,
by whom the funeral rites also were performed most honorably, a great
multitude of Indians attending them.
The Missions at Octon and to the Malucas
XIII. In addition to our accustomed labors with the Spaniards and
Indians of Arevalo, there has been another of no small importance
with a large force of troops, who undertook an expedition to the
Malucas. No trifling benefit was carried to the foreigners by Father
Francisco Gonzalez, who had been called back thence to the town of
Zebu to take the four vows. On his journey he brought back into the
way the Indians everywhere, who were turning aside to their madness
and their idols. He reestablished Christian customs, baptized children
and adults, made stable their fickle and inconstant marriages, and
did many more things of the same kind--which, though unwritten, are
understood. The following event should not lack a pen. A man entangled
by lewd delights, but moved by the fact that he had no example among
the repentant people, or by the influence of a festival just then
announced, had settled himself to a proper life; but rising in the
middle of the night he went out from his house, and was longing for
his accustomed delights. While he was doing so, behold two specters,
very large and horribly black, wrapped in hanging cloaks, appeared to
him. The unhappy man dared to annoy them by approaching and speaking
to them. Without answering, they snatched him up and carried him high
in air, filling everything with his screams and cries, and struggling
in vain. His neighbors, awakened and following the sound of the voice,
went round the whole village without finding anything. At last at dawn
they found the man among the thick bramble-bushes on the mountains,
his body all bruised, and himself half-dead and speechless. When they
found him, they took him to our church, and the prayers of many were
offered for him, and remedies were applied. At last he recovered his
senses and his speech, and cried aloud that he had been punished by
the just judgment of God, since he had for a long time neglected
the precepts that he had received at confession, and had not done
the things becoming a Christian. He then went on to say that when
the demons carried him off, they took him to a deep black cave; and
just as they were about to hurl him down into it, he was delivered
by the intervention of God, to whom he had commended himself. Thus,
having confessed his sins, he put on a better way of living.
XIV. The member of the Society who accompanied the general of the
Philippines on the expedition to the Malucas, Father Angelo Armano,
[16] did his duty during the whole time of the voyage and the war,
not without peril on land and sea. He did with energy what could
be done in the midst of arms, the noise of artillery, the ambushes
of the enemy, and the slaughter. And surely there was great hope of
extending religion by this expedition, for the native king himself,
when detained at Manila with his son and other chiefs for five years
often used to promise the governor that if he would send a fleet to the
Malucas again, he himself would give into subjection and obedience to
his Catholic Majesty all his vassals, who are estimated at about two
hundred thousand souls. This has seemed the quickest way to liberate
the Malucan Christians from the new yoke of the Dutch heretics, by
which they are oppressed. The multitude of those who have thus far
professed the Christian faith there can be estimated only from the
Amboynans, of whom the number reaches above twenty thousand. Therefore,
although the general came back, home in glory from this expedition,
after winning a victory, yet he has expressed his grief more than once
that the welfare and salvation of all this great number of islands
and tribes should be insufficiently provided for on account of the
lack of priests; and he has affirmed that he wishes more earnestly
for nothing than that he might have the opportunity of sending forth
many of the Society of Jesus on this divine work.
DECREE REGULATING SERVICES OF FILIPINOS
We order that, in the Filipinas Islands, no Indians be distributed in
repartimiento, in any number, for private or public means of gain;
since for the cutting of wood, navigation of caracoas, and other
works of this sort, in which our royal treasury is interested,
and for the public convenience, the Chinese and Japanese found on
any desired occasion in the city of Manila must be (as they are)
hired; and, as is understood, there will be a sufficient number of
workmen among them, who will engage in these services for the just
price of their toil. From them shall be employed those who wish to
hire themselves out, in order to avoid the concourse of Indians [at
Manila]. In case that the repartimiento cannot be entirely avoided,
as will be provided, and if the Chinese and Japanese are either
unwilling or unable to satisfy the actual need of those public works,
the governor and captain-general shall take measures with the Indians
so that they may aid in the works freely and voluntarily, making use of
the means that seem advisable to him to effect it. But, granted that
there be a lack of voluntary workers, we permit that some Indians be
forced to work in these occupations, under the following conditions,
but in no other manner.
That this repartimiento shall be made only for necessary and
unavoidable affairs; for in so odious a matter, the greater benefit to
our royal treasury, or the greater convenience of the community, cannot
suffice; and all that which is not necessary for their preservation,
weighs less than the liberty of the Indians.
That the Indians in the repartimiento shall be lessened in number
as the voluntary workers shall be introduced, whether the latter be
Indians or those of other nations.
That they shall not be taken from distant districts, and from climates
notably different from that of their own villages. The choice of all
shall proceed without any partiality, and so that both the hardship
of distances, the burden of the occupations, and compensation for the
other circumstances in which there will be more or less grievance,
shall be shared and distributed equally, so that all may share the
greater and less toilsome services, so that the benefit and alleviation
shown to some may not be changed into injury toward others.
That the governor assign the number of hours that they shall work
each day, taking into consideration the lack of strength and weak
physical constitutions.
That they be given in full the wages that they earn for their work. And
they shall be paid personally each day, or at the end of the week,
as they may choose.
That the repartimientos be made at a time that does not embarrass
or hinder the sowing and harvesting of land products, or the other
occasions and periods upon which the Indians have to attend to the
profit and management of their property; for our intention is that
they be not deprived of it, and that they may be able to attend to
everything. Therefore, we order the governor that, at the beginning
of the year, he shall take note of the building and other matters
of our service in which the Indians have to be employed; for if the
time is chosen, it may be arranged in such a way that the Indians
may receive no considerable injury to their property or persons.
That, granting the poor arrangement and plan of the caracoas, and
that when remanded to them many Indians generally perish, because of
sailing without a deck, and exposed to the inclemencies of storms,
we order that these craft be improved and built in such a manner that
the Indians may manage the oars without risk of health and life.
In all the above, and in all that may touch their preservation
and increase, we order the governor to proceed with the care and
vigilance that we expect, and that he punish signally and rigorously
the ill-treatment received by the Indians from their caciques or from
the Spaniards--especially should the latter be our officials, upon whom
the penalties must be more rigorously executed. We request and charge
both the secular prelates and the provincials of the orders to exercise
the same attention in the punishment of offenses of this nature,
committed by the ministers of instruction and other ecclesiastical
persons. And we order that any omission of the governors, justices,
and officials entrusted, in whole or in part, with the observance
and fulfilment of this law be made a matter of their residencia.
[Law passed in the reign of Felipe III, and dated Aranjuez, May 26,
1609.]
DOCUMENTS OF 1610
Petition of the Recollects. Dionisio de la Anunciacion, and others;
June 30.
Dominicans request suppression of the Audiencia. Baltasar Fort,
O.P., and others; June 30.
Relation of 1609-10. Gregorío Lopez, S.J.; July 1.
Letter to Felipe III. Juan de Silva; September 5.
Letter to Silva. Felipe III; December 7.
_Sources_: All these documents save one are obtained from the original
MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The third is found
in the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), i, pp. 273-340.
_Translations_: The first three documents are translated by James
A. Robertson; the fourth and fifth, by Robert W. Haight.
PETITION OF THE RECOLLECTS
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
In conformity with certain requirements of the visitor of the
Augustinian order in these islands, we, the Recollect religious
of the same order, have all rendered obedience to the father in
their rule of life in this country. We are obeying very exactly the
orders that you, Sire, have given, although we have received signal
annoyance thereby, as we think they will prove in every way a great
hindrance to our mode of life and its tranquillity. Especially do
we believe--and it is beyond doubt true--that if we are forced to
continue the same obedience, it will mean not only a cessation of
the forward movement of this special work, but the extinction of us
all therein; for we have in no way been guilty of any fault whereby
we have merited such a penalty, as this action, under this form,
must be considered. This will be shown by the evidence, for some of
us religious, who came to these so remote regions from that country
[Spain] by order of your Highness, have died; and although others
have taken the habit, this is not a country where the orders can be
preserved by that method alone, without the reenforcement of those
who can come from those kingdoms to help in this work. If we are
kept subject to the rule, we shall lose this refuge, and we are on
the direct road to ruin without attaining that fruit through special
desire of which we felt ourselves forced to leave our native land and
the association of our brother religious in our so prompt response
to the order of your Highness. Since our mode of living has been,
and is, regulated by the care that we owe to our obligations, and is
an example and to the edification of the town--and this it public
and well-known--to say nothing of our established rules and rigor;
since this city and kingdom hold us in pious and especial affection;
and since, in the service of your Highness we are laboring for the
conversion and administration of a mission-field in a toilsome post,
and one without any temporal consolation, and through not having
the proper number of religious for another mission (namely, three)
we left the latter, as well as many others to which attention should
be given, and which have been offered to us and are offered daily,
but which we have not accepted for the above reasons: we believe
that we can supplicate your Highness with proper confidence--as we
do supplicate you--in the submissive spirit of faithful vassals and
the humility of poor religious, to be pleased to favor this so pious
cause, and one so to the service of our Lord. We ask, Sire, that you
will cause some Recollect religious to be sent from those kingdoms,
so that with an increased number we may also increase in courage; for
all must result in an increase of the service of the two majesties. We
do not intend by this, in fundamentals to withdraw ourselves from the
obedience that we have been ordered to give to the rule, but only to
preserve our established laws, and to attend with greater leisure and
assiduity to our obligations. The clemency of your Highness will be
very necessary to encourage this work, as has been done hitherto in
everything offered us. Hence we again supplicate it with the urgency
demanded by the importance of the matter.
When we came to these regions, your Highness was pleased to grant us
the alms of wine and oil for the space of six years, as you did to the
other orders. Inasmuch as--although, in accordance with your orders,
the alms have been granted us hitherto--the limit assigned by your
Highness will soon expire, we humbly beseech your Highness to be
pleased to have the said alms provided, as to the other religious
orders, and also the support for the religious of this convent,
as may seem best to your Highness. We also beseech your Highness to
have medicines given us for our sick, as to the other convents. Will
your Highness grant us this with your accustomed piety; since we are
as poor as the other convents, and are occupied in the same ministry.
Don Juan de Silva, your governor, in your Highness's name granted us
a site, where we have a church and convent, with the proviso that we
secure your Highness's confirmation thereto within forty years. We
beseech you with all due humility to be pleased to grant us the said
confirmation. For that and for all the other matters contained in
this letter, our father master, Fray Pedro Solier, [17] provincial,
who has been living under our rules in these islands, is delegated with
our authority. In case of his death, we delegate our authority to the
prior or procurator of the Recollect convent in your capital. We shall
receive most singular favor in whatever action your Highness takes in
despatching our affairs with your most powerful hand. May God's favor
be ever with your Highness, and may He preserve and prosper you for
His greater service, and for the increase of our holy Catholic faith,
as we, the humble chaplains in this your Majesty's convent of Sant
Nicolas of the Recollects, desire. Manila, June the last, 1610.
_Fray Dionisio de la Anunciacion_, prior.
_Fray Andres del Spiritu Santo_
_Fray Francisco de la Madre de Dios_
_Frai Pedro de San Joseph_
[_Endorsed_: "Ascertain what the governor must have written in regard
to the site given them. When Fray Pedro de Solier comes, everything
will be examined."]
DOMINICANS REQUEST SUPPRESSION OF THE AUDIENCIA
_Certain religious of the Order of St. Dominic declare that his
Majesty's decrees are not observed, and relate the evil behavior
of the fiscal of that Audiencia. They send a memorandum of their
arguments for the suppression of the Audiencia in those islands._
Sire:
The Order of St. Dominic has been in these districts and islands
upwards of twenty-four years, and one of those who write this letter
is one of the first who came to these districts to establish the
order. Here, by the grace of God, great service has been rendered
to God and to your Majesty in the conversion of the provinces which
have been entrusted to us--namely, the province of Pangasinan, and
that of Cagayan, and this. The conversion has ceased to progress for
want of ministers, and now is not being continued for the natives. In
all the above period of time, we have seen many things, and write
as eyewitnesses. Our first statement is that if this country were
governed according to the orders and decrees despatched by your
Majesty for that purpose, it would be the most prosperous of all
your Majesty's kingdoms, for your Majesty's orders in regard to
this country seem truly to have had at the time of their ordering
the special help of the Holy Spirit. But the deplorable thing is
that your Majesty's orders and decrees are not observed; and worse,
some say that your decrees do not bind the conscience. This is very
grievous, and brings in its train great difficulties. The pity is,
that those who should be the agents and defenders of your decrees
are the first to violate them. All that is done is contrary to your
Majesty's orders and commands. As this state of affairs should be
punished severely for the correction of other offenders, and there is
no one to attend to that punishment, the Lord, who is supreme judge,
advocates the cause thus, and punishes them, avenging by His hand
the little respect given to your Majesty's just orders. This is seen
in the great number of shipwrecks, one after another. Although there
are no prophets in this land, yet all prognosticate beforehand what
will surely happen, since the vessels sail with so heavy a cargo of
injustices; and accordingly they say that the voyages will not end
well, as we see by the outcome. But the pity is that, as the punishment
is public, and in the ships, it is necessary that the just should pay
for the sinners. Of the truth of all the above, your Majesty would
rest assured if you were to visit this country. This is daily going
from bad to worse, because until now, if those debarred therefrom
were trading and engaging in commerce, they did so with some show
of shame, and under some cover; but last year your Majesty's fiscal
came here, and all shame has been lost. For he has publicly traded and
engaged in commerce, and has gone to Cavite to lade his exports. This
has scandalized the entire community. Although the fiscal has been
advised and corrected in a fraternal spirit, he has not turned over
a new leaf. One of our number having told him that he had committed
a heavy sin against the oath that he had given to your Majesty,
he says that he knows his own business, and what he can do. And,
as your Majesty is far away, they have no fear.
A memorandum concerning your Majesty's Audiencia in this country,
accompanies this letter. Therein are set forth the reasons why it
is advisable for your Majesty to order it to be suppressed, and they
explain how it would be to the service of God and of your Majesty, and
to the advantage of your royal treasury were there no Audiencia. For
the Audiencia serves but to take the profits of the country,
in violation of your Majesty's orders in your royal decrees. For if
there is any matter of gain it is given to the relatives or followers
of the auditors, and in matters touching trade and commerce, these
are they who export most of the cargo. This is manifestly unjust,
as it would be in Castilla, if any corregidor should unlawfully
reap the benefits of the whole returns of vineyards which were not
his. In this country there are no other vineyards or fields than the
cargo which your Majesty has conceded to the inhabitants. As for the
advantage that could accrue from this Audiencia to this country, that
was, to act as a check on the governor. This consideration has now no
longer any force, on account of the decrees brought by the governor,
in which the auditors are ordered not to oppose him, but only to give
information to your Majesty. This can be done by many in this community
who are free from covetousness (as are the archbishop and the religious
orders), if they were permitted to attend to this and to oppose the
acts of the governor. The auditors are pledged to the said governor,
because he has given the posts and advantageous positions to the
relatives of the auditors; therefore the latter do not dare to talk,
as experience has shown us in the past. If your Majesty reestablished
the Audiencia--and we, your Majesty's vassals, requested it--it was
with hopes of the aforesaid. And since that result is lacking, it is
very much to the service of God and of your Majesty, and advantageous
to your royal treasury, that there be no Audiencia. For any lawyer
can conclude the cases here, as Licentiate Rojas and Doctor Morga did
when there was no Audiencia here. We trust, through our Lord's mercy,
that your Majesty will consider this so just proposal, and give it
inspiration, so that it will be settled in a manner suitable to the
service of God and that of your Majesty, and the welfare of all these
your vassals who live so far from your Majesty, and who are most loyal,
as you have been made to see in the past.
Archbishop Don Diego Vazquez de Mercado reached this city this month
of June, and was received with universal rejoicing and happiness;
for he is well-known, and the people know his earnest zeal, and that
it is expended for the service of your Majesty and that of God, and
the increase of our holy faith. We trust that life will be given him
to reestablish all this country that has remained without a shepherd
for so long. The pity is, that he has not the means with which to
assist the poor, as their father which he is, and all are grieving
over this. Will your Majesty encourage him to continue with holy zeal
in the future and not to become faint-hearted on account of poverty;
and surely it is poverty to be an archbishop in this land.
The royal officials, whose duty it is, by right, to inform your
Majesty of everything here, will inform you and attend to that. They
are honorable men and fulfil their obligations, as we see. Especially
does the factor Juan Saenz de Hegoen attend in a very Christian and
faithful manner, and very assiduously and carefully, to what is in his
charge. He shows his zeal for the service of your Majesty and for the
increase of your royal treasury. He is deserving of favor from your
Majesty. Inasmuch as others will inform you of this, we shall not
enlarge more on it, but beg from the Lord the life that we all wish
for your Majesty, even if it be taken from ours, for the welfare of
His church, the glory of the Lord, and the increase of the estates
of your Majesty. Manila, June the last, 1610.
_Fray Baltasar Fort_, [18] prior provincial.
_Fray Francisco Miñayo_, [19] prior of St. Dominic, Manila.
_Fray Bernardo De Santo Catalina_,
commissary of the Holy Office.
_Memorandum, in order that his Majesty may see why it is not advisable
to have an Audiencia in the city of Manila._
Many great disadvantages result from having an Audiencia in the
Philipinas Islands. Only those that appear to be the worst are
mentioned.
1st. As to the first, it has been seen by experience that, since the
arrival of the royal Audiencia, many more suits occur than before. The
jails are full of prisoners; that of Manila contains usually more
than one hundred prisoners. Some of them are there for a considerable
time, even for many years, because the auditors do not attend to their
duty. A Sangley infidel of those imprisoned during the war was seven
full years in prison. After that, for want of galley criminals, he
was placed in the galleys, while his case was being investigated. He
was one of those who afterward mutinied in the galley, and killed the
captain, after which he and his companions went to China. There is
at present an Indian woman of La Panpanga imprisoned in the Manila
prison. She was incarcerated there when a girl, for she was said to
have been accomplice in a murder. She has grown up in the prison, and
is now a woman in years; and her case is still to be investigated. In
conclusion, it is an open fact that those imprisoned at the order of
the governor or alcaldes are generally let out of prison quickly,
and their affairs are soon concluded. But those imprisoned by the
royal Audiencia either have no hope of leaving, or else they leave
the prison only after a long period.
2d. _Item_: That the said royal Audiencia not only is useless in
these islands, but a signal harm to, and destroyer of the peace and
quiet of the natives of the islands, because of the Indians' method
of procedure and their characteristics. These are quite different
from the characteristics of the Spaniards, for when the Indians have
quarrels and disputes, they do not come to knife-thrusts or blows,
but present false testimony. For this the royal Audiencia's method
of procedure is very suitable. When an Indian is accused by a false
witness whom they present, the Audiencia immediately have the accused
man arrested and thrust into prison, which is the end desired by his
opponent in order to avenge himself; for he knows quite well that the
prisoner has entered the prison not for a few days or months. If the
accuser wishes to proceed with his investigation, he presents more
witnesses and proves whatever he desires. He can find witnesses for
anything, as the Indian's nature is as facile in swearing falsehood
as truth. Cases like this are actually seen daily. In grave matters
the innocent and guiltless are punished and condemned to the galleys,
while the guilty and deceivers are left free and unpunished. The
ministers of the gospel, who know the truth of the matter, and how
things are tending, seeing that those punished blaspheme the name
of God--saying that those who condemn them are Christians and men
placed there in the stead of the king to administer justice, but who
administer injustice--the religious, then, incited by their zeal for
the honor of God, inform the judges. That the truth may be known,
they go to give information of what they know. The judges answer that
they have to judge _juxta allegata et probata_, without proceeding
to inquire of the nature of the witnesses. Consequently instead
of administering justice they administer injustice. They condemn
the innocent, and allow the criminals to go free. False testimonies
continue to increase. False witnesses have no fear of justice. Finally,
the Indians declare that they punished like crimes better when they
were infidels, while the Sangley infidels assert that their law is
better, for justice proceeds rigorously to punish false witnesses,
which is not done by the royal Audiencia.
3d. _Item_: The said royal Audiencia is the cause of the perversion of
distributive justice. Dignities and offices are given to the unworthy
and undeserving, thus causing those who have served his Majesty to
complain. [20] For the appointive offices and offices of dignity,
both of war and of the districts of alcaldes-mayor, are given to
the brothers, sons, or relatives of the said auditors. These are men
without experience or merit. As a manifest and evident proof of this,
it is not necessary to refer to the events of past years, but only to
what is now current in this city of Manila. There are five companies of
foot-soldiers. Don Pedro de Almaçan, son of Auditor Almaçan, a youth
of tender years, and inexperienced in military affairs, is captain
of one company. Don Juan de la Vega, son of Auditor Vega, likewise a
person of tender years, has another company. Captain Madrid, brother of
Auditor Madrid--who has been in this country but one year, and before
coming here was only a common soldier--has a third company. I do not
mention many others--alferezes and sergeants who are immature boys--at
whom all laugh, and who would better be in school than occupying
such offices. They are the ridicule and plaything of the soldiers;
for the latter see in them no other valor or sufficiency than to
be relatives of the auditors or fiscal. The same is true of other
honorable and advantageous posts. Mateo de Heredia is alcalde-mayor
of La Pampanga. He is the son-in-law of Licentiate Almacan, and that
office is the best appointment in this country. To be chief guard
of the parián of the Sangleys is a position that needs especially
qualified persons, and those who have served his Majesty for many
years. For six or seven years it has been held by Diego Sanchez, a
common person, who is married to a mestizo woman of Nueva España. He
has no greater merit therein than to be the brother-in-law of Auditor
Alcaraz. The same is true of other provisions.
4th. _Item_: That if any person connected with any of the auditors
commits a crime or crimes, such a one is not brought to justice for it,
however grave and enormous his crime. This very year a very grave case
has happened in this city, in the person of a son of Auditor Vega,
who committed adultery with a woman married to an inhabitant of this
city, an honorable man, and of a good family. The woman betook herself
to a convent; and the adulterer fled. The aggrieved man begged justice
of the governor and the Audiencia. The said Auditor Vega not only did
not do his duty as judge, but defended his son with unfurled banners,
to his own great infamy and censure as a person whom his Majesty
maintains, to administer justice. The preachers have denounced him in
the pulpits, demanding that justice be done. The people are exceedingly
scandalized at so grave a matter remaining unpunished, only because the
criminal is the son of an auditor. Not only do they not punish him,
but the said adulterer was even made captain of infantry in the war
with the Dutch, to the great offense of all. That appeared so unjust
that a grave religious, who was going to the said war, said that
he feared the wrath of God, and that the enemy would be victorious,
because of so mischievous a man going on our side, who had offended God
so deeply. Yet he was not punished, for the sole reason of being the
son of an auditor, and because his father defended him so earnestly.
5th. _Item_: That the said auditors in this country can rather be
called honorable traders and merchants than ministers of justice, since
they trade and engage in commerce quite openly. Under their protection
their sons, relatives, and connections trade very extensively. This is
a cause of very great injury to the poor, and to the inhabitants of
this city; and they are defrauded in the division of the cargo, for
the auditors' freight is better looked after. Hence it follows that
the auditors possess very large estates. They build elegant houses,
at a cost of twelve or fourteen thousand pesos. They generally keep
embroiderers at work in their houses publicly, just as any merchant
keeps them.
6th. Lastly, after the arrival of the governor last year with the
decrees that he brought from his Majesty, if the royal Audiencia was
before a harm or of little use, it is now useless; because then its
possible service was to oppose the said governor and to undo any injury
or violence committed by the governor, but now that is prohibited by
the said decrees of his Majesty. In them his Majesty orders the royal
Audiencia not to contradict their president and captain-general in
whatever the latter wishes to do, but to advise him of the governor's
actions, without opposing the latter, in order to avoid scandals. In
order to give information of the governor's want of prudence, no
Audiencia is needed, for there are enough people here to advise you.
During former years this city petitioned his Majesty that he would be
pleased to order the establishment of an Audiencia, because it was
believed that it would be a check on the governor's actions, which
were not so well considered. Now this ceases with the said precautions
brought by the governor, in which his Majesty orders that the auditors
shall not oppose the governor, but that they only advise his Majesty
of everything. As to the said Audiencia, their hands have not been
tied by these new precautions, nor do the auditors pay any attention
to them, for they have so ingratiated themselves with the governor,
because he has advantaged them and their relatives and followers,
and his Majesty is so far away.
RELATION OF 1609-1610
_Extract from the Relation of Events in the Filipinas During the
Years 1609 and 1610, By Father Gregorio Lopez_ [21]
This country heard last year, by way of Joló and Mindanao, that the
Dutch were going to come in the year 1609, to harass it with a strong
force. Consequently Governor Juan de Silva entered upon his government
with the intention of fortifying the port of Cavite, where our ships
anchor, distant about three leguas from the city. For as Cavite was
unprotected, not having even a cavalier or rampart mounting a couple
of pieces with which to head off the Dutch ships, which might attempt
to anchor in its harbor, the Dutchman could enter with all safety
to himself, and be quite secure. [If he should do so] it would be
a great impediment to all the islands, and a very great nuisance,
both for the despatch of the merchandise--which is the vineyards and
olive-orchards of these regions--and for the easy preparation of some
boats with which to drive the Dutch out of these regions. While the
people remained in this dread, the news was confirmed by another
message, that came on November 3 from the town of Arevalo, eighty
leguas from Manila. By this news it was learned that three Dutch
ships and one patache were near that island of Oton, [22] where they
had seized some boats full of provisions, that were intended for the
relief of Maluco; and that they were making for the port of Yloilo. A
large amount of provisions was gathered in that place; and although
the Dutch did not attack it, all was lost. For our Spaniards, in
order not to let it fall into the hands of the enemy, broke the jars
of wine, and set fire to the rice. As soon as the governor received
this news, he sent the sargento-mayor of troops here, Cristobal de
Azcueta Menchaca (master-of-camp elect of Terrenate), to Oton, in
order that he might attend to what seemed necessary for the defense
of that region, with the men under his command and those who were
there. Among the boats accompanying him was a champan, a Chinese craft;
it contained a considerable number of soldiers. They encountered the
Dutch vessels, which were approaching this city. In the endeavor to
defend themselves, if the enemy, who had perceived them, should try
to attack them the Spaniards began to take the cargo of the champan
ashore by means of lanchas, and with it to fortify themselves for
their protection in a sort of bastion. Among the other things, they
took some barrels of powder ashore; while in others, which were left
aboard, fire was carelessly set, with very great injury to those who
were near it. Many were burned, but at the time only two or three
died there. The rest threw themselves into the water and gained the
shore. One man only was left in the champan which was burning; for he
had been jammed among the beams. Although he cried out loudly for aid,
he could not be helped, and was accordingly burned to ashes. Those who
escaped alive began to march overland toward this city, some leguas
distant from the place where the misfortune occurred. On the way,
some persons died, and the others arrived in such condition that
all who saw them bemoaned their sad lot. Scarce did they seem men,
but swollen cinders, full of maggots. Some even had maggots in the
very palms of their hands. They were treated with much care in the
hospital here. Most of them recovered; but six or seven of them died
in the hospital. The Dutch did not try to harm them, which was a great
mercy of God, because of the facts above stated. On the contrary, the
Dutch continued their route until they reached the mouth of this bay,
in sight of Manila.
The governor was not careless at this time, especially in the
fortification of Cavite. He sent thither the regular infantry of this
camp, with 10,000 musket-balls, 30,000 arquebus-balls, 6,000 brazas
of musket-fuses, 14,000 brazas of arquebus-fuses, and 40 barrels of
powder. He also sent engineers and workmen with material for building
a fort, wherein to mount artillery. To make the work move faster, he
went thither himself to take part in it. From Cavite he sent a summons
to some inhabitants, so that the Spaniards in Cavite numbered more than
six hundred. In this city, the citizens stood guard, and endured many
hardships in it. All lived with great vigilance, born of a fear of the
Sangleys--of whom rumors were circulating that they were restless and
intended to revolt, because they imagined that the Spaniards, through
lack of confidence in them, were about to kill them. But the king's
fiscal, as their protector, went to their parían; and, calling a large
meeting, talked to them with manifestations of great affection. He
promised them all kind treatment, in his Majesty's name. Accordingly,
laying aside all their fear, the Sangleys became quiet. Assuredly,
had they revolted at this time, they would have placed the country in
great straits, for there is a considerable number of them. Besides,
the Dutch were near by with their well-equipped and strong vessels;
and the Spaniards are few. For the greater security and some relief
of the citizens, several companies of Pampangos were summoned. Among
all these islanders they have proved themselves most loyal to the
Spaniards, and most fit for soldiers.
In Cavite the care and diligence expended in fortifying it, were
of great importance; for the Dutch commander, one Francisco Witer,
[23] although he had once before been in these islands as secretary
to Oliverio del Nort--the commander of the two vessels that anchored
near the city in the year 1600, and had returned defeated and disabled
[_con las manos en la cabeza_; literally, "with his hands to his
head"]--yet he was determined to come to try his luck a second time. He
was incited to this by certain traitors to his Majesty. These having
gone over to his side in Maluco, to the disservice of God and the king,
recounted to him all the affairs of the Filipinas. They represented to
him the little resistance that he would encounter from large vessels;
the weakness of the port of Cavite, which he could easily overpower,
and burn whatever it contained; and the immense wealth that he could
seize, of silk, silver, and other merchandise, which come to Manila
from Mejico, Macao, China, and Japon. Especially did one Francisco
Aguirre inform him of the above, in detail. He brought this man with
him, promising him one thousand pesos to induce him to accompany
the Dutch, and to guide him faithfully on this expedition that he
was undertaking. Accordingly, as was reported, the Dutch commander
set sail in the afternoon of St. Martin's day, November 11, three
or four days after he had been seen from this city. With two ships
and his patache (for his flagship was left in the same location),
he approached Cavite. However he was forced to retire because of the
innumerable cannon fired at him. Although these did him no damage,
he did none, either, with the artillery that he fired. But he
noted how slight were their forces for injuring him, for they had
no more than three very small vessels, which could scarcely carry
any artillery; one old, dilapidated ship, called "Espiritu Santo,"
which was already almost useless and broken-up from its voyages
to Nueva España, and was mastless and without rigging; and one
galley of twenty benches. Therefore not anticipating any trouble
with Cavite, where he found the resistance that he did not expect,
and preferring to effect his purpose bloodlessly, and quite safely
to himself, he returned to his post. Not long afterward, he had all
four of his vessels weigh anchor; and going out of sight of the
city, went to anchor at the port called El Fraile ["the Friar"],
at a short distance from his former anchorage. There he began to rob
whatever he could, and prevented the ingress of provisions brought
from all the islands to this city. Alférez Aldana was aboard one of
the boats that he seized coming from a corregidor's district. He,
thinking the Dutch to be Castilian vessels, went to them with great
joy; but his joy was shortly changed into sad captivity, for he was
pillaged and imprisoned. Shortly after this event, four Dutchmen
fled from the Dutch fleet. Their arrival was singularly consoling
for full information was obtained from them of the Dutch force and
object. Not more than three slaves deserted from us to the Dutch;
and, being slaves, they could give but little information regarding
our affairs. Almost the same thing happened to captain Castillo as
to Alférez Aldano; for having come from Japon, whither he had gone
with a fragata, he was sent, as one experienced in these coasts, to
a certain place, to warn the ships from China and Japon of the Dutch,
and that they commanded the sea. One day the [Dutch] patache went so
far in search of ships that Captain Castillo could not be persuaded
that it was not a friendly vessel; consequently he went to give it
information, according to his orders. Although he was afterwards
undeceived, and tried to escape from the Dutch, who pursued him, he
was unable to do so. Their commander tried to learn from him whether
Cavite had greater force than he had seen; but he always answered that
he knew of nothing else, and excused himself by saying that he had but
recently come from Japon. On the contrary, he belittled our affairs,
in order to assure them the more. He managed to write a letter thence
and send it by a Sangley, in which he gave an account of the vessels,
artillery, and men, thus making the battle easier.
A fire broke out in Cavite at this juncture, and almost all the
Spanish houses were burned. The fire nearly caught in the house where
the powder was stored, a circumstance that placed the people in the
utmost danger. Not one was bold enough to try to remedy matters, for
they all feared lest they be burned, until the governor personally
set to work. Then, incited by his example, a considerable number of
people began to drag the barrels to the seashore in order to throw
them into the sea, if the fire came near it. By this means the powder
was preserved, the loss of which would have been felt keenly, besides
the damage that would have resulted from its explosion.
Maluco was also in need of help, and could get it nowhere else
except from this country. Accordingly the master-of-camp, Azcueta, was
ordered to enroll some men in Oton; and two galleys and several smaller
vessels, carrying money and other supplies important for the succor
of that stronghold, went from Manila. All this, although necessary,
meant a decrease of these islands' resources. The two galleys, both
of which were new, returned from Oton. One had been launched shortly
before the arrival of the Dutch, and the other not long after. On this
return voyage, the flagship was in great danger of being lost, because
the crew of rowers attempted to mutiny. This would have been done, had
not a Japanese revealed the plot which they were conspiring. Thereupon
the guilty were punished, and suitable precautions taken. The consort
was more unfortunate. The Chinese and Japanese convicts conspired
to mutiny; and although those nations are like cats and dogs, they
were very much in concord on this occasion. They selected as the
most appropriate time for their treason the hour for the siesta,
when, as it was daytime, the Spaniards slept with less caution. They
first aimed at the head, by striking Captain Cardoso (who was resting
soundly and carelessly) with an ax, which made him awake in the other
life. The blow was given by a Chinaman whom he had favored. After
him some fifty convicts, who were freed from prison, began to work
destruction among the other Spaniards with whatever they could seize,
and set out to kill them all--that is, all who were not of the above
nationalities. The Spaniards were unarmed, all except the sergeant
of the company, who had a sword and executed considerable damage
with it, killing many. He was accompanied and encouraged by another
Spaniard who wielded with both hands the ladle belonging to a piece
of artillery. Finally, the sergeant having impaled a furious Sangley,
or Chinaman, on his sword, the latter was so cramped by the wound that,
not having time to withdraw the weapon the sergeant was compelled to
leave it sticking in the body, and jump into the water, where he saved
himself by swimming. Some others availed themselves of the same plan,
while some took the galley's small boat. Thus some few escaped, to
bear the unfortunate news. It caused universal and great sorrow, as
happening at a time of such need. Many Spaniards had been killed. The
mutineers killed also the convicts themselves--from whom no harm
could be feared--who were not Chinese or Japanese; and although the
poor wretches tried to throw themselves into the sea, when the sudden
assault came, their efforts were useless, for they were shackled,
and hung by their chains [over the side of the galley]. There,
with great cruelty, the mutineers cut off their legs and threw them
overboard, where they helplessly perished. It was feared and suspected
that the galley would go over to the Dutch, but it did not. On the
contrary, it fled from them, so that, although the patache pursued
the mutineers, it could not overtake them. It is yet unknown where
the galley has stopped. Such was the unfortunate death of Captain
Cardoso, whose brother, Alférez Cardoso, had died a few days before,
among those burned on the champan, as related above. It seems that
they have inherited such disasters, for their father--a Portuguese
gentleman, and a gallant soldier--after serving his Majesty in Africa,
had to flee to Ytalia, because of committing an atrocious crime,
which was as follows. Another gentleman insulted a relative of this
gentleman. The insulted man, either for lack of ability to do more,
or because he was a good Christian, did not take vengeance for the
insult. The father of these Cardosos was very angry, and, with the
intention of avenging the injury, left his home. First going to his
relative's house, he abused the latter with words, and even stabbed
him, because he had not taken vengeance. Then he went to the house of
the insulter, and seizing him, thrust him forcibly into a bread-oven,
under which a fire was lighted. Gagging the man, he left him there
until he was dead. After having fled to Ytalia, this gentleman had
charge of a castle, in which was stored a quantity of powder. One day
fire caught in the powder, and a great portion of the castle was blown
up. The Castellan Cardoso was killed, and buried in the ruins. One
of his wife's legs was torn off at the thigh. Although these two boys
(who were quite small then) received no hurt, they ended their lives
in the so disastrous ways that I have related.
The governor upon learning of the loss of this galley, had another put
on the stocks, which was finished in two months. Seeing how leisurely
the Dutch were remaining in this country, he began to prepare a fleet
to attack them. For that purpose great haste was given to finishing
a vessel called "San Juan Baptista," which had been commenced in
the island of Marinduque. Although the enemy heard of this, their
information was very confused, for they did not know to what place
the ship "Espiritu Santo"--which was so disabled, as I have depicted
above--had retreated. They were commencing to repair that vessel, and
it cost even more trouble than if it had been built new. The Spaniards
also equipped the two small vessels as well as they could. For lack
of iron for nails, they removed the gratings of the windows, [24]
While Manila was laboring under this anxiety, the strength of the
enemy was increased by a good ship. That vessel came with food, and
thus caused this community much distress. But greater suffering would
have been caused had the Dutch commander's resolution, made in Maluco,
been carried out--namely, that a fortnight after his departure this
ship and one other should follow him hither; and, besides these, a very
large and well-equipped galleon named "The Devil from Holland" built
on purpose to fight with the galleons of Eastern Yndia. The Dutch at
Maluco considered it inexpedient to send more than the said vessel, and
especially so to send the galleon. They considered it very unadvisable
to send it among islands where, if it were wrecked, its loss would
be great and irreparable. It was all the miraculous disposition of
Heaven, as will be seen later. With this new accession, the Dutch
commander determined to come again in sight of Manila. Accordingly he
entered the bay on January 19, and without doing more than to gather
new information concerning our scarcity of vessels, he remained there
until the twenty-seventh of the said month. Then he again left the
bay, and commenced to capture the Chinese vessels that were already
coming with the accustomed merchandise and food. The Dutch seized from
the Chinese their hams and capons, and the choice wine. [25] And even
before the eyes of the Chinese themselves, they gave themselves up to
the wine to such an extent, that the Chinese observed it, and made
jests at, and ridiculed them, talking of them and comparing them to
the most degraded Indians who were wont to become intoxicated. The
Dutch usually threw all other articles of food into the sea, saying
that the Spaniards had no need of them. They seized so many fowls that
even the lowest common seaman was given rations of them. And because
of the number of fowls they established a poultry-yard on an islet,
where they kept two or three thousand capons. They chose what silk
was most to their liking. In the matter of pay there was variety, for
the sailors and almost all the soldiers paid immediately for what they
bought; but the commander and a few others gave the Chinese promises
to pay when they should capture the king's ship from Japon which they
had been awaiting some days, and which was bringing a great amount of
wealth. Certain of these vessels from China escaped; and one, while
fleeing, was wrecked, and lost nearly all its cargo. Some Sangleys,
fleeing overland from the Dutch, fell into the hands of Zambal Indians,
expert archers and bowmen. The latter killed many of them, to our great
sorrow, although, as the said Indians were his Majesty's vassals, this
proceeding was checked as soon as possible. The Zambals also killed six
Dutchmen, who had landed to get water; and brought their heads, with,
great rejoicing, to show to the governor. Because of the misfortunes
recounted daily by the Chinese who came in plundered, and because of
the fear lest the ship from Japon, that from Macao, that from Castilla,
and some of the largest Sangley merchantmen which bring goods for
the Spaniards from China, should fall into the enemy's hands, great
efforts were made in preparing the supplies necessary for the war. The
well-inclined Sangleys offered themselves for any toil, because of
their rage against the Dutch. Public prayers were said throughout the
islands, beseeching and importuning God for a successful outcome. The
governor built a new foundry, where he cast seven large and reenforced
cannon, which were of very great importance. A considerable quantity
of powder was refined which was almost lost. A great number of balls
were cast. In short, the greatest care was exercised in everything
and great haste displayed; and they were able, as a consequence, to
launch the finished and equipped vessel "San Juan Baptista" in the
bay on March 22. That gave extraordinary consolation to the entire
city. It mounted several pieces, and carried some picked soldiers,
who had been assigned for its defense in case the enemy tried to burn
it on the stocks, or to come to meet it in order to seize it. But the
enemy attached so little importance to this vessel, and to the forces
of this land, that they acted with as great security as if anchored
in Holanda. They reproached the Indians that they captured for their
subjection to a people who did not dare to attack them [_i.e._, the
Dutch], and who had no forces for that purpose. Freeing those Indians,
the Dutch told them to sow a quantity of rice, and to rear many fowls
and swine, for they said that the following year they intended to
come with a greater force to make themselves absolute masters of these
islands, and it was necessary that they have plenty of food prepared.
