The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume
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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume VIII (of 55), 1591-1593
Author: Emma Helen Blair
Release Date: October 14, 2004 [EBook #13742]
Language: English
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THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century
Volume VIII, 1591-1593
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
Contents of Volume VIII
Preface ... 9
Documents of 1591
The collection of tributes in the Filipinas Islands
(_concluded_). Domingo de Salazar, and others; Manila,
January-March ... 25
Liberty of the Indians in the Philippinas. Gregory XIV;
Rome, April 18 ... 70
Articles of contract for the conquest of
Mindanao. Gomez Perez Dasmariñas and Estevan Rodriguez
de Figueroa; Manila, May 12 ... 73
Ordinance forbidding the Indians to wear Chinese
stuffs. G. P. Dasmariñas, and others; Manila, April
9-May 20 ... 78
Account of the encomiendas in the Philipinas
Islands. [G. P. Dasmariñas]; Manila, May 31 ... 96
Letter to Felipe II. G. P. Dasmariñas; Manila, June
20 ... 142
The fortification of Manila. G. P. Dasmariñas; Manila,
June 20 ... 169
Investigations at Manila concerning trade with
Macan. Melchor de Baeca, and others; Manila, May
23-November 19 ... 174
Documents of 1592
Opinions of the religious communities on the war with
the Zambales. Juan de Valderrama, and others; Manila,
January 19-20 ... 199
Letter of congratulation to the bishop, clergy,
and people of the Philippines. Clement VIII; Rome,
March 25 ... 234
Letter to Felipe II. G. P. Dasmariñas; Manila, May
31 ... 236
Rules for the Manila hospital. G. P. Dasmariñas;
[Manila, May 31] ... 245
Expedition to Tuy. [Luis Perez Dasmariñas]; Manila,
June 1 ... 250
Two letters to Felipe II. G. P. Dasmariñas; Manila,
June 6, 11 ... 252
An embassy from Japan. Hideyoshi, and others; 1591-92
... 260
Three letters to Felipe II. G. P. Dasmariñas; June 20,
July 6 ... 268
Luzón menaced by Japanese. [G. P. Dasmariñas; Manila,
1592] ... 284
Documents of 1593
Letter to Governor Dasmariñas. Felipe II; Madrid,
January 17 ... 301
Two royal decrees. Felipe II; Madrid, January 17,
and February 11 ... 312
Bibliographical Data ... 319
Illustrations
Autograph signatures of Augustinian officials; photographic
facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla
... 215
Autograph signatures of Dominican officials; photographic
facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla
... 223
Autograph signature of Antonio Sedeño, S. J.; photographic
facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla
... 227
Autograph signature of Pedro Baptista, O.S.F.; photographic
facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla
... 231
Preface
In this volume are recorded the more important events in the history of
the Philippine colony during the years 1591-92. The dissensions between
the secular and the ecclesiastical authorities continue, though the
governor asks, in various important public affairs, the advice of the
religious orders, and in view of a threatened invasion by the Japanese,
appeals to the ecclesiastics to cease their opposition to his measures,
and aid his efforts to save the colony. Dasmariñas does all in his
power for its defense and increase; but the unfriendly attitude of
the ecclesiastics, the restrictions laid on commerce, the poverty of
the public treasury, and the greed of officials and other influential
residents, all greatly hinder and embarrass his efforts. A papal decree
orders the Indian slaves in the islands to be freed. Explorations are
made in northern Luzón, opening up a rich and important region; and
the conquest of Mindanao is undertaken. The Chinese trade continues to
call for special measures: the Spanish residents of the islands ask
for permission from the home government to trade with the Portuguese
colony of Macao; and, in order to encourage the Indians to keep up
their native industries, they are forbidden to wear Chinese stuffs. A
revolt of the Zambales and Negritos of western Luzón is quelled, and
the surviving insurgents are dispersed or enslaved. The emperor of
Japan demands from the Spaniards of the islands tribute and homage,
which excites in their minds apprehensions of coming war.
The document of 1591 relating to the collection of tributes in the
islands, begun in _Vol_. VII, is here concluded. The bishop asks the
governor to let him know his decision regarding such collection;
the latter replies (February 8) that he cannot make any change in
present conditions without further orders from the king; and issues
(February 28) a decree regulating the collection of tributes. A dispute
between the bishop and the governor ensues, followed by letters (dated
March 4-21) interchanged by them, which are an interesting revelation
of the relations between the religious and secular authorities, and
of the conflicting interests involved therein. The governor repels
(March 8) the accusation that he has been the mouthpiece of others;
defends the Jesuits from any suspicion of unfriendliness toward the
bishop; and complains that he is still attacked in the pulpit. In
another letter (dated March 19) Dasmariñas makes suggestions to the
bishop regarding the best means of meeting the religious needs of the
Indians with the small number of priests who can be thus employed. He
denies that he has any partiality for the Augustinians over the
other orders and makes various explanations regarding his attitude
toward the orders. He then urges the bishop to follow his suggestions,
and thus to fulfil his obvious and pressing duties--advising Salazar
not to meddle with the encomenderos, and other matters which do not
concern his office. Dasmariñas also complains that the bishop does
not provide laymen to instruct the natives; that he allows the Indians
to come to Manila too often with their complaints, and that there are
irregularities in the appointment of clergymen to benefices. Salazar
replies (March 21) to this epistle, manifesting little confidence
in the promises made by the secular authorities, and calling for
their fulfilment. The bishop complains of the wrongs that are being
perpetrated, and of the curtailment of his own authority. He claims
that he has the right to decide whether a religious order may take
possession of a new field. He discusses the governor's suggestions
regarding the provision of clergymen for various districts, and
explains what he is willing to do. He objects to placing one friar
alone in a village, and desires to leave the assignment of the friars'
charge to their superiors--citing for this the arrangements already
adopted in Mexico regarding this matter; he also objects to any
interference with his priests by the governor, rebukes the latter for
assuming to instruct his bishop in the episcopal duties, and asserts
his own rights and privileges. Salazar declares that he cannot find
suitable laymen to instruct the Indians, and that they come to him for
help and counsel because the governor treats them so ungraciously. He
no longer fills the office of "protector of the Indians," for it has
brought him only sorrow, and he cannot do for them what he desires.
A decree of Gregory XIV (dated April 18, 1591) requires restitution
to the Indians for the losses caused to them in the conquest of the
Philippines, according to the ability of the individual conquerors;
and sets free all Indian slaves in the islands. On May 12 of that
year are signed articles of contract for the conquest of Mindanao,
a task which is undertaken by Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa (the same
officer formerly sent thither by Sande). He is to establish at least
one settlement there; and encomiendas are to be allotted, the most
important being reserved for the crown, and one-third of the remainder
for the conqueror. Certain documents dated between April 9 and May 20,
1591, relate to a municipal ordinance (March 30) forbidding the Indians
to wear silks or other stuffs from China. Dasmariñas institutes an
inquiry (April 9) into the results of this on the natives, and the
possibility that the decree should be suspended in some cases. Ten
witnesses, converted Indian chiefs, testify that the importation of
Chinese goods has ruined the native industries, and demoralized the
people; and that the ordinance should be enforced.