The preparation of the fleet in Cavite was finished, so that it was
ready to sail by April 21. In the midst of the greatest efforts that
were being made to furnish its rigging, news was received that the
Dutch had returned laden with wealth. This filled the whole city
with sadness, on seeing that the Dutch were continuing their ravages
without any chastisement or punishment. But soon it was learned
for certain that it was not so, whereupon the Spaniards were very
joyous and happy. Such was the courage and spirit of our Spaniards,
that they burned with desire to begin the fray. Finding that it could
not be done so quickly, they manifested their anger, and raged like
caged and angry lions or tigers which cannot avenge an insult. A day
or so before our fleet sailed, a Japanese ship arrived at Cavite. The
disastrous loss of the ship "San Francisco," the flagship of three
vessels that sailed hence for Nueva España, was learned from that
vessel. This was the most unfortunate thing that had yet happened;
for by that blow this country was almost ruined, and the death of one
man was hastened, a few days after, by his sorrow. Many Spaniards
of those who escaped the wreck were aboard the said Japanese boat,
and one Augustinian religious. The latter was seized by the Dutch,
together with some of the wrecked Spaniards; but the Dutch did not
harm the Japanese, in order to establish friendly intercourse with
them. Under shelter of the latter, others of the Spaniards were saved,
and a considerable quantity of goods, although the Dutch stole some
anchors and cables of the king's that were aboard the vessel, and
some two hundred sacks of flour from private persons, but nothing
else. At last, after diligent search for Castilian or Portuguese
silver, the Dutch allowed the vessel to continue its voyage, because
of a present of three hundred pesos, given them by the Japanese. In
the beginning of April an edict was issued for the men of the fleet to
make ready. As many as one thousand sailors and soldiers were enlisted,
and many Indians for service and as common seamen. Besides these men,
the governor intended to take two hundred other soldiers of great
courage and valor; on those soldiers he placed great reliance. These
are about two hundred martyrs, whose relics repose in the [church of
the] Society of Jesus in a side chapel. The governor had the reliquary
newly fitted up, with great care; and placed himself with courage under
the care and protection of those martyrs, considering the victory
as his, with such volunteers. The fleet left Cavite on Wednesday,
April 21, between ten and eleven, in search of the enemy, who were at
Playahonda, twenty leguas from Manila. The governor embarked in person
in the fleet, as its commander. His presence inspired the soldiers not
a little, and incited many volunteers to accompany him. On this and
other accounts, which are deeply felt, they regarded his going as very
important, and almost absolutely necessary. His lieutenant was Juan
Juarez Gallinato, who has come this year as master of this camp. His
admiral was Don Fernando de Silva, a courageous and spirited youth,
nephew of the governor. As the admiral's lieutenant and captain of
the almiranta went the sargento-mayor of Maluco, Pedro de Heredia,
who last year overcame the galliot in which the Dutch commander, Pablo
Blancard, [26] was sailing, with seventy of his men. The captains
of the small vessels were: of the "San Yldefonso" (the largest),
Juan Tello de Aguirre, regidor of this city; of the "San Pedro,"
Captain Guillestigui--both of these men Biscayans; of the "San Pedro y
San Pablo," Juan Pardos [27] de Losada, a Galician gentleman; of the
"Santiago," Moreno Donoso. Of the two galleys, Captain Romanico was
lieutenant; and Captain Juan Rodriguez commanded the consort.
The artillery was as follows. The flagship "San Juan Bautista" mounted
twenty-six pieces: four of the new guns, which were eighteen-pounders;
and twenty-two good guns, from four to twelve pounders.
The ship "Espiritu Santo," the almiranta, twenty-two pieces: three of
them of the said new guns; seventeen, from three to fourteen pounders;
and two swivel-guns.
The other four vessels carried four, five, or six medium-sized guns;
the galleys, what they generally carry.
Besides these vessels there were also two galliots and other small
boats laden with provisions, and sheltered by the fleet, and ready
to render assistance should occasion arise.
By day, and even by night, there was continual prayer and entreaty in
the city, in one place and another, for the successful outcome of the
affair. There was also a very solemn procession on Friday morning,
in which our Lady of Guidance [_Nuestra Señora de Guia_] was carried
to the cathedral church from her chapel, which is about one-eighth
of a legua distant.
The fleet anchored outside the bay. Although they intended to sail
at dawn on Friday to give the enemy a rude awakening, [28] they
were unable to do so; for on weighing anchor, at midnight, they were
delayed a long time, and happened to lose four anchors--one from the
almiranta, and three from the small vessels. This did not fail to
cause uneasiness; but at last the Spaniards were able to sight the
enemy on Saturday, between six and seven o'clock in the morning. The
enemy's flagship was riding with two anchors, and the other two vessels
were somewhat farther out to sea. At this juncture, our fleet began
to prepare for the battle. Orders were given for the crew to make
their confessions to the religious aboard the vessels. There were
sixteen of these from the religious orders which are in Manila--two
fathers of St. Dominic, seven of St. Francis, three of St. Augustine,
and four of the Society of Jesus. In addition there was another
religious, a Trinitarian, [29] who accompanied the governor, and a
secular priest. The soldiers proved very valiant and devoted on this
occasion. They uttered many expressions of joy at finding themselves
near the enemy. It seemed as if they were about to attend weddings
and balls with great pleasure and delight, rather than to fight with
vessels so powerful and well-equipped with artillery. Their greatest
anxiety was lest the enemy should run away when he saw our fleet; but
there was nothing to fear, for they were encouraged doubly to fight for
the honor of God and the fame of the Spanish nation. Both of these,
in a certain manner, depended on this battle in districts so remote:
the honor of God, because the Chinese were looking on and saying,
"Now we shall see who is more powerful, the God of the Castilians,
or the God of the Dutch;" and besides this, as the Dutch were about to
take a great part of the silk that they were intercepting, to Japon,
where they already had a trading-post, their trade would be established
firmly in that land, and that new field of Christendom would be in
danger of heresy (which spreads like a cancer), in addition to the
daily calamities to which it is subject under pagan lords. The honor of
the Spanish nation was also concerned, because the temper of many of
these peoples is, "Long live the conqueror!" and they do not dare to
stir because of their idea of the Spaniards. If these nations should
become insolent on seeing the Spaniards overwhelmed and conquered,
their pacification would cost more blood than the first conquest cost,
as has been experienced in Mindanao. Encouraged then, in this manner,
the vessels approached. The Dutch, without any faint-heartedness,
raised one anchor, and placed the other apeak, in order to go to meet
our fleet. They made fun of our fleet, and encouraged their soldiers
to fight by telling them that the Spaniards were coming to scare them
with egg-shells--alluding to the small size and slight force of the
vessels that they had seen. They bore down upon our flagship. At this
juncture, they did not omit to report a singular providence of Heaven,
namely, that our two vessels, the flagship and the almiranta, had some
good pieces mounted low down, whose ports had to be shut, whenever the
sea was choppy, as was experienced on one occasion of that sort. On
that account the enemy had a great advantage, for all their guns were
mounted high up. Accordingly it was our Lord's pleasure that there was
only enough wind to sail by, and the sea was almost like milk [_i.e._,
calm and smooth]. Finally the vessels closed; and each fired heavy
discharges of artillery and musketry. Our pieces--which, as I said,
were mounted low--made the enemy's hull [30] tremble with the damage
received from them. They killed men below decks, where they were
sheltered under their rigging, so that scarcely a man appeared. Our
men, who were above deck without a single shelter, also were injured
by their artillery and swivel-guns. However they did not lose any of
their spirit. They grappled the Dutch vessel, and stayed there fighting
more than three hours; and amid balls, pikes, and broad-swords, they
boarded the hostile vessel, with such courage and valor, that the Dutch
themselves were amazed to see them placing themselves in so manifest
danger without shelter. There was one who, when his companions tried
to make him retire by force, because he had received a ball in his
body, and a nail from a swivel-gun in his throat, tore himself from
those who were carrying him, and returned to the fight, with the fury
with which a wounded boar turns to avenge itself. Our men continued
to decimate the enemy so thoroughly that they had scarcely five men
on deck alive or unwounded. The commander was one of the first to
be killed. The enemy, seeing themselves without any power to resist,
tried to burn the ship. And they would have done it, to the evident
loss of our men, but that was prevented by the master of the vessel,
who, as he declared later, had always been a Catholic. He advised the
Dutch not to do such a thing, for, although they had already lost
their substance, they should not lose their souls. At this advice
they surrendered with fair conditions. Of the Spanish captives [aboard
the enemy's ship], only the Augustinian religious Fray Pedro Montejo
[31] was killed, by a ball from our vessel. The others were safe and
sound. Francisco Aguirre lost a leg in the battle, and being condemned
to be shot as a traitor one day after the victory, he died that same
night. The same that I have related of our flagship occurred in our
almiranta. It grappled with another good vessel, and defeated it after
having fought with it with the same valor. The infantry captains,
Don Pedro de Almazan and Don Juan de la Vega, [32] distinguished
themselves greatly in the battle, showing great courage and valor,
although they were very young. The others can also be praised with
good reason, for they proved themselves valiant captains. Such were
Soriano, Rosa, Don Antonio de Leos, and Captain Madrid.
The third [Dutch] vessel was defeated by the two vessels "San
Yldefonso" and "San Pedro." However so complete a victory was not
obtained as with the others; for when it caught fire, they could not
extinguish the flames. Two excellent bronze pieces were melted by the
fire; and when the flames reached the powder, it blew up the men and
other things and set fire to the neighboring forests, where the fire
lasted for six days. However, they were able to take the artillery. Ten
Chinese vessels witnessed the battle. That was of no little importance,
because of the opinion that they formed of the Spaniards, and the
fear of our men that struck them, besides that which they have always
had. Three of those vessels had already been plundered, and the other
seven expected the same thing. But seeing themselves free, they went
to the governor to thank him for his kindness in freeing them. Having
received permission, they proceeded to Manila immediately, where they
made great feasts for the governor after their arrival.
The fourth Dutch vessel was outside and quite near a Japanese vessel
that it had captured, whose captain and pilot were inside the Dutch
vessel. These having displayed a banner on which was written "Viva
Holanda" ["Long live Holland!"], and a letter of safe-conduct from the
Dutch factors in Japon, the captain of the said vessel answered that
the Japanese had nothing to fear, and that his commander would give
them the best of treatment. But the Dutch only wished to see if they
had any Portuguese or Castilians aboard. But on hearing the sound of
firing, they became anxious; accordingly, sending the said [Japanese]
captain and pilot to their ship, and having crowded all sail in their
own, they commenced to flee in all haste. Others had come in this
Japanese vessel, Spaniards from the ship "San Francisco;" and among
them was its commander, Juan de Esguerra. The Lord delivered them
from this second peril by so signal a victory. The [Dutch] patache
was also looking for vessels. Coming in that night with a Chinese
prize, it sent its boat ahead to reconnoiter the position. Finding
different signs from those that it had left, it became suspicious,
and accordingly began to flee. The almiranta, the ship of Captain Juan
Pardos de Losada, and the flagship of the galleys went in pursuit of
it, but although they searched the neighboring coasts twice, they did
not sight the vessels, or discover what direction they took. The last
time when they went to run along the coast, they met a ship; and, as
it seemed to be the patache, the galley pursued it with sail and oar,
but found it to be a vessel from Macao. The bishop of Macao, [33] of
the Order of St. Dominic, was coming on business of great importance
for the welfare of that community. Thinking our vessels to be Dutch,
they fled at their utmost speed, and threw overboard all their cargo,
although it was valuable, in order to make the vessel lighter.
News of the victory reached Manila at two in the morning. At that hour
the bells were loudly chimed and the people uttered many expressions
of joy. Next day a very solemn procession was made, as a token of
thanksgiving. The procession marched from the cathedral to our church,
where a sermon was preached. It caused great consolation throughout the
city and in all those who were present. After the sermon the governor
sent letters to each order, thanking them for the prayers that they
had said for his success. The one that came to me read as follows:
"We discovered the enemy this morning, and the battle began at seven
o'clock. It lasted about four hours, and during that time, our Lady
and the glorious St. Mark showed themselves favorable to us. For we
obtained the victory with the surrender of their flagship to ours,
and their almiranta to ours. Fire was set to the other ship, and it
was burned. Thus the battle was ended with but slight loss to us,
and some wounded. I confess that this victory has been given me by
reason of the prayers of your Paternity and those reverend fathers,
whom I thank for their care in this, and assure them that I shall
consider the same in what pertains to my office, by aiding whatever
may be of pleasure to your Paternity. May our Lord preserve you,
as I desire. From this vessel "San Juan Baptista," April 24, 1610.
_Don Juan de Silva_."
And inasmuch as he makes mention of our Lady and St. Mark, I must not
neglect to report a matter that seems worthy of consideration. At the
beginning when the war was discussed, the governor had a dream. In it,
he saw a venerable man, who told him that he would obtain a glorious
victory on St. Mark's day. Although it seemed too late to go to
attack the enemy, as it was thought that he had already gone with
his ships full of plunder--which meant to go with shouts of victory,
yet on this account the governor hastened to sail before the day of
the holy evangelist, with the intent of punishing the enemy. However,
he could not prepare the fleet as was necessary before April 21. Making
an attempt to attack the Dutch on Friday, the twenty-third, they could
not, for the reason above stated, of losing their anchors. Consequently
the time went by until the twenty-fourth, for us, Saturday, the day
of our Lady. The governor had had her image put on the royal standard
and implored her aid by that verse, _Mostrate esse Matrem_ [_i.e._,
"Show thyself to be our Mother"]. This day was for those who came
from Maluco the twenty-fifth of April, or St. Mark's day, as it was
also for those from Japon. It is an extraordinary thing to find this
conflict in the days when they unite, namely, those who sail east
and those who sail west meet. [34] It appears that those days had,
as it were, overlapped, so that the victory might be obtained on our
Lady's day, for our favor; and on St. Mark's day for the ruin of the
Dutch--the saint warring upon them as on Calvinists, since Calvinists
made spiritual warfare upon his state of Venecia. Besides, the victory
was gained past noon on St. Mark's day, when his day strictly begins.
In the pocket of the dead commander was found a copy of the order
given to his vessels for their departure, which was to be within
one week after St. Mark's day. As a farewell, he had intended to
make a demonstration in Manila Bay with many streamers, pendants,
and bannerets. But may our Lord decree that these heretics go to no
place where they may prosper better.
Before the return of the fleet, they sent in the wounded on either
side (who were numerous) to this city, where they were tended with
great care. A Dutch surgeon helped in the treatment of the Dutch and
Spaniards. That surgeon had been aboard the enemy's flagship, and he
displayed great skill. The governor went to visit his soldiers upon his
arrival, and consoled them for their pains, and praised them as brave
and valiant men. The sick men were greatly consoled at that. Before
entering Cavite, the governor assembled the volunteers, and thanked
them in his Majesty's name for their toil, and for the good that
they had achieved. He assured them that he would without fail assist
their necessities, since they had also assisted the king's service. To
those who had died in their services for all, his Lordship instituted
certain honors with a mass and sermon in [the church of] St. Francis
in this city; and he erected for them a rich catafalque, elegantly
adorned. This catafalque had three square stories. On each corner was
a pyramid. On the last story was a tomb covered with crimson brocade
from the spoil, instead of the pall. The rest of the catafalque was
filled with tapers, and Latin and Spanish epitaphs, and with images
of mortality [_muertes_], with appropriate inscriptions. The church
was all hung with different colored silks, and displayed signs of
gladness rather than of weeping, because of the so glorious death
of those who perished. On them were conferred the following honors:
the pontifical chant; the mass by the bishop of Macao, in the presence
of the governor, Audiencia, the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos,
and all the orders. After that the spoils were distributed. They were
very rich, for the said vessels contained a quantity of silk and silver
(not to mention the hulls of the vessels, the ammunition, and more
than fifty pieces of artillery), and other things such as wine, oil,
etc.--all worth three or four hundred thousand pesos.
Many of the Dutch who were wounded have confessed, and died reconciled
to the Church. Among them was the master who, as I said above, had
prevented the fire, in order not to lose his soul. We hope that he
gained his soul, for he died from a wound received in the flight from
the battle, with signs of great repentance for his sins, and leaving
excellent pledges of his salvation. Father Andres de la Camara, of
the Society of Jesus, attended to the Dutch. He was a native of Gante
[_i.e._, Ghent], and although he has seldom used his own language
[_i.e._, the Flemish] for eighteen or twenty years, one would believe
that our God's mercy aided him with especial efficacy; for he conversed
with the Dutch elegantly and fluently of the divine mysteries. Such
is the outcome of the war. Now we shall recount something of other
matters concerning what I have thus far told.
A ship of Chinese merchants went to Maluco to trade merchandise with
the Dutch. The latter gave the captain of the said vessel, called
Caichuan, a general, fourteen thousand pesos to invest in trust for
them. He returned to China, and thinking that it was a good sum,
and that there was no one to bring suit against him, he kept the
said money, as he never again expected to see the Dutch. Some of
the interested persons were in these Dutch vessels, and they did not
fail to ask, of every ship that they seized, after that of Cachuan,
and threatened to punish him severely if they caught him. Had he
been seized, it would have been a great loss to this city, for,
as is affirmed, he brought fifty thousand pesos invested by our
citizens. His time to come arrived, and when he least expected it,
he found himself near the Dutch patache. He started to escape, and
the patache to pursue him. Cachuan, seeing himself closely pursued,
cried out to his men that there was good hope of help, and advised
them all to kneel down and ask protection of the God of the Castilas
[_i.e._, Castilians] as they call us--saying that He was sufficiently
able to deliver that ship from the Dutch, since it contained so much
property of those who adored and served Him. They prayed, whereupon
a fresh wind immediately came, which took them, against their wish,
to an unknown islet, where the patache lost sight of them. The
Chinese did not cease to pray as above for the space of five days,
twice each day. At the end of that time, they had a favorable wind,
with the aid of which they entered the channel used by the ships of
Castilla, many leguas from their right and usual path, and at last
reached port in safety after the victory.
The ship from Japon for which the Dutch had so ardent a desire ran
great risk in its voyage. It arrived [in Japon] after a violent gale,
almost under water, without rigging and masts. There it learned from
the Dutch factors that their vessels were about to come to harass
these islands. On that account they did not return as quickly as they
intended, waiting until they believed that we had already driven
the Dutch away with our fleet. Although, when they had reached the
province of Pangasinan, we had already obtained the victory, still
they had no news of it. Accordingly, assured of finding enemies,
they went into a safe river after landing their cargo, because of the
bar, which was dangerous. Then when about to leave the river again,
after hearing the good news, they were wrecked, and lost considerable
property, besides their boat.
The vessel from Macao, laden with wealth of amber, musk, pearls,
and precious stones, and more than three hundred slaves, would have
fallen into the hands of the Dutch, who were awaiting it, had not
a shoal stopped it, and knocked it to pieces, and caused the death
of some hundred persons of the five hundred aboard it. Among the
drowned were two ecclesiastics who were returning from Macao, but
recently ordained priests; and Captain Tijon, who not a few times
had escaped from similar shipwrecks. The rest of the people went to
an uninhabited island, where the Lord had prepared for their support
a great number of turtles, and of the birds called boobies [_bobos,
i.e._, "stupid"], [35] to which this name is applied because they
allow themselves to be caught with the hand. After the wreck of that
ship, Garci Perez de Baltasar, appointed sargento-mayor of this camp,
embarked in a small boat which they fitted up, with as many people
as it could carry, to beg that some one be sent from this city to get
the people on the island. After several days' voyage, they were seen
and perceived by the Dutch, which obliged them to ground their boat
on the beach and take to the woods inland. They all escaped overland,
and arrived safely at Manila; their boat was burned by the Dutch. When
the expedition against the latter was ended, they sent for the people
who had been left on the island; but as yet they have not arrived.
In the beginning of January, 1610, a fragata was sent to Macao with
warning for the said ship to remain there until the Dutch were driven
from these seas. As commander in it was the pilot, Juan Bernardo de
Fuentidueñas, who was sick with the fever. He went on the voyage,
and before dawn of Thursday, January 28, ran foul of a reef, where no
land could be seen in any direction, except a few rocky points at low
tide. The fever left the pilot at this sudden catastrophe, and at dawn
the Spaniards saw on the reefs a large ship, that looked like a Chinese
vessel, which had been wrecked. They went to this vessel to get its
small boats. Entering it, they found not a soul, living or dead. But
they found considerable silver scattered about. Not content with what
they found in the vessel, the Indians began to dive into the water
to see if they could find any more. Their efforts were not in vain,
for they must have found in that way about eight thousand reals of
eight to the peso, although somewhat oxidized by the sea-water. From
the top of the little elevation, an islet was discovered, of not more
than one legua in circumference. They went thither in successive trips
of the small boat, and found three Lequian Indians, who had been there
for months. They were the only survivors of ten who had left their
country. On this island, the Spaniards refitted, as well as possible,
their boat and another one that the Lequians had at hand, although
it was also small. They divided themselves between the two boats, and
taking as much of the money as they could carry, started for Macao. A
short time after, a very violent vendaval struck and separated the
boats. The boat of the pilot Fuentidueña, obedient to the waves, was
able to escape the danger and reach its destination. Nothing is known
of the other. It is regarded as certain that it has foundered, and
that its occupants have perished. The ship for which they were looking
in order to warn it had left Macao five days before for Manila, where
the pilot himself returned many days after. Upon his relation of the
event, he was sent as pilot of the boat that went to look for the men
of the wrecked ship. On the way, perhaps he will look for the reef or
the Chinese ship again, in order to finish getting what money it has.
Three ships left here in July of 1609 for Nueva España, and all of
them were exposed to dangers and storms. The ship "San Andres,"
which was almiranta, and was the only one to reach Nueva España,
encountered so terrific storms that its bow was under water during
most of the voyage, and they were in so great danger that the pilot
vowed never to embark again--a very rare thing.
The ship "Santa Ana," almost entirely dismantled by the violent winds
and heavy seas, reached Japon, and its arrival there was through not
a little of God's mercy. Although it remained thirteen days aground in
a port of the kingdom of Bungo, [36] still it did not go to pieces. On
the contrary it was able to refit, and intends to prosecute its voyage
this June of 1610.
The ship "San Francisco" of the said two ships [that failed to reach
Nueva España] encountered a greater storm. From the first it gave the
passengers plenty of fear, both because of its dangerous leaks and a
poor helm, and because of the disservices to the Divine Majesty which
were committed. To narrate all its fortunes would be long, so I shall
content myself by referring to some of them. In this country, leave
to return to Castilla is granted with difficulty. [37] Accordingly,
certain persons desirous of returning are wont to go below deck and
conceal themselves until the ship is fifteen or sixteen days at sea,
at which time they open the hatchway and come out into the light of
day. Such people are called _llovidos_ [_i.e._, stowaways; literally,
"those rained down"], and feed themselves from the stores of the
passengers. While they remain hidden, they open jars of food and
liquor, which causes not a little annoyance to their owners. After
coming out of their place of concealment, they accommodate themselves
one day with one mess, and next with another, and thus exist throughout
the voyage. One day a passenger of high rank gave a blow to one of
these persons. The aggrieved one was so overwhelmed with sadness and
grief from what had happened to him, that he appeared inconsolable. One
of our fathers, talking to him in order to console him, found him
like one demented, and he seemed to rave. Finally, when it was least
expected in the ship, the poor wretch cast himself into the sea. It was
noted with wonder that, although he made no movement with his body or
tried to swim--which he could have done, as the weather was fair--he
floated above water for half a legua. Later, during the last storm,
a wave washed off the man who struck him, and he was found drowned
on the strand, a most hideous and misshapen mass. During the first
gale the ship, at its beginning, because of obeying its helm poorly,
was struck head on. The sails pulled with such force on the masts,
that, as the captain dared not take them in, they were blown into
shreds. The pilots began to throw overboard whatever was above decks,
until nothing was left on them. They threw overboard the boat, and the
boxes and bales of merchandise On that account the sailors lost their
poor possessions, and some of the passengers lost a goodly amount. The
ship tossed and rolled frightfully, and dipped below the water on both
sides. Consequently it shipped so much water that it was generally
half an estado deep above decks. The waves were furious and high,
and so great that the fore and after cabins shipped water. One wave
carried away a considerable portion of the stern gallery, together
with four little slave girls who were in it. In this way they passed
one night, almost in despair of seeing the morrow. But day came,
and they repaired the ship by binding other sails that were carried
for that purpose. After this storm the ship was very crank, and even
in fair weather its sides were under water, although it had a high
freeboard. Consequently, it shipped so much water that the waves
washed over the decks with great noise and uproar, and entered the
berths where the better-class passengers are generally quartered. The
rigging had to be repaired piecemeal. Consequently, for those reasons,
and as the vessel lacked other necessities, some tried to make them put
back to Manila. However, this was without effect, and they proceeded
on their way with some storms; and in the last, which was frightful,
the people had no safety, even inside the boat, for the waves tore
them from it, and drew men after them. The ship leaked very badly,
and consequently it was necessary to work the pumps continually. All,
seeing the danger before their face, helped in this; even Don Rodrigo
de Bivero, [38] who had just completed his office as president of
the Audiencia and governor and captain-general, assisted in his turn,
as did Father Pedro de Montes and the other religious.
Finally, at the end of this struggle, they were wrecked on the coast
of the kingdom of Ouantu, at the head of Japon, in almost its extreme
east. That coast extends from the kingdom to the district of Ximo,
where the port of Nangasaqui is located. Thence many vessels sail to
Manila annually, which is farther west. [39]
Almost four hundred persons went ashore--that is, all except
some twenty-five or thirty, who were drowned in the course of the
voyage. After a time the sea washed ashore some pieces of gorgoran,
[40] satin, and velvet. Those who had gotten away with less clothing
wrapped these about their bodies, while they made sandals from bits
of silk, like those of leather worn by shepherds in España, because
of the sharp rocks upon which they were walking barefoot. They found
two Japanese in some fields, and were greatly comforted thereby;
for they imagined that land to be a desert islet without any food,
upon which fortune had cast them to die. However, they would have
had not a little mercy from God if they had been able to die after
confessing at leisure. The Japanese guided them to a town near by,
where they were given some rice for their support. There most of them
were kept carefully guarded for many days. The chief Japanese continued
to take charge of all the silk that could be saved, but did not give
it up until an edict therefor was granted to the Spaniards by the
king. Consequently some of it was given to them; but the Japanese
rebought it at what prices they wished, paying for it very impure
silver. Consequently the Spaniards were scarce able to get fifty
thousand pesos in current Castilian money for it; although it is
regarded as certain that if all that could have been saved had been
delivered to the Spaniards, and they had sold it at a just price,
they would have received five hundred thousand pesos beyond all
doubt. Although General Juan de Esguerra tried to negotiate with the
king for the return of some forty boxes which were held by one of the
Japanese lords, he failed to do so. On the contrary, the counselors
advised him to be content with what had been returned, unless he
wished to keep nothing. In short they are pagans, who believe in only
the law of might, and do not keep faith and friendship more than they
think advisable. Governor Don Rodrigo de Bivero visited the king in
his court at Suronga. The king received him and treated him with great
honor, and gave him one thousand taels as a concession. Each tael is
worth ten reals when made into money. The general gave this money to
the people to provide for their journey to Nangasaqui, whence many
have come to this city [_i.e._, Manila]. Don Rodrigo de Bivero and
Father Montes continued their voyage in the ship "Santa Ana," which
was in Bungo. The Japanese came very near attacking it, but they say
that they did not do so because such action was not expedient; for
they had injured their trade with Macao, by attacking the galleon en
route from that city to Japon with silk, until they had to burn it,
with the loss of eight hundred thousand taels; and they would curtail
their trade with this country and suffer great lack of silk.
I will end this relation with the affairs of, and voyage to,
Maluco, for whose relief, as I stated above, two galleys made an
expedition. The food and men were divided among various caracoas,
fragatas, and champans, in Oton. After setting sail, they proceeded
without disaster as far as Sarragan in Siao. There one of the boats was
wrecked by a fierce gale, although only one Spaniard and ten Indians
of its crew were drowned. The rest escaped without weapons or anything
else besides their shirts. Those who escaped were given shelter in
the other boats. One afternoon while continuing their voyage, they
discovered four Dutch vessels, in sight of the island of Maluco. They
put to sea in order to escape them, with the intention of making port
that night. In this way some of them reached a place of safety. But
one fragata, which carried one of the captains, went toward the enemy,
because our men had not reconnoitered the land well. Consequently,
in the morning, it found itself surrounded by four ships and one
patache, and accordingly had to remain with them. Those [Dutch]
ships also seized a large champan which had been left behind, and
which carried a cargo of food and goods, belonging both to the king
and to private persons.
These boats that were captured by the Dutch contained all that we were
sending to the fathers at Maluco--namely, one hundred and two baskets
of clean rice, thirty-one jars of wine, meat, and butter, which were
very necessary to them, in the condition of affairs there, for Father
Masonio having gone to visit the fort of Bachan, with nine slaves
who served him as a boat-crew, they were taken by the Dutch and their
Terrenatan allies. In the fight sixteen Spanish soldiers were killed,
besides some of the natives. Of the slaves whom the father was taking
with him, three were killed and six were captured by the Dutch. After
the father confessed the wounded and entered their fort, he escaped
and hid for a week in the woods; and, although many persons were paid
by the Dutch to look for him, they could not find him. In that place
the father lost a large supply of food, besides other things. It
was being sent to him there from Malaca, to whose province pertains
the port of Maluco. Not the least of his losses was to be deprived
of his companion, by the death of Father Gabriel de la Cruz, [41]
who was called Rengifo in España. The latter was his only associate
in that exile. A long illness preceded his death, although during it
he continued to work as if he were healthy and alone. He died after a
long life of glorious labor in the islands of the Moros, so devoid of
human consolations, but so full of the consolations of heaven--as our
blessed Father Francisco Javier certified, who was the first to sow
there the seed of the gospel. His death caused great sorrow, because
that field of Christendom remained without a shepherd. Although they
tried to send a companion to Father Masonio from Malaca, over three
hundred leguas away, sending by way of these islands Father Antonio
Pereira, they were not successful, for the latter died on the voyage,
in the manner that I stated at the beginning. [42] But we hope,
through our Father, that some day those seas will become free from
pirates, so that Maluco may be supplied from its own province with
men and other necessities.
Word is also received from Maluco that the Dutch commander, Pablo
Blancard, was ransomed this year. The Dutch gave eighty thousand pesos
for him last year; and now they have given fifty-two Spaniards held
captive among them, one hundred natives friendly to us, the fragata
and all its cargo, and six thousand pesos in money.
I have endeavored to make this relation very faithful for the greater
glory of God our Lord. May He preserve your Paternity [43] for the
welfare of all the Society. Manila, July 1, 1610.
_Gregorio Lopez_
LETTER FROM SILVA TO FELIPE III
Sire:
In the capitana "San Juan Bautista," which sailed from this port on
the twelfth of July last, I gave your Majesty an account of everything
that had occurred up to that time; I likewise did so by the Dutch
almiranta, which left four days later. But as it was not so good a
sailing ship as the capitana, and did not weather the storms so well,
it was delayed several days, without being able to get outside the
island of Fortun. I ordered it to return thence to this port, as it
appeared that it was not fit for a freight ship, and because it was
necessary for the service of your Majesty, owing to new developments,
which I shall here detail. A fortnight after the ships were despatched,
and when the almiranta was about to put out to sea, there arrived
here a fragata belonging to your Majesty, which came from Goa, and
had sailed from Terrenate for Yndia, loaded with cloves. It brought
me a despatch from the viceroy, Ruy Lorenco de Tabora, in which he
informed me of his arrival in that kingdom, and in what desolation he
found the affairs of Yndia, and particularly the trade, on account
of the Dutch. And he said that, in order to make safe the voyage
from Japon, he sent Don Diego de Vasconçelos de Meneses, with eight
galleons, well provided with men, artillery, and supplies of war,
with orders that if I should advise him that he might accomplish some
good for the service of your Majesty, he should attend to it with his
fleet. Likewise General Diego de Vasconcelos wrote to me from Malaca,
that he was crossing to Macan with six galleys and one urca; [44] and
that there he would await advices from me or from Maluco, so that,
if anything could be accomplished for the service of your Majesty,
he could be present with his fleet. The day after the arrival of this
fragata, there entered this port a Dutch patache, which had been taken
by Captain Pedro de Avellaneda, with the galley "San Christobal,"
close to the island of Tidore, after a fight of three hours; and in
it were General Pablos Brancaorden [_i.e._, van Caerden], twenty
others, and five Dutch. This general is the one who was taken in
another galleota by Captain Pedro de Heredia, and who was ransomed
by Master-of-camp Christobal de Axqueta for fifty of our soldiers
and sailors, thirty Indian pioneers and artisans, and six thousand
pesos in money. All the forces that the enemy has in Maluco and Banda
were in his command. The said master-of-camp advises me that only
a patache and one ship of the enemy's had remained in the islands;
and that although he sent a vessel with persons acquainted with the
language to Ambueno to learn whether a fleet had come, there was no
news of one, and the enemy were greatly cast down and discouraged to
see that no fleet was coming to them, as there is little hope that
it will be here this year, for none thus far has waited longer than
May or June to come. When the information was sent [to me] it was
the thirtieth of July, and there was no word of a fleet.
I have already informed your Majesty that the Dutch, our enemy, are
masters of all the Malucas Islands and Banda, and how important this
is. By a memorial and calculation which was found among other papers
in the possession of General Pablos Brancaerden, lately captured,
an account is given of the revenue, which amounts yearly to more than
four million pesos. Nothing has remained for your Majesty throughout
all these islands, except the fort of Terrenate. All the natives
are with the Dutch, and having chosen as their king the younger son
of the one who is a prisoner here, they help the Dutch to fight and
to fortify the islands, without one of them being on our side. The
king of Tidore is thus far in our favor, much to the disgust of his
vassals, and our fear lest they make an agreement with the enemy--in
which case he would be ruined, and there would be no remedy for it.
I have also informed your Majesty that the emperor of Japon has
assigned two ports and factories in his kingdom to the Dutch, and
the latter are making strenuous efforts to secure one in China. If
they succeed in this, and trade in silks, gold, quicksilver and other
riches from that great kingdom to Japon, and Europe, it will be worth
to them every year more than the spice trade, in which case (may God
avert it!) this country and Yndia would be ruined. For, as is known,
it is impossible to support them without the traffic and merchandise,
particularly the spices and silk; and as the Dutch heretics are such
mortal enemies of the crown of España, and so rich, we may well fear
that, in league with other European princes, envious, and even fearful
of the power of your Majesty, they may claim rights over some of the
territories in your Majesty's possession, and attempt something that
would give cause for anxiety. All these reasons have induced me to
use all care and diligence, without sparing labor or danger, to bring
about a junction of forces; and, although they cannot be such as are
demanded by this undertaking, at least they will be such as to allow an
attempt with the favor of God, toward driving the Dutch out of Maluco,
and taking from them the fortresses that they have built in those
islands. Accordingly, after having consulted with the Audiencia, the
archbishop, and the council of war, I ordered the master-of-camp, Juan
Xuarez Gallinato, to go to Macan and find Don Diego de Vasconcelos;
and to represent to him by word of mouth what I had already informed
him of by letters, namely, all that I am informing your Majesty of,
and how good the occasion is this year. May God further our efforts;
for if we lose this chance, and await the coming of the fleet,
although it might bring with it more strength, it is certain either
that the enemy would also have more, and that their forts would be
better fortified, whereby the difficulty would be increased--or, as
they say, your Majesty will by some peace or arrangement concede to
them their continuance in what they possess, both there and here. And,
in order that Don Diego may have no difficulty in the voyage here, the
master-of-camp was given money to provide that fleet with everything
necessary. And if perchance Don Diego should hesitate in regard to
the authority of the command and the government, I have ordered the
said master-of-camp to offer him on my behalf whatever he may ask. For
I desire so earnestly, with my heart and life, that so great a good
may be attained, and so great a service accomplished for your Majesty
and for Christendom, that, in order that it might be effected, I would
gladly go and serve as a soldier. I believe indeed that Don Diego will
not stop for this last; but I am providing against anything that can
hinder this expedition and the service of your Majesty.
In this port I have ordered the equipment of the capitana and the
almiranta which were taken from the enemy, the ship "Spiritu Santo,"
and the "San Andres," two pataches, and three galleys; and I am busy
providing everything necessary for food, artillery, and supplies. Thus
when the vessels of Don Diego de Vasconcelos arrive here, which I
think will be at the end of November, they may start on the voyage
toward Terrenate; and it seems to me that they might be there by the
beginning of January, so as to have a chance to accomplish as much as
possible before the beginning of May, when the arrival of the enemy
is to be feared. I trust in our Lord that, if no fleet has arrived
for them, some good results may be obtained from the expedition. If
a fleet should have come, I will try to ascertain their forces, in
such manner as not rashly to risk your Majesty's forces which I shall
take there. I shall try to send information as early as possible of
all that happens there, by way of Nueva España; and other advices via
the strait of Sunda, or that of Bali, and the Cape of Buena Esperanca.
Considering that all the Terrenatans are on the side of the enemy,
and not a single one of them for us, and that they all aid and
serve the Dutch with their persons and property; and that they even
consider as their king, and obey as such, the son of the king whom we
hold prisoner here--it has appeared to me best, after consultation,
to take with me on this expedition the chief king and the cachils who
are here. For he and they offer that, if I place them safely within the
fort of Terrenate, they will bind themselves, being in those islands
in person, to bring over to the service of your Majesty the son and
all his vassals; and that they will take up arms against the Dutch,
and would serve in this way, or any other that might present itself
during the expedition, with fidelity. If your Majesty were pleased
to leave him in that kingdom, he would be your vassal, would have
amity with none of our enemies, and would only barter the cloves
to the factors whom your Majesty might have in that island. If he
carries out his promise, it will facilitate the expedition greatly,
and diminish the forces of the enemy. I shall take him with me, and
if it turns out as I trust in our Lord it will, and the king holds to
his promises, so that all his vassals there remain quiet and peaceful,
I shall leave him and his son in the fortress at Terrenate, with the
greatest care and protection, until I have advised your Majesty of all,
and you have given such orders as shall please you.
For so costly an expedition, this royal treasury is in great need,
for of two hundred thousand pesos that the viceroy of Nueva España
sent here, there were taken to Macan fifty thousand pesos to buy
quicksilver; twenty-six thousand for provisions, powder, and other
munitions and supplies; thirty-five thousand paid to the fund of
probated estates, and to citizens who had lent money the year past
for the support of the fleet. So great were the arrears of debts to
private persons, since the taking of Terrenate, and an entire year's
pay that was owing to the troops, that it is greatly impoverished,
having, as is the case, so many necessary matters to attend to. The
most important of these is a fort in this port, so that I may not find
myself in such risk and danger as the enemy placed me in this year,
capturing the port from me, together with three unfinished galleons,
as I have informed your Majesty. In the preparation for the expedition
that I have resolved upon, it would not be possible to accomplish all,
or even a small part of it, if it were not for forty-five thousand
pesos that have been collected from the eight pesos that each Sangley
gives for his license to remain in these islands. With all this
there is such a lack of money that I must go with little enough on
the expedition. If there were any fund from which to get support, I
should make use of it; but I promise your Majesty that there is none
anywhere, nor even a citizen from whom I can borrow a real. We shall
have to get along as best we can, until the viceroy of Nueva España
provides for us. May our Lord protect the Catholic person of your
Majesty for many years, according to the needs of Christendom. Cavite,
September 9, 1610.
Your Majesty's humble vassal and servant
_Don Juan de Silva_
LETTER FROM FELIPE III TO SILVA
_To the governor and Audiencia of Manila, directing them to give
information concerning the controversy that the natives of the village
of Quiapo have with the fathers of the Society concerning certain
lands; and, in the meantime, that they provide what is expedient._
The King: To my governor and captain-general, president and auditors
of my royal Audiencia of the city of Manila, of the Philipinas
Islands. Don Miguel Banal has informed me--in a letter of the fifteenth
of July, six hundred and nine--that, at the instance of the natives
of the village of Aquiapo, the late archbishop of that city wrote to
me that the fathers of the Society of Jesus, under pretense that the
metropolitan dean of Manila sold them a piece of arable land [_verta_]
which lies back of the said village, have appropriated it for their
own lands, taking from them more than the dean granted--to such an
extent that there hardly remains room to plant their crops, or even
to build their houses. And the said Miguel Banal, who is the chief of
that village, having built a house, one of the Society, called Brother
"Nieto," came into his fields, together with many blacks and Indians,
with halberds and other weapons; and they demolished the house, to the
great scandal of all who saw them, and without paying any attention
[to the remonstrances of] the alcalde-mayor of the village. He
entreats me, for assurance of the truth, to command you to make an
investigation regarding it; and in the meantime not to disturb them
in their ancient possession, which they have inherited from their
fathers and grandfathers. Having examined it in my Council for the
Yndias, it has appeared best to order and command you, as I do,
to inform me of what has occurred in this matter, and is occurring,
and in the meantime to take such measures as are expedient. Madrid,
on the seventh of December of one thousand six hundred and ten.
_I The King_
Countersigned by Juan Ruiz de Contreras.
Signed by the Council.
DOCUMENTS OF 1611
Foundation of the college of Santo Tomás of Manila. Bernardo de
Santa Catalina, O.P., and others; April 28.
Hospital at Nueva Cáceres. Pedro Arce, O.S.A.; July 20.
Letters to Juan de Silva. Felipe III; November-December.
Letters to the Dominican provincial. Felipe III; December 31.
_Sources_: All these documents save one are obtained from original
MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The first one is found
in a pamphlet entitled _Algunos documentos relativos á la Universidad
de Manila_ (Madrid, 1892), pp. 5-20.
_Translations_: The first document is translated by James A. Robertson;
the remainder, by Robert W. Haight.
FOUNDATION OF THE COLLEGE OF SANTO TOMÁS OF MANILA
In the name of God Almighty, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost; and in
honor of Mary ever-virgin, who, under the advocacy [45] of her
most holy rosary, is proposed and accepted as patroness of the work
which will be declared below, inasmuch as she is also patroness of
the Order of Preachers of the patriarch St. Dominic, established in
these Filipinas Islands and the kingdom of China; and to his honor
and glory and that of the consecrated doctor [46] of the holy Church,
Saint Thomas Aquinas, by whose intercessions, protection, and aid the
work described in this writing will have a good beginning and means,
and proceed from good to better forever without end: by virtue of
which, I, father Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina, [47] religious of
the said order, and commissary-general of the Holy Office in these
islands, as executor of the most illustrious and reverend archbishop
of this city of Manila in the islands, Don Fray Miguel de Benavides,
now defunct, and [as the one] to whom his Lordship communicated the
application of the remainder of his properties for the work and
foundation which will be hereunder declared--as appears from his
last will and testament, which he signed in this said city of Manila
before Francisco de Alanis, former notary-public in this city, on the
twenty-fourth day of the month of July of the former year one thousand
six hundred and five; and the clause treating of this matter, copied,
corrected and collated with the said will signed by the said notary,
is of the following tenor:
_Item_: His most reverend Lordship said and declared that he made--and
he did so make--while still in life, a complete and irrevocable gift
of all the remainder of his properties for a pious enterprise. He
has conferred and communicated in regard to the same with the said
fathers--namely, the prior of Santo Domingo, Fray Domingo de Nieva,
[48] and Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina, commissary of the Holy
Office. In this charitable work all his properties remaining are
to be applied and distributed, in what manner and form they ordain
and consider advisable, in accordance with his communication and
resolution in regard to it. For this work he said that he gave--and
he did so give--all the remainder of his properties gratuitously;
and the institution was immediately and henceforth to be constituted
the holder and possessor of them. He transferred to them [_i.e._, the
above fathers] his rights and power of disposal [in the property]. This
is the work of which mention was made above.
And I, the said father commissary as executor of another bequest of
properties, which Pablo Rodríguez de Araujo and Andrés de Hermosa,
defunct, left to my distribution and discretion, in accordance with
the terms of their wills--that of the said Pablo Rodríguez de Araujo
appears to have been signed in this city before Francisco de Valencia,
notary-public, on the sixteenth day of the month of February, of the
former year six hundred and six; and that of the said Hermosa before
Francisco de Alanís, notary-public, on the fourth day of the month of
May of the former year six hundred and four--[declare that] the tenor
of the said clauses, one after the other, according to their copies
corrected by the wills signed by the said notaries, is as follows:
"And in order to fulfil this my will and that herein contained,
I leave and appoint as my executors and administrators father Fray
Bernardo de Santa Catalina, commissary of the Holy Inquisition of
these islands, Captain Fructuoso de Araujo, and Francisco de Alanís,
notary-public. To all three of them, and to each one of them singly,
_in solidum_, I delegate power sufficient to adjust and inventory my
properties, and to sell and fulfil that herein contained. And for
its fulfilment, I give, lengthen, and concede to them all the time
and limit that they declare to be necessary. And no ecclesiastical
or secular judge shall meddle with them to make them give account
of the said executorship, because of the confidence that I have in
the above-named persons. For this is my wish, and if such judge
should undertake to demand from them the said account, in that
said event I constitute them my heirs. And when this my will is
fulfilled and observed, and that herein contained, to that part of
my properties remaining and its rights and disposal, inasmuch as I
have no obligatory heir, either forbears or descendants, I establish
and appoint my soul as heir of the said remainder of my properties,
its rights and disposal, so that what pertains to that inheritance,
shall be given into the power of the said father commissary, who
shall distribute it in doing good for my soul in pious works, alms,
and other works of charity, as shall seem best to him.
"And after this my will and that herein contained is fulfilled
and observed, I assign as my only heir to all the remainder of my
properties, the said Inés de Sequera, my wife. However, she shall bind
herself, before all else, to the sum of two thousand pesos net, which
sum shall be employed after the fulfilment of the said my will. With
this condition, it is my will that she have all the remainder for
herself after the legacies are completed, and the other contents of
the said will, and after fulfilment, but in no other manner. This
she shall enjoy, and shall take also that portion that pertains to
her from all the said properties, as they were all acquired during
our marriage. And after having made the reckoning and division in
due form, should she refuse to accept the said inheritance with the
said condition, I leave my soul as my heir to the whole of the said
remainder. My executors shall do with it as they deem best for the
good of my soul, in accordance with what I have contracted and agreed
with the said father commissary. And if the said my wife shall accept
the said inheritance, and shall bind herself to the sum of the two
thousand pesos, they shall be employed as is stated, and they shall
be distributed; for this is my intention, and as such I remit it."
In accordance with the clause of the will of the said archbishop,
I, the said father commissary, Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina,
inasmuch as the said father Fray Domingo de Nieva is dead, declare
that what his Lordship communicated to us (to myself and to him)
was, that the said remainder of his properties be spent in aiding the
foundation and endowment of a college-seminary, where the religious of
this said convent may pursue the study of the arts and of theology;
and where the religious may instruct the novices and other religious
who wish to avail themselves of their aid, others who are sons of
inhabitants of this city and the islands, and any other persons. It
is to be under the name and devotion of Nuestra Señora del Rosario
[_i.e._, Our Lady of the Rosary]; and to be established in this
city, or where the religious of this said order should assign it,
inasmuch as his Lordship and some of the first founders were of
this city. And inasmuch as there are but one thousand five hundred
pesos left of the properties of the said archbishop, it has been and
is necessary, in order that a work so important for the welfare of
this kingdom, and one that sheds so much luster on communities and
people and directs them so greatly to the service of our God and
Lord, may not be without effect (I declare likewise that there have
remained and are left three thousand seven hundred and forty pesos
from the properties of the said Pablo Rodríguez de Araujo; and that
from the properties of the said Andrés de Hermosa, six hundred and
thirty-seven pesos of the two thousand pesos left at my disposition,
have been collected): I establish, apply, unite, and set aside all
the aforesaid two thousand pesos--that collected and to be collected
of them--and the three thousand seven hundred and forty pesos from
the properties of the said Pablo Rodríguez de Araujo, together with
the sum remaining from the properties of the said archbishop, for
the endowment and foundation of the said college. In their names,
I declare that I have bought two houses and their grounds, which are
located near the principal chapel of this convent, on a street half-way
to the corner of the street that runs from the said principal chapel to
the square and cathedral church of this said city, contiguous to the
street running to the river gate; and on the one side, the houses of
Antonio de Espejo, and on the other those of Alonso Gómez--the place
where the building of the said college-seminary must be located,
and the instruction in the said branches take place, and where must
live and remain the students and other things and persons pertaining
to the said college and the use of it. And in case it is necessary,
I, as such executor and administrator, delegate authority, cession,
and transfer to the part of the said college, so that it may collect
the one thousand three hundred and sixty-three pesos thus owing from
the properties of the said Andrés de Hermosa; and they shall give
receipts and take what steps are necessary for the collection until
the money is obtained. And although I, the said father commissary,
might make this foundation and endowment alone--by virtue of my
authority granted me by the said clauses, and that authority given
me by my superiors for the exercise of the said executorship--for its
greater stability, and so that it may be firm and valid forever, since
the very reverend father Fray Baltasar Fort, provincial of the said
province of Nuestra Señora del Rosario, is present, I beg the latter,
in addition to the permission and license that I have had and have,
for new permission and license to make and execute this foundation
and endowment, and its articles and conditions.
I, the said father provincial, grant, give, and concede everything
necessary for the above. Exercising such permission and license,
the said father commissary requested the said father provincial
and father Fray Francisco Minayo, prior of this said convent, to
accompany him and assist him in sketching the plan and method which
ought to be followed in the said foundation, both in appointing at
present a patron and administrator of the said college, and in making
arrangements for the future in what they see makes for its profit and
growth. For that purpose he places in the hands of the said provincial
and prior, from this moment, the said alms and the properties above
stated and declared, in order that so holy and profitable a work may
be begun with them. That work will, I trust, through the intercession
of its principal patron, the holy rosary of our Lady, and the said
St. Dominic and St. Thomas, its advocates, be of much service to our
Lord, and to the growth of learning and wisdom in these kingdoms, so
that it will be a much greater institution in future times. Therefore,
I, the said father provincial, exercising the power vested in me in
accordance with the statutes and privileges of the said province and
order, and especially of that granted me by the provincial chapter in
the name of the entire province, accept this endowment and foundation,
as is and will be contained in this writ. And consequently, in the
most sufficient form and greatest stability that we can employ, all
we three--the said father provincial, the prior, and the commissary
father Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina, in behalf of the said deceased,
decide and acknowledge that we are making a foundation of the said
college-seminary in the form and under the conditions and articles
following.
First, in respect to the application made by the said father commissary
of the said properties, we apply them, according as they are assigned
and declared, for the particular properties of the said college of
Nuestra Señora del Rosario--which is to be its title and advocation--so
that a beginning may be made with them in its foundation. [This we
do] with hopes that others of the faithful, after seeing its good
effects in these kingdoms, will augment those properties with much
more, that will help in attaining the great fruit that will result
from the foundation. Consequently from now and henceforth forever, we
erect and constitute the said house and lands, and their accessions
and improvements, and all other properties, which are at present to
be applied to the said college, and those which shall be applied to
it in the future, and what it may have in ecclesiastical and spiritual
properties. And they shall be used as such for the benefit of the said
college, and for the good of the souls of the said archbishop, Pablo
Rodríguez de Araujo, Andrés de Hermosa, and the other benefactors of
the college.
_Item_: That the said house and college with all the incomes and
profits pertaining to it at present, and that shall pertain to
it in the future in any time or manner, shall be under the charge
and administration of the father provincial, and other prelates of
the said order and province. But they shall be unable through that
authority to dispose of anything in the general or special benefit of
the order; but all must be used, spent, and consumed for the good and
welfare of the said college and for its greater utility, adornment,
and growth. All ways and methods shall be tried for the advancement
of this work, as it is just that this work, so urgently commended by
the laws and holy councils, which has so ennobled the cities that
enjoy such houses and colleges, should make progress. And inasmuch
as this province of Nuestra Señora del Rosario has an ordinance
ruling that the properties of the convents be at the disposal of the
father provincial, and that he may distribute them and give them to
the house that he thinks has need of them: since these properties of
this said foundation do not belong to the said convents, or any one of
them, but are to be applied to this one purpose; and since the said
college is not a monastery, and only in its administration is under
the patronage of the said father provincial and it being necessary,
under that of the prior, the father provincial promises and binds
himself, for himself and for the other provincials succeeding him,
to observe this article, and not dispose of the properties of the
said college or any part of them, in any other thing than the benefit,
growth and permanence of the college; and he renounces any ordinance,
statute, or privilege concerning it which authorizes him in any way
whatever to make the said distribution. And for a more binding pledge,
I thus swear, with my hand on my breast, _in verbo sacerdotis_. [49]
_Item_: Inasmuch as the aforesaid convent of Santo Domingo of this
city, is the chief one of this province, both in antiquity and in
all other things, which makes it the most prominent of them all; and
since it is a convent that receives no chaplaincies or other funds
as memorials of the deceased, but is sustained only by ordinary alms
(as is notorious); and it has been built and rebuilt after the fires
that have happened in this city, by means of those alms, through the
exceeding devotion with which the faithful citizens of the city assist
the welfare of the said convent; and since the convent has been,
after the said archbishop, the first contriver and author of such a
work as this, and founds it, and intends to preserve and increase it;
and consequently, it is just that the prior of the said convent have
some prerogatives over the other priors of this province in the said
college: it is an express statute and condition of this foundation,
that he who is, or shall be, now and henceforth, forever, prior
of this said college [_sic_; _sc_. convent] of Manila, shall have
in his charge the government, discipline, and teaching of the said
college, and that he cannot be removed, suspended, or dismissed from
the said administration, unless dismissed from the priorship of the
said convent.
_Item_: As such founders of the said charitable work and college, we
desire, and it is our will, that the said province of Nuestra Señora
del Rosario be its patroness. The provincial of the province shall have
the prerogative and privilege of appointing the lecturers necessary for
the efficient teaching of the branches that may be studied and taught
in the said college, and the officers and assistants advisable for
its efficient administration and temporal government--both within the
said house and outside it--and in all the other things advisable for
the growth and care of the properties, causes, and affairs of the said
college. However, if at any time any ecclesiastical or secular person
shall desire to endow the said college copiously for the increase of
the work and teaching for which it is founded, such person shall be
given the right of patronage whenever he shall have made a considerable
endowment to the satisfaction of the definitors of the provincial
chapter, together with four fathers of the province, those of longest
standing who may be present. Such person shall be admitted as patron,
and shall be given the right of patronage; and this said province
and provincial shall desist from exercising that right--provided
that such patron be not permitted to enact any statute or ordinance,
or to change any of the conditions of that foundation contrary to the
authority of the said father provincial, in regard to the provision
of lecturers; or withdraw the said college from the said order and
province; or remove the said prior from its administration. For it
is advisable that there be no change from the aforesaid for its good
management. [This shall be done] provided that the endowment thus
made for the right of patronage be without any injury to this work and
beginning; for we must always bear in mind and remember to look after
the welfare of the souls of the said archbishop and other persons,
with whose alms this holy work and foundation is begun; whether the
said province, or any other individual patron of the same, whoever
he be, shall exercise the right of patronage, and enjoy the favors,
exemptions, prerogatives, and privileges, which are conceded by all
law to such patrons.
_Item_: As such founders, and in behalf of what pertains to the said
province and its religious, and those of this said convent, I, the said
father provincial and the other fathers, do ordain that the branches
studied and taught in the arts, theology, and other subjects, by the
religious of the said province and order of our father St. Dominic,
shall be studied in the same college forever, and not those of any
other order, seculars, of whatever rank and quality they may be, both
to the religious of the said order, and any other persons whatever,
ecclesiastical or secular, who shall go there to study--and especially
and chiefly to the secular students who shall be reared and taught
there; and they shall wear, as distinctive marks of being students
there, black gowns with white facings.
_Item_: That the said father provincial--and, in his absence, the said
prior who shall be directing the said college--may accept fellowships
to it, chaplaincies, legacies, and endowments, which may be made--with
any obligation to say masses or other suffrages which shall have to
be fulfilled in this said convent by the religious of it. The college
shall satisfy the said convent for the said suffrages, in the form
decided by the said father provincial or prior, with the advice of
the fathers of the council who reside in this convent; and from that
moment permission and authority shall be granted for it.
_Item_: Whenever it may be deemed expedient, the provincial chapter
of this said province--by which is understood the provincial of
the province and four definitors--and two other religious of the
said order of the highest rank and learning, may make statutes,
ordinances, and new articles for the welfare of the said college--in
the distribution and administration of its properties and incomes;
in what pertains to the ministry and teaching of the subjects that
shall be taught in it; and for the appointment of a rector, with the
authority and power that shall seem advisable. Such statutes shall
be made after the said college is finished and completed, and after
it is used for teaching the said branches, and as a residence for
the rector and collegiates. [They shall make statutes] regarding the
admission of the collegiates, and all else that may be desirable and
necessary. This shall be done as often as it may seem advisable; and,
once made, such statutes cannot be added to, altered, or abrogated
without a special authority and order from his Holiness, which shall
state and declare distinctly that the statutes of the said college
shall be changed, added to, or abrogated, and shall point out, for
this, one or several of the statutes. And such cannot be done, nor
shall it be done, by concessions and general orders now received or to
be received by the said province touching the affairs of its order,
even though they be received and obtained after this foundation,
or after the making of the said rules, statutes, and ordinances,
or those that should be made by virtue of this article.
_Item_: All the properties and effects owned or to be owned by the
said college shall be kept in a box with two keys: one of which
shall be kept by the father provincial, and, in his absence by
the vicar-provincial; and the other by the prior of this convent of
Manila. And should the said father prior happen to use the same in the
absence of the said father provincial and of the vicar-provincial,
then the said provincial may appoint another religious of the same
order and convent to keep the key. The said box is to be kept in
the convent for the greater security and safety that can be had for
it. This regulation shall be observed until it is ruled and ordained
otherwise by the said statutes, which shall be made as aforesaid.
_Item_: The properties possessed by the said college at present,
and those that shall accrue hereafter from the said houses and
possessions--inasmuch as it is necessary to construct and reconstruct
them for the aid of this foundation--shall be spent and used in
the said work, building, and rebuilding, in permanent form, how and
as appears advisable to the said father provincial, and the prior,
and the commissary; and in the absence of one of them to the other
two, or in the absence of the holders of the keys of the said box,
to those in whose charge is to be the payment and remuneration of
what pertains to the said works and buildings of the said house.
_Item_: We enact and ordain that, inasmuch as the said college is
founded with the alms dedicated therefor by the said archbishop and the
other deceased, as above declared, at the discretion of me, the said
father Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina, and with other alms that, God
helping, shall be set aside and applied according to the said method
and plan, and in any other way; we desire and it is our will that,
if at any time any ecclesiastical or secular prince should claim by
act or right to possess any dominion, by way of patronage, or in any
other way should try to dispose of the properties and incomes of the
said college, or to meddle with its administration and government, or
to obstruct and disturb its purpose by any method and in any manner
whatsoever, and through any judge or powerful person, or any other
person whomsoever, who should do it: then immediately and for the
time being, the said property and possessions with which the said
college is founded, and all the rest collected and applied to it,
that is obtained in any manner whatsoever, shall be applied by us to
the said province and religious of the said order, so that all of it,
together with the said houses and college, and their additions and
improvements, may be possessed and enjoyed as their own properties,
acquired with just and legal title; and we annul and render void this
foundation, as if it had never been made. The said order shall be
obliged with them to perform masses and other benefits and suffrages
for the souls of the said archbishop and the others, with whose alms
and properties this foundation is begun; and of the others who, in
any manner, shall hereafter bequeath and apply any other properties
for it. Consequently by this method the said province will render
satisfaction for the said alms to their givers.
We establish and found the said college with the above articles
and conditions. They shall be kept and observed, together with
any others made hereafter in the manner above described; and they
shall not be violated or subverted, or opposed or contradicted, in
whole or in part. I, the said father provincial, by virtue of the
said authority, vested in me as above stated, bind the religious of
this said province and order to see to the fulfilment of whatever
pertains to them, both in the administration of the said patronage,
and in their exercise of the teaching of the said branches; and to
keep the said college under their rule and administration, as well
as the houses and other properties possessed by it now or in the
future; and to do all their duty without any exception, excuse, or
limitation. [This I charge on] both the religious now present, and on
all those who shall be here in the future henceforth and forever, and
they shall not be exempted from its fulfilment for any cause, reason,
or law, which they may have to enable them to do it, or that may be
conceded to them by laws and royal ordinances, statutes, or privileges,
and concessions of this province and order, as yet given or to be
conceded and given hereafter. I, the said father commissary, as such
executor and administrator of the properties of the said deceased,
assert that this application and endowment that I make with them and
for their souls is, and will be, certain and assured; and I have not
made any donation, distribution, or any other application of them for
any other purpose. The said properties will be certain and assured
under the express obligation vested in me specially and specifically
for this foundation and endowment of the said college. And all three,
the said father provincial, the prior, and the commissary, authorize
the justices who can and ought to try this cause, so that they may
compel and force all on whom falls the fulfilment of this instrument
to observe it, as if they were condemned thereto by the definitive
sentence of a competent judge, rendered in a case decided. We renounce
whatever laws and rights plead in our favor, and in this case, and the
law and rule of law that says that a general renunciation of laws is
invalid. This is given in the said city of Manila, on the twenty-eighth
day of the month of April of the year one thousand six hundred and
eleven. The grantors, whom, I, the notary, testify to be known to me,
signed this instrument--Captains Diego de Valdez, Gerónimo de Gamarra,
and Melchor de Ayllón, all citizens of Manila, being witnesses.
_Fray Baltasar Fort_, prior provincial.
_Fray Francisco Minayo_, prior.
_Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina_
Before me:
_Juan Illán_. his Majesty's notary.
THE HOSPITAL AT NUEVA CACERES
Sire:
In the city of Cáceres there is a hospital where the religious of
St. Francis attend with much charity to the treatment of the sick,
Spaniards as well as natives. It is very poor, and on the verge
of ruin. May your Majesty be pleased to extend to it some alms,
to erect another building for it, and provide it with some income,
that it may aid in the maintenance of the sick who are being treated
in it, particularly the natives, who suffer great want on account of
having no income. The city furnishes very little to the aid of the
said hospital, because the citizens are few and poor. Accordingly,
I know of no other remedy but to have recourse to your Majesty, that,
as you are so Catholic a king and a patron of all the churches and
hospitals of these islands, you may supply this need, and give them
the aid which may appear most fitting to your Majesty, particularly in
the case of this hospital, which suffers such dire need. Although I am
desirous of alleviating this, I cannot, as I also am poor. Accordingly
I beg and beseech your Majesty to have pity upon it and aid it, and
give it what your Majesty may judge sufficient. It seems to me that
your Majesty might order the governor of these islands to assign some
of the Indians from vacant encomiendas, to apply to this purpose,
and give to this hospital to aid it. In this your Majesty will do a
great service to our Lord, and a very gracious favor and good to the
said hospital, and to me who am seeking this in its name. As it is
a work of such piety and service for our Lord, I have dared to make
this request. May He protect your Majesty many happy years, for the
good of His church. Manila, the twentieth of July, of the year one
thousand six hundred and eleven.
_Fray Pedro Arce_, bishop-elect of Nueva Cáceres.
[_Endorsed_: "Manila; to his Majesty, 1611; the bishop-elect of Nueva
Cáceres, July 22. Let the governor and royal officials of Manila send
information, together with their opinion. June 15, 1612."]
LETTERS FROM FELIPE III TO SILVA
The King: To Don Juan de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, my
governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of
my royal Audiencia there. Your letter of July 24, 609, was received and
examined in my Council of the Yndias, and I was glad to learn by it of
your arrival in those islands, and that you had a prosperous voyage. As
for what you say concerning the anxious efforts of certain religious
to cause the governmental and military offices in their districts
to pass through their hands, and the disturbances and troubles which
have occurred among the natives, and the assemblages of people, and
the reduction of villages which has been accomplished, when there
was an opportunity for the same to hinder the royal jurisdiction by
opposing the corregidors and others who are governing--as happened
a short time before you arrived, in a district of the province of
Nueva Segobia, where you found it necessary to send troops of war
with the sargento-mayor Christoval de Axqueta to pacify and punish
some Indians who had rebelled because the religious had tried to
unite them and make them sedentary without giving account to the
governor: it has seemed best to me to charge you, as I do charge you,
that you shall endeavor that such measures be taken in these matters
that suitable provision be made against such troubles, and manage
affairs considerately and prudently; for we confide in you to avoid
the difficulties which you describe, and others which may occur.
The bishoprics of Cibu and that of Nueva Cáceres are already provided
for, as you will be informed. [50]
In the lading of the ships for that trade it is understood that there
has been great evasion of the law, as you likewise say in your letter;
and because this, as is known, causes much trouble, I order you to
take great care to observe inviolably, in regard to this matter,
what is ordained by the decree which treats thereof--causing it to
be fulfilled and executed, without infraction in any case, whatever
it may be, as this is expedient for the general good.
What you have done in regard to the matter of the three per cent
from the Chinese is well, and accordingly its collection will be
continued; and likewise all the current dues from the two per cent
which was recently imposed upon the merchandise of the natives which
goes to Nueva España will be collected from those who shall owe it. In
future, you will comply with the orders given you in regard to this,
endeavoring to have both imposts collected with as much gentleness
as possible.
What you say concerning the proposition by the agents of the Mindanaos
regarding the settlement of peace with them has been examined, and
is being considered; and you will be promptly advised of the decision
which will be made.
In the post of alcayde and governor of the troops of the force in
Terrenate a person has been appointed to serve, on account of the
death of Juan de Esquibel, as you will have already been informed.
As it seems to me that the administration of the clove product
and other property which I hold in Terrenate should be suitably
placed, in charge of a person of intelligence and the necessary
trustworthiness, and that these qualities are combined in Pedro de
Baeza, I have appointed him as my factor there, subordinate to the
instructions which you will give him, which will be in accordance
with the confidence that we have in your prudence and zeal, as you
have the matter near at hand, and can be informed so punctually of
what is expedient therein. In the meantime, until the formal decision
is made as to who shall take charge of the cloves for the future, you
will observe what has been decreed in regard to this. You will advise
me minutely of what it has brought into my royal treasury--not only
through the trade with the Portuguese and other nations in Maluco,
but what has been carried to those islands for the crown of Castilla;
and what is the net result, to whom that merchandise has been given,
and where it has been consumed, so that, having this information,
I may decree and order whatever is fitting.
It is very well that care has been taken, as you say, and an order
issued to the effect that Japanese should not reside in those islands;
and you will continue this procedure with the attention which the
matter demands.
As it proves difficult for the natives to conduct warfare after the
manner of the Spaniards, you will issue decrees dispensing with it;
and will provide for safety as you suggest in your letter.
The decree in regard to the time when the ships on that trade-route
shall depart for Nueva España you will cause to be carefully executed,
as you know the importance of this for the safety of the voyage.
On occasions when any prebends of the metropolitan church of that city
shall be vacant, you shall propose, as is expected, conjointly with
the archbishop thereof, three persons for each of them, according to
the orders.
You shall see that the cargo which will be carried on the ships in
that traffic be always placed in the first hold; and, between decks,
the ship's stores, sailors' chests, and rigging, as you say. You
will do this in accordance with the order that has been given. You
will likewise take care, as you suggest, and as I charge you to do,
to provide that the common seamen take the provisions necessary for
the voyage, that they may not suffer want.
As you know how important it is that the said ships should not go
overloaded, you will fulfil, with the care which may be expected from
you, what has been ordered in regard to this. For if at any time it
should happen that they threw overboard any cloth from these ships,
you will take such measures as may be best for all, making provision
that the damage shall be shared among all in equal parts, so that those
who are interested can demand satisfaction and no one remain injured.
The results of the accounts [51] of these islands, and errors in them,
you will examine as I have ordered you, and place them in my royal
treasury if you have not already done so, concerning all items which
are not justified by vouchers, advising me by the first opportunity
of what you may do.
In conformity with what you say, my viceroy of Nueva España has already
been ordered not to allow any married man to pass to your islands;
and if any of them shall go thither it must be with the permission
of their wives for a limited time, and with guarantees given that
they shall come back within the appointed time; I have thought best
to advise you thereof, so that you may be informed of it, and on your
part execute the same rule in so far as it concerns you.
The duties have been examined, in order that my royal treasury in those
islands should have a surplus, thus saving what is carried from Nueva
España for the expenses there. This is now being considered, and in
a short time you will be advised of the decision made. [Guadarrama,
November 12, 1611.]
_I The King_
By order of the king, our lord:
_Juan Ruiz de Contreras_
_To Don Juan de Silva, governor of the Philipinas, informing him
of the decree that your Majesty has commanded to be given to the
deputy from Olanda, directing him to set at liberty Pablo Bancardin
and other Dutchmen, as they have not given any provocation for their
second capture._
The King: To Don Juan de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, my
governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president
of my royal Audiencia there. At the instance of Teodoro Rodemburg,
who is present at my court on certain business concerning the islands
of Olanda and Celanda, I despatched an order to you, by a decree
of the same date as this (which has been delivered to that envoy),
commanding that the admiral, Paulo Brancardin, and the seventy-four
Dutch who, according to your letter, have been captured with him in
an oared vessel, by Captain Pedro de Heredia, while voyaging from
Terrenate to the island of Morata, should be set free, if it has
not already been done, in conformity with clause thirty-four of the
truce with Flandes. But if, after being freed from this captivity,
he or any of the others should give any occasion for capturing them
again, then (since in this case the fault would be theirs) you will
advise me without setting them free. This I have thought best to
inform you of, so that with this understanding, if they are again
taken with cause--which they have given, as has been said, and as has
been learned by a letter from Sargento-mayor Christoval de Asquelta,
and by what you wrote to the viceroy, Marques de Salinas, in a letter
of the fourth of September, 610, a copy of which he sent to me--and
should they wish to negotiate their freedom by means of a ransom, or
any other means, before or after the use of said decree, you will not
admit of it, nor give them freedom in any manner, either to the said
admiral or to the others; but you shall hold them prisoners with the
greatest care, until you receive further orders from me. Madrid, on the
twentieth of November of the year one thousand six hundred and eleven.
_I The King_
By command of the king our lord:
_Juan Ruiz de Contreras_
Signed by the members of the Council.
_To Don Juan de Silva, governor of the Philipinas, ordering him to
build and collect immediately a squadron of ships, to cruise in that
sea, about the point of Manila, to make sure thereby that the Dutch
do not rob the ships and other vessels which go to those islands from
Nueva España, China, and other regions._
The King: To Don Juan de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, my
governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president
of my royal Audiencia there. By letters from you and other persons
zealous in my service, I have learned that the king of Japon has
admitted the Dutch to commerce with his realms, for their having
offered to carry him a great quantity of silk, which is the chief
commodity in which they deal there; and because those rebels had robbed
the Chinese, from whose ports they procure the silks, they dare not
go to that kingdom for them. Accordingly, to keep the terms of their
offer, and not lose that trade, it will be necessary for them to await
the vessels of the Chinese near that city of Manila, which are going
there with silk, in order to rob them of it. And not only will they
do this damage, but they may also do the same with the ships which
go to Nueva España, and other vessels from Malaca and Macan. It has
been represented to me that, both in order to avoid this danger to my
ships and my vassals, and likewise for the importance of keeping the
said Dutch from fulfilling their offer to that king--for if they do
not do it he will drive them out of his lands, where it is important
[for us] that they should not secure a foothold--it would be well to
have a squadron cruise close to the port of that city [of Manila];
and to secure this result, it will not be necessary to have large
ships. I have thought it best to approve this; and, considering that
when you receive this you will already have made the expeditions of
which you wrote me in the letter of the fifth of September of six
hundred and ten, if you have good success in them, with the help of
our Lord, I command you that, with the ships that may remain to you of
the fleet which you were engaged in collecting, you will keep those
necessary for a squadron sufficient to cruise in that sea, and with
it will attend to the matters above mentioned. And if there are not
enough ships by using these, you will make and build, with all possible
despatch, what may appear to you expedient for this purpose; and will
inform me, at the first opportunity, of the number and kind of ships,
and how they are supplied and equipped, with both men and artillery,
and with all else necessary; until I may give a different order; as
such is my will. These presents will be registered by my auditors
of accounts who are in my Council of the Yndias. Dated at Madrid,
the nineteenth of December of the year 1611.
_I The King_
By command of the king our lord:
_Juan Ruiz de Contreras_
Signed by the Council of War for the Yndias.
LETTERS TO THE DOMINICAN PROVINCIAL
_To the provincial of the Order of St. Dominic for the Philipinas,
directing him to apply to certain actions of the religious thereof,
the correction which he ought and is bound to apply, maintaining
friendly relations with the governor._
The King: To the venerable and devout father provincial of the Order
of St. Dominic for the Philipinas Islands. By a letter from Don Juan
de Silva, my governor and captain-general there, of the fifth of
September, 610, I have learned that several religious of your order,
from various motives, usually oppose the things that are ordered
for the sake of good government. At times this has gone so far that
incidents such as to cause anxiety have occurred. Such was the case
in Nueva Segovia, regarding the Indian whom the alcalde-mayor held
prisoner, on appeal condemned to death by the Audiencia, who had
ordered the sentence to be executed there. When the day before the
execution arrived two friars went to the prison, saying that they were
going to confess him. They succeeded in being left alone with the
prisoner in a room with a window opening on the street; and, having
provided some one to take him to their convent, they thrust him out of
the window, without the knowledge of the persons about the building,
which resulted in a very scandalous affair. The alcalde-mayor, on
learning of it, went to the convent to get possession of the prisoner;
and found that for his greater security they had placed him upon the
altar--which, as may be seen, was an improper action. When he attempted
to take away the prisoner, the friars treated the alcalde-mayor very
scurvily; and when he had removed the Indian they proceeded against
him with censures and interdicts, in such wise that he had to return
to the church, unpunished, the man whom they themselves had delivered
up, when he was seized--demanding his death, and saying that it
was best to execute him there as an example for all. Although it is
understood that you made the proper remonstrances in this case, yet,
as I wish to know what they were, I charge you to advise me of it;
and from this time forth to continue, with the care which I am sure
you will exercise, to apply in all cases due remedy, as you are bound
to do. I also charge you to maintain very friendly relations with the
said Don Juan de Silva, my governor, to whom I am writing to maintain
the same relations with you, on account of the importance of this
for the service of God and my own. Madrid, on the twenty-first of
December of the year one thousand six hundred and eleven.
_I The King_
By order of the king our lord:
_Juan Ruiz de Contreras_
Signed by the Council.
_To the provincial of the Order of St. Dominic of the Philipinas,
directing him to see to it that the religious of the order do not cross
over to Japon without permission from the governor, as is ordered._
The King: To the venerable and devout father provincial of the Order
of St. Dominic in the Philipinas Islands. By a letter from Don Juan
de Silva, my governor and captain-general there, of the fifth of
September, 610, I have learned that several religious have passed
over to Japon without his permission, claiming that that of their
own superiors was sufficient. As it is expedient for my service that
the decrees regarding this should be executed by my said governor,
as he is again ordered to do, by another decree bearing this date,
I charge you that, with the diligence which I trust you will use,
you will take such action that the religious of your order shall
not contravene this decree; and that you will, so far as possible,
secure the observance of the orders which I have issued, as that
is so important for the service of God and my own, and for the good
government of the islands. Madrid, on the thirty-first of December
of the year 1611.
_I The King_
By command of the king our lord:
_Juan Ruiz de Contreras_
Signed by the members of the Council.
[_Endorsed_: "_Idem_, to the provincial of the Order of St. Augustine
for Philipinas." "_Idem_, to the provincial of the Society of Jesus
there." "_Idem_, to the provincial of St. Francis for Philipinas."]
DOCUMENTS OF 1612-13
Status of missions in the Philippines. Gregorio Lopez. S.J.,
and others; [_ca_. 1612].
Trade of the Philippines. Juan, marques de Montesclaros; April
12, 1612.
Letter from the bishop of Nueva Segovia. [Domingo de Soria, O.P.];
August 15, 1613.
Letter to Silva. Felipe III; December 2, 1613.
_Sources_: All these documents save one are obtained from original
MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The second is taken
from _Doc ined. Amér. y Oceanía_, vi, pp. 298-314.
_Translations_: The first and second are translated by James
A. Robertson; the remainder by Robert W. Haight.
STATUS OF MISSIONS IN THE PHILIPPINES
Order of St. Augustine
_List of the convents and ministrations of the Order of our father
St. Augustine in these Philipinas Islands, and the religious and
ministers necessary for them._
_Spanish towns_
In the convent of the city of Manila, twenty priests and ten brethren.
In the convent of the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, five priests
and two brethren.
In the convent of our Lady of Guadalupe, three priests and one brother.
_Province of Tagalos_
Tributes Indians Ministers
In the convent of Batangas and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to eight
hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred
[souls] in confession. 800 2,400 2
In the convent of Taal and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand five hundred tributes, or four
thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 3
In the convent of Tanavan and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four
hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2
In the convent of Sant Sebastian and its
visitas there are two ministers, who minister
to one thousand tributes, or three thousand
in confession. 1,000 3,000 2
In the convent of Bay and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
one thousand tributes, or three thousand in
confession. 1,000 3,000 2
In the convent of San Pablo and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
two thousand tributes, or six thousand in
confession. 2,000 6,000 3
In the convent of Tagui and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
five hundred tributes, or one thousand five
hundred in confession. 500 1,500 2
In the convent of Pasig and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand five hundred tributes, or four
thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 3
In the convent of Palañac and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four
hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2
In the convent of Tongdo and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand two hundred tributes, or three
thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3
In the convent of Caruyan and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four
hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2
In the convent of Bulacan and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four
hundred in confession 800 2,400 2
In the convent of Malolos and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
seven hundred tributes, or two thousand one
hundred in confession 700 2,100 2
In the convent of Quingua and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
six hundred tributes, or one thousand eight
hundred in confession. 600 1,800 2
In the convent of Calompit and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
one thousand two hundred tributes, or three
thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 2
In the convent of Agonoy and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand two hundred tributes, or three
thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3
_Province of Panpanga_
Tributes Indians Ministers
In the convent of Apalit and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
six hundred tributes, or one thousand eight
hundred in confession. 600 1,800 2
In the convent of Macabibi there are three
ministers, who minister to two thousand
tributes, or six thousand in confession. 2,000 6,000 3
In the convent of Lubao and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand tributes, or three thousand in
confession. 1,000 3,000 3
In the convent of Guava and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand two hundred tributes, or three
thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3
In the convent of Bacolor and its visitas
there arc four ministers, who minister to
one thousand three hundred tributes, or four
thousand in confession. 1,300 4,000 4
In the convent of Mexico and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
five hundred tributes, or one thousand five
hundred in confession. 500 1,500 2
In the convent of Betis and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
five hundred tributes, or one thousand five
hundred in confession. 500 1,500 2
In the convent of Poray and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to six
hundred tributes, or one thousand six hundred
in confession. 600 1,600 2
In the convent of Ayumbon and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to six
hundred tributes, or one thousand six hundred
in confession 600 1,600 2
In the convent of Candava and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand two hundred tributes, or three
thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3
_Province of Ylocos_
Tributes Indians Ministers
In the province of Alingayen and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
eight hundred tributes, or one thousand four
hundred in confession. 800 1,400 2
In the convent of Agoo and its visitas there
are two ministers, who minister to one thousand
five hundred tributes, or four thousand five
hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 2
In the convent of Bavan and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand two hundred tributes, or three
thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3
In the convent of Purao and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
one thousand tributes, or three thousand in
confession. 1,000 3,000 2
In the convent of Tagurin and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
one thousand tributes, or three thousand in
confession. 1,000 3,000 2
In the convent of Santa Cruz and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
nine hundred tributes, or two thousand seven
hundred in confession. 900 2,700 2
In the convent of Candon and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four
hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2
In the convent of Bantay and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand tributes, or three thousand in
confession. 1,000 3,000 3
In the convent of Sinay and its visitas there
are two ministers, who minister to one thousand
two hundred tributes, or three thousand six
hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 2
In the convent of Batac and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand five hundred tributes, or four
thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 3
In the convent of Dinglas and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand five hundred tributes, or four
thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 3
In the convent of Ylavan and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand four hundred tributes, or four
thousand two hundred in confession. 1,400 4,200 3
In the convent of Bacarra and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four
hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2
_Province of Pintados_
Tributes Indians Ministers
In the convent of Hibahay and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
two thousand tributes, or six thousand in
confession. 2,000 6,000 3
In the convent of Aclan and its visitas there
are two ministers, who minister to one thousand
two hundred tributes, or three thousand six
hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 2
In the convent of Batan and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four
hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2
In the convent of Panay and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand two hundred tributes, or three
thousand six hundred in confession. 1,200 3,600 3
In the convent of Marlousao and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand five hundred tributes, or four
thousand five hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 3
In the convent of Pasig and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
three thousand tributes, or nine thousand in
confession. 3,000 9,000 3
In the convent of Laglag and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
one thousand tributes, or six thousand in
confession. 1,000 6,000 2
In the convent of Baong and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four
hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2
In the convent of Dumangas and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
nine hundred tributes, or two thousand seven
hundred in confession. 900 2,700 2
In the convent of Salop and its visitas there
are two ministers, who minister to one thousand
five hundred tributes, or four thousand five
hundred in confession. 1,500 4,500 2
In the convent of Otong and its visitas
there are three ministers, who minister to
one thousand tributes, or three thousand in
confession. 1,000 3,000 3
In the convent of Antique and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
six hundred tributes, or one thousand in
confession. 600 1,800 2
In the convent of San Nicolas de Cubu and its
visitas there are two ministers, who minister
to one thousand tributes, or three thousand
in confession. 1,000 3,000 2
In the convent of Sian and its visitas
there are two ministers, who minister to
eight hundred tributes, or two thousand four
hundred in confession. 800 2,400 2
Society of Jesus
In this province of the Society of Jesus of Filipinas, there are at
present ninety-two religious--forty-five priests, seven theological
and four philosophical students, twenty-eight lay-brethren of long
standing, and eight novices (counting students and lay-brethren).
They are distributed among two colleges, and one seminary of secular
students, six residences under direct charge of the provincial,
and one mission.