A document unsigned, but prepared by order of the governor (dated
May 31, 1591), gives "a detailed account of the encomiendas in the
Philippinas Islands," royal and private, pacified and hostile, with
and without instruction; the names of the encomenderos, and the number
of the tributarios, religious ministers, and magistrates in each. At
the beginning is given a description of the city of Manila, with
the churches, public buildings, governmental and municipal offices,
Parián, etc. There are some three thousand Chinese in the islands,
two-thirds of whom live in the Parián, where they have two hundred
shops. There are so many friars in Manila that some of them might
well be sent to districts where ministers are lacking. At the end of
the document is a brief summary of the above statistics. The writer
concludes that the number of religious teachers ought to be at least
doubled, and "even more, for when they arrive here, one-fourth of
these will have died"--pathetic commentary on the hardships of a
voyage across the Pacific.
At the end of his first year as governor, Dasmariñas writes (June 20,
1591) a report for that period. Delay in receiving the royal despatches
before leaving Spain has prevented him from obtaining the money which
he was to expend in building the Manila cathedral, and the amount
raised for this purpose at Manila had been much lessened by poor
management; but he has stopped the waste (mainly in large salaries),
and is pushing the work as fast as he can. He has aided the hospitals,
but they need much more help, for they are crowded with patients on
account of the unhealthful climate. He complains that the bishop
hinders his attempts to obtain a statement of accounts from the
Franciscan friars in charge of the hospital for Indians; the king
thereupon orders that this matter be officially investigated, and
that the governor take possession of both hospitals in the name of
his Majesty. Dasmariñas recommends that more ministers of religion
be furnished for the Indians, and sends an exact statement of the
encomiendas and their religious needs (the document preceding this). He
places before the king the problem of collecting the tributes, which he
has recently been discussing with the clergy and friars; summarizes the
position of the latter thereon, and his own arguments with the bishop;
and complains that the latter is arrogant and self-willed. Another
letter of the same date reports his measures for fortifying the city;
he imposes a tax of two per cent on all shipments of goods from the
islands. The bishop opposes this measure, as do the members of the
late Audiencia, apparently because it touches their personal interests
too closely.
In the summer of the same year, the citizens of Manila ask that they
may be allowed to trade with the inhabitants of Macao, the Portuguese
settlement in China. Dasmariñas orders an inquiry to be made into this
matter, and has various witnesses examined. This is done according
to a detailed interrogatory--the witnesses testifying that the
Portuguese of Macao trade with the Philippine Islands, with much
profit and advantage; that the trade of Macao is rapidly increasing
in extent and range, and yet does not notably decrease the abundance
of goods to be had at that port; that, if the Spaniards trade there,
it will be much easier to introduce the gospel into China; that
hitherto no trading ships have gone from the Philippines to India;
that trade with Macao will enrich the islands; that the Portuguese at
Macao have plundered a ship sent thither by Dasmariñas; and that the
Chinese desire the trade of the Spaniards. To this are appended various
declarations and decrees which bear upon the question discussed; and,
finally, the recommendation of Dasmariñas that the king permit trade
between the islands and Macao.
Hostilities arising with the Zambales of Luzón, the governor calls
upon the religious orders for their opinion regarding the justice
of waging war against these Indians. The Augustinians make a long
and elaborate response; they state three conditions as necessary
to make a war righteous--that he who begins it must have authority,
just cause, and righteous intention. These are explained in detail, as
general precepts, and then applied to the question now before them--all
fortified by citations from doctors of law and theology, and from the
Bible. Their conclusion is that war may be justly waged against the
Zambales. They also lay down the rules which should, _ex jure gentium_,
be followed in the conduct of such war; and end by recommending that
the Zambales, when conquered, should be transplanted to some other
district, and remodeled into an agricultural people. This document
is presented in full, as a curious and interesting example of the
reasoning employed by churchmen of that time in settling questions of
public concern, and of the opinions then current regarding the laws of
war. The Dominicans mention the evil practice of head-hunting among the
hostile tribes, and declare that the latter have no right to attack, as
they have done, the peaceable tribes; on the contrary these latter have
just cause for war on the Zambales and Negrillos. To them the question
is, whether it is, in the circumstances, expedient and necessary
for the Spaniards to attack these ferocious peoples. The fathers
consider this war as justifiable; the enemy should be destroyed,
and all who are taken captive should be enslaved for a specified
time. The Jesuits consider that the first step is to ascertain who
are guilty of inciting the outrages which the Zambales have committed
against both the Spaniards and their Indian allies--whether all of
that people, or only a few; whether their chiefs, or certain lawless
individuals. When this shall be known, then the guilty, and they
only should be punished. If the tribe as a whole, or their chiefs,
are responsible, war against them is justifiable; but it should be
waged with all possible mercy and moderation. These fathers also
recommend a limited period of enslavement for captives; and that the
women and children of the conquered people shall be removed from their
country and dispersed elsewhere in small bands--a proceeding from which
"they will receive much benefit, both spiritual and corporal." But
they protest against mutilation, except for those who shall commit
individual crimes. The Franciscan guardian renders a short opinion,
to the effect that malefactors should be punished, and highways made
safe for the Indian allies. If war be necessary to accomplish this,
then war is justifiable; but therein the innocent should be spared.
A letter of congratulation to the bishop, clergy, and people of
the Philippines is sent (March 25, 1592) by Clement VIII. On May 31,
Governor Dasmariñas writes to the king. He states that he has received
no letter from his Majesty since he arrived in the islands, and fears
that his own to Spain may be lost. The islands are generally in a
prosperous condition; trade is flourishing, the religious orders
are at peace, "and, aside from the bishop, everything is quite as
it should be." The cathedral church is complete; the seminary for
girls is established, and some of its inmates have been married,
and a new house is being erected for its use. The new fort is well
under way, and some artillery has been mounted in it. New galleys have
been built, which are manned by Zambale slaves captured in war. All
trading is now done by the royal ships, which is much less expensive
and more satisfactory. Dasmariñas recommends that private shippers
be charged a moderate rate on tonnage. The Zambales have been reduced
to subjection, their country devastated, and the survivors dispersed
in various new settlements. New explorations have been made in the
interior of Luzón; one, which seemed important, had to be abandoned
on account of sickness among the troops; half the Spanish soldiers
have died. The country is in danger of attack by the Japanese, and
needs prompt and effective succor; he asks that the troops be sent
from Castilla, "and not Creoles or exiles from Mexico." The governor
is trying to secure quicksilver, on which the Chinese have given him
prices. With this letter he sends a set of rules for the hospital.
A brief account of the expedition to Tuy is furnished (June 1, 1592)
by Luis Perez, son of Dasmariñas. He has easily pacified the natives,
who are a superior race; and expects to establish a Spanish settlement
there, another year. The governor writes (June 6) to the king to make
certain explanations about his relations with Pedro de Rojas, his legal
counselor. The letter is conceited and self-willed, prejudiced and
overbearing. Dasmariñas complains that Rojas and other late auditors
have been greedy of gain in the foreign trade, and have opposed the
governor's efforts to raise funds for necessary expenses. The latter
has ascertained what their business dealings are, of which he has
sent reports to Spain. He recommends that Rojas be transferred to
some other country, preferably not Mexico. (An endorsement on the
MS. states that Rojas has been given an appointment in Mexico.) At
the end is the "register of merchandise carried in the ship 'Sant
Felippe';" all the consignors are ecclesiastics, or officials of the
Audiencia. In another letter (June 11) Dasmariñas informs the king
of a recent embassy sent to him by a king in Japan, and sends to him
translated copies of the letters which they bring, which demand from
the Spaniards subjection and tribute, to be rendered to him. In this
emergency, they are endeavoring to prepare for possible hostilities
and Dasmariñas asks that the Mexican government be commanded to
furnish troops and supplies to the Philippines. The letter of the
Japanese ruler (written in 1591) demands, with much arrogance,
that the Spaniards render him allegiance and tribute. Dasmariñas
replies cautiously, alleging that he does not understand the Japanese
language, and fears that the envoy is making false representations;
he accordingly sends an envoy (Father Juan Cobo) to carry this letter,
with a present, to the king of Japan.
Another Letter to Felipe (June 20, 1592) recounts the difficulties
which Dasmariñas had to encounter upon arriving in the Philippines. He
is disgusted with the exorbitant claims made by the soldiers
for rewards due them for their services. He finds no ships or
supplies, and no place where the latter could be kept. He is building
storehouses, and collecting what supplies he can find. He has built
such fortifications as his means permitted; for this he has levied
various duties and contributions. He has incurred the enmity of the
bishop and friars. The royal exchequer is empty, but heavily loaded
with debts--a legacy from the Audiencia. The governor objects to the
Chinese trade, and thinks that the natives of the islands should be
induced to raise and weave their own cotton. He has issued a decree
forbidding the Chinese traders to remain in the islands; this is
violently opposed by the clergy and friars. Dasmariñas warns the king
that this measure will decrease the royal income. The bishop intends to
go to Spain, and is trying to make trouble for the governor. Another
letter of the same date is devoted to an account of his difficulties
with the ecclesiastics. He complains of their arbitrary and tyrannical
conduct, and of the bishop's headstrong and obstinate disposition,
and his interference with the conduct of secular affairs. Both he
and the friars have so used their power over the Indians that the
latter "recognize no other king or superior than the father of the
doctrina, and are more attentive to his commands than to those of
the governor." Dasmariñas accuses them of practically enslaving the
natives for their own service and benefit; and the bishop of taking
for his personal use the money entrusted to him for restitutions to
the Indians. The clergy "are all better merchants than students of
Latin." The governor thinks that it will be best to send the bishop to
Spain. In another letter (July 9), he complains of the evils arising
from the unregulated marriages of the widows and minor heirs who have
inherited encomiendas, and suggests that he be empowered to control
such marriages.
Two papers unsigned and undated, but evidently emanating from the
governor, contain suggestions for precautions to be taken by the
Spaniards in view of the threatened hostilities by the Japanese. These
suggestions are submitted to a council of war and to the religious
houses, respectively. Among the former are the expulsion of Japanese
and Chinese traders from Manila; the accumulation of provisions;
agreement that no one will, if captured, accept ransom; and
establishment of a refuge in the hills near Manila for the women,
children, and sick. The religious are asked to give their opinion
on certain points: whether it would not be well to take from the
Indians their gold, as a pledge for their good behavior in the event
of hostilities; to induce the Christianized natives to remove inland
to more secure locations, there to produce rice and other supplies; to
seize the property of the Chinese and place it in the warehouses of the
city, and break up the Parián; and to oblige the encomenderos to store
in the city the provisions which they collect as tributes. Another
communication from the governor is addressed to the ecclesiastics. He
reminds them of their persistent opposition to his measures, but
urges them, in view of the common danger that threatens the colony,
to unite with him in efforts to repel it and to save the country.
A letter from Felipe to Dasmariñas (January 17, 1593) commends the
governor's faithfulness and care in his office, and replies to various
suggestions made in his dispatches. Dasmariñas is to take possession
of the hospitals for the king, restrain the assumption of authority by
the bishop, and not allow him to meddle with the payment of salaries
to the priests. The religious orders are not to interfere with civil
affairs. Dasmariñas shall appoint, in place of the bishop, a protector
of the Indians. All the tributes are to be increased by two reals; and
the royal fifth shall be exacted as soon as practicable. The soldiers
are not to be allowed to trade, beyond the amount of a few hundred
pesos; the governor may, at his discretion, permit some to return to
Nueva España. The removal of the Chinese traders from Manila is left to
the governor's judgment. Workmen in the islands are to be paid there,
from the royal treasury. The duties levied by Dasmariñas are approved
and continued. With this letter go two decrees; one (dated on the same
day) ordains that suits involving one thousand ducados or less may be
concluded in the court of the islands, and those for larger sums may
be appealed to the Audiencia of Mexico. The other (dated February 11)
restricts the trade with China to the inhabitants of the Philippines,
and forbids those of the American colonies (except those of Nueva
España) to trade, not only with China, but even with the Philippines.
_The Editors_ October, 1903.
Documents of 1591
The collection of tributes in the Filipinas
(_concluded_). Domingo de Salazar, and others; January-March.
Liberty of the Indians in the Philippinas. Gregory XIV;
April 18.
Articles of contract for the conquest of
Mindanao. G. P. Dasmariñas and Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa;
May 12.
Ordinance forbidding the Indians to wear Chinese
stuffs. G. P. Dasmariñas and others; April 9-May 20.
Account of the encomiendas in the Philippinas
Islands. [G. P. Dasmariñas]; May 31.
Letter to Felipe II. G. P. Dasmariñas; June 20.
The fortification of Manila. G. P. Dasmariñas; June 20.
Investigations at Manila concerning trade with Macan. Melchor
de Baeça, and others; May 23-November 19.
_Sources_: All but two of these documents are obtained from original
MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The papal decree is
found in Hernaez's _Colección de bulas_, i, p. 108; the account of
encomiendas is taken from Retana's _Archivo del bibliófilo filipino_,
iv, pp. 41-111.
_Translations_: Such part of the first document as appears in
this volume is translated by Norman F. Hall; the second is by
Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A., of Villanova College; the third and
fifth, by James A. Robertson; the fourth, by Herman G. A. Brauer,
of the University of Wisconsin; the sixth, by José M. and Clara
M. Asensio; the seventh, by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University of
Wisconsin; the eighth, by Alfonso de Salvio, of Harvard University.
The Collection of Tributes in the Filipinas Islands (_concluded_)
Letter from the Bishop to the Governor
_Jesus_
Inasmuch as your Lordship wrote to me at San Francisco del Monte that
the encomenderos were urgently seeking from you permission to make
collections from their encomiendas, I despatched to you from that
place an answer to the letter which your Lordship wrote to me after
having received my statement and that of the other theologians of
the bishopric who think carefully about this matter. I had therein
represented to your Lordship some of the difficulties which might
result from carrying into execution some of the plans proposed in the
aforesaid statement. In the reply, I solved these difficulties; and
have since been waiting to learn what your Lordship has communicated
to the encomenderos regarding collections in the encomiendas which
are without religious instruction. Since I must inform all confessors
who are outside the city how they are to deal in the confessional
with the aforesaid encomenderos, I pray your Lordship to favor me by
advising me of your transactions with these encomenderos, so that
we may all be of one mind, express ourselves in harmony, and avoid
dissensions among ourselves, which are wont to be the cause of many
evils. It is necessary that your Lordship should inform me promptly;
for messages must be sent to some districts remote from here, and,
if I do not write at once, I shall be unable to send word to the
confessors in time. May God guard your Lordship. From this house,
on Ash Wednesday of the year 91.