_Manila_
There are forty-three religious in Manila--sixteen priests, eleven
students, eight lay-brethren, and eight novices--counting among the
priests the father provincial and his associate, Father Valerío, who
are now about to go on a visit, with one brother already counted;
and Father Alonso de Humanes, who is now about to go to Roma with
another brother of Manila; and counting also the three religious in
the seminary of San Joseph. Consequently they attend not only to
preaching to and confessing the Spanish in Manila, and the other
duties usual in the professed houses; but also to the principal
object, the studies of Latin, arts, and theology, and the training of
novices. They have charge of the seminary for the secular students;
and attend to the Indians of San Miguel and the others of the city,
with frequent confessions and sermons.
_Mission of Silan_
One father and one brother--sometimes two fathers--generally reside
in this mission [_doctrina_] in subordination to the college of
Manila. The tributes of the village of Silan are about four hundred,
and those of the village of Malabag, a visita, lying one-half legua
away, about seventy tributes.
_Octon_
The mission [_mision_] of Octon has one father and one brother. The
novitiate of San Pedro, which is being founded and instituted, has
two brethren.
_Residence of Antipolo_
There are four fathers and three brethren in this residence. The
villages of this residence where the fathers always officiate number
three, and have three churches: Antipolo, with two visitas, namely,
Santa Cruz and Mahayay; Taytay, with one visita, namely, Caynta;
and the village of Santiago de la Cruz, which has no visita, but
attracts savage Indians from the forests. The souls in confession of
this residence number about five thousand, already well instructed
Christians, and they give much occupation to the fathers.
The churches and tributes in charge of the fathers of the Society of
Jesus in the province of Pintados are as follows.
_Zebu_
The college of Zebu has in charge an Indian village situated one legua
from the city, which has eighty tributes. It has three fathers and
three brethren, who are busily occupied with the Spanish inhabitants
and soldiers, the Indians of the city and of the neighborhood, and
the boys' school. It needs many more laborers.
_Residence of Dulac_
Part of the island of Leyte and part of that of Ybabao--on that side
where those two islands almost join--have four fathers and two brethren
in charge. This [_i.e._, the waterway between the islands] has been
a great convenience for conducting the instruction. This residence
comprises a circuit of about thirty leguas or so. In that space it
has in charge the following villages, each village having one church.
Tributes
Village of Dulac, with three hundred and seventy-one
tributes. 371
Village of Barugo, with one hundred and seventy-two
tributes. 172
Village of Buraguen, with five hundred and ninety-five
tributes. 595
Village of Vincay, with four hundred and ten
tributes. 410
Village of Bito, with two hundred and forty-one
tributes. 241
Village of Abuyog, with two hundred and seventy-six
tributes. 276
Village of Palo, with two hundred and seventy
tributes. 270
Village of Malaguicay, with three hundred and
thirty-six tributes. 336
Village of Dagami, with three hundred and eighty-two
tributes. 382
Village of Basay, with four hundred and thirty
tributes. 430
Village of Hubung, with two hundred and forty
tributes. 240
Village of Guiguan, with one hundred and eighty
tributes. 180
Village of Pamhoan, with two hundred tributes. 200
Consequently they have in charge in this residence
four thousand one hundred and three tributes. 4,103
and 13 churches.
_Residence of Carigara_
This residence is likewise situated in the island of Leyte,
and includes the adjacent islands of Poro and Panan. Although the
principal part of it (namely, five villages) is included in a narrow
circuit, the remaining part, because of the paucity of inhabitants,
and their destruction by the Mindanaos, extends for sixty leguas--and
more rather than less. Throughout its extent it has the following
villages, each village having its church.
Tributes
Village of Carigara, with about three hundred and
sixty tributes. 360
Village of Barugo, with one hundred and eighty
tributes. 180
Village of Alangalan, with four hundred tributes. 400
Village of Xaro, with three hundred and fifty
tributes. 350
Village of Leyte, with two hundred and twenty
tributes. 220
Village of Ogmuc, with one hundred and sixty
tributes. 160
Village of the island of Camotes, called Poro, with
one hundred and fifty tributes. 150
Village of Baybay, with one hundred and eighty
tributes. 180
Village of Canamucan, with one hundred and twenty
tributes. 120
Village of Ymasava, with forty tributes. 40
Village of Cabalian, with one hundred and fifty
tributes. 150
Village of Panaon, with fifty tributes. 50
Village of Nonangan, with sixty tributes. 60
2,420 tributes and 13 churches.
Consequently, the said residence has in charge thirteen churches in
which are instructed two thousand four hundred and twenty tributes;
these are administered by four priests, aided by two brethren.
_Residence of Tinagon_
This residence is located in the island of Ybabao and includes the
islets of Cavayan and Capul. Twelve villages with their churches are
instructed in it. They are as follows, lying within a distance of
twenty leguas.
Tributes
Village of Tinagon, with three hundred and thirty
tributes. 330
Village of Bangaun, with one hundred and eighty-seven
tributes. 187
Village of Paranas, with two hundred and twenty
tributes. 220
Village of Malulubug, with three hundred tributes. 300
Village of Caluigan, with one hundred and eighty-five
tributes. 185
Village of Libunao, with three hundred and ten
tributes. 310
Village of Cotay, with ninety-four tributes. 94
Village of Cavayan, with two hundred and ninety
tributes. 290
Village of Ybatan, with three hundred and thirty
tributes. 330
Village of Boloneto, with one hundred and forty
tributes. 140
Two villages in the island of Capul, called Sucar and
Savan where there are four hundred and thirty-seven
tributes 437
2,823 tributes and 12 churches.
Consequently this residence embraces twelve churches, in which two
thousand eight hundred and twenty-three tributes are instructed by
four priests of our Society, aided by two brethren.
_Residence of Cabo de Spirita Santo, or Palapac_
This residence extends for forty leguas more rather than less--within
the island of Ybabao, and includes the two adjacent islets of Lavan
and Biri. The following villages are instructed in it, and each
village has its own church.
Tributes
Village of Biri, with sixty tributes 60
Village of Calatman, with three hundred and thirty
tributes 330
Village of Pamboan, with three hundred and forty
tributes 340
Village of Laguan, with one hundred and eighty
tributes 180
Village of Catabig, with four hundred and ten
tributes 410
Village of Palapac, with four hundred tributes 410
Village of Gamay, with two hundred tributes 200
Village of Bacor, with one hundred and fifty
tributes 150
Village of Bolor, with one hundred and thirty
tributes 130
Village of Unasan, with two hundred tributes 200
Village of Tubig, with one hundred and twenty
tributes 120
Village of Boronga, with two hundred tributes 200
Village of Libas, with two hundred and thirty
tributes 230
2,950 tributes and 13 churches.
Consequently this residence embraces thirteen churches, in which
two thousand nine hundred and fifty tributes are instructed by four
priests of our Society, aided by two brethren.
_Residence of Bohol_
Only this island of Bohol, which is forty leguas in circumference,
and the islet of Bacacay belong to the king, our sovereign, in all
the territory in charge of the Society. The Society has likewise
charge of the islet of Panglao and that of Siquior, or Isla de Fuegos
["Island of Fires"]. This residence includes the following villages
and their churches.
Tributes
Village of Loboc, with six hundred tributes, where there is
also a seminary for Indians 600
Village of Tubor, with one hundred and fifty tributes 150
Village of Baclayon, with three hundred tributes 300
Village of Dita, with three hundred tributes 300
Village of Tubigan, with fifty tributes 50
Village of Hinabangan, with two hundred tributes. 200
Village of Bacacay, with thirty tributes. 30
Village of Talibon, with two hundred tributes. 200
Village of Bauliron, with one hundred tributes. 100
Village of Yngaon, with one hundred and twenty tributes. 120
Village of Panglao, with sixty tributes. 60
Village of Siquior, with eighty tributes. 80
2,200 tributes and 12 churches.
Consequently this residence instructs two thousand two hundred
tributes, of which two thousand and fifty belong to the king, our
sovereign. Four fathers and two brethren minister to all of them.
As your Lordship ordered, the Society of Jesus presents this paper, in
which are recorded faithfully its ministers, the villages where they
are stationed, the churches, tributes, and extent of its field. From
it two things are apparent: the first, how necessary is a greater
union and settlement of the Indians, in such form as your Highness
may judge best; the second, that the need of help by a great number
of new ministers is extreme. For where there are four priests, ten are
regularly needed, because the indicated number of tributes corresponds
to a very much greater number of souls, either now confessing or being
catechised for baptism as is apparent from the report of a residence
that accompanies this present.
Therefore I entreat your Highness to petition his Majesty the king,
our sovereign, to send a considerable number of fathers of the Society
of Jesus from Europe--at least about fifty, considering that it is many
years since any have been asked for, and on this occasion a procurator
is going for that purpose. It will, moreover, be important for his
Majesty to issue there very urgent orders, so that the superiors
in Europe may not be illiberal and refuse to furnish ministers. If
he considers the pacification of Mindanao, and, besides that, if we
should have to provide Maluco with ministers from here with the new
government which is coming, it is necessary to provide beforehand
for an increase in the number of workers. I hope for all the above
from the great foresight of your Highness, with grace and justice.
_Gregorio Lopez_
Order of St. Francis
Very potent Sire:
Since I am ordered, in your Majesty's name, to give a minute of the
convents in this province of San Gregorio, of the discalced friars and
religious in it, and the number of souls to whom they administer the
holy sacraments and instruction, by virtue of that command I declare
that this province has forty-eight convents with their visitas,
where religious live; and four convents where they do not minister to
Indians--namely, Sant Francisco of Manila, Sant Francisco del Monte,
Sant Francisco of Caceres and Sant Diego of Cavite. Further it has six
[_sic_] hospitals: the royal hospital of Manila; that for the natives;
that of La Misericordia; that at Los Baños ["the baths"]; and that at
Cavite. There are one hundred and one priests, counting well, sick, and
old. There are thirty-eight lay-brethren, who serve and act as nurses
at the hospitals, infirmaries, and convents generally. We have in
charge as many as eighty thousand souls or so. In Maluco there is one
convent where the native Indian Christians are instructed, both those
living there and those who go thither from these regions. There is also
a hospital where the soldiers are cured. From the aforesaid convents
twelve religious have been taken since last year (when some came here),
and religious of our order are requested in many other places.
In [the districts of] some of these convents there are few Indians,
because they refuse to join the chief settlements; nor can those
people be well instructed, as they are very remote, unless they
have religious. Moreover, there are fifteen priests in Japon and six
lay-brethren, busied in the conversion and in hospital work.
_Fray Marcos de Lisboa_, [52] vice-provincial.
Order of St. Dominic.
_List of the houses and missions of the Order of St. Dominic in these
Philipinas Islands._
It has one convent in the city of Manila, with sixteen friars--six
priests and six lay brethren.
It has a mission [_doctrina_] in the town of Binondoc and Baybay
with two ministers for six hundred Sangleys, or a trifle less. For
the hospital of San Gabriel it has two religious--one a priest and
the other a lay-brother--and there the Sangley infidels are nursed
and instructed.
It has a mission in the district of Batan with four priests for one
thousand six hundred Indians.
It has four missions in the province of Pangasinan. The first is called
Bina Lato-gan and has four religious, three of whom are lay-brethren,
and one who is not, for one thousand three hundred Indians.
The second is in Calasiao and has two ministers for one thousand
and thirty Indians. The third is Magaldan and has two ministers for
nine hundred Indians. The fourth is Mauazuag and has two religious,
one a lay-brother and one who is not, for four hundred Indians,
or a trifle less, and the new conversion in the tingues.
It has eleven missions in the province of Cagayan. The first is
called Pata and has two ministers for eight hundred Indians. The
second is called Tular and has two ministers for one thousand one
hundred Indians or a trifle more. The third is called Potol and has
two ministers for three hundred Indians and the new conversion laid
open on the creek of Mandayas. The fourth is called Camaluyuga and has
three ministers for six hundred Indians, or a few more or less. The
fifth is that of Nueva Segovia where the Spanish live. There is a
convent there that has charge of the mission of Bagunbaya, which has
two ministers for one hundred Indians, or a few more or less. It is to
be noted that this house receives no alms, either from his Majesty or
from encomenderos, or from Indians, and consequently it is in great
need. The sixth is called Tocolana and has three ministers for one
thousand Indians. The seventh is called Asiping and has two ministers
for seven hundred Indians or a trifle more. The eighth is called Pia
and is situated on the creek of Lobo. It has three ministers for two
thousand Indians. The ninth is called Malaguey and has two ministers
for one thousand Indians. The tenth is called Tuguiguerao. For one
thousand three hundred Indians it has three ministers. The eleventh
is called Pititan and has four ministers for one thousand six hundred
Indians and for the new conversion among the tingues of Zinbuey.
_Fray Baltasar Fort_, prior provincial.
_Item_: We have three houses in Japon. One is in Nangasaqui, and
has three priests and one lay-brother; another in Sanga, which is
situated in the kingdom of Figen, with three religious--two priests
and one lay-brother, the third in Meaco, the residence of the Dayfo,
with two priests.
_[Endorsed:_ "List given by the convent of St. Dominic in accordance
with his Majesty's order."]
TRADE OF THE PHILIPPINES
_Official letter from the Marques de Montesclaros, [53] viceroy of
Peru, directed to his Majesty, in regard to changing to España the
trade between Mexico and Filipinas._
In behalf of the consulate [54] and corporation of the merchants
of Sevilla, your Majesty was entreated to have the trade between
Nueva España and Philipinas suppressed, and to order that it should
be carried on only from those kingdoms [i.e., España and Portugal]
with the said islands. Your Majesty upon hearing those merchants, was
pleased to order me to make investigation and give my opinion in the
matter. For that purpose you despatched your decree of September 1,
610, and I received it by these last mails.
The arguments which, it seems, were presented to your Majesty by the
said letter and an enclosed memorial, for this purpose, are reduced
to the exaggeration of the general and individual inconveniences
and losses with which the voyage is attended at present in the route
that is followed; and that those inconveniences and losses would all
cease, and great and recognized blessings to the universal benefit of
your Majesty's kingdoms would result, if measures of the sort that
those merchants desire were to be taken. Although one might satisfy
the originator of the idea with less, we shall enlarge the reply to
greater length bearing in mind that the dimensions of this scheme are
not measured by his yard-rule; nor can the advantages resulting from
it compare with the hundred per cent of their profits. We especially
consider that we are talking with your Majesty through councilors
and ministers of such high standing, among whom any state argument,
however great, has its due consideration and place.
It is recognized, Sire, that the chief means of keeping these kingdoms
tranquil is to make them dependencies of España, in what pertains not
only to distributive and commutative justice, but also to whatever else
is necessary for the preservation of life, in the spiritual as well
as the temporal. But dependence of this sort, when viewed entirely and
only from the sovereigns' standpoint, is regulated by what is necessary
and requisite that the vassals of regions so distant may live in the
subjection, and render the obedience and loyalty that are due from
them. Although this argument, since it is the most substantial, when
it encounters the others most justly takes precedence of any other and
private advantage of the vassals themselves and the kingdom, it would
[not] be excusable to molest and vex the subjects with what is not
actually necessary, if the above purpose could be attained at less
cost and vexation to them. Accordingly, in the matter of restricting
the mutual trade of certain kingdoms, and directing that trade to
España alone, one must proceed with very great caution, and with
measures adapted only to what the attainment of the chief end demands,
in order that we may avoid as far as possible the harm that might
result; since, if this body saw itself so disunited that it could
not even avail itself of its own members, it might become desperate,
and the whole might fall into decay, as is usual with those in despair.
They are persuading your Majesty that the trade of these kingdoms
with España is decreasing. I, Sire, feel differently, and am persuaded
that never were the profits resulting from it greater; nor am I less
certain that such result must necessarily follow, in this manner.
It was known in the beginning that neither wine nor olive
oil was produced in Nueva España, but these were brought from
Castilla. Inspired by the example of the profits made by some
persons, all--especially the inhabitants of Andalucía--began to plant
vineyards and olive-orchards. He who had esteemed any kind of trade a
degradation twenty years before, now, with the incentive of sending
away his crops, shipped greater cargoes than would a whole fair of
merchants. Consequently, the ocean trade increased, in a short time,
from at most fifty or one hundred casks of wine and a few more jars
of olive-oil--carried by one or two vessels, unauthorized and without
register--to cargoes which fill thirty or forty vessels, that sail
annually in a trading fleet. The vessel in which this is received
is earthen, and of limited capacity; and what was slowly filling it
continued to increase. Now this vessel is full to the brim, but still
they obstinately continue to pour in more. Is it not evident that what
is more than enough to fill it must overflow, and be the same as lost?
Thus was the land conquered in Perú. True reports were published
concerning its so great abundance of wealth--that it was considered
easier and cheaper to arm men and shoe horses with silver than with
iron; and that for one quire of paper ten pesos of gold were paid,
for one cloth cloak one hundred pesos, and for one horse three or
four thousand pesos. At this report, various kinds of merchandise were
brought, and had a continual good outlet and sale; and they were taken
in the necessary quantity. Years passed, and the treasure--which was
too plentiful, because it was in possession of people who had no use
for it--came into the hands of those who finally saw it disseminated
through the world--and for this reason the share of each part is
less. The account that should be taken of reason and common sense is
forgotten, and men persuade themselves blindly that, since they get
a thousand for five hundred, with one million they must make two:
And as if they could expect the same profit from supplying necessity
and from adding to abundance, they multiply their trading-fleets and
double their investments. Is it not evident that if their shipments are
in excess, their profits must fall short, and that the ratio between
the two cannot be equal to what it was before? Let the records of the
customs duties belonging to your Majesty be examined, where those
who profit and those who lose pay on account of what they produce;
and they will tell how not only the commerce has not declined, but
also that rather, through its having increased so greatly, the danger
of losing the invested money results.
What their provinces can digest and assimilate, Sire, should be
exported to the Indias, and a limit should be set to the hope of
their increase, and endeavor should be made to preserve them in the
extremely flourishing condition which they reached; and if efforts
pass those limits, then, instead of causing the Indias to increase,
it will be a greater blow, whereby they will slip back more quickly
along the coast of decline.
Coming then to the particular matter, the question is one of
suppressing the commerce now carried on with the Philipinas Islands by
way of the South Sea. This may be advantageous to España in two ways:
in making the kingdom of Méjico absolutely dependent on España's
aid, without leaving it any other recourse: and in increasing the
proportions of their present trade by adding to that kingdom [_i.e._,
España] that commerce from those islands by way of the Ocean Sea,
[55] to which it is desired to direct the trade-route.
In the first place, it will be considered that Nueva-España passed
many years without any communication with the Philipinas, and that
the same will happen now if that commerce be taken away, although
at the outset there may be some ill-feeling among them; and that
the prevention of a thing so temporary, and in one province only,
ought not to over-balance what is of so different an importance, as
that España (the seat of your Majesty's monarchy) should have plenty
of money. For all that México sends to Manila will go to España,
and should have an outlet for its merchandise, since from that must
be supplied what Nueva-España now receives from the islands.
In order that Nueva-España may preserve itself if this trade be
suppressed, the years while it lived without that trade have no
consequence; for it would be a mistake to compare a period when that
kingdom was in so early an infancy [56] that the royal incomes therein
scarcely amounted to thirty or forty thousand ducados, and when in the
whole kingdom the amount of outside capital employed did not surpass
two hundred thousand, with what El Cerro [57] now alone produces,
where one reckons the product by millions and takes no account of
the tens and hundreds. From all this one may infer that whoever sits
down to a meal, however plentiful, when he sees it growing less would
doubtless have sufficient strength to call out and plead his hunger;
and much more when we baptise business with the name of diet.
But this has not much force, since it is not intended to suppress,
but only to change the mode of this supply. In order to see whether
it be feasible, one should consider, that, barring certain articles
of adornment and luxury, the chief exports from España to Méjico are
wine, oil, and linen, and from the Philipinas woven and raw silk.
The former products, in whatever quantity needed, must always be
bought from España. There is no other region that can supply them,
nor does Méjico itself produce them; therefore its enforced dependence
on España follows. However, in what pertains to linen, Méjico may
supply itself in part by using the cloth that the Indians make from
cotton. The rest (namely, silks supplied by Manila) may be obtained in
great abundance, without begging it from anyone, by only encouraging
the industry in any of Méjico's provinces. These are very suitable
for it, especially the province of Misteca, [58] where it could be
cultivated and woven admirably.
Admitting the above, my opinion is that, allowing that Nueva-España
could be maintained, although with difficulty, without trade with
the Philipinas, it must be by means that would prove harmful to those
islands alone--which would lose this aid without any resultant good
to España; since they would not ask for those products of España
which they at present demand, or increase those which they are now
exporting because of the increase of money [in Nueva España]. And we
have already stated that Nueva-España is incapable of consuming more
wine and oil than it now uses.
But if all this should cease, and España should have to supply the
above-mentioned necessities because of shutting the door to the trade
in the Philipinas, the bulk of silk stuffs would have to be brought
from Francia and Flandes, to whom España always gives her treasures
in exchange for this merchandise. For Constantinopla is so far from
Italia, and so little do gold and silver suit that route--or else
the French and the rebels [59] are so skilful in getting this product
away from us, that one may doubt whether they do not take it all with
them. According to this, he who is not suspicious enough to believe
that the merchants of Sevilla alone consider as enemies prejudicial
to your Majesty's crown those who do not trade much with them, should
be astonished that they direct and regulate the reform so that the
Chinese cannot avail themselves of the silver of Nueva España. For
it is a fact that the Chinese do us no other harm than to keep the
silver; and that the merchants do not consider that by that other
road all tends to come into the hands of him who exerts himself with
it in order to attempt and compass to acquire what remains.
Let us examine, then, what interest would accrue to España in
the other point, the appropriation to itself of the trade with
the Philipinas. The consulate says that España will be enriched
with the exportation, to Manda [60] and Xapon, of its products and
other merchandise that will go to those islands, where they also
desire so ardently to have an abundance of what is brought from there
[España?] and from China; and this will easily prevent the loss of the
great quantities of silver that pass by this road from Nueva España.
To the first, sufficient answer is made with what experience, that
great teacher in such matters, has taught us to the contrary--to me,
at least, during the time while I governed in México. For, since
your Majesty was pleased to order me in a decree, dated December 17,
604, to give my opinion as to whether export duties would better be
levied on the merchandise sent to the Philipinas from the port of
Acapulco--since all the other merchandise sent thence, to Guatimala
and Perú, pays two and one-half per cent--and that in order to do this
I should investigate the quality and nature of the said merchandise,
I made special efforts to ascertain these facts. After examining the
registers of several years I found that, even if the duty should be
collected from the Philipinas exports as from the others, it would not
amount to two hundred pesos of eight reals each year; for all those
goods were articles of luxury, and in very small quantity. I sent
your Majesty an official report of this in my letter of February 17,
606. On August 19 of the same year, I received a reply, ordering me to
make no change so long as the trade did not increase to such an extent
that I thought it inadvisable; and in such case to advise your Majesty
of it confidentially. Consequently, since there will be no greater
exportation from Nueva España of like commodities from that kingdom
[_i.e._, España]--where there are no others, and whence only these
would be sent--the same thing would result. [61] One errs in saying
that those goods are desired in Manila and Xapon, since cloth stuffs
(the only thing lacking to them) besides being a merchandise of so
great value that he who would export them so far to the Philipinas
would lose them--are not used, because of the heat; and in Xapon,
where the cold might make them sought, they cost very little, for
the natives clothe themselves with the taffetans of that country, and
use cotton quilts. Consequently, I have also answered what was alleged
concerning the increase of the duties that would accrue to your Majesty
from the export duties in España and the import duties at Manila.
The other argument namely, that España would be filled with products
from China and Xapon--may be conceded to them; but it remains for
them to show us the utilty that would accrue to them, after the goods
had been obtained. For I, on the contrary, regard them as a very
great harm, since with those goods would cease the present industry
[in España] of the raising of silk, its weaving and trade; and all
this would be exchanged for what is so much poorer and of so little
durability. It is a fact that even now we are experiencing that,
and are discovering here the harm caused by even the small quantity
of silk of this class [_i.e._, the Chinese silk]; it comes mixed with
that of España, in almost all the velvets and taffetans brought from
España, for in but two days' time they become useless.
That by this means would be prevented the exportation of silver from
Nueva-España, is an opinion that one might value and thank them for,
if they were not trying to withdraw the silver from another and more
important region, where the harm would be greater. But, supposing
that what now goes from México will be sent later from Castilla and
Andalucía, it seems that the only utility will be found in the less
occasion [for buying Chinese goods] that each of those provinces would
have, so that the export of silver would be in smaller quantity. That
is to be regulated by the wealth of each province, and by their
facilities for diverting it. All the silver that Nueva-España obtains
now comes from its own provinces, or is brought from the provinces of
Perú. The bulk of it is used in the trade with España, some in that
with the Philipinas, and very little in the retail trade of its own
cities and towns; for although Nueva-España has intercourse with Perú,
it never uses more than the products of the country for that. What is
sent to the islands goes by way of Acapulco, which is the only port
in all the South Sea where this despatch is made or can be made. That
España would have more silver if it retained within its bounds what
it receives, seems to be undeniable, since therein is gathered the
silver of México, Perú, and all the Indias. But the gates by which
that silver issues [from España]--now it is known whether there are
any--are, to speak correctly, as many as there are seaports and sterile
districts, with the usual and accustomed communication between them.
Accepting this as true--on which is based assertions of those who
say that less silver will be sent to Manila from a kingdom where
conditions are such [_i.e._, España] than México [now] gives--I,
at least, no matter how long may be the argument, do not comprehend
so obscure a secret; on the contrary, I am persuaded that España
will be no poorer thereby. For, if this mouth be stopped, España
must be drained, by those that remain (as is done today), of all of
this article that other kingdoms are offering it, as in a flood. But
with equal certainty, I understand that incomparably more money will
go to the Philipinas by this road than now goes by the other. And to
assert that this loss will cease because, with the increase of trade
with Xapon, the merchandise which must go to España will come from
that country, is a statement without foundation. For if this argument
were worth anything, it must have the same force, in preventing what
is today carried from México; since trade with Xapon from Manila is
open and permitted to all who wish it.
The consulate is trying also to strengthen its proposition with the
improvements that it pretends to find in the voyage, if it were to be
made by the cape of Buena-Esperanza. But, discussing that point by what
I have been able to learn of it, I find that the emperor and king our
sovereign, of glorious memory, your Majesty's grandfather, having been
persuaded that the discovery and conquest of the Spice Islands--the
name then given to those islands today included in the name of
Philipinas or Malucas--pertained to the crown of Castilla, inasmuch
as they were within the line drawn by his Holiness, Alexander VI, for
the division of the world, ardently desired, and made extraordinary
efforts, so that his vassals might make that voyage without touching
at the ports and lands of the kingdom of Portugal. For that purpose
he made an agreement with Fernando de Magallanes to discover [such
a route]. The latter discovered and gave name to the strait in
this region at the south. Although by the result [of Magallanes's
expedition] one could recognize the great difficulty and danger of
the voyage, his Majesty would not desist from the undertaking. On the
contrary, he immediately sent, in the year 25, two other fleets by
that way while, at the same time, he sent a ship under command of an
intelligent man to find a new entrance by the coast of Labrador and
the Bacallaos. [62] Following up the attempt, he ordered Don Fernando
Cortés, conqueror of Nueva-España, to attempt this expedition from
Nueva-España. He would not have ceased like means until attaining it,
had not he made that contract or agreement concerning those islands
with the king of Portugal in the year 29. [63] That put an end to
the enterprise until afterward, when Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy
of Nueva-España, took up again the same search in the year 42, and
continued to persevere in it, so that it was realized during the
latter years of the governorship and life of Don Luis de Velasco,
who succeeded the said Don Antonio in that office.
I would, Sire, narrate in minute detail to your Majesty these labors,
and those of many others, who lost their lives and possessions at
various times to see the accomplishment of so important a matter,
if I were not afraid of making a history of this letter--in order to
entreat you that, since God our Lord ordained that a good desired
by so many should be enjoyed with so great quietness in these most
fortunate days of your Majesty, you will not permit the glory of
this happiness to be disturbed and obscured; for the motives and
efforts of so suspicious a people embarrass it. They, in order to
gain their own private interests, try to cover them with this cloak
of convenience and conservation of so superior authority. And although
it appears that a great part of the former injuries are lacking today,
since the kingdom of Portugal (although by light of a separate crown)
is under the universal domain of your Majesty, still, the zeal and
affection that your Majesty has always felt in greater proportion
for the inhabitants of Castilla ought not on that account to cease;
since there is also no cessation of the rancor and hostility with
which the Portuguese, in all the Indias where they rule, withhold the
friendly intercourse that they owed to the Castilians as the vassals
of the same sovereign.
I am quite persuaded that there is little difference between these two
routes as regards the weather and dangers of the sea. For, although the
Nueva-España vessels consume not longer than sixty days, and sometimes
less, the return voyage is of longer duration, and the whirlwinds and
gales more continuous. And although I believe that voyages made by
way of the cape of Buena Esperanza take more than the three months
that the prior and consuls assert (especially since the vessels
have to stop at one or two way-stations), yet, in regard to this,
I estimate the two routes as equal. But in point of certain security,
the advantage lies greatly with the voyages made by way of the South
Sea, as it is at all times so free from enemies. No further proof is
necessary regarding this statement than the fact that not a single
vessel going to and fro between Acapulco and Cavite and the port of
Manila has been captured; [64] while very many vessels take that other
route, which are so heavily armed that, in comparison with the first,
one may consider them as more than fortresses. The warning that the
Dutch make use of this route [_i.e._, through the Strait of Magellan]
cannot force me to believe the contrary; and by it without so many
advantages as those enjoyed by your Majesty's ships they have made
themselves almost complete masters of all the Spice Islands, for they
had no other routes from which to select this one. I assert from
the prudence with which the Dutch consider what is of advantage to
them, that if they could enjoy so great convenience as Nueva-España
possesses, they would not take the risk of running by the coast and
ports of your Majesty as they do today by the open sea, where they
might meet one who would resist their progress. An excellent proof of
this truth is their so-oft repeated effort to find a passage through
the strait of Anian. [65] For they consider it more conducive to the
peace of their voyage to experience rough and unknown seas, than to
be liable to the sudden surprises to which those that are milder and
more traversed are liable. The mastery that I know them to exercise in
those districts, is to enter for pillage and barter, as they usually
do, even in the very kingdoms of your Majesty which are nearest to
the defense and power of your fleets And if, in addition, the Dutch
have any trading-posts, established and manned with soldiers, it is
not necessary that España should trouble itself to dislodge them,
but the governor of the Philipinas, and the soldiers and ships of
Malaca and of the viceroy of India, should attempt it; and it will
be easy to drive them out at once. In truth, however, (that I may
always discuss a similar case), our design must be more difficult to
attain than theirs; for they content themselves with going where they
are received, and of receiving what they are given, without caring
much whether others enter that district, while your Majesty desires,
as is right, to be absolute and sole ruler, and to shut the gate to
all who do not enter under the name and title of vassals.
As to the difficulty and delay of sending aid to the islands, although
it is understood that the enemy is attempting some entrance in the
islands, I can easily comprehend that it would be easier to build a
fleet in España, and that it would be despatched much more quickly
than from these provinces. But I have always considered that, in this
regard, Sire, he who has so extensive a monarchy as your Majesty,
must see that each part of it have all the force necessary for
its sole defense, without being dependent for so costly and remote
reenforcement, as would necessarily be the case did your Majesty send
it from the the ports of that kingdom. Consequently, I presume that,
if the islands should find themselves in a like necessity, either
they would have to resist an attack with their presidios and walls,
or (to extend the hope farther) that they would not have need for
more aid than what they could secure from Malaca with the galleons
of that crown. The aid that is not so pressingly needed, and which,
it seems, must necessarily come from España--such as infantry for the
presidios--is sent there with some difficulty, because of the long
distance overland from Veracruz to the port of Acapulco, in a land
so open that the companies necessarily lose some men. But it would
prove more costly should your Majesty, in order to avoid this, have to
form a fleet on occasions when it would be necessary. However, I have
thought that an effort might be made, some time, to send the soldiers
who must go to the islands in the trading fleet or galleons sailing to
Puertobelo; [66] and to advise the president [of the Audiencia there],
somewhat earlier, to have small boats provided to take the soldiers
by river from Chagre to Cruces. Since from that point to Panama it is
only five leguas overland, the men might be taken there easily and at
little expense. The viceroy of Peru, having been notified beforehand,
should, without any expense to your Majesty, have a vessel at Panamá,
where the soldiers could embark and go to Acapulco. There they could
change ships for those in the Philipinas line. By this method some
of the greatest inconveniences could be avoided.
And lastly, as the concluding argument of this discourse, I remind your
Majesty that since the Philipinas Islands are surrounded by enemies so
powerful as are Xapon and China--one because of its strength and valor,
and the other because of its incredible multitude of inhabitants--with
only the seven hundred Spaniards that the islands had, during
my government of Nueva España, who could bear arms (a number now
increased somewhat by the presidios of Terrenate and Thidore), they
are preserved solely for this reason, that by their means the trade
of those countries is opened to your Majesty's kingdoms. Thus said
the emperor of Xapon, when he was advised to conquer Manila. The
Chinese king wrote the same words to Don Pedro de Acuña, when the
latter suspected that the insurrection made in those islands by the
Chinese king's vassals had been made by his orders. And it must be
considered seriously that if the trade be carried on by way of the cape
of Buena Esperanza, it would be quite possible that the Chinese--who,
in order to go to Manila, have to sail, both in the open and among
islands, with some risk and danger because of the smallness of their
craft--after seeing that the Spanish ships had to make a way-station
at Malaca or Xava, would go from the river of Canton, which is the
gateway from which the Chinese ships set out, coasting from land to
land along their own country, and would change the bulk of their
trade to Portuguese ports, and thus deserting Manila. If they did
this, the principal support and defense of Manila would fail, and
its enemies would change their opinion, since they would no longer
enjoy the benefits that now attract them.
For all the above, Sire, my opinion is that, if the matter were in its
beginnings, from no other part could this trade be directed than from
Nueva España; for it is nearer the islands, and is the region from
which less silver can go. And should this cease, without doubt that
kingdom would be greatly weakened, and the Philipinas destroyed--and
none of this to España's advantage. On the contrary it would be
to España's greater loss, since that country would be filled with
merchandise of little value, at double the money that would be derived
from its sale. The dependence of all the other kingdoms, which is now
sure and not uncertain, would possibly be endangered by venturing upon
the execution of this plan; and your Majesty would also be obliged,
in order to make the sea safe in this route, to have two war vessels
to accompany every trading vessel, notwithstanding the extraordinary
cost which this would involve.
The other things mentioned in the memorial, namely, [_original
MS. broken_; the appointment(?)] of officials, soldiers, and
sailors now engaged in this despatch do not seem of such nature
that they oblige me to answer them in detail. It is certain that
the viceroys appoint very suitable persons, and will always do so,
since they rely on their honor; and the commander does not care
to overload the vessels, since he is not interested in the freight
charges. Consequently, when the auditor of Manila obliges them to
load much cargo in Cabite, they usually unload and leave goods on
the shoals that they meet, whence arise innumerable complaints and
suits. The pilots and sailors are examined in what is necessary for
them, and the soldiers are sufficient for a navigation route of so
great safety. If it is true that the latter are lazy and vagabonds,
few times have I seen men enlisted in any region who are not such,
or who do not desire to be such. Although there may be things to
correct in all matters, there are other reforms less costly and easier.
Your Majesty might wish to have these arguments in briefer form;
but, although I have omitted some things, the matter is of so great
moment that I have not been able to pass over anything that I judge
essential for your proper decision in this matter.
May God preserve your Majesty as Christendom has need. Los Reyes,
April 12, 1612.
LETTER FROM THE BISHOP OF NUEVA SEGOVIA
_Jesus_
I hold it certain that our Lord has placed your very reverend Paternity
in this place--as he did Joseph, for the good of his fatherland and
his brothers--in the government of the kingdoms of this province
of Philipinas, which is one of the most religious that exist at
present, I understand, in our holy order. Although it is one of the
most remote of those therein, it is at present in the greatest need
that your very reverend Paternity extend to it your protection in
a matter which is most just, and which his Majesty is in conscience
bound to aid. It is a fact that the foundation of a college has been
begun in connection with the convent of Santo Domingo in Manila,
in which is to be studied the teaching of our father, St. Thomas,
which is pure and righteous. This enterprise has been so thoroughly
approved in this city that several of the citizens, even before the
walls of the college were finished, began to endow scholarships of a
hundred pesos of income each per annum, wherewith the students may
be supported and clothed, and the more virtuous and worthy can be
selected. As a copy of the rest of the reasons will accompany this,
I do not choose to set them down here, lest I tire your very reverend
Paternity, whose time is so fully occupied.
The fathers of the Society of Jesus some years ago established another
college, which is of no use for the public good; since those who
enter it to study have to clothe themselves at their own expense,
and give a hundred pesos a year for their board, which only the very
rich can do. Accordingly, though many have entered, thus far none have
been ordained priests and ministers; for all turn to the fleshpots of
Egypt. These blessed fathers, it is understood, have made opposition
to our college, and have caused his Majesty to issue a decree to his
governor, Don Juan de Silva, to give information as to whether it is
desirable to continue further the said college. This knight is very
much opposed to the order, because its religious have done their duty
by preaching the truth, and persuading to observance of the royal
decrees of his Majesty, which he has with so much wisdom issued for
the good government of these islands. And even I have suffered a part
of the persecution, because I preached the same thing at the feast
of the Rosary, in the year 612; they took from me my stipend for a
year, and the archbishop sent the sermon to his Majesty. Just now two
other copies are being sent for examination, for he persecutes the
preachers and bishops; accordingly, we may dread information from
the governor--although, on the other hand, the truth has so great
power that I think he will utter it, and particularly as at present
we have peace, thanks be to the Lord. Your very reverend Paternity
should be informed that although this governor is a good soldier,
in matters of government he lacks the best qualification, which is
executive ability and exemplary conduct. Accordingly this country is
in a wretched condition, and he is rich indeed who has the means to
stop the mouths of all that complain.
This province is in great need of religious, as they are the best
ministers, and on account of their vow of poverty are best liked
by the Indians, and those who are most desired; but it seems that
the Council is deliberating whether to give permission for them to
come. As all we who are bishops are informing his Majesty, those
from whom that permission could with justice be taken away are the
calced Augustinian friars; for this province of that order is very
lax, and all who come from there become inactive, and most of them
become traders, and skin the natives. There is a Master Solier there
[_i.e._, in España]--who, it is said, is confessor to the president
of the Indias, Marques de Salinas--who is said to have carried [from
here] more than thirty thousand pesos, and to be claiming a great
bishopric. May God free His church from such prelates. This year
there goes from these islands, sent by the governor on his affairs,
another friar of the Augustinians, named Fray Diego de Gevara,
who has been confessor to the said governor, to the great scandal
of this community. He also made visitation of this his province,
and it is public report that he visited the purses. I believe it is
beyond doubt that he is taking letters very favorable to himself,
and he is so kind a man that he promises bishoprics. I write this to
your very reverend Paternity for the relief of my conscience, for I
know that this matter of the bishoprics must rest in your hands; and
bishops may cause great injury here if they are not very exemplary,
fathers of the poor, and free from all avarice.
Father Fray Diego Duarte went to that court as procurator for this
province to bring religious here, which he did in the manner of a
messenger of God. Now, after he had come with the second reenforcement
of them to help carry the burdens of this province, at the command of
his obedience he is returning again to bring more religious; for his
virtue is already recognized in that court, and he too is acquainted
with those who have influence there. I beseech your very reverend
Paternity to receive him as one recommended, and favor him on any
occasions that may arise. May our Lord protect your very reverend
Paternity for many long years, for the good of His church, with many
gifts from His divine favor. Manila, August 15, 1613.
_The Bishop of Nueba Segobia_ [67]
LETTER FROM FELIPE III TO SILVA
The King: To Don Juan de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, my
governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president
of my royal Audiencia there. Your letters of July 20, 612, have been
received and examined in my Council of the Yndias, and I was pleased to
learn that you had sent to Nueva España, by the ships going that year,
the two hundred quintals of quicksilver [68] of which you informed me;
also of the friendly reception and kind feeling that you encountered
among the Chinese in the matter of selling this metal and bringing
it to Macan, where you say there is established a factory [_i.e._,
trading-post] for this purpose. I feel gratified at the diligence and
care that you have exercised in the matter, and earnestly charge you
to advance this matter, and strive that the quantity of quicksilver
that you shall purchase and send to Nueva España may be as large as
possible, in accordance with the request of the viceroy. You will
keep in close correspondence with him, and not draw on any money
that he may have sent you or shall send you in the future for this
purpose, for any of your own needs, however great. You will try to
foster this trade in such manner that it may be at as little cost as
possible. It has been thought best to advise you to consider whether
it would be possible to procure the quicksilver by having the Chinese
bring it with a clearance direct to the Philipinas, and thus do away
with the factory in Macan. For with the latter there cannot fail
to be difficulties, as the Portuguese merchants do not trade in the
quicksilver; besides, it would seem that the metal would be furnished
by this method at a lower price. I do not mention other objections
that have been considered. However, the documents that you mention
will be sent through the Council of Portugal.