_The Bishop_
Reply by the Governor
Yesterday I received a letter from your Lordship in which you request
me to inform you what resolutions and plans I have adopted in the
matter of collecting the tributes. I reply that besides the former
statements and conclusions which your Lordship has written on this
subject in such learned fashion, I have read also the last decision and
statement thereon which your Lordship sent me in reply to my letter
to you on this subject. I answer that all this comes as from your
most reverend hand, and is most holy and excellent. But on account of
those very obstacles which I represented to you, which every day are
constraining me more and more, I dare not undertake any innovation,
or put into execution a doctrine which will expose all our affairs
to such risk.
The point on which your Lordship and I most differ is concerning the
pacified encomiendas which possess justice and religious instruction;
and in those also pacified which enjoy justice, but are without
religious instruction. The king grants to neither your Lordship
nor myself authority to deal with these encomiendas, nor in his
instructions does his Majesty mention or raise any doubt in regard to
them; he discusses only those which are disaffected, or were never
pacified. Consequently, the other encomiendas must remain in their
present condition, without making any changes, until such time as
his Majesty shall make other provisions. I therefore state that my
opinion and final decision is that which your Lordship may see in this
document. I trust that your Lordship will strive to conform thereto;
if you cannot, please give an account of your opinion of it to his
Majesty, so that he may declare what action we are to take. In the
meantime, I shall order the encomenderos and the collectors to act in
accordance with my decision; and I have no more to say on this matter,
and shall make no changes. As far as I am concerned, this discussion
is closed for the present, and settled until I shall receive further
orders from my king; for this decision is what I consider best for
his royal service. From the office, February 8, 1591.
[Salazar writes a short letter (dated Feb. 14) to Dasmariñas, urging
him to adopt the measures proposed by the clergy; but, as it contains
no new information, we do not present it here.]
Order Issued by the Governor for Collection of the Tributes
I, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor and captain-general of these
Islas Philipinas for the king our lord: Inasmuch as I am notified, by
the decrees and instructions of his Majesty, wherein he commands and
charges me to exert myself to check the excesses and lawless acts which
are prevalent in the collection of the tributes in the encomiendas
belonging to his Majesty, as well as those of the other encomenderos,
I have looked into this matter; and, with all the care and attention
I could give, I have consulted and conferred as to the best order
and method that should be employed in the aforesaid collections,
in order that God and the king, our lord, may be served. Therefore,
in order that the Indians may not be annoyed or aforesaid excesses--it
is fitting that the procedure is not due them, to put an end to the
evils and wrongs which have existed in this business, and to check
the aforesaid excesses--it is fitting that the procedure which is to
be henceforth followed be understood and established. Accordingly,
by this present I do order and command that in the collection of
tributes, not only in the encomiendas of the king but in all others,
the following rules and conditions shall be observed:
First: In the encomiendas of his Majesty as well as in those of private
persons, where they have Christian instruction and the administration
of secular justice for the maintenance of law and order, the entire
tribute levied may be collected from the natives; and the encomendero
is bound, with that part of the tribute which falls to him, to aid in
the support of the minister or ministers of religion who belong to
his encomienda. The said tribute shall be collected in its entirety
in the aforesaid encomiendas where justice and religious instruction
exist, and equally from all the Indians therein, whether believers
or unbelievers. I also order all encomenderos who are or shall be
appointed in the encomiendas, to provide with the utmost punctuality
and promptness, each in his own encomienda, that part of the tribute
which is due from them for the maintenance of religious teaching,
churches, and all other purposes of religion, under penalty of being
deprived of their encomiendas; and the collectors, under the penalties
hereinafter written, which will be most vigorously executed.
_Item_: In those encomiendas where justice is administered, but where,
through lack of ministers, there is no religious instruction, the
tribute shall be collected, reserving that part which would be due
to the minister, if they had one--namely, a fourth part of the tax,
a little more or less, which part shall be left and freely surrendered
to the Indians.
_Item_: In those encomiendas which, on account of their remoteness,
have neither justice nor religious instruction, no tribute shall be
collected until such time as God shall order the affairs of these
islands; and his Majesty, informed of their condition, shall make
other provisions, in order that he may be better served.
_Item_: The same is decreed for those encomiendas which are disaffected
or have never been pacified. No collection shall be made in this case
except from those encomiendas which, having once been pacified, and
having rendered obedience to his Majesty, shall without any just cause
rise in rebellion. From those encomiendas may be taken such part of
the tribute as can conveniently be collected, for their preservation
and by way of recognition; and whatever small portion his Majesty
may order, and what the lord bishop cites, may be collected.
And since, according to the above, no tribute is to be levied where
there is no justice, occasion is offered for many parts of these
islands--which, on account of their great distance, are beyond its
reach--to become turbulent and rebellious as soon as they realize that
they are released from tribute which is now collected from them. Most
pernicious consequences [would follow (?) _--illegible in MS_.] and
many other districts would be disloyal and rebellious; and it would
be necessary, when they should have sufficient religious instruction,
to go back and win them and [_illegible in MS_.] anew. Assiduous
efforts shall be made to provide, as quickly as possible, justice
in the aforesaid encomiendas. Where it is now lacking, I charge
the encomenderos to inform me of such districts and territories,
with their topography and location; also of the number of those
who pay tributes, so that I may appoint accordingly, in each
encomienda, an alcalde-mayor, or a deputy, or others, if necessary,
who may be suitable persons for such offices. They will have salaries
sufficiently large to enable them to administer justice to the natives,
protecting and defending them against anyone who would injure them, and
maintaining such intercourse and friendship with them as will incline
them to receive religious instruction when they shall have it. Thus in
all the encomiendas which have this justice and preparation, as soon
as it is known what benefits are conferred upon the natives by those
ministers of justice, in influencing and governing them, as above
stated, authority will be given to the encomenderos to collect the
three-fourths of the tribute, as I have said. But in the meantime,
none of it shall be imposed or levied; and as soon as justice is
established, efforts shall also be made, until religious ministers
shall come, to employ a layman or laymen of virtuous life and example,
in order to instruct the natives, to the best of their ability, in
the things of our holy faith; and such persons shall receive some
benefice, in accordance with the royal right of presentation.
The encomenderos shall fulfil and observe all the aforesaid orders,
under penalty of being deprived of their encomiendas. In encomiendas
belonging to his Majesty, and in those of other and private persons
when the encomenderos shall--by order, or through any other lawful
impediment--be prevented from making the collections personally, in
case these collectors should exceed just bounds they shall be fined
five hundred pesos for his Majesty's treasury, and half the expenses
of any war thus caused. In addition, they shall make good any losses
caused by them to the said Indians, and shall pay all costs. The
aforesaid persons are likewise ordered to make the collections with
all possible gentleness and equity, observing the other instructions
of his Majesty concerning the manner of collecting tributes. The
Indians shall pay in kind, or in such articles as they prefer to
give. I also order that an authorized copy of this my decree be
furnished to each and every one of the encomenderos or collectors who
shall engage in the aforesaid collections. This decree I order and
command to be observed, fulfilled, and executed, under the penalties
above stated, for the present and until such time as his Majesty,
when well informed of the present state of affairs in this land,
which has been mentioned above, shall make suitable provisions in
these and all other matters, according to his pleasure. Upon the
first occasion that offers itself there shall be sent on my part
and that of the encomenderos of this commonwealth, to his Majesty,
a detailed and careful account of what is here decreed and ordered,
as well as what the lord bishop suggests and advises; so that his
Majesty, having examined both sides of this question, may make such
provisions and so direct our course that God and his Majesty may
be best served, and all may have the same object. Done in Manila,
on the twenty-eighth of February in the year 1591.