What you mention in regard to the eight pesos paid by the Sangleys
who last year remained in the country, for each license, is well;
and I charge you to exercise the care which is of so much importance,
that no difficulties shall result from their presence and intercourse
in those islands.
All the papers that you send regarding the violations of law that are
imputed to the royal officials have been examined in my said Council;
and provision has been made therefor, as you are already aware by
the despatches which were sent to you. In view of the fact that the
investigation and process concerning their guilt, which you wrote me
you would send, is at present being awaited, and you have not done so,
I order you to comply with the orders that you received by the said
despatches (duplicates of which accompany this) so that, if you have
not received the originals, you may by these understand what is to be
done regarding the appointment of persons which you say you have made,
to serve in their offices in the interim.
What you say concerning the measures you have taken to regulate
the dues which the encomenderos of those islands enjoy, from the
encomiendas which they possess, has been considered, and the result
will be awaited at the first opportunity.
You did well to advise me of what the king of Japon wrote you to
the effect that he can not obstruct the friendship into which he has
entered with the Dutch, and the desire that he also has to maintain
friendly relations with my vassals. The matter is being looked into,
and at the proper time the result will be written to you.
It was likewise proper to give me an account of all you mention in
regard to the permission that Sebastian Vizcayno gave in Japon for
a ship to go thence laden with merchandise for Nueva España; and the
difficulties that in your opinion may result from the opening of this
trade, of which I am informed.
In the matter of the assessments and contributions which you say the
Indians pay, and the annoyances which they suffer on this account from
the religious who are instructing them, you speak in general terms of
all the orders in those islands; whereas it would have been best to
write to me particularly as to which orders have thus transgressed,
and to send the investigations that have been made. And, since
the protection and guardianship of the Indians is in your charge,
you should attend to them, in so far as lies in your department,
so that they may not receive any injury or grievance. You should
always carry out the provisions and ordinances in their favor,
proceeding with the religious by discreet and legal measures, and
advising with the Audiencia. You will strive to deal prudently with
the archbishop of that city, maintaining amicable relations with him,
so that from the government of both may follow the good results that
are desirable; for any lack of harmony between those who govern must
always result in evil, besides the general scandal and the bad example
that is furnished. The same is being written to the archbishop,
and he is ordered to avoid the exercise of censures in the cases
that you describe in your letter, since it is not proceeding against
the religious to give me information concerning occurrences. You are
informed of this, that you may understand the matter. As for what you
say regarding the entrance of the said archbishop in his pall, in spite
of the decree sent him which directs the contrary, I have written to
him that he should not have done this, but should have complied with
the decree, and observed the custom in these kingdoms; of this, too,
you are informed so that, being aware of it, you may take care that the
said decree is complied with as I command you to do. As to the other
matters contained in your letters, decisions will soon be reached,
and the result will be written to you soon. Pardo, December 2, 1613.
_I The King_
Countersigned by:
_Juan Ruiz de Contreras_
Signed by the members of the Council.
DOCUMENTS OF 1616
Recommendations regarding the archbishopric of Manila. [Council
of the Indias?]; 1613-16.
Letter to Felipe III. Valerio de Ledesma, S.J.; August 20.
Portuguese and Spanish expedition against the Dutch, 1615. Juan
de Rivera and Valerio de Ledesma, S.J.; [1616?].
_Sources_: The first document is obtained from the original MS. in the
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The second, and the first part of
the third, are found in the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), i,
pp. 403-429; the remainder of the third, in Colin's _Labor evangélica_
(Madrid, 1663,) pp. 802-810.
_Translations_: The first document is translated by Robert W. Haight;
the remainder, by James A. Robertson.
RECOMMENDATIONS REGARDING THE ARCHBISHOPRIC OF MANILA
Sire:
Licentiate Diego Vazquez de Mercado, archbishop of the metropolitan
church of the city of Manila in the Philipinas Islands, by a
letter written your Majesty on the first of July, 610, submits
that, as that church has been without a prelate for a long time,
he finds the affairs of the church in a condition far from what
they should be, and much in need of correction; but, owing to his
great age and the hardships he has undergone, he is very deficient
in health and strength to fulfil the obligations of a good prelate,
and that therefore he finds it necessary to appeal to your Majesty,
that you may be pleased to relieve him from that burden, and receive
his resignation of the archbishopric, which he tenders. And he asks
that, in case this favor is not extended to him, there be named and
appointed a person of suitable qualifications as his coadjutor,
with the future succession, and this should be done as soon as
possible. This has been examined in the Council; and they regard as
actual and valid the hindrances which he represents. Considering the
urgent request which he makes in the letter to your Majesty and in
others which he has written to private persons to the same effect;
his advanced age and his failing health, and the great distance from
España to that church, where a person would have to be sent to take
his place in case he should fail; and the great inconvenience that
would result if it was so long without a prelate as has been seen by
experience--it has appeared very expedient to appoint for him, with
the future succession a coadjutor, of the requisite qualifications,
age, and vigor, so that he can fulfil the obligations of a prelate,
and attend to the pastoral ministration. It is recommended that he
he given, for his fitting support, a third part of the income of the
archbishopric, besides the occasional fees [_ovenciones_] and its
visitation--it being understood that the archbishops of that church
are granted a decree to the effect that if the returns do not amount to
three thousand ducados a year, what is lacking will be furnished them
from the royal exchequer. If your Majesty be pleased to approve this,
the persons who appear best fitted for that church will be proposed
to you, so that at the same time when you write to his Holiness on
the matter, the presentation of the person whom your Majesty would
nominate, may be sent to him. Madrid, June 28, 1613.
[_Endorsed_: "In order not to institute coadjutorships in such cases,
let the Council ascertain whether there is any person for those regions
who, being appointed in his own right, might aid in performing the
archbishop's duties; and if such a one be found, advise me of it, and
of what is to be done regarding the resignation of the archbishop."]
Sire:
In the year 613, your Majesty was given an account of the reasons
set forth by Licentiate Don Diego Vazquez de Mercado, archbishop
of the metropolitan church of the city of Manila in the Philipinas
Islands, why he should be given a coadjutor. The Council was of
opinion that your Majesty might command it to be examined, with the
enclosed advice; and your Majesty was pleased to answer: [Here is
repeated the endorsement on the letter preceding this]. In order
to give better satisfaction to your Majesty, and to report on the
state of affairs in those islands, we have waited for the coming of
the letters. As for himself, the archbishop persisted in his claim,
which was explained to your Majesty in writing on the fourth of May,
614, and the second of August, 615. He considers himself of no use
in the government of his church, as he is more than seventy years of
age, with many infirmities; and he is anxious over the failure that
gives cause for regarding him as remiss, and the fact that he can not
fulfil his obligations, nor make easy the conscience of your Majesty,
and is burdening his own. As a result of this his jurisdiction is
becoming every day less; and owing to his inability to punish them,
and take needful measures, there is cause to fear that there may be
increase of certain sins. It is but right that this should be remedied
in due time, by sending a successor. Again he beseeches your Majesty
to appoint one, so that he may continue to fulfil the obligations of
that office; and that, for his own support, he be left two thousand
of the three thousand ducados which your Majesty has commanded to
be given him. In the letters from the religious orders of these
islands it is evident how fitting and just it is to concede to the
archbishop what he asks. Having considered and examined into this,
the Council is of the same opinion as in the said advice of 613;
and thinks that your Majesty, conformably thereto, may consider it
desirable to ask his Holiness to grant the archbishop a coadjutor with
the future succession, who will be given a third of the stipend of that
archbishopric--namely, one thousand ducados--besides the occasional
fees and the visitation of the archbishopric, leaving to the archbishop
the other two-thirds. It should be through a coadjutorship, because
in this form it appears more suitable, and in accordance with the
petition he makes, and with the customary action in similar cases. If
your Majesty be pleased to approve, persons in that region and in the
archbishopric will be considered in regard to the qualifications that
are required for that church. Madrid, the first of July, 616.
LETTER FROM LEDESMA TO FELIPE III
_Abstract of a letter from the provincial of the Society of Jesus,
Valerio de Ledesma, to the king, informing him of the condition of
the Filipinas Islands._ [69]
In this letter Father Valerio made complaint to the king that the
condition of the country was most unhappy and unfortunate, and
resembled a sick man in the throes of death. He declared that the
trade of the ships from China and Nueva España, which was sustaining
and enriching the islands, had fallen off in great measure, and much
more in its profits; for in the year 1616 no more than seven ships
had gone there, although formerly as many as fifty or sixty were
wont to go; and as for Acapulco, no ships had been sent in either
direction. Even if they should be despatched, they were in danger
not only from corsairs but from stormy weather.
Great armaments had been organized in a short time, to drive out the
Dutch; but for that very reason, the inhabitants had been compelled to
make vast sacrifices at the cost of their fortunes. Hence they were
in so ruined a condition that the three or four wealthiest citizens
had been unable to equip a ship to be sent to Acapulco. The Indians
were so exhausted and harassed with tributes, new impositions, and
personal services, [70] that it became necessary for many, after they
had nothing more to give (since they had given all their possessions),
to give their persons to others, as slaves, so that the latter might
give for them what they themselves did not possess.
The enemies with whom the Spaniards had to contend were numerous
and gave them no respite--namely, the Mindanaos, Caragas, Sanguils,
Joloans, Dutch, and English and of these last, all those eastern
districts were full of their boats, so that no voyage could be made
without meeting them; and there was no security from them.
To these calamities was due the death of Governor Juan de Silva,
who, all had hoped, was to free these islands and those of Maluco
from the invasions and piracies of the Dutch.
He closed by petitioning the king to send forces to sustain the
declining colony, as it was so important, and so precious a portion
of the Spanish monarchy.
[Dated Manila, August 20, 1616, and signed _Valerio de Ledesma_,
[71] provincial of the Society of Jesus.]
PORTUGUESE AND SPANISH EXPEDITION AGAINST THE DUTCH, 1615
After the Dutch pirates began to sail the seas of Eastern India
and the archipelago of Filipinas, and to carry cloves from Maluco,
silks from China, and drugs from the adjacent islands, they began
also to cripple the cities that were sustained by the trade, which
are the principal cities; because the seas were infested, and there
was little security on them from those pirates. They, from the first
year of their entrance into the Orient, coasted the shores, sounded
the ports, and established trading-posts in the chief places, which
they filled with people whom they brought from Holanda. Consequently,
by the year 1614, the Dutch had eighteen armed galleons in the South
Sea, and they burned the city of Arevalo, where the food for Maluco was
stored, and committed many other depredations, which obliged Don Juan
de Silva, governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, to
prepare a large fleet to attack them and drive them from our seas. But,
thinking that the forces of the Filipinas were insufficient to attend
to so many things at once--the support of the camp in Maluco; the
defense of the city of Manila, which is in sight of twenty thousand
Chinese (who had already, in 1603, risen against it and incited a
war); and sallies to fight the enemy--it was determined to ask help
from the viceroy of India and to join the two forces, Castilian and
Lusitanian, who are especially being attacked by the Dutch. Indeed,
the letters-patent given to them by Count Mauricio read that they are
to make war on the Castilians and Portuguese. Besides this argument,
it is evident that Yndia is not less interested in driving out those
enemies than are the Filipinas.
Father Juan de Rivera, [72] then rector of the residence of the
Society of Jesus at Manila, was appointed to negotiate this league and
reenforcement. He prepared himself in a few days and left for Yndia on
November 21 of the year 1615. He reached Malaca on Tuesday, December 9,
by Manila reckoning, but Wednesday by that of Malaca; for the date for
those sailing west is later, and earlier for those sailing east. [73]
From Malaca he journeyed to Cochin, and from Cochin to Goa, at the
time when Yndia was engaged in the wars of the north; because peace
with the great Mogor [74] had been broken. The viceroy had gone with
a powerful fleet to capture, if possible, four English ships anchored
at Surate, where he received the letters belonging to our voyage and
embassy. Considering the importance of the matter, he hastened his
return and went to Goa. There he furnished four galleons for the said
help, and three hundred or more soldiers, appointing as commander of
the latter Don Francisco de Miranda Enrriquez. [75]
The latter left Goa May 12. The voyage, which is generally
thirty days, lasted three and one-half months. We ran short of
water in the middle of the open stretch, and thought that we were
lost, on account of having been despatched with broken tanks and
hogsheads. Together with this was the disorder among the soldiers of
Yndia, who surreptitiously took with them many servants of their own
and of other people, so that it was necessary to support these people
aboard the vessel. These afterward consumed the food, and then caught
and spread a pestilence. Although there were only one hundred and
ten soldiers in our galleon, there were about seven hundred persons,
mostly negroes and Cafres; of these many were free, although nominally
slaves, as Don Gonzalo de Silva, bishop of Malaca, who was aboard
the same galleon, testified. He declared that many lads were free,
even some whom they were taking as captives. This is a general sin,
wherefore some Portuguese authors say, with Father Hernando Rabelo,
that God is punishing Yndia and the Portuguese nation, which alone
has more slaves than any other nation of the world.
July 30 we met two Dutch ships, which were apparently going from
Palliacate [_i.e._, Palicat] to carry aid to Maluco. Our galleon fought
singlehanded with those two ships, because the other galleons were
far to leeward. The enemy had waited two days between us, without our
knowing it, in order to show themselves at a favorable opportunity. So
great is the confidence of the Portuguese that they did not fear
them. They said that they were ships from Cochin, and that, had they
known in time that they were enemies, they could have captured them
easily. In short they remained a cannon-shot from the flagship, and so
fought until night, when they made off badly battered--as we learned
later from the people of Achen, on whose coast one of the ships was
immediately wrecked, having sprung a leak through the effect of our
balls and their own firing. They only killed two of our men. After the
battle, our galleon ran aground on a shoal, on the eve of our Lady of
the Assumption, near Pulo Parcelar. At the first shock, the helm was
shifted seaward, and all that night we tossed up and down dreadfully
until, next morning, we miraculously got off the shoal. We reached
the strait of Sincapura on August 10, where, as the pilots said the
Manila monsoon was over, we determined to run to Malaca.
In Malaca the ships were very inhospitably received, for soldiers are
wont to commit depredations. But within a few days they were made to
see that the landing there of the galleons was for their relief and
the salvation of their city; for a month after their arrival the king
of Achen came with sixty thousand men to besiege it. Information of
this number and of the other things that will be related, was given by
the Portuguese who were captives in Achen and returned to Malaca. They
had three hundred and fifty sail--among them sixty galleys, each with
three pieces in the bows; the piece in the midship gangway fired balls
of sixty libras, as we saw in those found in the galleons after the
war. Along the sides they carried five falcons, firing balls of six
libras. In the royal galley, called "Espanto del mundo" [_i.e._, Fear
of the world] by the people of Achen, were sixteen hundred soldiers
and one hundred and fifty falcons and half-sized falcons. That king of
Achen, the most powerful on the sea of all this Orient, had concerted
with the Dutch that both should take Malaca. Consequently they took a
few days in arriving. The king of Achen arrived first at the bay of
Malaca with a squadron of eighteen galleys, in order to reconnoiter
the place. Finding our four galleys anchored in the port, and learning
that they were war-vessels, they put to sea to await the Dutch. When
our men saw them depart and go toward the strait, where they might
capture the boats from China and unite with the Dutch, they resolved
to set sail and give battle. They did so with the four galleons and
six galliots--ten small vessels. They encountered the Achen boats on
November 15, and fought for two and one-half days. The enemy carried
a considerable force. They burned one galliot, so that the soldiers
abandoned it and went to the galleons. The flagship grappled eleven
galleys. Fire was set to it many times, but our men extinguished
it. The enemy grappled the galleon of Don Juan de Silveira, which
carried twenty-two pieces of artillery, and set fire to it. They were
unable to extinguish the fire, and so it was entirely burned.
Don Juan de Silvera and Antonio Rodriguez de Gamboa, son of the
commander-in-chief of that fortress of Malaca, and forty other
Portuguese, took to the water; but all were captured by the king
of Achen and placed aboard his galley. A fresh wind began to blow,
wherewith the vessels separated and the men of Achen went to their
country with something less than thirty craft, counting large and
small boats, and with two thousand men killed. Although we did them
damage, it was not so great as that which we received. Accordingly they
regarded it as a victory and entered their kingdom in triumph--where
they feasted the captains, whom they treated courteously, and then
loosed them and gave them liberty.
On December 7 of the same year of 1615, the Dutch reached the bay of
Malaca with seven ships and one patache, coming to join the king of
Achen. They found our three galleons, which, for greater security,
had been anchored between a sandbank made by the sea and a small
island near Malaca. There they said that they were invincible, for
entrance could be had only by a channel near the rampart, which,
by means of its pieces of artillery, would refuse entrance. On the
sea side they were defended by the sandbank and shoals. But the enemy
sounded the port that night with its lanchas and found a new channel,
where they entered without being hindered by the rampart. This was
attributed to the fault and negligence of those who could and ought
to have prevented the lanchas from making soundings, because of the
many galliots in the port.
The enemy having entered and coming within cannon range, opened
a fierce bombardment, which lasted two and one-half days. At this
time our vessels defended themselves with three pieces that could
be fired, and no more, because they were anchored, and the current
threw them in a line toward the Dutch; although had the people on
shore been diligent, they could have brought the vessels about with
cables. The enemy tacked at will and played the majority of their
pieces. We discovered that our galleons were stronger than their
ships, for their balls did not pass through the sides of the galleons,
especially of the almiranta and flagship. The damage inflicted by them
was through the open ports; while we saw that our balls passed through
the Dutch ships from side to side, and then went bounding through
the water. Nevertheless, distrusting the Dutch and their battery,
the men of the galleons began to edge away and to leave them at the
approach of night, especially when they saw Captain Juan Pinto and
Admiral Alfonso Vaez fall; they were killed with four others, by a
ball that entered through a port.
First they abandoned the galleon called "Plata," without taking the
precaution to set it afire when they left, so that the enemy could
not approach with their artillery. This the enemy did, entering and
capturing it, as was well seen; and afterward they set it afire.
When the enemy saw that the soldiers were deserting the almiranta,
they lowered their lanchas and entered it. One Dutchman, climbing up to
the maintopsail, lowered the banner of Christ and ran up that of Count
Mauricio, the sight of which caused us great anguish. Throughout that
battle our men did not fire a musket or espingarda, [76] and they had
none on the second day, for they tried to escape by swimming. Our men
set fire to this galleon, the almiranta; and when the Dutch saw that it
was burning, they left it, and the fire did its duty until it converted
the vessel into ashes. The flagship held out longer, but the soldiers
did not wait for the Dutch to board, for some of them escaped from
the galleon by swimming. Thirteen or fourteen of them were drowned,
among them Christobal de Fegueredo. Some jumped into a small skiff
belonging to the galleon, for they had taken all the boats from the
city, so that they had none in which to come thence. The galleon was
left with a few men, who were no longer firing and were silent. At this
juncture, the general left by a port, as best he could. Reaching shore,
he ordered the galleon to be set afire, which was done. It began to
burn, to our very great sorrow and to the exultation of the enemy,
for it was an unusually fine vessel; it carried thirty-six pieces
of artillery and a quantity of ammunition. When the fire reached the
powder-magazine, so great was the noise made, that the island of Malaca
trembled and the houses shook. A cloud of smoke arose to the heavens
which hid the clouds, and in that instant we lost sight of the galleon.
In the four galleons ninety-two pieces of artillery were lost. The
wounded and dead reached one hundred. The enemy were insolent
and victorious, and, although we had done them some damage, they
nevertheless attained their purpose, not only of preventing the
relief of Maluco, but of destroying the Portuguese squadron--and that
without the necessity of boarding any galleon, for which there was
no such need; because, before they could reach the galleys, these
were abandoned.
As soon as the enemy were discovered, many said that it would be
advisable to mount some pieces on the island, with some gabions, in
order to attack the enemy, and defend the galleons, which would have
been an admirable relief. But it did not have the desired effect,
for only one piece was mounted, and that late; and no one cared to
guard it, until Antonio Pinto de Fonseca, inspector of forts and one
who insisted urgently that the pieces be mounted, found a homicide,
who with other criminals, guarded the piece. He did considerable
injury to the enemy, for he fired from a short distance and with
safety. Had there been six guns, they would have sunk the enemy;
but that was not the first or the last act of carelessness.
On the twelfth of the month, the galleons were converted into ashes,
and the Maluco relief expedition was destroyed. After the battle and
disaster many quarrels arose among the nobles by land and sea, over
the question who was to blame. Each one blamed the other, attributing
the loss to many excesses that they mentioned. The truth is that such
excesses existed, and they and our sins were the cause of so great
a chastisement.
On February 25, Don Juan de Silva, governor and captain-general of
the Filipinas, reached the strait with ten galleons, four galleys,
and one patache. The Dutch were informed of his coming, for having
captured Juan Gallegos, a pilot who came from Macao in a patache, he
told them the plans of the governor. Thereupon the enemy took refuge a
week beforehand. They had been awaiting two vessels that were coming
from China with all the wealth of Yndia; and the Portuguese considered
it a foregone conclusion that these would fall into the hands of the
enemy. They had resolved to land on the island of Bintan or Pulo
Timón and burn the galleons, so that the enemy should not benefit
therefrom. For that purpose they sent Captain Fernando Acosta to
Malaca. But at the news of the governor's coming, the enemy abandoned
their station and left a free passage to the ships, which arrived one
day after the governor. It is reported that the two vessels had ten
days of contrary southeast winds which prevented them from reaching the
strait sooner, where their danger was. But God our Lord did better,
and He deprived the enemy of the prize, which would have enriched
them enormously, and allowed them to make war on Europe.
For that good result and benefit given to all Yndia by Don Juan de
Silva, the Portuguese were extremely thankful, and accordingly received
him in Malaca under a pall and with great acclamation. On March 26
all confessed that God had delivered them from the Dutch by his means;
and they hoped that he would drive the enemy from these seas later. But
death, which comes when God pleases, finished all their hopes; for it
brought him to his bed, and from that to a grave on April 19, 1616,
of a fever that carried him off in eleven days. During the course of
his sickness, the city made a procession from the _asse_ or cathedral
to [the church of] La Misericordia, [77] praying our Lord for his
health. At his death, they bewailed him with extreme sorrow.
Before dying he saw that his end was near, and accordingly prepared
himself by acts of faith and penitence, receiving the sacraments. He
ordered his body to be embalmed, and taken on the royal galley to
Manila, and thence to Jerez de los Caballeros, [78] where he founded
a convent of discalced Carmelite nuns. In the meanwhile the body
should be deposited in the residence or houses of the Society of
Jesus. Accordingly, in the residence of Malaca they celebrated the
church services for him. At the end of nine days, the body was taken to
the galleys anchored in the strait of Sincapura. There it was received
with a salute on May 2. On the fourth, sail was set toward Manila.
The fleet was composed of ten galleons, four galleys, one patache, and
three frigates. It carried three hundred pieces of artillery, eight
companies of Spanish soldiers, five hundred Japanese, two hundred
volunteers, sixty artillerymen, and two hundred sailors. [Without
signature. [79]]
_Letter from Father Juan de Ribera, [80] rector of the residence of
the Society of Jesus at Manila, in which he gives account of his
voyage to and from India, and of the unfortunate fate of the four
galleons that he took thence._
We set sail at Cabite November twenty-one, the day of the Virgin. In
a fortnight we entered the strait of Sincapura, having followed
the new route, which is called that of China. It is a very wide
channel, some forty or fifty brazas deep. We anchored at Malaca on
Tuesday, December nine, by our account, but on Wednesday by that of
Malaca. We left there on Christmas eve, with favorable weather. In
the neighborhood of Punta de Gale [or Galle], which is located in
Ceylan, we experienced a heavy storm. When that had subsided, the
currents carried us to the islands of Mal-Divar [_i.e._, Maldives],
a voyage from which few emerge in safety. We lost our reckoning,
and were in great need of wood and water. But by God's help, after
having approached one of those islands, our necessity was relieved
by some Malabar pirates for money. We were sailing among that great
forest of islands when we became becalmed, the peril most feared by
pilots. When we were all grieving over that, the chief of the Lascars,
a Moro by nation, and religion, arose. Taking a dish in his hand,
he begged us all for an alms for our Lady of Guadalupe of the city
of Cochin, [81] assuring us that she would give us wind. He pledged
himself to give double the alms collected, even if she did not give
the wind. Much surprised in so great confidence in a Moro, and all
of us being encouraged, he collected in a short time eighteen pesos,
and after folding them in a cloth, he tied them to the mizzen-masthead
begging the Virgin to fulfil her promise. The fact was that from that
day the wind to navigate (little or much) never failed us, until we
reached Cochin. That was on January twenty-three, and on entering the
bar there, we met a fleet of Malabar pirates who were sufficiently
powerful to oppose us. But God so disposed that we came upon them
when they were tired out, as we afterward learned, by a battle that
they had waged for the space of two days with another pirate, also a
Malabar--who, conquered by them at last, scuttled his ship and went
down with all on board, in order not to fall into their hands. For
that reason they did not attack us so quickly, and we had time to
enter Cochin.
The fathers provincial received us on the beach--the present father
Francisco, [82] and the past Alberto Laercio [83]--accompanied by
the most grave fathers with music and other kindnesses. We stayed
two months in Cochin, where we received singular kindness and
entertainment from all. They took me to Caranganor, five leguas from
there, along very pleasant rivers, in a boat like a house, belonging to
the archbishop of Sierra, Father Don Francisco Ros [84] of our Society,
a native of the city of Girona in the principality of Cataluña, whose
hand I desired to kiss. We found him at Peru. He seemed a saint to
me. When I remarked to him, à propos of the retirement and poverty
in which I found him, at the first salutation, "_Qui Episcopatum
desiderat, bonum opus desiderat_," he replied, "Our Chaldean answers,
_Bonam servitulem querit_." [85] He is learned in that language,
in which his priests pray and celebrate the mass with peculiar
ceremonies. We found him living so apostolic a life that he did not
have room to entertain the eight of our Society who were there--among
whom was the rector of Cochin, Father Gaspar Fernandez [86]--nor did
he have any food to give us. Consequently we returned to the boat,
which was more comfortable than the house. We went to Caranganor, a
Portuguese fortress, and a residence of ours, just opposite Samorin. I
saw some doors and windows that had been broken with volleys, and
they told me that a father who was praying in the window had been
killed. The father rector of the residence there had a carved image
of the child Jesus asleep in a little gilded bed, which had been
sent him by a pagan Malabar pirate, who stole it from a Portuguese,
believing it to be gold. But when he had carried it to his house,
he found that it was only gilded wood, and gave it to his children
for a toy. The sleeping Child, however, did not allow his owner to
sleep, for according to his account, He kept him awake every night,
and placing Himself in front of him, said to him, "Take me to the
land of the Christians." He communicated the matter to his wife,
and by her counsel sent Him to the father rector of Caranganor. We
went to Vaypicota, a residence of our Society, which formerly had a
greater number of our members. That field of Christendom has become
lessened through the little favor [shown to the Christians by] the
pagan king to whom it is subject. It is a wonder to me that within
a stone's throw of our church is a Moro mosque, a pagan temple, and
a Jewish synagogue, without one harming another, although they annoy
us greatly by their shouting, when they invoke the devil.
From Cochin we went to Goa on April three of this year, one thousand
six hundred and fifteen, in a galley of the fleet. We coasted along
the shore and visited the fortresses of Malabar. We spent Holy Week
in Mangalor. We lodged in the convent of St. Francis, and helped
confess the soldiers. We spent forty days in the voyage, until we
reached Goa, where Father Francisco Vergara, rector of the college,
and all the others received us with great charity. Four of them
took me to visit the viceroy, who showed us great courtesy. After I
had been talking with him for almost an hour, the chief chancellor
entered, who is at the same time auditor for the reports in causes,
and is a knight of the habit. Having given him a seat of honor, such
as we were occupying, the viceroy said to him: "I am surprised, sir,
that all the fathers of the Society are all so much alike; for the
father rector of Manila, whom we have here, is just like the fathers
here, even in speech." He determined immediately what could be done in
accordance with the present state of India, in respect to the aid that
I was come to request--namely, to give four well-equipped galleons,
with as many as four hundred soldiers and ninety pieces of artillery
among them all. As commander of this fleet, he assigned Francisco de
Miranda Enriquez, a gentleman who has had good fortune in war; and,
as admiral, Alfonso Vaez Coutiño.
We left Goa on the twelfth of May. We were one hundred and two days
on the voyage for the lack of good weather, and on account of the
poor route chosen by the pilot, who took us to the land of Achan; and
as its inhabitants are hostile to the Portuguese, the latter did not
dare land there. The men were dying with thirst, and had it not been
for some showers, and the final resolution to get water on a desert
island, we would have suffered even death. We had many _samatras_,
or hurricanes, on the coast of that great land, which broke topmasts,
tore sails, and broke moorings, causing us to lose anchors and other
necessary articles.
On July thirty, on the eve of our Father St. Ignatius, in the district
of Pulu Parcelar, our capitana galleon fought two Dutch vessels,
without the other galleons being able to render aid, as they were to
leeward. Our galleon made two vain attempts to grapple--one because
of too much wind, and the other for lack of wind--for the one was
a samatra or hurricane, and the other so great a calm, that neither
we nor the Dutch could manage our ships. But inasmuch as we remained
within cannon-shot of one another, we fought until night deepened,
and they fled battered to pieces; for our balls had gone clear through
them, while theirs made scarcely any impression on us. Accordingly
we only lost two men in the fight.
On the eve of the Assumption [87] we ran upon a shoal three brazas
under water, where the galleon remained all night, tossing up and down
frightfully. In the morning a boat came from one of our other ships
in response to the numerous pieces that we discharged, and helped us
get off the shoal; but we were in so bad condition that from then on
the boat made thirty palmos of water every twenty-four hours.
We finally reached Malaca August twenty-two. Although it was thought
that the monsoon or favorable wind was already ended, we attempted
to make the voyage to Manila. We passed the strait of Sincapura,
and on the fifth of September, because of the little progress that
we made, called a council, in which we all resolved to winter at
Malaca. However, on the next day, the commander attempted to continue
the voyage to Manila, until the soldiers and sailors mutinied and
forced him to put in at Malaca, on the nineteenth of the same month.
The fleet was very ill received by the inhabitants there, because
of the harm that soldiers generally do. But our going there was soon
seen to have been a providence of God; for within one month the king
of Achen came to attack that city with a fleet of one hundred and
fifty sail and forty thousand men, and had not he found our galleys
there would surely have captured it. And further, according to rumors
(and as was shown in the result), he had agreed with the Dutch to join
them, since they came only twenty days apart, as I shall immediately
relate. In my opinion the same thing that had happened to the prophet
Abacuc [_i.e._, Habakkuk] happened to me. For he having prepared
the food for his reapers, the angel bore him by the hair to Babylon,
to relieve the necessity of Daniel, who had been locked in the den
of lions. I took that aid from Goa for Manila, and the Lord took us
to Malaca, and conveyed us as if by the hair, since we put in with
great repugnance; and at last all that reinforcement was consumed in
helping Malaca.
A squadron of galleys came ahead to reconnoiter. Finding our galleons
anchored, and taking note of the soldiers in them and in the city,
it went ahead to the strait to await (as was heard) the Dutch. Our
men feared lest they should attack the trading ships which generally
come at that time from China. Accordingly it was resolved that four
galleons, six galliots, and other oared craft should sail out to drive
the enemy from the coast. They engaged on the fifteenth of November,
and fought all that day, and the one following. The enemy's force
was large. They burned one galliot and forced the men to desert the
others and enter the galleons, which now were in need of men. The enemy
attacked our flagship and surrounded it with twelve large galleys. It
caught fire many times, but our men always extinguished the fire
and defended themselves valiantly. They attacked the galleon of Don
Juan de Silveyra, which was a fine vessel, and a fort of twenty-two
cannons. It caught fire and burned so furiously that the flames could
not be extinguished; and it was accordingly burned to ashes. The said
Don Juan de Silveyra and Antonio Rodriguez Gamboa--his brother-in-law,
and son of Juan Cayado de Gamboa, commandant of that fortress of
Malaca--leaped overboard. They and thirty or forty other Portuguese
were captured by the people of Achen and taken to their king, who
treated them courteously and gave them liberty. Those gentlemen
declared to me, in writing, in Malaca that the fleet of the people
of Achen consisted of three hundred and fifty craft, among which were
sixty large galleys, each with three pieces of artillery at the bow,
while that of the midship gangway had the caliber of sixty libras;
that the royal galley carried one thousand six hundred men, with one
hundred and twenty falcons and half-falcons; and that they lost ten
large galleys in the fight, besides twenty other lesser craft. They
also stated that after returning to his country the king punished
certain of his captains because they had not burned all the galleys;
and that having given liberty to the captives he sent them to Malaca,
with che message that he desired peace with his brother, the king of
Castilla and Portugal.
Our good fortune resulted in his not having effected a meeting with the
Dutch, who arrived the next month, on the seventh of December, with
seven ships and one patache. Our three galleons had been stationed
in a cove between the small island of Malaca and a sandbank--a
place that seemed impregnable, as it was defended on the sea side
by the sandbank and shoals, and on the land side by the artillery
of its ramparts. But the enemy, having thoroughly reconnoitered the
sandbank and shoals, discovered a channel where they could enter,
and thereupon entered on the morning of the next day, flying their
red rear-admiral's banners. The flagship remained outside, although
within cannon-shot. Then began a cruel bombardardment that lasted
three days. Our galleons could not play all their artillery, for they
were anchored, and the currents were dragging them toward the Dutch,
who were free, and maneuvered at will. Our artillery was heavier than
theirs, consequently the few pieces that we fired did them great
damage. The building of a protection for the cannon was discussed,
and the planting of some pieces on the island, in order to defend
the galleons. That would doubtless have been of great importance
for they would have fired from a covered battery and at very close
range, as was seen by the effect produced by only one piece that
was mounted there. It was fired by a man who had been condemned to
death, and who was awaiting justice for having pillaged two Chinese
vessels. He was promised pardon if he would take charge of that piece,
as he did, to the damage of the enemy. But as he was alone and the
enemy were bringing to bear all the artillery of their ships, they
finally prevailed. On the first day, Juan Pinto, captain of a galley,
being killed, and his uncle, a valiant soldier, having broken his leg,
his men were disheartened, and deserted the galleon; but they did not
take the precaution to burn it, so that the enemy could not profit,
as they did, by its artillery, food, and other things that it was
carrying; afterward the enemy set it on fire.
At dawn of the next day, December ten, the heretics began to attack
the almiranta. At the first volleys the admiral and five other men
were killed. The men were so disheartened by that event that they
began to jump overboard, and it was impossible for certain commanders
and brave soldiers, who were trying to defend the galleon, to prevent
them. But, as the enemy perceived them deserting the vessel, they
sent their lanchac and entered it; they first lowered the flag of
Christ from the masthead and placed it on their ship below that of
Count Mauricio. The vessel was already burning from the fire set by
our men, and accordingly the enemy deserted it quickly.
Our flagship kept up the fight longer, but at last men were lacking;
for, as the land was near, they tried to reach it in boats or by
swimming. The commander Francisco de Miranda Enriquez was left
with very few men; and they even, seeing that it was impossible to
defend themselves, were forced to land, after having set fire to the
galleon. It was a very fine and strong boat. It earned thirty-six
cannon, and had so much ammunition that when the fire reached the
powder magazine, the vessel blew up with so great a din, that it made
the entire city and the island of Malaca shake, and the vessel was
seen no more. This was different from the almiranta, which, when its
powder had been spent, was two days in burning. The dead and wounded on
our side number about one hundred. The enemy lost one of its vessels,
but was at last victorious. Then they went to the strait to await the
ships expected from China. In the city was little harmony, those of
the fleet and those of the city accusing one another of the fault [of
the defeat]. I reverenced the judgments of God, and considered that,
although there was some excess on both sides, the chief cause of so
great a loss was our sins. _Quia peccavimus tibi Domini_, etc. [88]
The largest fleet ever seen in these islands or perchance in the
Indias was prepared that year of 1615 in the port of Cabite. [89]
It seems a miraculous circumstance that so large a number of ships
could be gathered together in a land so recently conquered and peopled
with Spaniards, and the most remote and distant in all the Spanish
monarchy. It was the peculiar offspring of the magnanimous courage,
valor, and energy (never sufficiently praised) of Governor Don Juan
de Silva. It consisted of ten galleons, four galleys, one patache,
and other smaller craft: the flagship of the galleons, called "La
Salvadora," of two thousand tons burden; the almiranta, by name
"San Marcos," of one thousand seven hundred; "San Juan Bautista,"
and the "Espiritu Santo," of one thousand three hundred; "San Miguel"
and "San Felipe," of eight hundred; "Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe,"
and "Santiago," one hundred less; "San Andres," five hundred; and
"San Lorenco" (the smallest one), four hundred. The galleys were all
under the advocacy and name of the Virgin Mary, our Lady. Those craft
were armed and equipped with five thousand men, two thousand, or a
few less, being Spaniards; three hundred pieces of artillery--the
flagship alone carrying forty-six (the smallest of eighteen, while
the majority of them were twenty-two libras' caliber, and some were
thirty), and all were bronze, and it carried nine hundred men;
the almiranta seven hundred men, and thirty-two pieces; and the
other vessels in proportion. Of powder, they carried four thousand
five hundred arrobas; of biscuits, five thousand; of clean rice,
three thousand fanegas; and so on, in all the other war-supplies,
ammunition, and food. All this was at the king's account, not to
mention the private persons who embarked.
Among the other precautions that the governor took in order to
accomplish a successful result was one, namely, to ask the provincials
of the orders and their religious to aid--the one with their prayers
and continual sacrifices in their convents; and the other by religious
who were priests, to act as chaplains of the vessels. Six fell to
the share of the Society, two of whom embarked in the flagship,
in which were the chief Japanese of a company of that nation which
had been raised to serve as volunteers on that expedition, through
the vigilance of Father Garcia Garces, [90] a Castilian, one of the
exiles, whom the governor esteemed highly. Accordingly, the latter
ordered that the father should embark on the flagship, and with
him another religious of the Japanese nation, a person respected
because of his worth. In the galleon "San Juan Bautista" was Father
Pedro Gomez, rector of Maluco. He had gone to India, and returned
with the news of the four Portuguese galleons which were coming to
unite with our ten. As his associate went Father Manuel Ribeyro of
the province of Cochin and its subject. In the ship "San Felipe" was
Father Miguel Ignacio, at present rector of the residence of Zebu,
who, without urging the obligation of his office or the ill-health
that he was enjoying _[la poca salud, que gozaua]_, offered himself
so fervently to the superiors for that perilous mission, that they
had to yield to him. The commander of that ship has declared in his
many letters the talent of the said father as a preacher, and his
opinion of his sanctity; and how great was the esteem of the soldiers
and sailors for the abundant fruit that he had gathered in Cabite by
his apostolic preaching. His associate was Father Melchor de Vera,
[91] who had been in the expedition and victory of the year 10. Of
the other religious orders there were also some prominent members,
divided among the other boats.
That noble fleet could not set sail until the last day of that year of
1615. It had been collected with the intention of going straightway
in search of the enemy in their own forts and the chief stronghold
of Malayo. But as the galleons from India did not arrive, which they
had heard were wintering in Malaca; and knowing that at that time
some ships were generally awaiting in its strait the trading-ships
from China which pass that way, and that some good fortune could be
secured from them: the governor considered it advisable to lay his
course toward Malaca--whence he supposed that after the destruction
of the enemy that he would cause there, and after having joined the
Portuguese galleons, he would go straight to Malayo. It was a well
founded idea, but founded on an uncertain end as are all human ideas
and considerations. For besides that there were then no galleons in
Malaca, because they had been burned in the manner above related,
if the governor had not left these coasts, or at least had he sailed
directly to those of Maluco, and even without leaving the bay of
Manila, he would have had in a short time a victory equal to the
past, and would have destroyed the help that came, because of his
preparations, from Olanda by way of the coasts of Pirú and Nueva-España
to these islands. For it happened that at the same time that Don Juan
de Silva was going out by way of Miriveles with his fleet, one of the
four governors of the state of Olanda was entering by way of Capulco
[i.e., Capul] with four large ships--his flagship being one called "Sol
de Olando" [i.e., "The sun of Holland"]--and two pataches. Those ships
were coming straight to anchor at the same entrance of Mariveles, by
which the fleet that we had fitted out had sailed one month previously.
That unlooked-for event caused great confusion in this city of Manila
and the port of Cabite. Licentiate Andres de Alcaraz and the gentlemen
of the royal Audiencia were governing. They put aside their togas and
girded on their swords. They divided the most dangerous and important
posts. One of them was charged with the fortification of Cabite, and
the repair of three galleys and other boats that had been going to
rack and ruin there; another with the casting of new pieces from the
little metal remaining in the royal magazines, and he, because by its
scarcity the sudden need for artillery could not be supplied, tried
to use the waste left from former castings, by digging and sifting the
earth around the ancient foundry. That was so excellent a scheme that
three thousand arrobas of metal were collected in a few days. It is
a cause for wonderment, and could not have been accomplished except
by Spanish activity, stimulated by necessity and the energy of the
Chinese, sharpened by the reward of three reals given them for each
arroba. More than one thousand five hundred persons worked at the
sifting, and at the casting of new pieces. As a result the necessary
cannon for the defense of Cabite and Manila were manufactured in a
short time.