Letter from the Bishop to the Governor
[Evidently as the result of a dispute between these two dignitaries,
Salazar writes (March 4) a letter to Dasmariñas, deprecating any
hostility between them, defending his own position, ascribing the
differences between them to intermeddlers, and prophesying evil to
the country if Dasmariñas maintains his present purposes in regard
to the tributes. He criticizes the governor's decree in various
points--the permission to collect three-fourths of the amount levied;
the appointment of more officials (in most of whom the bishop has no
confidence); and the importance attached therein to the administration
of justice in the encomiendas, as compared with the provision of
religious instruction.]
Since your Lordship cares so little for these arguments, know that the
reason which induced his Majesty to command that in Nueva España there
should be no fiscals was, that they wrought injury to the Indians;
... and yet he had not so much certainty of the evil deeds committed
by the fiscals as he has of those done by the alcaldes-mayor and
the deputies. ... Among other decrees which, I am told, Doctor
Vera brought when he came here as president of this Audiencia, is
one commanding him to be very cautious in creating alcaldes-mayor,
on account of the injury thus occasioned to the country. ... You say
that you do not dare to make changes, lest the encomenderos abandon
their encomiendas, or become disaffected; and yet you know that all the
inhabitants of these islands, whether or not they possess encomiendas,
have been and now are faithful and loyal vassals to their king; and
that nothing which could occur, even to the injury of their property
or lives, would prevent them from rendering obedience to his Majesty's
commands. This is one of the things in which the inhabitants of these
islands can take most pride, and his Majesty should most highly value
them, on account of the fidelity with which they have served him,
at the cost of their lives and possessions. [The king confers the
encomiendas upon certain persons, who thus assume obligations to
the Indians; that they may fulfil these, he orders them to collect
the tributes. Accordingly, the alcaldes-mayor do not appear in the
king's provisions regarding this matter, and Salazar questions the
governor's right to appoint them.] Neither the king of Castilla nor
his ministers can exercise, in regard to the Indians, more authority
than what the church confers upon them; and the church has not over
the infidels as much authority as some who think otherwise have given
your Lordship to understand. ... The church did not grant'lordship
over the Indians to the kings of Castilla with the principal object of
establishing justice among them, but did so in order that they should
furnish to the natives religious instruction--which always, and in
every instance, can and ought to be given them. [No tribute should
be imposed upon the Indians unless religious instruction is given to
them; and to allow them the fourth part of the tax is not to benefit
their souls. The bishop insists that the governor is responsible for
taking such measures as shall remedy the present abuses, and urges
him to accept the plan proposed by the clergy.] If your Lordship,
after reading what I here state, shall decide to pursue and carry into
execution the opinion and resolution which you have communicated to
me, I cannot, without violating the obligations of my office, decline
to release the consciences of those whom I have in charge. From this
your Lordship's house, on the fourth of March of the year 1591.
_Fray Domingo_, Bishop of the Filipinas.
Letter from the Governor to the Bishop
[Two days later (March 6) Dasmariñas answers, at considerable length,
the letter written by the bishop. He adopts a conciliatory tone,
disclaiming any intention to be arbitrary, unfair, or unfriendly. He
explains his position in regard to the collection of tributes,
saying that the plan laid down in his recent decree is but temporary,
awaiting only the provision by the king of a sufficient number of
religious teachers. He reminds Salazar that encomiendas and tributes
were established in the land as soon as the Spaniards had obtained
a foothold there, when only some half-score priests were to be
had. Religious instruction is the chief but not the only reason for
collecting tributes; and, until it shall be adequately provided, it
is but reasonable to collect for the benefit of justice bestowed upon
the Indians. The tax also is very moderate; "since an Indian pays
here one peso, while in Nueva España he pays three or four pesos,
by way of tribute."] The advantages resulting to the Indians are
not so small as your Lordship thinks. If we had no other example of
this, the one which is afforded by the province of Pintados would
be sufficiently convincing--seeing that, before the Spaniards came
to these islands, and even after they came, the inhabitants voyaged
from one island to another with many boats, assaulting, plundering,
and murdering one another, not only in their fleets by sea, but
in armed bands on the land. It was only after they had intercourse
and communication with the Spaniards--although they had no religious
instruction, and in most regions no justice--that factions, and raids,
and assaults have ceased among them. This is no insignificant gain,
to say nothing of many others, which, as I have said, result from
the establishment of justice, in their better government, order, and
preparation for receiving religious instruction, which is our principal
object. Dasmariñas admits that religion is more important than
justice; but the latter is so much more expensive that it justifies
the appropriation of a larger share of the revenues; moreover, the
encomendero should be allowed enough for his support, and for that
of his family and the soldiers whom he must support (usually eight
or ten in number). A parallel case is seen in the relative positions
of himself and the bishop; the latter's office is certainly a higher
dignity, and of greater importance, yet he receives but two thousand
(pesos?), while the governor has twelve thousand; but the latter is
thus remunerated because he incurs much greater expense. The governor
claims that his instructions command him to consult the bishop only
in reference to affairs in the districts which are mutinous, or have
never been pacified; and cites the instructions further to show that
he is justified in collecting tributes where religious instruction is
not given, and that the bishop's privileges in the conduct of affairs
are only advisory, not authoritative. Moreover, the opinions which
the religious orders have furnished to him show that they disagree
with the bishop in many important particulars--not to mention that
the bishop and the religious superiors signed their approval of his
plan in this matter, soon after his arrival. Dasmariñas has already
compelled the encomenderos to refrain from collecting the fourth
part of the tax when they do not provide the Indians with religious
instruction--a reform which had never been secured until he made
it. He advises the bishop to institute another reform by insisting
that the encomenderos shall not collect any tributes until they shall
have provided for the Indians both religion and justice.
I do not understand how it can seem to your Lordship that to provide
the land with justice is to bring about its destruction. Your Lordship
has, indeed, told me that, when the alcalde-mayor is what he should
be, he better edifies and preaches than any minister of religion
whatever. Thus far, I have not found any of these officials who are
bad, except those of whom your Lordship has made some complaints to
me, and whose evil-doing is proved by naught else than the opinion
of your Lordship.
It seems to your Lordship that I wish to appoint too large a number of
these alcaldes-mayor; but one day your Lordship asked me to appoint
some of them. Since I have come to this land, I have established
a new administration of justice in the island of Masbate; and good
results which have followed, can be stated by the father custodian,
who arrived yesterday from that island, and is well acquainted with
the excellent result there. Hitherto, tribute has been collected there
in the absence of every form of religious teaching, or administration
of justice; but now, only from their intercourse and relations with
the Spaniards and from having justice established at once among them,
they have already made such progress that they demand a minister,
and even the blacks have come down from the interior to settle near us.
[The governor reminds the bishop that the progress of religion among
the heathen must depend upon the foundation established for that good
work by secular government; and that if this be not maintained the land
will relapse into barbarism, and the Spaniards will be compelled to
abandon what they have begun to build in the islands.] Your Lordship
should make some estimate of the damage which would result therefrom
to the king our lord and his royal treasury; for according to that his
Majesty would have to find one hundred and fifty thousand pesos and
more with which to make restitution, to say nothing of thirty thousand
of income which he would lose; for all the encomiendas are his. These
islands would be left without one soldier, and your Lordship and the
religious would alone remain; but within eight days there would be
none of you left. Your Lordship may be sure of one thing: until I
receive express orders from my king to do so, I can make no change
whatever in regard to the encomiendas, by reducing or cutting off
their income. It is twenty-six years since they were first instituted,
and during twelve years your Lordship has known that they were in
this condition; and yet you have until now maintained silence. [The
governor again declares that he will not change his attitude; and that
he has no right to interfere between the king and the encomenderos. It
is his business to establish justice, and the encomenderos are bound
to provide instruction; but they must have the means to do so.] Your
Lordship does not provide religious to minister to the Indians,
because you have none; but you have never been willing to give these
good Christian laymen whom I have mentioned permission to go among
them meanwhile to do this good work, although the encomenderos have
many times asked for them, both since and before I came here. But your
Lordship replies that you are not willing that any layman should teach
them to make the sign of the cross; accordingly nothing is done for
them. [The governor justifies some minor provisions of his decree,
on a basis practically the same as has already been set forth; and,
in his turn, cites various learned theologians. He requests the bishop
to prevent the clergy from discussing this subject in their pulpits,
as they have often done, which is not fitting to the uses of a house
dedicated to God.]
Letter from Salazar to Dasmariñas
[The bishop replies (March 8) to the foregoing letter, which he
accuses of being inspired by others than the governor--presumably
by the Jesuits, since the name of Joseph de Acosta rouses Salazar
to anger; he declares that "the doctrine contained in that book [1]
is exceedingly pernicious, and erroneous in regard to the Indias,"
and warns the governor that under their guidance he will infallibly
plunge into many errors. The land will go to ruin, and the governor and
his advisers will be responsible therefor. He defends himself against
what he considers unjust aspersions on his character, and remonstrates
against the governor's neglect of his counsels. He promises to put
a stop to the preaching by his clergy on public matters. The salary
due him is greatly in arrears, which has caused him much privation;
but he does not wish to receive it if it shall proceed from unjust
collection of the tributes.]
Letter from Dasmariñas to Salazar
I have received your Lordship's letter dated today. When your Lordship
says that, with the great number of opinions I am trying to weaken
yours, I can only reply that my intention certainly has not been such,
but to tell your Lordship with all plainness and truth the state of
the case--which is that I have learned whether this is the general
sentiment of the theologians of this bishopric, as your Lordship said
it was in your conclusions. Even if it were so, I could not do more
than leave it in the same state in which it was, and report it to his
Majesty. But, my lord, if I find some other expression of opinion in
clinging to the majority, I do not think that I am mistaken in it;
and to this end alone I wrote to your Lordship--certainly not that you
should be troubled by what did not come into my thought. Still less
would I have you think that I made use of anyone in writing the letter
which I sent to your Lordship last night, for I certify, upon the life
of my son Luis, that (although that letter seems to your Grace to be
a large harvest from my little stock) there is not in it one word by
another person, save what suggested itself to me from my own papers
and discourses; for all that I wrote there I have told you already
at various times, except those quotations from authors and from the
Council of Lima. Those I asked to be given to me, from memory, by the
person who mentioned them to me as authority for what he stated and
thought; and I quoted them there that your Lordship might see that
I had not made up my mind without foundation. All this I had need of
in order to justify myself in your eyes, for it seems to you that I
could not reply without the help of assistants; but thus far neither
my king nor his advisers have noticed in me such a deficiency as
that. On another occasion your Lordship told me, in Saint Agustin,
[2] that I had read Father Acosta, although I have never in my life
seen his book; and when your Lordship says that his doctrine is very
pernicious, I have nothing to reply but that no book is written by
any father of the Society which is not very carefully looked over
and examined and approved by all the members. But before God, and
in the name of the holy season [Lent] in which we are, I protest
to your Lordship that all these fathers have not erred toward your
Lordship in anything except that, at my request, they said what they
felt. They are very devoted to you; and if there is in my letter
anything worthy of blame, the fault is mine. I say this that your
Lordship may not lay it upon anyone to whom it does not belong. Nor
am I so fond of the far-fetched reasonings of others that in order
to write a letter I need to use anything but the argument which the
subject itself and its accompanying circumstances carry with them. And
one occurs to me now, which is that matter of having laymen, for lack
of religious ministers, look after and bring together the Indians and
instruct them in our holy faith. This, I say, is in conformity with
the royal right of appointment, where the king expressly orders it;
and although your Lordship says that it is not to be believed that
the king with so much risk should have put into my hands alone so
important a business, I am satisfied with myself and I think that his
Majesty is. For any business which is not of my profession I shall not
direct by my own judgment; in this matter, accordingly, I consulted
with those whose business it was, and I pray your Lordship to tell me
if I did wrong in this. Your Grace says that I am new in the islands,
and unlettered; and on the other hand you say that those with whom
I have consulted are misleading me and are mistaken. I do not know
then what recourse your Lordship leaves for me to find it out, if,
as you say, I am a new arrival, and not a theologian, and you take
away from me the recourse to the experienced and the theologians. Now
since enough has been written and answered about this, I beg of your
Lordship not to weary yourself with answering this letter, which
is written only not to leave yours without reply. At least do not
answer until the treatise is finished which you say you are composing,
in which may it please the divine goodness to give your Lordship so
much light that his Majesty, seeing it, may confirm it and approve
it as a thing from your hand--with the result that all may be of
one opinion in this island, and that all the service of God may be
set in order and freed from difficulties, and that these divisions
and encounters may cease; for I assure your Lordship that in many
ways the state is very much scandalized, and that that matter is ill
carried out which you said would be improved concerning the pulpits,
for this affair was discussed with no little liberty in that place
today. May our Lord keep your Lordship. From the office, March 8, 1591.
Letter from the Governor to the Bishop
As your Lordship was absent from this city, and many things presented
themselves to me which were important to the service of God and of his
Majesty, and needed remedy, it seemed to me that in order to provide
for them it would be best for me to represent them to your Lordship
in this letter; and I beg of you to see to them in order that they
may be provided for and adjusted as may be most fitting and may best
serve our Lord.