To that and other temporal precautions and efforts, were added
at the same time the spiritual--acts of prayer and supplications,
the most holy host being exposed in the cathedral, the convents,
and the parochial churches, with the effect and devotion that
exigency and need are wont to stimulate. The image of our Lady of
Guidance was carried in solemn and devout procession from her church
(which is located in the suburbs of this city) to the cathedral,
where it was visited continually by the inhabitants, who could not
tear themselves from it. In our residence the most holy host was also
exposed to all the town; with the solemnity of service and sermon on
the day that belonged to it; while on all other days it was especially
exposed by Ours at the hour of prayer and devotion. Each priest was
ordered to say a novena of masses, and those who were not priests
a novena of rosaries, penitences, and other devotions. Similar and
even advantageous action was taken in the other convents, churches,
and communities of the city and surrounding villages.
The Lord, whose providence is always most notable in the greatest
exigencies, was pleased to hear the united voice of this community,
and induced our enemy, after they had lain at anchor for a fortnight
in the bay in sight of Manila, to hoist their sails; and without doing
more than seize one champan and send two letters by a prisoner--one
to the commander of their nation [i.e., van Caerden] who was a
prisoner here, and the other to the royal Audiencia, asking for his
ransom. But that could have no effect, for the miserable man had
died a short time before in his perfidy, exchanging his temporal
for the eternal prison. [After sending these letters] the enemy
returned to Terrenate, ridding this city of its great anxiety. On
that occasion the religious served not only with spiritual weapons,
but also with what temporal arms they could use and those that they
knew how to manage. Among others was one of our brethren, whom the
royal Audiencia charged with the management of the artillery of the
port of Cabite, because of his skill in the art and of his bravery,
which the occasion required. Another religious, also ours, by his
good management prevented the soldiers of Cabite from burning that
settlement, for they had already commenced at one of the houses,
where were collected the goods of the Portuguese commander, who had
come from España the year before as commander of certain caravels with
reenforcements from the kingdoms of España. They considered it less
wrong for us to burn them ourselves than to let the enemy make use
of them. But that religious with his arguments and good management
hindered it, and inspired them all to extinguish the fire. That was
a cause of rejoicing afterward, when they saw the enemy go away and
leave us, without forcing us to so costly a precaution.
While the above was passing in Manila, our fleet reached Malaca,
and entered the strait February twenty-five. The enemy had left
it one week previous, fleeing with all sails set, because of the
secret advice that they had received that our fleet was going in
search of them. The day following the arrival of our galleons,
the two Chinese trading-ships entered the same strait, bearing all
the wealth of India It was a most fortunate event and was worthily
celebrated by the public acclamations of the inhabitants of Malaca,
who called Governor Don Juan de Silva their redeemer. They received
him in their city under the pall, with demonstrations of joy and
honors as if he were a viceroy, for as such did they regard him;
and they assured themselves that with his valor and powerful fleet,
they were to deliver India from the inopportune war and the continuous
pillaging of the Dutch. But (O human misery!) fortune changed within a
few days, and all those hopes were frustrated; it brought the governor
to his bed with a mortal burning fever, which killed him in eleven
days. During the course of those eleven days the city made a public
procession from the cathedral church to the Misericordia, praying
God for his health. On the day of his death--namely, April nineteen,
1616--there were general mourning and tears from men, women, and even
children, as if each one of them had lost a father.
Recognizing the approach of death, he received the holy sacraments,
and performed many acts of faith and penitence, protesting that he was
dying in the service of his king, and, as he hoped, in that of God,
for his intent had been none but the conservation and increase of the
Catholic faith and the destruction of heresy in those districts. And
he said that if the natives had been harassed any, those molestations
had not been intended and were unavoidable, for war brings them. He
ordered his body to be embalmed and carried to this city of Manila
in the flagship galley. From here he ordered his body to be carried
to Xerez de los Cavalleros, where he ordered a convent of discalced
Carmelites to be founded; and that his remains should be deposited
in the residences of the Society. Thus was it done in Malaca, and
afterward here in Manila, where all that fleet arrived in the first
part of June, on the eve of Corpus Christi, in the year of 1616. The
mission and ministry of Ours and of the other religious who took
part in the campaign had lasted for four months, in which they had a
very abundant harvest of souls, discomforts and hardships; for they
had been two months below the equator itself, where they suffered
incomparable heat and drank poor water, which was the cause of the
men catching the plague. And hence there was considerable to do,
and in which to employ their fervor, particularly during Lent and
Holy Week, which they spent at sea. [92]
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA
Many documents in this volume are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo
general de Indias, Sevilla; their pressmarks are indicated as follows:
1. _Petition of the Recollects._--"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencìa de
Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas de Filipinas;
años 1609 á 1644; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 43."
2. _Dominicans, in re Audiencia._--The same as No. 1.
3. _Letter from Juan de Silva._--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha
Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; años 1607 á 1626; est. 67, caj. 6,
leg. 20."
4. _Letters from Felipe III to Silva._--"Audiencia de Filipinas;
registros de oficio; reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades
del distrito de la Audiencia; años 1597 á 1634; est. 105, caj. 2,
leg. 1."--except that of November 12, 1611, noted below.
5. _Hospital at Nueva Cáceres._--"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los obispos sufraganeos de Manila;
años de 1594 á 1698; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 34."
6. _Letters to Dominican Provincial._--The same as No. 4.
7. _Status of missions._--The same as No. 3.
8. _Letter from Soria._--The same as No. 5.
9. _Recommendations regarding archbishopric of
Manila._--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; consultas
originales correspondientes á dicha Audiencia; años 1586 á 1636;
est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 1."
The following is obtained from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:
10. _Letter from Felipe III to Silva_, November 12, 1611.--"Cedulario
Indico, tom. 38, fol. 143, no. 108."
The following are found in _Recopilación de leyes de Indias_ (Madrid,
1841):
11. _Laws regarding commerce._--In lib. ix, tit. xlv.
12. _Decree regulating services._--In lib. vi, tit. 12, ley 40.
The following are taken from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library):
13. _Relation of 1609-10._--In vol. i, pp. 273-340.
14. _Letters from Ledesma and Rivera._--In vol. i, pp. 403-429.
The remaining documents are obtained from the following sources:
15. _Jesuit missions, 1608-09._--From _Annuæ litteræ_ (Dilingæ, 1610),
pp. 507-532.
16. _Foundation of the college of Santo Tomás._--From _Algunos
documentos relativos á la Universidad de Manila_ (Madrid, 1892),
pp. 5-20.
17. _Trade of the Philippines._--From _Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania_,
vi, pp. 298-314.
18. _Account of the battle of Playa Honda_ (in "Expedition against
Dutch, 1615").--From Colin's _Labor evangélica_ (Madrid, 1663),
pp. 802-810.
CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF THE PHILIPPINES 1565-1899 AND
THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE ISLANDS AT DIFFERENT PERIODS
List of Philippine Governors
_Miguel Lopez de Legazpi_--Native of Zubarraja (Zumárraga), Guipúzcoa,
born in early part of sixteenth century; goes to Mexico in 1545, where
he becomes clerk of the cabildo; appointed in 1561 to lead expedition
to discover western islands; lands at Cebu April 27, 1565; begins fort
and takes possession of Cebu and neighboring islands for Spain, May 8,
1565; takes possession of Manila, May 19, 1571; erects city of Manila,
June 3, 1571, and appoints regidors, etc., June 24, 1571; death, August
20, 1572; term as governor February 13 (date of first anchorage near
Cebu)-August 20, 1572; also adelantado or governor of the Ladrones.
_Guido de Labezares_--Biscayan; accompanies Villalobos expedition
of 1542; appointed royal treasurer of Legazpi's expedition, 1564;
appointed by Mexico Audiencia by sealed instructions to succeed
Legazpi in case of the latter's death; succeeds to governorship,
August 20 (?), 1572; orders Salcedo to subdue Ilocos and found town
of Fernandina (now Bigan), and orders subjection of Camarines, 1573;
defends Manila against pirate Limahon, 1574; apportions encomiendas;
term as governor (_ad interim_), August 20 (?), 1572-August 25,
1575; given appointment for life as master-of-camp, by Felipe II, and
encomiendas of which he has been deprived by Sande, restored to him.
_Doctor Francisco de Sande_--Native of Cáceres; serves as attorney,
criminal judge, and auditor in Mexico; succeeds Labezares, August 25,
1575; founds city of Nueva Cáceres; arrival of first Franciscans, 1577;
expedition to Borneo, 1578; term as governor, August 25, 1575-April,
1580; becomes auditor in Mexico Audiencia.
_Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa_--Native of Arevalo; alguazil-mayor in
Mexico; contracts with king to colonize islands, for which to receive
governorship for life; arrives at Manila, April, 1580; arrival of
bishop and first Jesuits, 1581; founds Arévalo, 1581 or 1582; founds
Nueva Cáceres, 1582; expedition to Maluco, 1582; imposes import and
export duties, 1582; conflict between the bishop and Augustinians,
1582; sends Gabriel Rivera to Spain; death, March 10, 1583; term as
governor, April, 1580-March 10, 1583.
_Diego Ronquillo_--Nephew of preceding; appointed governor _ad interim_
by royal decree, succeeding to government, March 10, 1583; first great
Manila fire, March 19, 1583; term as governor March 10, 1583-May, 1584.
_Doctor Santiago de Vera_--Native of Alcalá de Henares; alcalde of
Mexico; arrives at Manila, May 16, 1584; establishes first Audiencia
of Manila, 1584; sends Diego Ronquillo prisoner to Spain, 1585; sends
expedition to Maluco, 1585; Father Sanchez leaves for Spain, June 28,
1586; arrival of Dominicans for their first mission, 1587; constructs
first stone fort, 1587; Candish captures "Santa Ana," November 4,
1587; insurrection in the Bisayas, 1588; term as governor, May 16,
1584-May, 1590; appointed auditor in Mexico Audiencia.
_Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_--Native of Galicia, and knight of Order of
Santiago; corregidor of Murcia and Cartagena, 1589; appointed governor
of Philippines, 1589; sails for Mexico, December 8, 1589; sails from
Acapulco, March 1, 1590; arrives at Manila, May (June 1, according to
his own letter, q.v., Vol. VIII, p. 268), 1590; suppresses Audiencia,
1590; establishes regular camp, and fortifies and walls Manila;
quarrels with bishop; contracts with Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa
to conquer Mindanao, May 12, 1591; correspondence with Japan, 1592;
Bishop Salazar goes to Spain, 1592; embassy from Camboja, 1593; sails
on Maluco expedition, October 19, 1593; murdered by Chinese rowers,
October 25, 1593; term as governor, May (or June 1), 1590-October
25, 1593.
_Licentiate Pedro de Rojas_--Auditor of Manila Audiencia, 1584;
lieutenant-assessor, 1590; governor (_ad interim_), October-December
(forty days) 1593; war affairs of islands in charge of Diego Ronquillo;
appointed alcalde of Mexico, 1593.
_Luis Perez Dasmariñas_--Son of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, and knight of
Order of Alcántara; receives governorship _ad interim_, by virtue of
appointment of father, December (Zúñiga says 3), 1593; foundation in
Manila of Confraternity of La Misericordia, 1594; arrival in Manila of
Chinese mandarins, 1594; embassy from Siam, 1595; Figueroa's expedition
to Mindanao, 1595; Morga arrives at Manila as lieutenant-governor,
June 11, 1595; expedition to Camboja under Gallinato, 1596; term as
governor, December 3, 1593-July 14, 1596 (San Antonio says the last
of June). Some historians and chronologists say that Dr. Antonio de
Morga acted as governor _ad interim_ from his entrance into Manila,
June 11, 1595, until Tello's arrival July 14, 1596, but he merely
fulfilled the duties of his office of lieutenant-governor. In his
letters after his arrival, and in his book, he distinctly states that
Luis Perez Dasmariñas was governor. Tello says in a letter of July 17,
1596 (see _Vol_. IX, pp. 274-277), "In respect to the person of Don
Luys Perez Dasmariñas, whom I found acting as governor." Consequently
Morga is given no place in this list.
_Francisco de Tello de Guzmán_--Native of Sevilla, and knight of Order
of Santiago; treasurer of India House of Trade; appointed governor
and president of Audiencia, which he is ordered to reestablish,
by royal decree, November 26, 1595; enters Manila, July 14, 1596;
martyrdom of Franciscans in Japan, February 5, 1597; arrival of
first archbishop, May 1598; Audiencia reestablished, May 8, 1598;
arrivals of first suffragan bishops, 1598-1600; Moro invasions,
1599-1600; Morga's fight with Oliver van Noordt, December 14, 1600;
Jesuit seminary of San José founded, 1601; term as governor, July 14,
1596-May, 1602; death in Manila, April 1603.
_Pedro Bravo de Acuña_--Knight of the Order of St. John, and comendador
of Salamanca; appointed governor of Cartagena in West Indies, 1593;
appointed governor of the Philippines as early as January 16, 1600
(see _Vol_. XI, p. 312); instructions issued for, February 16, 1602;
arrives at Manila, May, 1602; second fire in Manila, April 30, 1603;
first Chinese insurrection, 1603; expedition to Maluco, January
15-May 31, 1606; Audiencia rules during his absence; first Japanese
insurrection, 1606; death, June 24, 1606.
_Vacant_--The Audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and Auditor
_Cristobal Tellez de Almansa_ of military affairs, June 24, 1606;
arrival of first Recollect mission, 1606; secoad insurrection of
Japanese, 1607; Audiencia governs, June 24, 1606-June 15, 1608.
_Rodrigo de Vivero_--Native of Laredo; page to queen in Spain,
and official in Nueva España; appointed governor (_ad interim_)
by royal decree, July 7, 1607; arrives at Manila, June 15, 1608;
issues instructions to alcaldes-mayor; term as governor, June 15,
1608-April (Easter), 1609; appointed count of Valle, and governor
and captain-general, and president of Audiencia of Panama.
_Juan de Silva_--Native of Trujillo, and knight of the Order of
Santiago; arrives in Manila April (Easter), 1609; brings reenforcements
of five companies; victory over Wittert, April 25 (San Antonio says
24), 1610; arrival of fourth archbishop, Diego Vazquez de Mercado,
June 4, 1610; fruitless expedition against Dutch, 1611; expedition
in conjunction with Portuguese against Dutch, February 4, 1616-April
19, 1616; death, April 19, 1616; Audiencia governs during absence;
term as governor, April, 1609-April 19, 1616.
_Vacant_--The Audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and Auditor
Licentiate _Andres Alcaraz_ of military affairs, as substitute for
Jeronimo (uncle of Juan) de Silva, who is appointed governor (_ad
interim_) in case of Juan de Silva's death, by royal decree of March
20 (Delgado) or 28 (San Antonio), 1616 (Alcaraz having been left in
charge by Juan de Silva on his departure to Malaca); return of fleet,
June 1, 1616; Spielberg bombards Iloílo, September 29, 1616, and
is defeated next day; his defeat at Playa Honda by Juan Ronquillo,
April 14, 1617; Jeronimo de Silva arrives from Maluco and takes
charge of military affairs, September 30, 1617; Audiencia governs
(after Juan de Silva's death), April 19, 1616-June 8 (Delgado), 1618.
_Alonso Fajardo y Tenza_--Native of Murcia, knight of the Order of
Alcantara, and seigneur of Espinardo; arrives at Cavite, July 2, 1618,
and takes charge of government on the day following (but June 8 is
the erroneous date given by Buzeta and Bravo); foundation of convent
of Santa Clara, August-November 1, 1621; kills wife for adultery,
1621; checks insurrection in the Visayas, 1623; death from melancholy,
July 11 (Delgado) or before July 23, 1624; term as governor, July 3,
1618-July, 1624.
_Vacant_--The Audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and
_Jeronimo de Silva_ of military affairs at death of Fajardo; Silva
imprisoned by Audiencia for failure to pursue Dutch whom he puts to
flight near Playa Honda, 1624; Audiencia governs, July, 1624-June,
1625.
_Fernando de Silva_--Native of Ciudad-Rodrigo, knight of the Order
of Santiago, and former ambassador to Persia; appointed governor
(_ad interim_) by viceroy of Mexico; arrives at Manila, June, 1625;
term as governor, June 1625-June 29, 1626.
_Juan Niño de Tabora_--Native of Galicia, comendador of Puerto Llano,
and knight of Order of Calatrava; master-of-camp in Flanders; arrives
at Manila, June 29 (Retana, _Estadismo_, says wrongly July 29), 1626;
despatches expedition against Moros, 1627-1630; builds Manila bridge
and strengthens fortifications; death, July 22, 1632; term as governor,
June 29, 1626-July 22, 1632.
_Vacant_--The Audienca takes charge of political affairs, and _Lorenzo
de Olaza_ (or Olaso) of military affairs, being appointed by viceroy
of Mexico; Audiencia governs July 22, 1632-about the middle of 1633.
_Juan Cerezo de Salamanca_--Appointed governor (_ad interim_) by
viceroy of Mexico; expeditions against Moros, 1634-1635; term as
governor, about middle of 1633-June 25, 1635.
_Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera_--Native of Berbenda (Berguenda) in
the mountains of Burgos (some say of Vitoria, in province Alava),
knight of the Order of Alcantara, and ex-governor of Panama; arrives
in Manila, June 25, 1635; term notable for troubles with archbishop
and ecclesiastics; expeditions against Moros, 1637-1638; Chinese
insurrection, November, 1639-March, 1640; Formosa captured by Dutch,
August 24, 1642; gives first ordinances for good government in the
Philippines, 1642; term as governor, June 25, 1635-August 11, 1644;
arrested and held prisoner for five years by successor; released by
order of king and appointed (1659) governor of Canaries; death at
Tenerife, August 12, 1660.
_Diego Fajardo_--Knight of the Order of Santiago; takes office,
August 11, 1644; dominated by secretary Eustacio de Venegas, until
September 15, 1651; naval battles with, and victories over, Dutch,
March, July, and August, 1646; fortifies city; term as governor,
August 11, 1644-July 25, 1653.
_Sabiniano Manrique de Lara_--Native of Málaga, knight of the Order
of Calatrava, and ex-castellan of Acapulco; arrives at Cavite,
July 22, 1653; takes possession of government, July 25 (Retana,
_Estadismo_, says July 28), 1653; earthquake in Manila, August 20,
1658; insurrections among natives 1660-1661; Chinese insurrection,
1662; term marked by partial cessation in ecclesiastical troubles
and outbreaks of Moros; term as governor, July 25, 1653-September 8,
1663; returns to Malaga after residencia and becomes priest.
_Diego de Salcedo_--Native of Brussels, an army officer; appointed
governor by royal provision, December 2, 1661; arrives at Manila,
overland from Cagayan, September 8, 1663; troubles with archbishop and
ecclesiastics lead to his arrest by the Holy Office of the Inquisition,
September 28, 1668; term as governor, September 8, 1663-September 28,
1668; sent to Mexico for trial in 1669, but dies at sea; Inquisition
of Mexico exonerates.
_Juan Manuel de la Peña Bonifaz_--Junior auditor of Manila Audiencia;
succeeds as governor (_ad interim_) by trickery, September 28(?),
1668; term as governor September 28(?), 1668-September 24, 1669;
takes refuge in Recollect convent. [93]
_Manuel de Leon_--Native of Paredes de Nava, and military officer;
appointed by royal provision June 24, 1668; arrives in Manila,
September 24, 1669; conflict with archbishop, 1673; death, April 11,
1677; term as governor, September 24, 1669-April 11, 1677.
_Vacant_--The Audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and Auditors
_Francisco Coloma_ and _Francisco Sotomayor y Mansilla_, successively,
of military affairs; death of former, September 25, 1677; term of
latter, September 25, 1677-September 21, 1678 (Delgado says September
22, 1679); Audiencia governs, April 11, 1677-September 21, 1678.
_Juan de Vargas Hurtado_--Native of Toledo, knight of the Order of
Santiago, and military officer; appointed by royal provision, June 18,
1677; arrives at Manila, September 21, 1678 (Retana, _Estadismo_,
says that he took charge of the government September 29); rebuilds
college of Santa Potenciana; trouble with Archbishop Felipe Pardo; term
as governor, September 28, 1678-August 24, 1684; is excommunicated;
residencia lasts four years; dies at sea on way to Mexico, 1690.
_Gabriel de Curuzealegui y Arriola_--Knight of the Order of Santiago,
naval officer, member of council of war, and twenty-fourth regidor of
Sevilla; arrives at Manila, August, 24, 1684; reinstates archbishop,
and exiles auditors; death, April 17 (Delgado and San Antonio) or 27
(Zúñiga), 1689; term as governor, August 24, 1684-April 17 or 27, 1689.
_Vacant_--The Audiencia takes charge of political affairs and Auditor
_Alonso de Avila Fuertes_, knight of the Order of Alcántara; Audiencia
governs, April 17 or 27, 1689-July 19 (Delgado, and Buzeta and Bravo)
or 25 (Zúñiga and Montero y Vidal), 1690.
_Fausto Cruzat y Gongora_--Native of Navarra of a distinguished
Pamplona family, and knight of the Order of Santiago; appointed
by royal provision, January 15 (Delgado) or 31 (San Antonio),
1686; arrives at Manila, July 19 or 25, 1690; issues ordinances
of good government, October 1, 1696; rebuilds governor's palace;
term characterized by ecclesiastical troubles; term as governor,
July 19 or 25, 1690-December 8, 1701.
_Domingo Zabálburu de Echevarri_--Knight of the Order of Santiago,
and military officer; appointed governor, September 18, 1694; arrives
at Manila, December 8 (San Antonio says September), 1701; attends to
public works; receives papal legate to China, Carlos Tomás Maillard
Tournon, without credentials (which leads to his dismissal by the
king), September, 1704; term as governor, December 8, 1701-August 25,
1709; returns to Spain, 1710.
_Martin de Urzua y Arismendi_--Count of Lizarraga, and knight of the
Order of Santiago; appointed by royal provision, August 19, 1704;
arrives at Manila, August 25, 1709; diminishes number of Chinese at
Manila; schism between Recollects, and other ecclesiastical troubles;
death, February 4, 1715; term as governor, August 25, 1709-February
4, 1715.
_Vacant_--The Audiencia takes charge of political affairs, and Auditor
Doctor _José Torralba_ of military affairs; carries on public works;
Audiencia governs, February 4, 1715-August 9, 1717; Torralba arrested
by next governor for deficit and misuse of funds; dies in Philippines
in poverty, with sentence by Council of Indies of exile from Madrid
and Manila.
_Fernando Manuel de Bustillo Bustamente y Rueda_--Usually called the
"Mariscal," because he was the first mariscal-de-campo to govern the
islands; ex-alcalde-mayor of Trascala, in Nueva España; appointed
governor by royal provision, September 6, 1708; arrives at Manila,
August 9, 1717; severe in judgments; reestablishes garrison at
Zamboanga; his troubles with the ecclesiastics lead to arrest of
archbishop, and to his assassination by a mob (said by some to have
been instigated by Jesuits), October 11, 1719; term as governor,
August 9, 1717-October 11, 1719.
_Fray Francisco de la Cuesta_--Of the Order of San Gerónimo; native
of Colmenar de Oreja; elected archbishop of Manila, August 12, 1712;
arrested by Bustillo Bustamente; becomes governor (_ad interim_),
on refusal of auditors to serve, October 11, 1719; term as governor,
October 11, 1719-August 6, 1721; transferred to bishopric of Mechocan,
Mexico, entering, April 18, 1724; death, May 30 (Retana) or 31
(Buzeta and Bravo), 1724.
_Toribio José Cosío y Campo_--Marquis of Torre Campo, knight of the
Order of Calatrava, and ex-governor of Guatemala; appointed governor
by royal provision, June 30, 1720; ordered by royal instructions to
investigate death of Bustamente, October 6, 1720; arrives at Manila,
August 6, 1721; does not investigate Bustamente's death, although
ordered again (1724) to do so by the king, acting on the advice of
the Franciscan Totanes and the Jesuits; troubles with Moros continue
throughout his rule; term as governor, August 6, 1721-August 14, 1729.
_Fernando Valdés y Tamon_--Colonel and brigadier, and knight of the
Order of Santiago; appointed by royal provision, October 25, 1727;
arrives at Manila, August 14, 1729; unsuccessfully attempts conquest
of Palaos 1730--1733; reforms army and engages in other public works;
receives royal decree of April 8 1734, deciding suit favorably
to islands with merchants of Cádiz and Sevilla over Chinese trade
between American colonies and islands; term as governor, August 14,
1729,-July, 1739; returns to Spain and appointed mariscal-de-campo.
_Gaspar de la Torre_--Native of Flanders, brigadier of royal armies
and gentleman of the king's bedchamber; arrives at Manila, July,
1739; expedition of Admiral George Anson occurs during his rule;
harsh in government; death, September 21 (Buzeta and Bravo say 29),
1745; term as governor, July 1739-September 21, 1745.
_Fray Juan Arrechederra_--Native of Caracas, Dominican, bishop-elect
of Nueva Segovia; becomes governor (_ad interim_), September 21, 1745;
quells insurrection in Batangas; fortifies Manila and Cavite against
English; term as governor, September 21, 1745-July 20 (Buzeta and
Bravo, and Mas say June), 1750; death, November 12, 1751 (Delgado;
Retana, _Estadismo_, says wrongly 1755).
_José Francisco de Obando y Solís_--Native of Cáceres in
Estremadura, marquis of Obando, member of his Majesty's council, and
mariscal-de-campo of royal armies; in Lima when receives appointment;
arrives at Manila, July 20, 1750; troubles with Audiencia and
archbishop; troubles with Moros; term as governor, July 20, 1750-July,
1754; annoying residencia; death at sea, while on his way from Manila
to Acapulco, 1755.
_Pedro Manuel de Arandía Santisteban_--Native of Ceuta, of Biscayan
descent, knight of the Order of Calatrava, gentleman of bedchamber of
the king of the Two Sicilies, captain of the royal Spanish guards,
and mariscal-de-campo of the royal armies; arrives at Manila, July
(Retana, _Estadismo_, says June), 1754; reforms army and thereby
incurs enmities; troubles with Moros continue; expels infidel Chinese
and builds alcaicería of San Fernando; troubles with Audiencia and
archbishop; death, May 31, 1759; term as governor, July, 1754-May
31, 1759.
_Miguel Lino de Ezpeleta_--Native of Manila, and bishop of Cebú;
becomes governor (_ad interim_), against consent of part of Audiencia,
June (Mas says July), 1759; archbishop claims governorship on his
arrival at Manila, but opposed successfully by Ezpeleta; revokes
ordinances of good government made by Arandía; brings suit against
Santiago Orendaín, favorite of Arandía; royal decree gives governorship
to archbishop, July, 1761; term as governor, June, 1759-July, 1761.
_Manuel Rojo_--Native of Tala, Nueva España, and archbishop of Manila;
takes possession of church, July 22, 1759; becomes governor (_ad
interim_), July 1761; quashes case against Orendaín; bombardment,
taking, and sack of Manila by English, and cowardice and imprisonment
of archbishop, October, 1762; term as governor July, 1761-October,
1762, although maintained as governor by English until death; death
as prisoner, January 30, 1764.
_Simon de Anda y Salazar_--Native of Subijana, born October 28,
1701; auditor; appointed by Audiencia lieutenant of the governor and
captain-general; leaves Manila, October 4, 1762; establishes capital
in Bacolor, Pampanga, and has himself proclaimed governor; British
maintain archbishop as governor until his death, who cedes islands to
them; insurrections of natives and Chinese, 1762-1764; negotiations
with English, 1763-1764; term as governor (_ad interim_), October,
1762-March 17, 1764; receives keys to city from British, April, 1764.
_Francisco Javier de la Torre_--Military officer; becomes governor
(_ad interim_), March 17, 1764; British evacuate Manila, April, 1764;
tries to restore order; term as governor, March 17, 1764-July 6, 1765.
_José Raon_--Native of Navarra, and mariscal-de-campo; arrives in
Manila, July 6, 1765; Le Gentil arrives at Manila, October, 1766;
Archbishop Santa Justa y Rufina takes his seat July 12, 1767; his
conflicts with regular clergy; Raón revises ordinances of Arandía;
expulsion of Chinese, 1769; expulsion of Jesuits and Raón's collusion
with them; term as governor, July 6, 1765-July, 1770; death, during
residencia at Manila.
_Simon de Anda y Salazar_--Well received at court on return after 1764,
and made councilor of Castilla; directs letter to king complaining of
certain disorders in the Philippines, enumerating among them a number
against the friars, April 12, 1768; arrives at Manila as governor,
July, 1770; proceeds against predecessor and others; rouses opposition
of regulars; reforms army and engages in other public works; troubles
with Moros continue; opposes king's order of November 9, 1774, to
secularize curacies held by regulars, and the order repealed, December
11, 1776; rule characterized by his energy, foresight, honesty, and
conflicts with the regulars; death, October 30, 1776, at seventy-six
years of age; term as governor, July, 1770-October 30, 1776.
_Pedro Sarrio_ (Soriano: Buzeta and Bravo)--Official in Manila; becomes
governor (_ad interim_), October 30, 1776 (Mas says July); continues
operations against Moros; royal order to Indians to cultivate flax
and hemp, January 12, 1777; term as governor, October 30-July 1778.
_José Basco y Vargas_--Born of an illustrious Granada family, and
naval officer; arrives at Manila, July, 1778; Chinese allowed to
return to Manila, 1778; opposed by Audiencia, some of whom, with
certain military officers, he arrests for conspiracy, October, 1779;
increases army and strengthens fortifications; tobacco monopoly
established February 9, 1780-March 1, 1782; _Sociedad Económica de
Amigos del Pais_ ("Economic Association of Friends of the Country")
established, 1781; insurrection in Ituy and Paniqui, 1785; royal
approval of powder monopoly, November 4, 1786; various innovations
occur during his term; encourages agriculture and other industries;
asks to be relieved because of opposition from Audiencia; at king's
permission sails for Spain, in the latter part of November, 1787;
term as governor, July, 1778-November, 1787; appointed rear-admiral,
governor of Cartagena, and count of the Conquest of the Batanes Islands
(which he had conquered)
_Pedro de Sarrio_--Appointed governor _(ad interim)_ for the second
time, November 22, 1787, on departure of Basco; insurrection in Ilocos
because of tobacco monopoly, 1787; death of archbishop Santa Justa y
Rufina, December 15, 1787; term as governor, November 22, 1787-July
1, 1788.
_Félix Berenguer de Marquina_--Naval officer; arrives at Manila July 1
(Buzeta and Bravo, and Retana say May), 1787; opposed by Audiencia;
Manila becomes an open port for all but European products, by royal
decree of August 15, 1789; proposes plans for government reforms in
the Philippines; term as governor, July 1, 1788-September 1, 1793.
_Rafael María de Aguilar y Ponce de Leon_-- Knight of the Order
of Alcántara, military officer, and gentleman of the bedchamber;
arrives at Cavite, August 28, 1793; enters government, September
1, 1793; strengthens fortifications, levies native troops, and
inculcates various reforms; conflicts with Moros continue, and
shipyard established (1794) at Binondo to build boats for Moro war;
receives title of mariscal-de-campo; energetic and tireless; hands over
government to king's deputy or _segundo cabo_, August 7, 1806; term
as governor, September 1, 1793-August 7, 1806; death, August 8, 1806.
_Mariano Fernandez de Folgueras_--Native of Galicia; becomes governor
(_ad interim_), August 7, 1806; insurrection in Ilocos, 1807; English
commercial house given permission to establish itself in the islands,
1809; term as governor, August 7, 1806-March 4, 1810.
_Manuel Gonzalez de Aguilar_--Knight of the Order of Santiago, and
military officer; arrives at Manila, March 4, 1810; in accordance with
royal decrees of January 29 and February 14, 1810, permitting deputies
from the colonies to be chosen for the Spanish Cortes, Philippine
deputies are present in that of September 24, 1810; proposes cessation
of Acapulco ship, 1810; insurrection (anti-friar and to establish new
religion) in Ilocos, 1811; first newspaper established in Philippines,
August 8, 1811; Spanish constitution of 1812 publicly received in
Manila, April 17, 1813; Aguilar's term marked by various commercial
movements; term as governor, March 4, 1810-September 4, 1813.
_José Gardoqui Jaraveitia_--Naval officer; arrives at Manila,
September 4, 1813; cessation of Acapulco ship; term marked by various
governmental changes in consequence of decrees issued by Fernando
VII, by certain commercial changes, and troubles with Moros; death,
December 9, 1816; term as governor, September 4, 1813-December 9, 1816.
_Mariano Fernandez De Folgueras_--Becomes governor (_ad interim_)
for the second time, December 10, 1816; province of Ilocos Norte
created, February 2, 1818; orders reestablishment of _Real Sociedad
Económica de Filipinas_ ("Royal Economic Association of Filipinas"),
December 17, 1819; massacre of foreigners by natives, October
9-10, 1820; establishment of three short-lived newspapers in 1821;
term marked by closer connection with Spain; term as governor,
December 10, 1816-October 30, 1822; assassinated in insurrection of
Spanish-Americans and Filipinos, 1823.
_Juan Antonio Martínez_--Native of Madrid, and mariscal-de-campo;
arrives at Manila, October 30, 1822; accompanied by many new officials
from Spain; insurrection of Filipinos and Spanish-Americans in
consequence; newspaper founded by El Sociedad de Amigos del Pais, 1724;
reactionary movements of Spain affect Philippines; term as governor,
October 30, 1822-October 14, 1825; death, at sea while on way to Spain.
_Marinao Ricafort Palacín y Ararca_--Native of Murcia,
mariscal-de-campo, and perpetual ambassador of the city of Paz, Peru;
arrives at Manila, October 14, 1825; forbids foreigners to sell goods
at retail, February 4, 1828; makes laws in many different directions;
gives instructions for government of Mariana Islands, December 17,
1828; foundation of Dominican college in Ocaña, Spain, as a feeder for
China and the Philippines, May 2, 1830 (approved, August 15, 1831);
returns to Spain, December 23, 1830; term as governor, October 14,
1825-December 23, 1830.
_Pascual Enrile y Alcedo_--Native of Cadiz, military officer and
segundo cabo of, the Philippines; becomes governor, December 23,
1830; expedition to Igorrotes, 1831-1832; lottery established, July
3, 1833; royal tribunal of commerce created in Manila, January 1,
1834; _Guia de Forasteros_ (Guide book for strangers) first printed,
1834; Compañía de Filipinas dissolved by royal order of September 6,
1834; royal order of November 3, 1834, substitutes segundo cabo in
office of governor, in case of latter's absence, sickness, or death;
many useful laws passed and islands prosper during this term; term
as governor, December 23, 1830-March 1, 1835.
_Gabriel de Torres_--Native of Valladolid province, and segundo cabo
of the Philippines; becomes governor, March 1, 1835; death, April 23,
1835; term as governor, March 1, 1835-April 23, 1835.
_Juan Crámer_ (Montero y Vidal) Juaquin de Crame (Mas, and Buzeta and
Bravo)--Native of Cataluña; becomes governor (_ad interim_) as office
of segundo cabo vacant, April 23, 1835; term as governor, April 23,
1835-September 9, 1835.
_Pedro Antonio Salazar Castillo y Varona_--Native of Ibrillos
(Rioja), and military officer; comes to Manila with appointment as
segundo cabo; becomes governor (_ad interim_), September 9, 1835;
royal council of Spain and the Indies abolished by royal decree,
September 28, 1836; by the promulgation in Madrid (June 18, 1837) of
the political constitution of the Spanish monarchy, the Philippines
lose their representation in the Cortés; term as governor, September 9,
1835-August 27, 1837.
_Andrés García Camba_--Knight of the Order of Santiago, and
mariscal-de-campo; captured with royal army at battle of Ayacucho,
Peru, December 9, 1824; residence in Manila April, 1825-March, 1835;
receives royal approbation to appointment as commander-in-chief
of military forces at Manila, May 22, 1826; appointed director of
_La Sociedad Económica de Amigos del Pais_; elected to represent
the Philippines in Spanish Cortés, 1834; appointed secretary of war
(_ad interim_), August 15, 1836; elected to Cortés to represent Lugo
(but did not sit), October 2, 1836; arrives at Manila, August 24, 1837;
takes charge of government, August 27, 1837; given name of "El Deseado"
("the desired"); is opposed politically and by the ecclesiastics;
term as governor, August 27, 1837-December 29, 1838; after return to
Spain, elected senator for Valencia; minister of the marine, commerce,
and government of the colonies, May 21, 1841-May 25, 1842.
_Luis Lardizábal_--Arrives at Manila, December 26, 1838; enters
upon government, December 29 (Montero y Vidal) or 30 (Mas), 1838;
first issue of weekly paper, _Precios corrientes de Manila_ ("Prices
current in Manila") in Spanish and English, July 6, 1839; province
of Nueva Vizcaya created, 1839; project for monument to Magalhães on
the islet of Mactan submitted to supreme government, 1840; solicits
recall; term as governor, December 29, 1838-February, 1841; death at
sea on return voyage to Spain.
_Marcelino de Oraá Lecumberri_--Native of Navarra, and
lieutenant-general; arrives at Manila, February, 1841; insurrections
among Tagáls, the second of native soldiers, 1841 and 1843; newspaper
_Seminario filipino_ first published, 1843; term as governor, February,
1841-June 17, 1843.
_Francisco de Paula Alcalá de la Torre_--Native of Extremadura, and
lieutenant-general; becomes governor, June 17 (Buzeta and Bravo say
12), 1843; Isabel II declared of age and received as queen of Spain,
December 1, 1843; Alcalá makes laws regulating commerce, the army, and
welfare of the islands; term as governor, June 17, 1843-July 16, 1844.
_Narciso Clavería y Zaldua_--Native of Gerona (but of Biscayan
origin), and lieutenant-general; becomes governor, July 16, 1844;
calendar in Philippines corrected, 1844; makes reforms in office
of alcalde-mayor, 1844; founds casino called "Sociedad de recreo"
("Recreation Association"), October 31, 1844; his proposal to establish
military library approved, February 15, 1846; first steam war-vessels
in the Philippines bought (in London), 1848; conquest of island of
Balanguingui, 1848, for which he receives the titles of count of Manila
and viscount of Claveria, and the cross of San Fernando, besides other
rewards; regular clergy forbidden to alienate property, January 15,
1849; surnames given to natives, November 11, 1849; his term marked
by intense activity, and the number of papers founded, among them
being the first daily of Manila, _La Esperanza_ (December 1, 1846),
and _Diario de Manila_ (1848); asks retirement and returns to Spain,
December 26, 1849; term as governor, July 16, 1844-December 26, 1849.
_Antonio María Blanco_--Segundo cabo; becomes governor (_ad interim_),
December 26, 1849; monthly lottery established in Manila, January 29,
1850; creates province of Unión, March 2, 1850; term as governor,
December 26, 1849-June 29, 1850.
_Antonio de Urbistondo y Eguía_--Native of San Sebastián, and marquis
of Solana; formerly a Carlist; becomes governor June 29, 1850; leper
hospital founded in Cebú, 1850; bank Español-filipino established,
August 1, 1851, and begins operations, 1852; expedition to, and
conquest of, Joló, 1851; term characterized by many administrative
laws; solicits retirement; term as governor, July 29, 1850-December
20, 1853; appointed minister of war by royal decree, October 12, 1856.
_Ramon Montero y Blandino_--Segundo cabo of the Philippines; becomes
governor (_ad interim_), December 20, 1853; term as governor, December
20, 1853-February 2, 1854.
_Manuel Pavía y Lay_--Marquis de Novaliches, lieutenant-general, head
of department of infantry; appointed without previous consultation,
September, 1853; arrives at Manila, February 2, 1854; reëquips army;
mutiny of portion of native troops suppressed; monthly mail between
Manila and Hongkong established; leaves Manila, October 28, after
thanking religious orders (October 27) for coöperation; term as
governor, February 2-October 28, 1854.
_Ramon Montero y Blandino_--Becomes governor (_ad interim_) for the
second time, October 28, 1854; term as governor, October 28-November
20, 1854.
_Manuel Crespo y Cebrián_--Native of Extremadura, and formerly
segundo cabo of the Philippines; becomes governor, November 20, 1854;
expedition against Igorrotes, December, 1855-February, 1856; resigns
December 5, 1856; term as governor, November 20, 1854-December 5, 1856.
_Ramon Montero y Blandino_--Becomes governor (_ad interim_), for
the third time, December 5, 1856; term as governor, December 5,
1856-March 9, 1857.
_Fernando Norzagaray y Escudero_--Native of San Sebastian, and
lieutenant-general; enters upon office, March 9, 1857; authorizes
establishments of houses of exchange, June 18, 1857; sends expedition
to Cochinchina to aid French, 1858; reforms in local administration
ordered, August 30, 1858; infantry reorganized by order of September
23, 1859; first Jesuit mission after reinstatement of order, reaches
Philippines in middle of 1859; several papers founded during his term;
encourages agriculture; solicits recall because of ill-health; term
as governor, March 9, 1857-January 12, 1860.
_Ramon María Solano y Llanderal_--Native of Valencia,
mariscal-de-campo, and segundo cabo of Philippines; becomes governor
(_ad interim_), January 12, 1860; pawnshop authorized in Manila,
January 18; issues decree for civil government of province of Manila,
January 31; functions of bank Español-filipino extended, February 16;
Jagor travels through the Bisayas; term as governor January 12-August
29, 1860; death from fever (with rumor in Manila of poisoning),
August 30.
_Juan Herrera Dávila_--Sub-inspector of artillery; becomes governor
(_ad interim_), August 29, 1860; civil administration of provinces
of the colonies organized, and Audiencia in Manila reformed, July 9,
1860; printing of _Coleccion de autos acordados_ authorized, January
10, 1861; regularly appointed governor, general of marine Mac-Crohon,
dies in Red Sea while on way to Philippines; term as governor, August
29, 1860-February 2, 1861.
_José Lemery é Ibarrola Ney y González_--Senator of the kingdom;
becomes governor, February 2, 1861; politico-military governments
installed in Bisayas and Mindanao, April 1, 1861; Jesuits given
Mindanao as mission field, and opposed by Recollects; operations
against Moros; delivers command to segundo cabo, July 7, 1862; term
as governor, February 2, 1861-July 7, 1862.
_Salvador Valdés_--Segundo cabo; becomes governor (_ad interim_),
July 7, 1862; term as governor, July 7-9, 1862.
_Rafael de Echague y Berminghan_--Native of San Sebastián,
lieutenant-general, and governor at Puerto Rico; arrives at Manila,
July 9, 1862; various insurrections, 1863; earthquake, June 3, 1863;
creation of ministry of colonies, 1863; normal school established,
January 23, 1865; term marked by various calamities; term as governor,
July 9, 1862-March 24, 1865.
_Joaquin del Solar e Ibáñez_--Segundo cabo of the Philippines; becomes
governor (_ad interim_), March 24, 1865; reforms in various branches
of government, 1865; term as governor, March 24, 1865-April 25, 1865.
_Juan de Lara é Irigoyen_--Native of Navarra, lieutenant-general, and
ex-minister of war; assumes office, April 25, 1865; Antonio Cánovas del
Castillo appointed minister of the colonies, July 3, 1865; erection of
bishopric of Jaro, by bull of Pius IX, 1865; establishment of Jesuit
institution Ateneo Municipal at Manila, 1865; recalled for corruption
of government; term as governor, April 25, 1865-July 13, 1866.
_José Laureano de Sanz y Posse_--Mariscal-de-campo, and segundo cabo
elect because of former incumbent of that office having left islands
with Lara; term as governor (_ad interim_), July 13-September 21, 1866.
_Antonio Osorio_--Naval officer; becomes governor (_ad interim_),
September 21, 1866; term as governor, September 21-September 27, 1866.
_Joaquin del Solar_--Becomes governor (_ad interim_), for the second
time, September 27, 1866; term as governor, September 27-October
26, 1866.
_Jose de la Gándara y Navarro_--Lieutenant-general; becomes governor,
October 26, 1866; uniform monetary system adopted; reforms primary
education, 1867-1868; resigns office; term as governor, October 26,
1866-June 7, 1869.
_Manuel Maldonado_--Segundo cabo of islands; becomes governor (_ad
interim_), June 7, 1869; term as governor, June 7-June 23, 1869.
_Cárlos María de la Torre y Nava Cerrada_--Native of Cuenca, and
lieutenant-general; becomes governor, June 23, 1869; constitution of
1869 sworn to, September 21, 1869; projects monument to Anda y Salazar;
question of removing the monopoly on tobacco; _guardia civil_ created;
radical in government; term as governor, June 23, 1869-April 4, 1871.
_Rafael de Izquierdo y Gutierrez_--Native of Santander, and
lieutenant-general; becomes governor, April 4, 1871; insurrections
in Cavite and Zamboanga, 1872; reforms in army; opening of steamship
line and telegraph lines; governor resigns because of ill-health;
term as governor, April 4, 1871-January 8, 1873.
_Manuel Mac-Crohon_--Naval officer, becomes governor (_ad interim_),
as office of segundo cabo vacant, January 8, 1873; term as governor,
January 8-24 (?), 1873.
_Juan Alaminos y de Vivar_--Becomes governor, January 24 (?), 1873;
conflict with archbishop and other ecclesiastics; steamship line
established between Manila and Spain; various ports opened for
commerce; term as governor, January 24 (?), 1873-March 17, 1874.
_Manuel Blanco Valderrama_--Becomes governor (_ad interim_), March 17,
1874; repulse of Joloans; hands over government to regularly appointed
governor, June 18, 1874.
_Jose Malcampo y Monje_--Marques de San Rafael and rear-admiral;
becomes governor, June 18, 1874; conquest of Joló, 1876; given title
of count of Mindanao, December 19, 1876; mutiny of artillerymen;
term as governor, June 18, 1874-February 28, 1877; given titles of
count of Joló and viscount of Mindanao, July 20, 1877.
_Domingo Moriones y Murillo_--Marquis of Oroquieta, and
lieutenant-general; becomes governor, February 28, 1877; takes drastic
measures against mutinous artillery regiment, 1877; prevents sale of
tobacco monopoly, 1877; constructs Manila water-works, 1878; term as
governor, February 28, 1877-March 18 or 20, 1880.
_Rafael Rodríguez Arias_--Naval officer; becomes governor (_ad
interim_), March 18 or 20, 1880; term as governor, March 18-April
15, 1880.
_Fernando Primo de Rivera_--Marquis of Estella; becomes governor, April
15, 1880; cable opened between Luzón and Spain, 1880; royal decree
orders repeal of tobacco monopoly, 1881; term marked by corruption
in public offices; term as governor, April 15, 1880-March 10, 1883.
_Emilio Molíns_--Segundo cabo of Philippines; governor (_ad interim_),
March to April 7, 1883.
_Joaquín Jovellar_--General; becomes governor, April 7, 1883; decrease
of annual period of personal services from forty to fifteen days, and
creation of provincial tax, 1883; plan for railroads in Luzón approved,
1883; visits southern islands, 1884; tribute abolished and tax of
_cédula personal_ substituted, 1884; Jesuit observatory at Manila
declared official, 1884; term as governor, April 7, 1883-April 1, 1885.
_Emilio Molíns_--Becomes governor (_ad interim_), for second time,
and rules three days, April 1-4, 1885.
_Emilio Terrero y Perinat_--Lieutenant-general; becomes governor,
April 4, 1885; leads expedition in person against Moros, 1885; dispute
between Spain and Germany as to ownership of Carolinas, 1885; term
as governor, April 4, 1885-1888.
_Antonio Molto_--Segundo cabo, term as governor (_ad interim_), 1888.
_Federico Lobaton_--Naval officer; term as governor (_ad interim_),
only one day in 1888.
March 1, 1888, a petition signed by eight hundred and ten natives and
mestizos demands immediate expulsion of the friars of the religious
orders and of the archbishop, the secularization of benefices, and
the confiscation of the estates of Augustinians and Dominicans.
_Valeriano Weyler_--Native of Majorca, marquis of Tenerife, and son
of a German doctor; becomes governor, 1888; said to have purchased
office from minister's wife; school of agriculture established
in Manila, 1889; practical school of arts and trades established,
1890; telephone system established in Philippines, 1890; Dominican
secondary school established in Dagupan, 1891; said to have received
money from religious orders for armed support against their tenants;
term as governor 1888-1891; later minister of war at Madrid.
_Eulogio Despujol_--Native of Cataluña, and count of Caspe; becomes
governor, 1891; Liga filipína (Philippine League) founded in Manila by
Rizal, 1892; introduces many reforms; popular with natives; arouses
wrath of religious orders, who are said to have paid $100,000 for
his dismissal; term as governor, 1891-1893.
_Federico Ochando_--Governor (_ad interim_), 1893.
_Ramon Blanco_--Becomes governor, 1893; electric light established in
Manila, 1895; formation of Katipunan society; outbreak of insurrection,
August 30 1896; Blanco opposed by ecclesiastics; term as governor,
1893-December 9 (date of royal decree removing him), 1896.
_Camilo Polavieja_--General; becomes governor, December 13, 1896
(Algué); Rizal executed, December 30, 1896; Tagál republic proclaimed,
October, 1896; insurrection spreads; operations against insurgents
by General Lachambre, 1897; Polavieja issues amnesty proclamation,
January 11, 1897; efficient service of loyal Filipino troops; term
as governor, December 13, 1896-April 15, 1897.
_Jose de Lachambre_--General; governor (_ad interim_), April 15-23,
1897.
_Fernando Primo de Rivera_--Becomes governor for the second time,
April 23, 1897; insurgents scattered, and more than thirty thousand
natives said to have been killed in one province; pact of Biaknabato
signed, December 14, 1897; re-occurrence of insurrections in Luzon,
1898; term as governor, April 23, 1897-April 11, 1898.
_Basilio Augustin_--Becomes governor, April 11, 1898; Dewey's victory,
May 1, 1898.
_Fermin Jaudens_--Becomes governor (_ad interim_), 1898; peace
preliminaries, surrender of Manila, and entrance of Americans (August
13) into Manila.
_Francisco Rizzo_--General; becomes governor (_ad interim_), 1898.
_Diego de los Ríos_--Becomes governor, with capital at Iloilo, 1898;
treaty of Paris signed, December 10, 1898; term as governor, after
August 13, 1898-December 10, 1898; leaves Manila, January 1, 1899. [94]
Law Regarding Vacancies in the Government
[_Recopilación de leyes_, lib. ii, tit. xv, ley lviii, contains the
following law on vacancies in the government. It is dated Madrid,
April 2, 1664.]
Inasmuch as representation has been made to us of the inconveniences
resulting from the viceroys of Nueva España anticipating appointments
among persons who reside in the Filipinas Islands, so that, in case
of the absence of the president and governor and captain-general of
the islands, those persons may enter upon and exercise those charges
until the arrival of the person who is to govern--_ad interim_
or by royal appointment, according as we may decide: therefore we
order and command that, in case of the absence of the governor and
captain-general of those islands, by death or any other accident,
our royal Audiencia resident in the city of Manila shall govern them
in political affairs, and the senior auditor in military. The latter,
in any cases of war arising for the defense and conservation of the
said islands, and in any preparations or other precautions that it
shall be advisable to make for this purpose, shall take the advice of
the military leaders there, and shall communicate with them for the
better direction of matters. We order the viceroy of Nueva-España to
use no longer the authority that he has had hitherto by virtue of our
decree of September thirteen, one thousand six hundred and eight, and
the other decrees given to him, to have persons appointed by means of
the ways hitherto practiced. Those we now revoke by this our law, and
annul, but he shall still be empowered to send the person who shall
exercise the said duties _ad interim_. And as it is advisable that
the Audiencia of Manila regulate in conformity to this the execution
of the contents of this our law, we order the said Audiencia that,
in case of the death of the president, it shall maintain that state
in all peace, quiet and good government, administering justice to all
parties. The senior auditor who shall exercise the president's duties
during his absence, shall exercise very especial care and vigilance
in all that pertains to military matters, and shall try to keep the
presidios well manned, and supplied with the defenses necessary for
their conservation, and the soldiers well disciplined for any occasion
that may arise.
Some Things Worth Knowing About the Governors of the Filipinas Islands
[Juan José Delgado, in his _Historia_ (chapter xvii, pp. 212-215),
makes the following remarks about the governors.]
In no kingdom or province of the Spanish crown do the viceroys or
governors enjoy greater privileges, superiority, and grandeur than in
Filipinas. That is advisable because of the long distance from the
court, and their proximity to so many kingdoms and nations, some of
them civilized but others barbaric. Consequently those assigned to
this government should be well tested and picked men; for, because
of the difficulty of appeal, as so many seas and lands have to be
passed, where shipwrecks are continually suffered, there are great
setbacks. Therefore it is very difficult and at times impossible
to remedy quickly the disadvantages which may arise (and which have
been experienced) from an absolute and selfish governor--who has no
one to oppose him in his cupidity, cruelty, headlong disposition,
or other vices to which the disordered condition of these so
distant lands inclines one. Father Alonso Sánchez of the Society
of Jesus, ambassador of this community at the two courts [_i.e._,
Spain and Rome], presented to his Majesty Don Felipe II a standard
or description of the qualities which should adorn the person who
should be appointed governor of Filipinas. That most judicious monarch
thought it so difficult to find a man of so many and such gifts, that
he bargained with the father, and arranged that the latter himself
should seek and select the man. Those same gifts and qualities must
be found in those appointed as governors, especially in these times,
[95] when it seems as-if cupidity, ambition, pride, and haughtiness
have fortified themselves in these lands. For it often happens that
the governor is so facile, that he allows himself to be governed
by one whom he should not [allow to do so]. Consequently it is very
advisable that he should have great courage, in addition to goodness
and disinterestedness, so that he may act and judge in his government
without subjecting himself to any private person--whether he need such
for his temporal advancement, or, through friendship or relationship,
incurs that disadvantage by undue intimacy.
Thus it happened to Governor Don Diego Fajardo during his term, as
is read in various provincial histories; but the experience that he
continued to gain daily opened his eyes to the recognition of his
error. Seeing certain disadvantages arising from his protection of
certain individuals, he dismissed them from his favor to the prison
in the redoubt of Santiago, and confiscated their property, without
respect to, or fear of, the influence that they had acquired in the
community because of their wealth and support. A governor, whom I knew
and with whom I was familiar, was told in México that he would come
to kiss the hand of a certain citizen distinguished for his wealth
and rank. But he, being a man of great courage and spirit, who knew
how to hold every one in his own position, without permitting him
to rise to greater, immediately upon his arrival in these islands
ordered that man in the king's name to perform a certain necessary
and useful service. As he, trusting in his favor among the citizens,
did not obey the order, the governor condemned him to be beheaded. For
that purpose he tore him from the church in which he had sought refuge,
and would have executed the sentence, had not the ecclesiastical estate
interposed all its influence by pointing out several disadvantages,
upon which his punishment was lessened and the penalty commuted. Thus
did he hold each one to his post, and all praised his rectitude,
disinterestedness, and magnanimity; and he left his government with
great honor and reputation.
These islands need disinterested military governors, not merchants;
and men of resolution and character, not students, who are more fit to
govern monasteries than communities of heroes. They should be men who
can make themselves feared and respected by the enemies who surround
us on all sides, and who can go in person to punish their opponents
(as did the former ones, with so great glory to God and credit to the
Spanish arms), so that in that way the islands may be conserved in
peace and be respected and feared by the Moro and Indian chiefs--and
those who are called kings or sultans of Joló and Mindanao, who go
with feet and legs bare, and have to go to sea to cast their fishing
nets in order to live, are that and nothing more. But if a governor
comes to these islands with the intention of escaping his natural
poverty by humoring the rich and powerful, and even obeying them,
the wrongs accruing to the community are incredible, as well as those
to Christianity, and to the country--which is at times on the point
of being lost because of this reason--and especially since appeal is
so distant, as was seen and experienced in the year of 1719. [96]
The governors of these islands are almost absolute, and like private
masters of them. They exercise supreme authority by reason of their
charge, for receiving and sending embassies to the neighboring kings
and tyrants, for sending them gifts and presents in the name of their
king, and for accepting those which those kings and tyrants send
them. They can make and preserve peace, declare and make war, and take
vengeance on all who insult us, without awaiting any resolution from
court for it. Therefore many kings have rendered vassalage and paid
tribute to the governors, have recognized them as their superiors,
have respected and feared their arms, have solicited their friendship,
and tried to procure friendly relations and commerce with them; and
those who have broken their word have been punished. The legitimate
king of Borney, who had been dispossessed of his kingdom, because his
brother, who had no right to it, had usurped it, begged help from
Doctor Don Francisco de Sande, governor of these islands. Governor
Sande went with his fleet, fought with and drove away the tyrant,
and put the legitimate king in possession [of his throne]; the
latter rendered obedience to the governor, appointed in the place of
the king of España, and subjected himself to this crown as vassal
and tributary. The same happened during the term of Gómez Pérez
Dasmariñas, to whom the king of Siao came to render homage. Governor
Don Pedro de Acuña went to Ternate with a fleet, fought, conquered,
and took the king of that island [97] prisoner to Manila, as a pledge
that the Ternatans would not again admit the Dutch and English--who,
with their consent, were beginning to engage heavily in that commerce,
and were seizing the country. Although Don Juan Niño de Tabora had a
royal decree ordering that that king be restored to his kingdom, he
did not execute it, as that seemed unadvisable to him. Consequently
the king died in Manila. One of his sons was also a prisoner of war,
and the governor appointed a cachil to govern in his stead. That king,
the king of Tidore, and others in the same islands of Ternate rendered
homage to Don Pedro de Acuña, and became friends of the Spaniards. The
said governor received them under the canopy in the name of the king
of España, and took them under his protection and care. In the year of
1618, the same governor [_i.e._, Alonso Fajardo y Tenza] made peace
and treaties with the king of Macasar, who also placed himself under
España's protection, so that the governor might protect him in his
needs and necessities.
The country formerly had very peaceable relations with the emperor
of Japón, and also a very rich and useful commerce; and his Majesty
ordered by a royal decree of June 4, 1609, that it be preserved,
although at the expense of gifts and presents of considerable price and
value. That friendship lasted until the year 1634, when the Japanese
were found lacking in it because of the Dutch--who, always following
in our footsteps, introduced their commerce into that empire.
Friendship and commerce have been maintained from the beginning of
the conquest with Great China, and are still preserved. The emperor
of China ordered a port to be assigned so that the people of Luzon
could establish a city and factory under the same conditions as
the Portuguese in Macao. His Majesty also ordered, by a decree of
April 9, 1586, Doctor Francisco de Sande to sustain the friendship,
and prohibited him from making war; for, as some authors say, Sande
had the intention of conquering that empire. [98] That does not seem
to me so certain, for that empire had so many millions of men, with
innumerable cities, forts, and walls, and fleets that guard the ports
with great vigilance. Moreover at that time the soldiers in these
islands did not number five hundred, and were scarcely sufficient to
guard them; and it was very difficult to transport them from Nueva
España and other kingdoms. Although it might be that that idea was
simply speculative, the council prohibited it, and ordered them
thenceforth to observe what was prescribed.
The king of Siam captured two ships of these islands in his ports
in 1629. Don Juan Niño de Tabora, who was governor at that time,
immediately despatched two warships to punish so great violence,
and they made many prizes and inflicted many injuries along those
coasts. After that he sent ambassadors to the king to ask satisfaction
for what the latter had done, and the restoration of the Spanish
ships. Although the king who had had the ships seized was dead, his
son was forced to return them, and did so. The Mindanaos and Joloans,
chastised because of the fleets that they were sending to plunder these
islands, have been subdued and have made peace several times. But,
whenever it appears good to them, they break the peace, make war on us,
and sack and burn the towns of the Christians, capturing many thousands
of them; this is done not only by the Mindanaos, but by their vassals,
the Camucones and Tirones. Consequently, one can and ought to make war
on them very justifiably, until they are destroyed and annihilated,
if necessary--as was done before, and is being done in this year of
1751. [99] During this and previous years the king of Joló lived in
Manila, was baptized, and made a subject of the Spanish crown. He
solicited aid against one of his brothers named Bantilan, by saying
that the latter had revolted with the kingdom. However it is hoped
that the truth of the whole thing will be discovered in time. [100]
It was resolved by a royal provision of May 29, 1720, that all the
prisoners made among those nations during the war should be declared
slaves forever.
Besides the above, the governors of these islands have absolute
authority privately to provide and attend to all that pertains to
the royal estate, government, war, and consultations in difficult
affairs of the auditors of this royal Audiencia; to try in the first
instance the criminal causes of the soldiers; and to appoint alcaldes,
corregidora, deputies, and chief justices of all the islands for the
exercise of government, justice, and war, together with the chief
scrivener appointed by his Majesty for government and war matters. The
governor also enjoys the privilege of a permanent body-guard of twelve
halberdiers, with a captain of the guard, who always accompany him,
besides many other preeminences conceded by royal decrees to the
presidency of the royal Audiencia and Cnancillería. He is, finally,
captain-general of all the archipelago. For these his employments,
his Majesty assigns him annually a salary of eight thousand pesos
de minas--or thirteen thousand one hundred and thirty-five pesos,
three granos of common gold--besides the many profits and gains
assigned to him by domestic and foreign fees and privileges, which
amount annually to great sums of money.
Administration of Government and the Captaincy-General
[The following is taken from Sinibaldo de Mas, [101] _Informe
sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842_ (Madrid, 1843), tomo
ii. Portions of it are apparently embodied in translation and abstract
in Bowring's _Visit to the Philippine Isles_ (London, 1859), p. 87-93.]
The government of the Filipinas Islands, together with the group of
the Marianas, is in charge of a military chief, who, to the title
of governor, joins those of president of the Audiencia, and royal
vice-patron; subdelegate judge of the revenue, and of post-offices,
posts, and express [_correos, postas y estafeta_]; and director of
the troops, captain-general, and commander-in-chief of the navy. His
authority, then, embraces all the powers derived from these titles,
both for administration and for the security and defense of the
territory.
To discharge these duties he has three secretaryships--one of
government, another of the captaincy-general, and the third of the
navy--one military auditor, one adviser in government matters, one
fiscal, and one scrivener. One may appeal from his gubernatorial
measures to the royal Audiencia, which often alters or annuls those
measures by means of sentence. But there is a law that provides that
in case that the governor-general undertakes to have his order put
into effect, it must be observed until the superior decision, so that
no uneasiness and confusion may result from it in the country. The
collection of taxes and the disbursement of money is in charge of
a superintendent of the treasury [_hacienda_], under the immediate
orders of the government at Madrid. In sudden or doubtful cases, the
resolutions of the superior council [_junta_] of the treasury--composed
of the superintendent, the accountant-in-chief of accounts [_contador
mayor de cuentas_], the accountant of the army and treasury, the
newest auditor of the Audiencia, and the fiscal of the treasury--decide
the matter.
The islands are divided by provinces, in each of which there is
a subordinate chief who is styled governor or alcalde-mayor. These
exercise jurisdiction in the first instance, in matters of government
and litigation. They are military captains, and have in charge the
collection of the royal revenues, under a responsibility guaranteed by
bonds to the satisfaction of the accountant-general of the army and
royal treasury. The province of Cavite is an exception to this rule,
for the collection of the tribute there is now made by an assistant
of the chief justice. Therefore he who rules in a province exercises
all the attributes of political chief, and as such is subject to
the governor-general; those of judge of first instance, and as such
is dependent on the Audiencia; those of subdelegate of treasury
(although he does not have the disposal of the monopolized incomes),
and as such has to render accounts, bonds, and obedience to the
chiefs of the treasury; and finally, if he is of military rank,
he is commandant-of-arms, and subaltern of the captain-general;
and even though he be not of military rank he obtains the rank of
military commander [_capitan á guerra_] by virtue of his rank of
alcalde-mayor. He has charge of the company assigned to his province,
and, in the absence of his Majesty's troops, he commands the troops
that he equips upon extraordinary occasions.
Each province is subdivided into a greater or less number of
towns. Each town has a gobernadorcillo [i.e., little or petty
governor], with assistants and alguacils of justice, whose number is
fixed. They discharge various functions, among them the administration
of justice in regard to fields and palm-trees, and that of police. In
some towns where there are a sufficient number of Sangley mestizos
(who are the descendants of the Chinese), they form, when they
obtain permission from the government, a separate community, with a
gobernadorcillo and other members of the magistracy taken from their
own midst. In the towns which are the capitals of the province there
is often a gobernadorcillo for mestizos and one for natives. This
latter always takes command of the province in case of the sickness
or absence of the alcalde-mayor. The gobernadorcillos have in their
towns all the municipal responsibility proper to the authority which
is conferred upon them by their appointment. They are especially bound
to aid their parish priests in everything pertaining to worship and
the observance of religious laws. They try civil causes up to the
value of two taels of gold, or forty-four pesos. They take action in
criminal cases by collecting the preliminary evidence, which they
submit to the provincial chiefs. They are under obligation to see
to the collections of the royal revenue, and further to give notice
of the ordinances for good government. They are permitted to collect
certain dues that are specified in their own credentials. Each town
has also other citizens known under the name of cabezas [_i.e._, heads]
de barangay. Each cabeza is obliged to look after forty-five or fifty
tributes which comprise as many families, and that is the signification
of barangay. The cabezas must reside with them in the district or
street assigned; must attend in person to the good order and harmony
of their individuals; must apportion among them all the services
that are due from them collectively; must settle their disputes; and
must collect the tribute under a fixed bond, in order to effect its
delivery afterward in entirety to the gobernadorcillo, or directly
to the provincial chief, as happens in that of Tondo. The cabezas are
ex-officio attorneys for their barangays in all matters that concern
them collectively, and electors of the gobernadorcillos and other
officials of justice. For that interesting function, only the twelve
oldest men of each town or the substitutes whom the ordinance assigns,
have a vote. In some provinces the cabezas appoint only the three who
have to compose the _terna_ [i.e., three nominees for any office] for
the gobernadorcillo. These, with the outgoing gobernadorcillo, proceed
to the election of the deputies, alguacils, and their committees. The
cabecerías [_i.e._, headships], much more ancient in origin than
the reductions [_i.e._, native villages of converts], were doubtless
hereditary. At present they are hereditary and elective. When they
fall vacant, whether for want of an heir or through the resignation of
the regularly appointed incumbent, the substitute is appointed--by the
superintendent, in the provinces near the capital; and in those distant
from it by the respective subdelegate chief, but at the proposal of
the gobernadorcillo and other cabezas. This same plan is followed
in the creation of any cabecería in proportion to the increase in
population, and as the number of tributarios in each town demands
it. The cabezas, their wives, and first-born sons (who are their
assistants in the collection of the royal revenues), enjoy exemption
from the payment of tribute. The cabezas in some provinces serve in the
cabecerías for three years; and, if they do not prove defaulters, they
are recognized as chiefs in the towns, with the titles of ex-cabeza
and don. Such system offers the serious disadvantage of multiplying
the privileged class of chiefs, which, being exempted from personal
services, increases the tax for the common people or the _polistas_
[102] in proportion to the increase of the privileged class.
The offices of gobernadorcillo, deputies, and alguacils of justice
are elective, and last one year, with superior approbation. It is
stipulated that the elections take place exactly at the beginning
of each year, in the royal houses or halls of justice in the towns,
and not elsewhere. The electors are the outgoing gobernadorcillo and
the twelve senior cabezas de barangay. For gobernadorcillo three
individuals have to be nominated by a plurality of votes, and the
respective place of each one in the terna must be expressed. It is to
be noted that the nominee must be able to speak, read, and write the
Spanish language. If he cannot do that, the election of the one who
lacks this express condition will be considered null and void, where
such election has been made. For the other officials of justice, those
needed by the town are elected by the same convention. The balloting
must be secret, and is authorized by the notary and presided over by
the provincial chief. The parish priest may be present, if he wishes,
to express what opinions he may consider fitting, but for no other
purpose. In sealed envelopes the election returns are sent to the
superior governments of the provinces of Tondo, Bulacan, Pampanga,
Bataan, Zambales, Nueva Ecija, Laguna, Batangas, and Cavite, so that
after choosing one of those proposed as gobernadorcillo, the respective
government orders the credentials corresponding to each class to be
despatched. In the other provinces, because of their distance from
the capital, the chief of each one appoints the nominee in the first
place, and making use of the blank credentials entrusted to him by
the superior government, writes therein the names of those interested,
and places them in possession [of their offices].
The cabezas of barangay can be elected, if they preserve their
cabecerías and the collection of tributes, by the rule in the royal
decree of October 17, 1785.
The Chinese community may elect from among its Christian individuals,
and in a meeting presided over by the alcalde-mayor of Tondo,
one man as gobernadorcillo, one as chief deputy, and a third as
alguacil-mayor. The government grants those elected the proper
credentials, by virtue of which they exercise jurisdiction. The
officials of justice in this community are called _bilangos_, and are
appointed by the new gobernadorcillo. The electors are also thirteen
in number, and are composed of the outgoing gobernadorcillo, the
ex-captains, and the petty chiefs [_cabecillas_] of the tribute and
of champans, both past and present. When any number is lacking, it is
made up from the petty heads of the trades. At present the collection
of tribute or the poll-tax from the Chinese is in direct charge of
the alcalde-mayor in the province of Tondo, with a supervisor chosen
from among the officials of administration of the royal treasury. In
the other provinces it is attended to in person by the chief of each
province. This levy of taxes is managed by a register, where the
Chinese are enrolled and classified, and that register determines
the quota of each, who contributes according to his class.
The gobernadorcillos and officials of justice deserve the greatest
consideration from the government. The provincial chiefs are under
obligation to show them the honor corresponding to their respective
duties. They are allowed to sit in the houses of the latter, and in
any other place, and are not suffered to remain standing. Neither
is it permitted to the parish priests to treat these officials with
less consideration.
Political and Administrative Organization
[Montero y Vidal's _Archipiélago Filipino_(Madrid, 1866), pp. 162-168,
contains the following chapter.]
The municipal organization of Filipinas differs widely from that
of España.
Some native functionaries, improperly called gobernadorcillos, [103]
exercise command in the towns; they correspond to the alcaldes and
municipal judges, of the Peninsula, and perform at once functions
of judges and even of notaries, with defined powers. As assistants
they elect several lieutenants and alguacils, proportionate in
number to the inhabitants. Those assistants, together with three
ex-gobernadorcillos to whom are referred the duties of judges of
cattle, fields, and police, constitute a sort of town council. Manila
is the only place that has that corporation [_i.e., ayuntamiento_]
with an organization identical with those of the same class in España.
Even when the gobernadorcillos are recompensed with a certain
percentage for the collection of contributions, and they collect
some other dues, the total sum that they finally receive is so small
that their office is considered honorary. In spite of this, the
duty is an onerous one, and they are subject to annoyances, fines,
and imprisonment, if the gubernative, judicial, and administrative
authorities, etc., are rigorous. The Indians covet it with a desire
that is astonishing, and avail themselves of all possible means in
order to obtain it. The secret of the motive that impels them lies in
their fondness for prominence, and in the fact that nearly all of them
succeed in becoming rich, or in attaining independent means, after
the two years of their office. For the _polistas_, or individuals
who are obliged to labor on the public works of the state, build
their houses for them free of cost, bringing the materials from the
forest or the points where they are found; there are the _fallas_,
or the amount of the aliquot sum that is to make good the deficiency
in public works [i.e., in the services on public works rendered by
the natives], in the collection of which there is opportunity for
the gobernadorcillo to figure, by supporting all or the majority of
those who should perform that work, and himself using that money;
the innumerable bribes and illegal exactions that they impose, and
the taxes that they collect through numberless separate judgments:
[all these] make the office sufficiently lucrative, although in
that country, scarcely any importance is attached to many of these
irregularities (even by those who are injured by them), which custom
has almost sanctioned as law.
The election of corporate members is carried on under the presidency
of the provincial chief by twelve of the most prominent men
in the town--half of them drawn by lots cast by those who were
gobernadorcillos and cabezas de barangay, and the other six from
the cabezas in actual office; while he who is gobernadorcillo at the
time of election votes also. The individual who obtains most votes
is proposed to the general government as being first on the list; he
who follows him in the number of votes, in the second; and the actual
_pedanéo_ [i.e. a subordinate officer, here the gobernadorcillo],
in the third. From that list of three [_terna_], the governor-general
appoints one, after seeing the report of the president of the election.
The cabezas de barangay are chiefs of fifty families, those from
whom are collected the contributions that form part of the revenues
of the treasury and government. This institution, antedating the
conquest, is most useful, the more, for the same reasons, since
the gobernadorcillos come to be to their members of barangays or
those they rule, the same that those pedáneos [i.e.], the cabezas]
are to the generality of the inhabitants. The actual cabezas or the
ex-cabezas, with the gobernadorcillo and the ex-captains (as those
who have exercised that office are designated), form the _principalia_
[i.e., chieftain class, or nobility].
Their usual dress is a black jacket, European trousers, mushroom
hat, and colored slippers; many even wear varnished [i.e., patent
leather] shoes. The shirt is short, and worn outside the trousers. The
gobernadorcillo carries a tasseled cane [_baston_], the lieutenants
wands [_varas_]. On occasions of great ceremony, they dress formally
in frock coat, high-crowned hat--objects of value that are inherited
from father to son.
On the day on which the gobernadorcillo takes his office, his town
has a great festival [_fiestajan_]. All eat, drink, smoke, and amuse
themselves at the expense of the _munícipe_ [i.e., the citizen who
is elected gobernadorcillo], and the rejoicing is universal. In
the tribunal (city hall) he occupies a large lofty seat, which is
adorned with the arms of España and with fanciful designs, if his
social footing shows a respectable antiquity.
On holy days the officials go to the church in a body. The
principalia and the _cuadrilleros_ form in two lines in front of the
gobernadorcillo and the music precedes them. In the church the latter
occupies a seat in precedence of those of the chiefs, who have benches
of honor. After the mass, they usually go to the convent to pay their
respects to the parish priest; and they return to the tribunal in the
same order, the musicians playing a loud double quick march. [104]
There they hold a meeting, at which the gobernadorcillo presides, in
which he, in concert with the cabezas, determines the public services
for the week.
The tributarios of many towns go, after mass, to hear orally the orders
that the cabezas communicate to them. In order to summon any of them
when necessity requires, they have adopted certain taps of the drum;
and on hearing it they go to the tribunal.
If the gobernadorcillo is energetic or has a bad temper, the cabezas
fear and respect him highly; but if he is irresolute they abuse
him. When he goes out on the street, an alguacil with a long wand
precedes him.
Since the majority of these pedáneos do not talk Spanish, they are
authorized to appoint _directorcillos_ [i.e., petty directors],
who receive very slender pay. The directorcillo--who has generally
studied for several years in the university or the colleges of Manila
without concluding his course--writes the judicial measures, and
the answers to the orders of the provincial authorities; serves as
interpreter to the pedáneo, when the latter has to talk to Europeans;
and exercises entire influence in all matters. By virtue of that he
sometimes commits abuses that the gobernadorcillo finds it necessary
to tolerate, in order not to lose his services; for there are towns
where one cannot possibly find another inhabitant to take his place,
because of their ignorance of Castilian. All that redounds to the hurt
of the honest administration of the towns, and even the prestige of
the government, since the said directorcillos are wont to ascribe to
the superior orders their own exactions and annoyances.
Each town of Filipinas contains a number of cuadrilleros, proportional
to its citizenship. They are under obligation to serve for three years,
and only enjoy exemption from the payment of tribute and _polos_. [105]
The cuadrilleros are armed with old guns and spears, perform police
duty, and guard the tribunal, prison, and the royal or government
house. They also go in pursuit of criminals.
Some provinces (for instance, the majority of those in Luzon) are
ruled by legal alcaldes-mayor who are lawyers, who exercise the
civil government, and are at the same time judges of first instance,
sub-delegates of the treasury and of local departments, administrators
of the posts, military commandants, and presiding officers of the
meetings for auctions and for primary instruction. They were also
formerly collectors of tobacco, in the provinces where that plant is
cultivated. [106]
Other provinces, such as those of Visayas and Mindanao, are ruled
by politico-military governors, belonging to the army and fleet,
who also unite duties identical to those of the alcaldes-mayor--with
the difference that in these provinces there are judges for the
administration of justice; while in the provinces of Luzón the
governors conduct the court of justice, with a lawyer as advisory
assistant [_asessor_], who is the judge of the next province. In
those provinces where no department of the public treasury exists,
they are also directors of economic matters.
A governor and captain-general exercises the supreme authority in
Filipinas. In his charge is the direction of all civil and military
matters, and even the direction of ecclesiastical matters in so far
as they touch the royal patronage. Until 1861, when the council of
administration was created, he also had charge of the presidency of
the royal Audiencia and Chancillería there.
The authority, then, of the governor-general is complete, and such
a number of attributes conferred on one functionary (incompetent,
as a general rule, for everything outside of military matters),
is certainly prejudicial to the right exercise of his duty.
Until the year 1822, private gentlemen, magistrates, military men,
sailors, and ecclesiastics, without any distinction, were appointed
to fill so lofty a post; and they have borne the title and exercised
the functions of captain-general to suit their own convenience.
During the vacancies, political authority resided in the royal
assembly--the Audiencia in full [107] and the military authority in an
auditor (magistrate), with the title of captain-general _ad interim_.
From the said year of 1822, the government has always devolved upon
an official, a general; in case of his death, the segundo cabo,
a general, is substituted for him; and in case of the death of the
latter, the commandant-general of the naval station.
The captain-general is, as we have indicated, supreme chief of all
departments, and the sum total of his pay amounts to forty thousand
pesos annually.
A command of so great importance, superior to the viceroyalties of
our former American colonies, ought not to be given exclusively to one
specified class; and the election of governor should be free, although
with the limitation that only ex-ministers and high dignitaries of
the army or of any other institution, who merit through their lofty
talents, known competence, and proved morality, that España should
entrust to them its representation and the exercise of its sovereignty
in so precious a portion of its domains, should be eligible to it. Thus
jointly do the prestige of the Spanish name the complications of
political life in modern society, and the progress and welfare of
eight millions of Spanish Indians--worthy under all concepts on which
governments now fix their attention more than they have hitherto done,
in a matter of so transcendent importance--demand this with urgency.
It is also advisable to change the vicious, anomalous, and unsuitable
organization of the provinces of Filipinas, assimilating them, so far
as possible, to those of España. The separation of the gubernatorial
and judicial duties, the suppression of politico-military commands,
and the appointment of civil governors, under excellent conditions
and unremovable for six years, are urgent; all these are measures
that will positively redound to the benefit of the country.
NOTES
[1] The earliest compilation of laws regarding the Spanish colonies of
Nueva España was made, by royal command, by Vasco de Puga (an auditor
of the Audiencia of Mexico), and printed in 1563. Francisco de Toledo,
viceroy of Peru from 1569 to 1581, prepared a code of ordinances for
that country (see Markham's _Hist. Peru_, pp. 149, 156-159, 538). In
1570, Felipe II ordered that a revised compilation of the laws and
ordinances for the government of all the Indias be made. After many
efforts and delays, this was accomplished in 1628, but the work was
not printed until 1681. It is the fifth edition (_i.e._, reprint)
of this compilation from which we obtain the laws presented in this
document; it was printed in Madrid in 1841.
[2] See _Vol_. VIII, p. 253.
[3] "The present state of affairs in that which relates to this titulo
is that set forth by the decree of March 10, 1785, establishing the
Company of Filipinas. In regard to this law and those following in
this titulo, the reader should remember that a royal order of July 20,
1793, permitted the Company of Filipinas to trade directly between
those islands and the ports of South America in one or two voyages,
to the amount of five hundred thousand pesos apiece, on condition of
paying the foreign duty and the 9 1/2 per cent on the silver taken
back. This permit, which was limited during the war with France,
was, by a new royal order of September 24, 1796, made general for
all succeeding wars, if carried on with maritime powers." The above
note is translated from the _Recopilación_, where it follows law
1. Space permitting, the decree of March 10, 1785, mentioned above,
will be given in this series.
[4] This law and all those treating of the prohibition of commerce
between Perú and Méjico, Tierra-Firme, etc., were completely superseded
by a royal decree dated El Pardo, January 20, 1774. That decree was
ordered to be kept and observed by the superior government of Lima,
August 1, of the same year; and separate copies were ordered to be
drawn, so that all might know that his Majesty had repealed and revoked
the general prohibition of reciprocal commerce by the South Sea between
the four kingdoms of Perú, Nueva España, Nueva Reíno de Granada, and
Guatemala." We transfer this note from law ix, of this título of the
_Recopilación_, an editorial note to law lxviii referring to law ix.
[5] Such a citation as this shows the hand of the editors or compilers
of the _Recopilación_. Law lxvii bears as its earlier date March 3,
1617, and refers to the sending of contraband Chinese goods to the
House of Trade of the Indias in Sevilla.
[6] The governors of the Filipinas grant permission to those who go
to those islands under condemnation of crime to return. Inasmuch as
on that account many convicts hide away from the judges who exiled
them, we order the governors, under no circumstances, to permit
them to return to Nueva España or to go to Perú during the period of
their exile. And should they be condemned to the galleys or to other
services, they shall fulfil the condemnation,--[Felipe III--Aranjuez,
April 29, 1605. Felipe IV--Madrid, January 27, 1631. In _Recopilación
de leyes_, lib. vii, tit. viii, ley xxi.]