The preaching of the gospel is the matter in which we serve God
most in these regions to which it came so late; and this is the
first intention of his Holiness and of his Majesty, and it is the
principal care which your Lordship and all of us who have come here
must have. Yet, although this is so, there is nothing which needs
more to be provided for and set right than this, on account of the
lack which there is of ministers, whether clergy or religious, to
do this work. For although his Majesty in his holy zeal has sent
so many and continues to send them, there is need of a great many
more, considering the many regions which we must reach. So we must
not only make all possible efforts to have a sufficient number of
ministers come, but must try to find means to distribute in so wide
a field the force that we have here, endeavoring with all equality
to arrange and stretch the line as much as possible, that there may
not be an over-abundance in some parts and a distinct lack in others;
but rather we should act as one who has much to cover and but little
cloth, who plies the shears with no little prudence, being watchful
in marking his outline to see how it can reach here and there. This
may cause some inconvenience to the religious themselves, for it
comes to this [_illegible in MS_.] since we have not the fulness
and abundance that there is in España. I have already asked this
from your Lordship at other times, as being one who was under such
obligations to set about it, as well for the good of the souls as for
the temporal good of the king and of his encomenderos, by selecting
and distributing ministers in order that thus religious instruction
may be communicated and spread. For this the following [_illegible
in MS_.] plans occur to me, if they seem suitable to your Lordship.
The new settlement of La Hermita and Malate may be all one
administration. Paranaque and Cavite at least can be another; and,
by establishing a house for religious at Cavite, Paranaque and the
tingues ["hills"] may be administered by visit, and also the lowlands
of Tuley and Limbo. In this way there will remain three clergymen who
can minister elsewhere, because [_illegible in MS_.] which is a great
burden. The Augustinian fathers are able to give enough instruction
to [meet (?) _ - illegible in MS_.] their obligation; and they will
accept it and take charge of it without any more alms being given
them. I would save up what is given there, in order to bestow it
somewhere else; for there are so many places where there is need of
it. Moreover, two religious could be taken from Vatan, because there
are four there, and two are sufficient, and there are not enough alms
given for more. Furthermore, Father Leon is a very good speaker; and
the dean, as he wishes to advance him, can employ him in the ministry.
The king's villages in Ylocos are for the most part without religious
instruction; and the Augustinian fathers say that it should be given to
some of them because, as they are new Christians, they do not confess
yet. Thus, if the convents were near, a few might remain alone until
there should be plenty of ministers; since now all that they can do
is to baptize them and prepare them for subsequent confession. It
would not be unsuitable that, for the present, while there is no
greater supply of ministers, one friar should be alone in a house,
since one clergyman is also alone, and is entrusted with the care
of a greater number of souls. Moreover, Father Carvajal is a good
interpreter and could be of use. I beg of your Lordship to insist
that the clergymen who are ministers of religious instruction should
not come and go so many times to Manila--not only on account of the
offenses which they commit, of which there always are some (as your
Lordship might ascertain if you wished to), but also that they may
not impose such burdens on the Indians. This is as much as concerns
the provision of ministers.
I propose the Augustinian fathers to your Lordship because they have
a greater number of religious than the other orders have, and not
because I have any partiality in regard to the orders, as your Lordship
suspects. I do not know on what you found your suspicion unless it be
on the advantages and benefits which have resulted to these fathers
from my protection and favor, as your Lordship is accustomed to say,
because you will not give any. I will tell you of several things in
which, by my interfering and inclining to your side, they have lost
what was due them; for in Cagayan I took away from them a resident's
house which was worth one hundred and fifty pesos of rent to them;
in Tondo, the lands to which the Indians laid claim; and the property
in Laguio and Nuestra Señora de Guia, which was theirs. When they
were saying mass in their house to the Indians, with considerable
notoriety and scandal to them, and no little affliction to the fathers,
they were ejected from the [_illegible in MS._] at my instance;
for I asked it, and chose to give them this punishment, in order to
palliate their offense. Thereupon your Lordship [_illegible in MS._]
occasioned some disturbance to result. This is what I have done for
this order, and the way in which I have favored them, which in truth
I might have done in many things most deservedly, and very rightly
and justly. But I protest before God that I neither have now nor have
had any other consideration or regard in this or in anything else,
except a desire that in some way or other so evident an obligation
should be fulfilled, and that religious affairs should be settled
as they ought, according to the adjustment and amendment which they
themselves sought [_illegible in MS._] In accomplishing this, let not
your Lordship understand that the royal exchequer is to suffer, because
[_illegible in MS._] his royal intention is that there shall be no
lack in this. Accordingly, we shall have recourse in other districts
to the clergy whom I mentioned above as being at leisure, who will be
occupied with their own support. The plans for this, as I say--taking
away here, and replacing there, and distributing and selecting them in
order that each one may receive a little--this is all matter for your
Lordship and for the obligations of your office. It is much more your
Lordship's duty that you should attend to this business than it is to
prevent the king and his encomenderos from enjoying what in justice
they ought to, because they do not give you ministers or because they
have not them. Your Lordship can remedy and provide for this only in
one of three ways--either as a protector of the Indians, or as bishop,
or as one who has a special commission for it from his Majesty. As
protector, what your Lordship can do is to bring suits in the courts
(and, even then, not in all cases), and be satisfied with the decision;
or else perform your own duties in the matter. As bishop, your Lordship
is concerned with the collections of tribute, in that in confession
you should deny absolution to anyone who confesses that he has not
fulfilled well the charge of an estate. I do not know whether you,
as bishop, can command the confessors that they all should refuse
absolution in this or that case, provided the said confessors and
your Lordship be of the same opinion and doctrine. As for special
commission, I do not know if your Lordship have one, unless it be in
the unruly and unpacified encomiendas. With this supposition there
remains to your Lordship no other foundation on which to act. Neither
does his Majesty commit it to you, nor do I find how your Lordship
can be occupied in dealing with [_illegible in MS._] more than to give
your opinion on it; and here ends the prerogative which your Lordship
can claim in this matter. You make strenuous efforts in what does
not properly concern you, and fail to remedy what is most necessary
and close to your office, which is what I mentioned above about
religious instruction. I beg of your Lordship that, putting aside human
considerations, you order that this be attended to, which the good of
these souls demands with [_illegible in MS._] necessity. Since in this
way there are needs now, there will be at least many more. Meanwhile,
until ministers are provided more liberally from Spain, let them all
get along as best they can, and accommodate themselves, establishing
houses wherever they wish to, and where no better opportunity is to
be expected. God knows that this does not [_illegible in MS._] your
Lordship, because you interfere with my office. As far as this is
concerned, if I could [_illegible in MS_.] with it and my commission,
or even give it all to your Lordship, and perform my duty, [I would ask
(?) _--illegible in MS._] your Lordship to do it, if it were not for
the obstacle which that would put in the way of the careful guidance
and [_illegible in MS._] who manage affairs.
Neither does your Lordship resolve to order that, on account of the
great lack of religious ministers which exists, provision may be made
in the encomiendas that laymen of good life and example may instruct
the Indians, bringing them thus to a knowledge of the true God, as well
as into friendship and intercourse with us. From this would result at
least the favorable disposition which you wish them to have for the
time when there may be religious instruction for them, as his Majesty
orders in his charge regarding presentations. I have proposed this
to your Lordship on several occasions, but you do not set about it
or reply to it. Since your Lordship [knows(?) _--illegible in MS._]
what persons will be fitted for this ministry, I beg you to tell
me of some who are suitable; for, as I am new here, am not as well
able to [select them(?)--_illegible in MS._] properly; and those
whom I brought and know are occupied in other duties and neither
[know(?)] the language nor are acquainted with the country.