[7] The _Recopilación_ is not clear as to the date of this law and the
one immediately following. Law lix bears both dates (as also does law
lx), and is designated as clause 11. Laws lxix and lxx bear no date
(probably through error of the compiler or printer), but are designated
as clauses 16 and 17, and clause 18, of a decree by Felipe III. Hence
the above dates with queries have been assigned to these laws.
[8] Luis Geronimo de Cabrera, fourth Conde de Chinchon, became viceroy
of Peru in 1628, holding that office until 1639. During his term
there was made known the efficacy of a medicine--previously in use
among the Indians--the so-called "Jesuit's bark," or "Peruvian bark,"
obtained from a tree found only in Peru and adjoining countries, named
_Chinchona_ by Linnæus, in honor of the viceroy's wife (who, having
been cured by this medicine, introduced its use into Spain). From
this bark is obtained the drug known at quinine.
[9] Whenever any ships sail from the port of Acapulco and other
ports of Nueva España to make the voyage to Perú on the opportunities
permitted, it is our will and we order our officials of those ports
to visit and inspect those ships with complete faithfulness and
the advisable rigor. They shall endeavor to ascertain whether such
ships are carrying any Chinese silks or merchandise, or any from the
Filipinas Islands. They shall seize such, and declare those found
as smuggled goods. They shall divide them, and apply them as is
contained in the laws of this titulo. [Felipe IV--Madrid, April 9,
1641. In _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. viii, tit. xvii, ley xv.]
[10] See note to law lxviii, p. 33.
[11] See _Vol_. XIV, note 12, p. 99.
[12] Latin, _Bacchanalia_. In Latin countries, the three days before
Ash Wednesday are given up to boisterous outdoor merriment, which
frequently degenerates into coarse and licentious revelry. Hence,
the expression "Bacchanalia" Carnival. In order to counteract these
abuses, the Jesuits at Macerata in Italy, introduced, in 1556,
some special devotions during the three days. The Exposition of the
Blessed Sacrament was held in the church, this custom was adopted by
St. Charles Borromeo, in Milan; and it gradually extended to other
places, and was developed subsequently into "The Devotion of the
Forty Hours," which is not confined to the Carnival season. This is
the explanation of the term "Bacchanalia," in connection with that
church ceremony--_Rev. E.I. Devitt, S.J._
[13] Evidently referring to the capture of van Caerden's fleet by
Heredia (see note 26, _post_).
[14] Flagellation in the Philippines was a custom probably taken
from the early Spanish friars, but it has been so discouraged of late
years by the church that it is performed only in the smaller villages
of the interior and in the outlying _barrios_ of the larger towns,
more or less secretly, away from the sight of white men. Especially
is it prevalent during Holy Week. Although the Philippine flagellants
are called "_penitentes_" the flagellation is not done in penance,
but as the result of a vow or promise made to the diety in return
for the occurrence of some wished-for event, and the "_penitentes_"
are frequently from the most knavish class. The fulfillment of the
vow is a terrible ordeal, and begins back of the small chapel called
"_visita_" that exists in every village. The "_penitente_" wears only
a pair of loose thin white cotton trousers, and is beaten on the back
by another native first with hands and then with a piece of wood with
little metal points in it until the blood flows freely. Thus he walks
from _visita_ to _visita_, with covered face, beating himself with
a cord, into the end of which is braided a bunch of sticks about the
size of lead pencils. He prostrates himself in the dust and is beaten
on the back and soles of his feet with a flail. At every stream he
plunges into it, and grovels before every _visita_. From all the houses
as he passes comes the chant of the Passion. (Lieut. Charles Norton
Barney, who was an eye-witness of the flagellation--"Circumcision and
flagellation among the Filipinos," in the _Journal_ of the Association
of Military Surgeons, September, 1903.)
[15] See _Vol_. IX, note 13. Roberto Bellarmino, born in 1542, entered
the Jesuit order in 1560, becoming one of its most famous theological
writers. He was long connected with the college at Rome, and later
was successively provincial of Naples, a cardinal of the Roman church
(from 1599), and archbishop of Capua (1602-05); he died at Rome,
September 17, 1621, Perhaps the most widely known of his works is the
_Doctrina christiana_ (Rome, 1598); it passed through many editions,
abridgments, and translations, having been rendered into more than
fifty languages. See account of these in Sommervogel's _Bibliothèque
de la Compagnie dé Jésus_, art. "Bellarmino." "He was the first Jesuit
who had ever taken part in the election of a pope"--Cretineau-Joly's
_Hist. Comp. de Jésus_ (Paris, 1859), iii, p. 106. This refers to
the election of Paul V (1605).
[16] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library) i, pp. 341-381,
is a copy of a letter (dated June 11, 1611) from Father Armano to
his provincial, Gregorio Lopez, detailing the achievements of Silva's
expedition to the Moluccas in 1611--on which occasion Silva restored
to his throne Zayri, king of Ternate, who had been kept as a prisoner
at Manila for five years. Rizal says in his edition of Morga, p. 247,
note 1, that this king did not return to his island. He was probably
taken back to Manila shortly after this restoration.
[17] Pedro Solier was born about 1578; he entered the Augustinian order
in 1593 at Salamanca, where he remained five years, and then joined the
Philippine mission. In 1603 he went to Spain on business of his order,
returning to the islands in 1606. Elected provincial of his order in
1608, he held that office for two years; and in 1610, "on account of
the deposal of Father Lorenzo de León, journeyed to Spain to make a
report of that unpleasant incident" (Perez's _Catálogo_, p. 57).
[18] Baltasar Fort was a native of Moto in Valencia, though some
say of Horcajo in the diocese of Tortosa. He studied Latin grammar
at Villa de San Mateo. At Valencia he studied philosophy. He took
his vows at the Dominican convent of San Esteban at Salamanca,
May 2, 1586. After serving as prior and as master of novitiates in
Aragonese convents, he went to Manila in 1602. Mart of his ministry
there was passed in the province of Pangasinam. He served as prior of
the Manila convent, and then as provincial, after which he was sent
to Japan as vicar-provincial, whence he was exiled in 1614. He was
definitor several times and once rector of the college of Santo Tomás,
after which he was again prior of the Manila convent. He died in that
convent without the last sacraments, October 18, 1640, being over
seventy years of age.--See _Reseña biográfica_, part i, pp. 311, 312.
[19] Francisco Minayo was a native of Arévalo. After arriving at the
Philippines in 1598, he labored extensively in Cagayán, where his
ministry had good results. He was accused of the sin against nature,
but after arrest and trial was released. Later he was prior of the
Manila convent, and after his three years' term returned to Cagayán,
where he died at Lallo-c, August 25, 1613. See _Reseña biográfica_,
part i, pp. 302-303.
[20] The following law was passed at Lerma July 23, 1605; and at
Madrid December 19, 1618, and is found in _Recopilación de leyes_,
lib. iii, tit. x, ley xiv: "The governor and captain-general of the
Filipinas Islands shall take care to reward the soldiers who shall
have served us there, and their sons, with the posts and profits
that shall fall to his appointment, in accordance with the ordinance,
and with full justification, so that they may have some remuneration,
observing in everything the laws issued upon this matter."
[21] Father Gregorio Lopez was a native of the town of Alcocer, in
the bishopric of Cuenca. He studied theology at Alcalá de Henares,
but took the Jesuit habit in Mexico. He filled in Mexico the chairs
of the arts and of theology, and was master of the novitiates. After
sixteen years' residence in Mexico he went to the Philippines,
where he became a teacher of Christian doctrine, and rector of the
seminary at Manila. He was later vice-provincial and then provincial
of his order for eight years, being the first provincial. He died at
the age of fifty-three, on July 21, 1614. He spent fourteen years in
the Philippines.
[22] La Concepción says (_Hist. de Philipinas_, iv, p. 284) that the
Dutch unexpectedly encountered at Panay a Spanish force, on its way
to the Moluccas, who compelled the invaders to retreat.
[23] Francois de Wittert. See _Vol_. XV, pp. 323-328.
[24] "The bells of the churches were cast into heavy cannon" (La
Concepcion, _Hist. de Philipinas_, iv, p. 286).
[25] _Vino de Mandarin_; literally, "mandarin wine."
[26] Paul van Caerden (Pablo Blanchardo), who had made several voyages
to the East Indies, was captured by Sargento-mayor Pedro de Heredia
after a fierce fight near Terrenate, the seat of the new Dutch posts
in the Malucos. Juan de Esquivel, Spanish governor of the Malucos,
allowed him to pay a ransom of fifty thousand pesos; but was severely
rebuked by the Manila Audiencia then in power, for doing so without
first advising them. Esquivel took the censure so much to heart
that he fell into a melancholy, and died soon after. His successor,
Sargento-mayor Azcueta Menchaca, anxious to please the Audiencia,
pursued van Caerden and captured him a second time, although the Dutch
tried to burn their ship to escape such an ignominy. He was sent to
Manila, and his ransom promised on certain conditions. Twenty-two
Spanish prisoners at Ternate were given; but, the other conditions
not being met, the Dutch officer was kept prisoner at the expense of
the royal treasury until his death, in Manila. See La Concepción's
_Hist. de Philipinas_, iv, pp. 112-114.
[27] La Concepción and Montero y Vidal make this name Faxardo (or
Fajardo) instead of Pardos; and the latter gives the following name
as Luis Moreno Donoso.
[28] The original is _malos días_, literally, "a bad
'good-morning.'" It is used as the term _buenos días_, or "good
morning."
[29] The Trinitarian order was founded at Rome in 1198 by St. John
of Matha, a native of Provence, and Felix of Valois, an aged French
hermit, in order to redeem Christian captives from the infidels. The
order received sanction from Innocent III. Their rule was that of
St. Augustine, with particular statutes; and their diet was one of
great austerity. The habit in France was a soutane and scapular of
white serge, with a red and blue cross on the right breast. The first
monastery was established at Cerfroy, France, and continued to be
the mother-house, until the French Revolution. At one time the order
had two hundred and fifty houses, and by the seventeenth century
had rescued 30,720 Christian captives. At the dissolution they had
eleven houses in England, five in Scotland, and one in Ireland. The
religious were often called Red or Maturin friars in England, from
the color of the cross on their habit and because of their famous
house at Paris near the chapel of St. Maturin.
A reformation made by Father Juan Baptista was approved by the Holy
See in 1599, and resulted in the erection of the congregation of
discalced Trinitarians in Spain. Their houses, as well as those of
the unreformed portion of the order, were suppressed in Spain in the
reign of Isabella II.
See Addis and Arnold's _Catholic Dictionary_, p. 810.
[30] The Ventura del Arco copy reads _concera_, which may be a
mistranscription for _cascara_, hull.
[31] Pedro Montejo took his vows at the Toledo Augustinian
convent. After his arrival at Manila he was master of novitiates and
superior of the Manila convent of San Pablo until 1607. In that year
he was assigned to the Japan missions at his own request. He probably
did not go to that empire, however, for shortly afterward he was in
Manila again on business for the province, where he embarked. He was
captured by the Dutch and killed, as stated in the text, by a ball
from the Spanish fleet. See Peréz's _Catálogo_.
[32] For quite another estimate of these youthful commanders, see
_ante_, p. 97.
[33] This was Fray Juan Pinto de Fonseca.
[34] This difference in time when sailing east and west, was commented
on by many early writers. Acosta (_History of the Indies_, Hakluyt
Society's publications, London, 1880) says "seeing the two Crownes of
Portugall and Castille, have met by the East and West, ioyning their
discoveries together, which in truth is a matter to be observed, that
the one is come to China and Iappan by the East, and the other to the
Philippines, which are neighbours, and almost ioyning vnto China, by
the West; for from the Ilands of Lusson, which is the chiefe of the
Philippines, in the which is the city of Manilla, vnto Macao, which
is in the Ile of Canton, are but foure score or a hundred leagues,
and yet we finde it strange, that notwithstanding this small distance
from the one to the other, yet according to their accoumpt, there is
a daies difference betwixt them.... Those of Macao and of China have
one day advanced before the Philippines. It happened to father Alonso
Sanches, ... that parting from the Philippines, he arrived at Macao
the second daie of Maie, according to their computation, and going
to say the masse of S. Athanasius, he found they did celebrate the
feast of the invention of the holy Crosse, for that they did then
reckon the third of Maie." Acosta then gives the reason for this
difference. See _Vol_. I of this series, p. 22, note 2.
[35] A species of pelican (_Pelicanus sula_).
[36] The modern province of Bungo is located on the eastern side of
the island of Kyushu, on the Bungo Channel.
[37] It is prohibited by us that the Audiencia of Filipinas should
grant licenses [for anyone] to go to the provinces of Peru. We order
that all the audiencias of Nueva España keep and observe this law, and
that those of Peru do the same in regard to Nueva España." Ordinance
27, Toledo, May 25, 1596. (_Recopilación de leyes_, lib. ix, tit. xxvi,
ley lxi.)
"The governor of Filipinas shall not concede leave to any soldier
or any other person who shall have gone there at the cost of our
royal treasury, to leave or go out of those islands unless there be
very urgent causes; and in this he shall proceed with great caution
and moderation." Madrid, March 29, 1597. (_Recopilación de leyes_,
lib. ix, tit. xxvi, ley lxii.)
"It is advisable that the citizens of the Filipinas Islands shall
not leave them, and especially those who are rich and influential. In
consideration of this, we order the governors to proceed with great
moderation in giving passports to come to these kingdoms or those
of Nueva España, for thus it is important for the preservation of
the people of those islands. And in consideration of the fact that
the passengers and religious who come are numerous, and consume the
food provided for the crews of the vessels, we order the governors
that they avoid as far as possible the giving of passport to the said
passengers and religious, in order to avoid the inconveniences that
result and which ought to be considered." Segovia, July 25, 1609;
and San Lorenzo, August 19, 1609. (_Recopilación de leyes_, lib. ix,
tit. xxvi, ley lxiii.)
[38] On the death of Pedro de Acuña, Rodrigo de Vivero was appointed
governor ad interim of the Philippines, by viceroy Luis de Velasco
of Mexico. He landed at Manila, June 15, 1608, and governed until
April of the following year. He was a native of Laredo (Santander),
and was experienced in the political life of the Indies. He introduced
important reforms and laws among the alcaldes-mayor and corregidors. He
was given the title of Conde dela Valle, and made governor and
captain-general of Panama. See La Concepción's _Hist. de Philipinas_,
vi, pp. 114-116.
[39] The following description of Japan it taken from _Recuril des
Voyages_ (Amsterdam, 1725), ii, p. 84: "These islands look toward
New Spain on the east; Tartary on the north, besides other countries
unknown; China on the west, and unknown lands on the south; with
a large sea between them. They comprise 66 petty kingdoms, and are
divided into three chief parts. The most considerable, and the one
always named first, is Japan, which contains 53 seigniories, or petty
kingdoms, the most powerful of which are Méaco and Amagunce. The
king of Méaco has under him 24 or 26 kingdoms, and he of Amagunce 12
or 13. The second of these three parts is called Ximo, and contains
9 kingdoms, chief of which are Bungo and Figeu. The third part is
called Xicoum, and contains 4 kingdoms or seigniories." J.J. Rein
(_Japan_, London, 1884), gives four divisions in modern Japan,
namely, Japan proper, the Riukiu Islands, Chigima or the Kuriles,
and Ogasawara-shima or Munitô, commonly called Bonin Islands.
[40] A kind of silk grograin.
[41] Gabriel de la Cruz (in the Moluccas as early as 1605),
together with Lorenzo Masonio (Laurent Masoni) wrote a relation
entitled _Relacion de la toma de las islas de Ambueno y Tidore que
consigueiron los Holandes en este año de 1605_, which is published
by Colin in his _Labor Evangélica_, lib. iv, chap. ii. Masoni was
born at Campolleto (Naples), February 27, 1556. He entered the Jesuit
order when already a priest, in 1582. In 1586 he went to the Indies,
where he died at Amboina, July 19, 1631. He wrote also a letter from
that island, which is published in _Lettera annuæ di Giappone_ (Roma,
1605), pp. 113-121; also in _Hist. Univers. des Indes orientales_,
by Antoine Magín (Sommervogel).
[42] The author of the present relation precedes the portion here
presented, which appears to be complete, by a notice of the death of
Father Antonio Pereira. This notice appears to have been abridged
by Ventura del Arco, who copied the document from the archives. La
Concepción states (vol. iv of his history) that after Acuña had
recovered the Malucos, all but two of the Jesuit priests there were
ordered to Malaca. This included Pereira, who was stationed on the
island of Siao. The authorities at Malaca contended that the care
of these religious devolved upon the Philippines, hence they were
ordered to go there. Pereira left Malaca in July, 1608, for Manila
in a Portuguese vessel, but they were wrecked after twenty days'
voyage. The Portuguese and Father Pereira started for Borneo next
morning in the small boat, leaving 130 slaves who were in the vessel
to their fate. After four days the boat reached a desert island, with
its occupants famished. Father Pereira, having a knowledge of the
region, procured water from one of the hollow canes growing on the
island. There they were captured by Moro or Malay pirates and sold
by them to the Borneans. They were sent to Manila in a small boat
by the sultan; but, in a storm, Father Pereira died. He was a son of
Gonzalo Pereira, who had also lived at Siao. Father Pereira had aided
Chirino in various labors in Cebú, whence he later returned to Siao.
[43] This phrase, the usual epithet of the general of the Jesuit order,
would indicate that Lopez was addressing that official--who was then
Claudio Aquaviva; he died on January 31, 1615.
[44] A vessel built like a pink--that is, with a very narrow stern--and
sloop-rigged.
[45] By metaphor, the instrument is here used for the person; the
reference is to the advocacy of the Virgin as obtained through
the rosary, the instrument of the chief devotion to Mary. As
such, many churches and other institutions are dedicated to the
rosary.--_Rev. Patrick B. Knox_ (Madison, Wisconsin).
[46] Thomas Aquinas, born in 1227, belonged to a noble family,
descended from the kings of Aragón and Sicily. Entering
the ecclesiastical life, he soon became noted as a scholar and
divine. He was professor of divinity in several universities, and
author of numerous theological works. He died on March 7, 1274, and
was canonized in 1323. Various epithets have been bestowed upon him:
"the Angelic Doctor," "the Universal Doctor," "the Dumb Ox" (alluding
to his taciturnity), "The Angel of the School," and "the Eagle of
Theologians." "It was in defense of Thomas Aquinas that Henry VIII [of
England] composed the book which procured him from the pope the title
of Defender of the Faith" (Blake's _Biographical Dictionary_, p. 66).
[47] Argensola says mistakenly that this father was killed by the
Chinese in the insurrection of 1603.
For sketch of his life see _Vol_. XIII, note 43.
[48] Domingo de Nieva was a native of one of the three towns of
Villoria in Castilla, and professed in the Dominican convent of San
Pablo at Valladolid. On going to the Philippines he was sent first
to the mission of Bataan, where his labors were uninterrupted and
severe. He became fluent in the Tagil language, after Which he was
assigned to the Chinese mission near Manila; and he composed and
published several devotional treatises in both those languages. He
was elected prior of Manila, but before his three years in that office
were finished, he was sent as procurator to Madrid. He died at sea, at
the end of 1606 or the beginning of 1607, after having spent nineteen
years in the Philippines. See _Reseña biográfica_, part i, pp. 108-110.
[49] That is "by my priestly word."
[50] The see of Cebú was made vacant by the death of Bishop Agurto
(September 14, 1608), and that of Nueva Cáceres (in 1607) by the death
of its second bishop, Baltasar Corarrubias, O.S.A. The reference in
our text is to the appointment of new bishops for these sees--for Cebú,
Pedro Matías, O.S.F.; and for Nueva Cáceres, Pedro de Arce, O.S.A. But,
as Matías did not understand the Visayan language, these appointments
were finally exchanged; Matías was transferred to Nueva Cáceres, which
he administered for two years and until his death, and Arce to Cebú.
[51] Because of the difficulty that has been represented to us in going
or sending from very distant provinces, separated by the sea, to give
their accounts, we have determined and resolved that the accounts of
Chile and Filipinas shall be examined as hitherto, in accordance with
the ordinances of the Audiencias--notwithstanding what is ordained
by others--given to the accountants. The accounts shall have to be
brought and given in the tribunal of accounts. We order that those
thus examined in Chile be sent to the tribunal of accounts in Lima,
and those of the Filipinas to that of Méjico. Our royal officials
of those treasuries shall also send at the beginning of each year
the lists and muster-rolls of the soldiers to the said tribunals,
signed also by the governor and captain-general. The accountants
of the above-mentioned tribunals shall send a report of the said
accounts, with its lists, to our council of the Indias." Felipe III,
San Lorenzo, August 17, 1609, ordinance 24. (_Recopilación de leyes_,
lib. viii, tit. i, ley lxxix). A decree dated San Lorenzo, October 19,
1719, ordered this law to be observed, and ordered also inspection
of the treasuries every week. See note in _Recopilación de leyes_
to the above ordinance.
[52] Marcos de Lisboa was born of a noble family in Lisboa,
Portugal. At an early age he was sent to India to engage in its
commerce. Establishing himself at Malacca, he took the vows in 1582,
in the Franciscan convent established there in the preceding year
by Juan Bautista Pisaro. In 1586 he went to the Philippines, where
he projected and later helped to found (1594) the Confraternity of
La Misericordia at Manila. He later spent a number of years in the
province of Camarines, where he labored extensively. He was elected
three times as definitor (1602, 1608, and 1616), and once (January 16,
1609), as vicar-provincial. In 1618 he went to Mexico, whence (July 16,
1622), he went to Madrid, and then to Rome to take part in the general
chapter of his order. At the conclusion of the chapter he retired to
the convent of San Gil at Madrid, where he died in the beginning of
1628. Lisboa left a number of written works, among them four in the
Bicol language, which he was the first to write. See Huerta's _Estado_,
pp. 447, 448.
[53] The Marquis de Montesclaros (third marques of the title, see
_Vol_. XIII, p. 228) was born posthumously probably at Sevilla;
and was a knight of the Order of Santiago, and gentleman of the
bedchamber. Throughout his offices as viceroy of Nueva España and
of Peru, he showed ability and determination, and his policy was
approved. See Moreri's _Dictionnaire_, vi, p. 268; and Bancroft's
_History of Mexico_, iii, pp. 5, 6.
[54] The consulate (see _Vol_. XIII, p. 57) of Sevilla was formed
in accordance with a law dated August 23, 1543; it authorized the
exporting merchants of that city to meet annually for the election of
prior and consuls to administer, regulate, and guard the commercial
interests of those merchants. See the laws enacted regarding this
institution, in _Recopilación de leyes_, lib. ix, tit. vi.
[55] The Atlantic Ocean; the new trade-route opened by the Portuguese
a century before led to the Atlantic via the Cape of Good Hope.
[56] Spanish, _tan en las mantillas_, _i.e._, the long outer garments
in which an infant is dressed.
[57] Referring to the Cerro Gordo ("rich hill") of Potosi; see
_Vol_. XIV, p. 306.
[58] Perhaps the region known as Miztecapan, which has fertile valleys.
[59] A truce of eight months, to begin with May, 1607, was arranged
between Spain and the United Provinces, in which for the first
time Spain gave up its claims to control the latter. This paved
the way to the long truce of twelve years signed at the meeting of
the States-General at Bergen-op-Zoom, in April, 1609, in which the
independence of the United Provinces was recognized (see _Vol_. XI,
p. 166, note 27). But that independence was completely recognized
and assured only by the treaty of Westphalia or Münster (in October,
1648), which also opened to the Dutch the ports of the Eastern and
Western Indias.
[60] Thus in the text, according to the editor of _Docs. inéditos_;
apparently an error for Manila.
[61] That is, if the Philippine trade to Nueva España were suppressed
the commodities from Spain which are now shipped to Manila via
Acapulco, and are mainly articles of luxury, would not find any
greater sale in the Orient than before.
[62] In 1525 Esteban Gomez--who had been one of Magalhães's pilots
(_Vol_. 1, pp. 263, 319) was sent by Charles V "to find a route to
Cathay" north of Florida. He had but one caravel with which to make
this voyage, but he went to the Bacalaos (New-foundland coast),
and thence as far south as Florida. His discoveries were noted on
the map of the cosmographer Diego Ribero (1529). Gomez's voyage is
described by Peter Martyr.
[63] Referring to the treaty of Zaragoza (_Vol_. II, pp. 222-240).
[64] Montesclaros has forgotten the capture of the "Santa Ana" by
Candish. See _Vol_. VI, p. 311, and _Vol_. XV, appendix A.
[65] The fictitious strait of Anian (for which name see Bancroft's
_History of Northwest Coast_, i, pp. 53-56), was the supposed
western terminus of the northwest passage, whose eastern terminus
Cortereal was thought to have found in Hudson Strait. A kingdom
marked Anian is shown On Ortelius's map (_Theatrum orbis terrarum_,
Antwerp, 1574), with the strait just north of it, above 60°. Both the
kingdom and district are shown on a number of old maps. Du Val's map
(Paris, 1684) of North America, which shows California as an island,
portrays the strait of Anian directly north of it, between 45° and
50° of latitude. Vaugondy's map (that of 1750 corrected), Paris,
1783, shows the strait between 50° and 55°. Comparing the latter with
Russel's general map of North America, 1794, the Anian strait appears
to coincide with the strait between Queen Charlotte's Island and the
mainland, the modern Hecate Strait. Vizcaino had orders to look for
this strait on his voyage, and explore it.
[66] Puertobelo, now called Porto Bello, is situated on the isthmus
of Panama, almost directly north of Panama--in the old department of
Panama of the United States of Colombia; but now (as the other places
herein named) in the independent state of Panama--and but little west
of Aspinwall, the Atlantic terminus of the Panama Canal. Chagre is
the modern Chagres, and lies on the Atlantic side of the isthmus
southwest of Porto Bello; there empties the Chagres River, which
can be ascended to Cruces, which is twenty miles north of Panama,
the Pacific terminus of the canal, capital of the old department of
Panama, and of the present state of Panama.
[67] Diego de Soria entered the Dominican order at Ocaña. He came to
the Philippines in the first mission of that order (1587), end held
various dignities and official positions in the province; he also
did missionary work in Cagayán and other regions of Luzón. About
1597 he went to Spain and Rome on business of his order; and later
was appointed bishop of Nueva Segovia, taking possession of that
see in 1604. He died in 1613, at Fernandina (now Vigan). See _Reseña
biográfica_, i, pp. 69-77.
[68] The reduction of silver ore by amalgamation with mercury was
discovered (although mercury had been used long before for obtaining
gold) by a Spanish miner in Mexico, Bartholomé de Medina, in 1557. From
that time, enormous quantities of mercury have been continually
required for the mining operations in the silver-producing districts
of Spanish America. Efforts were occasionally made by the Mexican
viceroys to procure it in China; but "the Chinese mercury obtained
from Canton and Manilla was impure, and contained a great deal of
lead; and its price [1782] amounted to 80 piastres the quintal." See
Humboldt's account, descriptive and historical, of this use of mercury,
in his _New Spain_ (Black's trans.), iii, pp. 250-288.
In this connection, see the interesting statement by Santiago de Vera
(_Vol_. VI, p. 68) that as early as 1585 the Japanese (who then had but
little communication with the Spaniards) were using Chinese quicksilver
in the silver mines of Japan. Some of the Chinese mercury had been
brought to Manila in 1573 (_Vol_. III, p. 245), and Sande mentions
(_Vol_. IV. p. 54) the mines of silver and quicksilver in China.
[69] This document is simply an abridgment or summary made by Ventura
del Arco from the letter of Ledesma.
[70] Cf. this statement with the royal decree of May 26, 1609, which
is presented in this volume, p. 79, _ante_.
[71] Valerio de Ledesma was born at Alaejos. March 23, 1556, and
became a novitiate in the Jesuit order in 1571-1572. He was sent
to the Philippines, where he served as rector of Cebú, associate of
the provincial, rector of Manila, provincial, rector and master of
novitiates at San Pedro Macati, and again rector at Manila, where he
died, May 15, 1639. See Sommervogel, Barrantes (_Guerros piraticas_),
and Pardo de Tavera (_Biblioteca Filipina_, Washington, 1903) as
to his authorship. See also Murillo Velarde's _Historia_ (Manila,
1749), book ii, ch. vii, pp. 260-266, for a notice regarding him. In
the Ventura del Arco MSS., at the end of this summary of Ledesma's
letter appears a tracing of his autograph signature.
[72] According to Sommervogel, Juan de Ribera was born at Puebla
de los Angeles in 1565, and entered upon his novitiate at Rome in
1582. He was sent to the Philippines in 1595, and taught theology
and was rector at Manila, where he died June 5, 1622. Besides the
present letter, Father Ribera was the author of the _Lettera annua_
from the Philippines for 1602-1603, which was printed at Venice and
Paris, in Italian and French respectively, in 1605.
[73] In regard to the correction of Manila time, see _Vol_. I, p. 22,
note 2.
[74] That is, "the Great Mogul," meaning "the ruler of Mogor," a name
applied to Hindostan. The monarch here referred to is Jáhangír (or
Jehanghir), the tenth of the Mogul emperors, who in 1605 succeeded to
the throne by the death of his father, Akbar the Great. See account
of his power and wealth, by Pyrard de Laval (publications of Hakluyt
Society, London, 1888-90) ii, pp. 250-253; also _The Hawkins' Voyages_
and _Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe_ (published by the same society in 1878
and 1899, respectively). Roe and William Hawkins successively resided
at Jáhangír's court between 1610 and 1620. An interesting sketch of
Jáhangír's life is given by Valentyn in his _Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën_
(Dordrecht and Amsterdam, MDCCXXIV), part iv, sec. ii, pp. 218-230;
it is part of a series of the sketches, "Lives of the Great Moguls."
[75] According to Montero y Vidal (_Hist. Filipinas_, i, p. 161)
this expedition was under the orders of Alonso Váez Coutiño.
[76] A small piece of ordnance; or, a long musket or matchlock.
[77] The plan of Malaca in Bellin's _Atlas maritime_ (Paris, 1764),
iii, 46, indicates this church, stating that it was then a magazine
within the fort. Other public buildings are located--the Chinese
pagoda and bazar, the Mahometan mosque, etc. See Valentyn's account,
descriptive and historical, of "Malakka," in his _Oud en Nieuw
Oost-Indiën_, part v, book vi, pp. 308-360; it contains a large
engraving, a view of the city of Malaca.
[78] A small city in the province of Badajoz, Spain.
[79] Cf. La Concepción's account (_Hist. de Philipinas_,
iv. pp. 330-366) of the ravages committed by the Dutch; the despatch
of a fleet from India at Silva's request (made through the Jesuits
Gomez and Ribera), and its conflicts with Malays and Dutch at Malacca;
Silva's preparations for the joint expedition; his journey to Malacca,
and death there; and the return of his fleet to Manila, and failure of
all this costly enterprise. La Concepción mentions Ribera's account
(p. 344), and says (p. 337); "We have a complete diary, written by
the rector of Manila [Ribera], from the twenty-first of November,
when they hoisted sail at Cavite"--that is, when he went on the
embassy to India in 1614. Apparently his account, as here presented,
has been synopsized and abridged by Ventura del Arco, who has also
borrowed somewhat from Ledesma's letter (_post_).
[80] This part of the document is the version of Ribera's letter
which appears in Colin's _Labor evangelica_, pp. 802-806. It is here
presented as containing some matter not in the other copy, and as
showing the methods of the respective editors.
[81] _i.e._, Kocchi. As in all foreign words ending with a vowel,
the Portuguese have nasalised the "i." In 1505 it was written
"Coxi." See A.C. Burnell's note in _Voyage of Linschoten_ (Hakluyt
Society's publications, London, 1885), i, p. 68. This city lies some
thirty miles north of Cape Comorin.
[82] Pedro de Francisco, S.J., was born at Mala, in the Zaragoza
diocese, in 1607. He was admitted to the Society in 1626, and went to
the Indias, where he taught grammar, and for seven years theology. He
labored at Cochin, and became rector of the Macao seminary, whence
he was driven by the Dutch. He was at Macassar in 1652, but his
name does not appear in the catalogue for 1655. See Sommervogel's
_Bibliographie_.
[83] Alberto Laercio or Laerzio, S.J., was born at Orte in 1557,
admitted to the Society in 1576, and set out for the Indies, where
he made his profession at Goa, July 9, 1590. For twelve years he was
master of the novitiates, rector of Salsette, and associate-visitor,
for three years vice-provincial, and for six years provincial. He
died at Cochin in 1630. See Sommervogel's _Bibliographie_.
[84] Francisco Roz, S.J., was born at Gerona in 1557, became a
novitiate in 1575, and went to the Indies in 1584, where he labored
in the Malabar mission. In 1601 he was appointed bishop of Angamala,
and in 1605, archbishop of Cranganore. He died at Parur, February 16,
1624. He wrote a number of treatises and letters. See Sommervogel's
_Bibliographie_.
[85] The two Latin phrases read in English, respectively: "He who
desires an episcopate, desires a good work;" and "He gets a hard and
fast slavery."
[86] Sommervogel mentions only that this Jesuit was a Portuguese
missionary at Goa in 1608, in which year (December 18) he wrote a
letter from Goa.
[87] The Assumption of the Virgin is August 15.
[88] That is, "Because we have sinned against thee, O Lord," etc.
[89] This is a letter by Valerio de Ledesma, S.J., according to Colin
(from whose _Labor evangélica_, pp. 806-810, we obtain it). Compare
with the first version of Ribera's letter, _ante_, in which the
account of Silva's death is similar to that by Ledesma. Colin has
evidently edited both letters more or less, and it is difficult to
ascertain what the exact original text was.
[90] Garcia Garcès, S.J., was born in 1560 at Molina, in the diocese
of Segovia, and entered the Society October 23, 1574. Going to
the Indias in 1588, he labored for several years in the missions
of Japan. He was rector at Nagasaki, whence he was exiled with his
companions. He went to Manila and later to Macao, where he died in
1628. See Sommervogel's _Bibliographie_.
[91] Melchor de Vera, S.J., was born at Madrid in 1585, and after
being received into the Society in 1604, went to the Philippines
in 1606, where he labored in the missions of the Bisayas and in
Mindanao. He served as rector of Carigara, and superior at Bapitan
and Zamboanga. His death occurred at the residence at Cebú, April
13, 1646. He was a good civil and military architect, and planned
and directed the building of the fortifications at Zam boanga, and
constructed the church of his residence at Cebú. See Sommervogel's
_Bibliographie_ and Murillo Velarde's _Historia_, book ii, chap. xxi.
[92] An account of this expedition is given in the first chapter of
Murillo Velarde's _Historia_ (Manila, 1749), evidently taken in part
from the present account.
[93] Inasmuch as Bonifaz, although junior auditor, obtained the office
by trickery he was a true governor _ad interim_, and the Audiencia
did not have charge of political affairs.
[94] The following authorities were used in compiling the above list
of governors: Morga, _Sucesos de las Islas Filipinos_ (Mexico, 1609);
Argensola, _Conquistas de las Malucas_ (Madrid, 1609); Colin, _Labor
evangelica_ (Madrid, 1663)--who mentions as authorities the authors
Morga, Grijalva, and Chirino; San Antonio, _Chronicas_, parte primera
(Manila, 1738); Murillo Velarde, _Historia_, (Manila, 1749); Delgado,
_Historia general_ (Manila, 1892); La Concepcion, _Historia general_
(Sampaloc, 1788-1792); Zúñiga, _Historia de las islas Filipinos_
(Sampaloc, 1803), and _Estadismo_ (Retana's ed., Madrid, 1893);
Mas, _Informe de las Islas Filipinos_ (Madrid, 1843); Buzeta and
Bravo, _Diccionario_ (Madrid, 1851); Montero y Vidal, _Historia
general_ (Madrid, 1887), and _Historia de la pirateria_ (Madrid,
1888); Combés, _Historia de Mindanao y Jolo_ (Retana's ed., Madrid,
1897); _Católogo de la exposition general de las Islas Filipinos_
(Madrid, 1887); Algué, _Archipiélago Filipino_ (Washington, 1900);
Sawyer, _Inhabitants of the Philippines_ (New York, 1900); Calkins,
"Filipino Insurrection of 1896" in _Harper's Monthly_, vol. xcix,
pp. 469-483; and various documents already published in this series.
[95] Delgado's work was written during 1751-54.
[96] Referring to the dissensions and conflicts between the secular
and ecclesiastical authorities which culminated in the assassination
(October 11, 1719) of Governor Bustamente.
[97] See account of this expedition in Argensola's _Conquistas_
(_Vol_. XVI of this series), book x. The king seized by Acuña was Saíd
Berkatt, the twenty-sixth king of Ternate; he came to the throne in
1584 and reigned until made a captive by Acuña--who treated him well,
but later governors made Saíd the subject of shameful neglect and
even cruelty. He died at Manila in February or March, 1627. After
Saíd was carried away from Ternate, his son Modafar became king;
the ruler of Tidore at that time was Cachil (or Prince) Mole. See
Valentyn's history of the Moluccas, in his _Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën_,
in the annals of Saíd's reign and life are recorded in pp. 208-255
therein (a separate pagination, after the introductory sketch of the
Netherlands dominion). On pp. 3, 4 are listed the islands subject
to Temate; they include Mindanao, the Talaut or Tulour group, Ceram,
Amboina, Solor, the Moluccas proper, and many others.
[98] In regard to this, see Sande's own letters and reports in
_Vol_. IV of this series.
[99] See account of the expeditions made in that year against the
Moro pirates, under the governor, Francisco de Ovando, in Montero y
Vidal's _Hist. de piratería,_ pp. 290-299.
[100] Ali-Mudin, sultan of Joló, claimed that he was dethroned by his
brother Bantilan, in 1748; and, with the Jesuit missionaries who had
just before arrived in Joló, Ali-Mudin went to Manila. In 1750 he was
baptized in the Catholic faith, and was named Fernando I. A Spanish
expedition was sent to reinstate him on his throne; but it was found
that Ali-Mudin was an apostate and a traitor, and the Spanish governor
of Zamboanga seized him and all his family and retinue, sending them
to Manila, where they were held as prisoners. All except Ali-Mudin and
his heir Israel were sent home in 1755; but these remained captives
until 1763, when the English conquerors conveyed them back to Joló,
and Ali-Mudin abdicated his throne in favor of Israel.
See Montero y Vidal's _Hist. de piratería_, pp. 279-299, 307-309,
317-320, 322, 338.
[101] This writer was minister-plenipotentiary from Spain to Pekin;
and during that term of office made a voyage to Manila, of which this
book is a result.
[102] _i.e._, those who pay the tax called _polo_--a personal service
of forty days in the year; see Montero y Vidal's note, _post_.
[103] The services of these municipal officers, which--barring certain
abuses, to which their small remuneration and excessive official
obligations force them--are of undeniable worth in the Philippines,
and their functions, which carry importance and respectability,
demand much rather that there be substituted for the ridiculous
name of gobernadorcillo, by which they are officially designated,
another name more serious and more in harmony with their praiseworthy
ministry. This is now being done among themselves in the more
enlightened villages, where they are called _capitán_ ["captain"]
instead of gobernadorcillo.--_Montero y Vidal_.
Cf. Bourne's account of these officials, _Vol_. I, of this series,
pp. 55, 56.
[104] The Spanish is _paso doble_, a term used also as the name of
a dance, the equivalent of the "two-step."
[105] This tribute is the contribution that the Indians and mestizos
pay in order to aid in the maintenance of the burdens of the state. The
_polos_ means the obligation to work a certain number of days in
neighborhood works.--_Montero y Vidal_.
[106] The tobacco monopoly was arranged by Governor Basco y Vargas in
pursuance of a royal order of February 9, 1780. Although opposed by
certain classes, especially the friars, the monopoly was organized
by March 1, 1782, and approved by royal order May 15, 1784. Under
the monopoly, however, quantities of tobacco always escaped the
vigilance of the government, and could be bought at much cheaper
rates than the government tobacco. The monopoly was repealed in the
province of Unión October 25, 1852; and in all the archipelago, by
a royal order in 1881. The order was applied in the islands in 1882,
and the suppression of the monopoly was completed in 1884.
Tobacco was introduced into the islands by missionaries in the
last quarter of the sixteenth century. The best brands come from the
provinces of Isabela and Cagayán. Its cultivation and export has been,
and is, of great importance, immense quantities both of cigars and
leaf tobacco being shipped chiefly to China, Japan, the East Indies,
the United Kingdom, Spain, and Australasia. About thirty thousand
people were employed in making cigars and cigarettes in the province
of Manila, most of them women. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 295,
296, iii, p. 165; Bowring, pp. 309, 310; Sawyer, pp. 131-133, 158;
_Report_ of Philippine Commission (1901), iii, pp. 267-269; and
_U. S. Philippine Gazetteer_, pp. 75, 76.
[107] The royal assembly was the council whom the governor-general
had to assist him in his decisions, and they shared with him, to a
certain point, the authority. They counterbalanced his powers, and,
during the vacancy, took his place in the command.--_Montero y Vidal_.
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Volume XVII, 1609-1616, by Various
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