The dependence which the Indians have upon your Lordship as one to
shelter them and to defend them as bishop and father; and, beyond this,
as protector, to try and relieve them and to negotiate with the person
whom the king shall maintain here concerning all that shall be to
their good, and to ward off all that would be grievous to them--all
this is very just and proper in your Lordship, and very necessary to
the Indians as poor, wretched beings. Although I have always told them
to go to you or to the alcaldes-mayor, who would report their suits
or troubles to your Lordship or to me, I did not, my Lord, intend to
give them occasion that on pretext of this, or of protection, they
should come with every childish trifle to Manila from their villages,
perhaps very far away. And it is not two or four Indians who come,
but often a whole village, with their women and children. But whether
they come in small or in great numbers, they stay here, spending
in petitions more than the thing which they are suing for is worth,
while they are needed at home by their sowed fields, their plants,
their young cattle, their wives, their children, their houses, and
for their services to the community and the church and others. One
might come on a business of importance, as I have ordered. Now your
Lordship sees how annoying this is, and how you should wean them
from repeating these comings and goings, in which they work their
own harm and ruin themselves; and so, except in very important cases,
their trouble and our time might be spared by preventing their coming
and wasting time with their troublesome affairs.
The dignities, prebends, and canonries of your Lordship's cathedral
you will fill the first time, according to the apostolic privilege
which your Lordship holds, and then the king begins to present. I am
very plain in this, for all I wish is to know what and how many have
been filled by you and how many remain to be filled, in order that we
may agree on this, as well as on provision for the beneficed curacies
and the administration of religious instruction, which are assigned
to the clergy. In these his Majesty always presents one of two whom
you propose, according to his edicts. It will be well to know if the
number is full or if there are some places to be filled, and if those
which are filled are so with establishment in a parish and canonical
installation by your Lordship, preceding presentation by his Majesty,
or if they are, as I have heard of some, only in encomienda, accepted
with your Lordship's consent; because in this way, by taking away
one and placing another [_illegible in MS._], and not in right of
possession, the royal right of presentation is defrauded. I do not
understand how it is that, when your Lordship had ordained Father
Salinas under pretext of [giving him] the benefice of Catanduanes, it
remained as it was, and he is serving in Valayan. I say all this only
through desire that your Lordship may lose nothing of your rights,
and that I may not give a bad account of what I am responsible for
to his Majesty; and that affairs may be settled with the clearness
and certainty which is desirable. I had other things to tell your
Lordship, but they will wait for a better opportunity in order not to
weary you; and if any doubt or difficulty arises between your Lordship
and me concerning what has been said, there are learned men here who
can easily solve it by examining it and discussing it, and by their
decision and determination I will abide very willingly. Our Lord,
etc. From this house of your Lordship, March 19, 1591.
Letter from Salazar to Dasmariñas
_Jesus_
Yesterday afternoon I received a letter from your Lordship,
and intended to begin a reply immediately; but there are so many
occupations crowding upon me that they do not leave me time to take
breath; and although I came out here to finish the little treatise
which I had promised your Lordship, I see that neither here nor there
have I opportunity to do anything.
I was much pleased with the earnest zeal which your Lordship showed
in your letter, but you must know that as I am old and have seen so
many things, I do not care very much for what I hear, but wait for
what may be done; because laying down general rules and instructions
for what is to be done is a very easy thing, but very hard to put
into practice. Who doubts that the preaching of the gospel is the
most important thing for which we have come here? but yet I see that
this is the least object of solicitude; and, if you do not think so,
look at the progress of the natives. I know very well that there is
plenty of care about temporal things; and, as long as these present
themselves, religious instruction is to cease--or the Indians must
support it, even if they never understand it So we all say that the
Gospel is the principal thing, but our works show what it is that
we care most about. Ordinances, decrees, and provisions which speak
in favor of it, we have in plenty; the fulfilment of them will come
when there is nothing temporal to be looked after, which will be very
late. If your Lordship does not think so, ask what is going on in the
island of Panay. Of what do they take most account, of the galleys
and ships which are being built there, or of the religious instruction
which was to be preached there? Because I have seen with what dislike
your Lordship hears of what is going on there, I have ceased to inform
you of it--which I did, hoping that if you understood the situation,
you would find means to improve it. Letters and messengers from there
have told me things which are enough to break one's heart; but now I
am hardening it, because I see that it is of no use for me to grieve
over them. This I say in reply to the statement in the preface to
your Lordship's letter, in which you say: "If they would allow me
to be bishop, I would maintain better order in my bishopric than
there is, and the natives would be much better instructed and not so
harassed." But where there are so many to order and so few to obey,
he who leads this dance can ill guide it to the place where it ought
to go. For this reason many things are going so far astray, and they
will go astray as long as he who has care of everything does not have
the authority which he ought to have. For how can I arrange for the
religious instruction, or take away here or place there, if after I
have ordered it someone says that he chooses not to abide by it, but
to do what he thinks best? Allowing, in general, that in moral matters
there is a little improvement, let us come to the particular point
which your Lordship treats of in your letter. But, before considering
it, I wish to warn your Lordship that concern for these things, and
the arrangement of them, and deciding who is to be here and who is to
be there, is my business--not only because it belongs to my office,
but because his Majesty particularly committed and entrusted it to
me, recommending me to do it in communication with your Lordship;
but the execution of it he leaves to me, as by right is proper. I say
this because I have heard that by virtue of some decree or other they
are persuading your Lordship that religious can establish themselves
without my consent in villages where they have never been. In this
they are misleading your Lordship, and they themselves are mistaken;
for that decree on the other side--which notifies the viceroy of
Nueva España, which has never been used in this land, and which no
governor has ever dared to use--is previous to the Council of Trent,
after which it has no force, because in it the contrary [i.e., to the
Council's decision] is decreed. So I beg of your Lordship, as I am
in quiet and peaceful possession, that no house whatsoever be taken
in my bishopric for religious without first seeking and obtaining my
permission. It was some days ago that I found this out; but because
your Lordship told me that you did not believe what they said to you,
I did not pay any attention to it until I learned, yesterday, that
the provincial of San Augustin says that, by decrees which they have
from the king, they can occupy houses without my permission. This I
believe your Lordship will not do; and I can not understand how they
can do it with any conscience With this understanding, let us come
to what you say.
The new settlement of La Ermita and that of Malate can very well
be under one religious administration, and it shall be that of the
priest whom I have placed there. The same seems to me to be true of
Cavite and Parañaque, of which the priest whom I have there shall have
charge. In this way the fathers of San Augustin can take away three
or four religious who are now in those two places, and put them in
other localities where they have great need of these men to fulfil
their responsibility. I say this on the one hand, on account of the
great satisfaction which I have in these two ministers; and on the
other hand, because they are already incumbents of those two districts,
and as such are, in equity, under obligations. Accordingly, I will not
and cannot give them to one who may tell me that he will not receive
them except as a favor, and then remain there, even though I should be
dissatisfied with him. Add to this that I have need of some clergymen
near me for the many necessities which arise, which religious cannot
supply, and in order to help in the cathedral at times; for there is
much need of this, as your Lordship has probably seen sometimes, when
you have been there. As for what they say, that the fathers of San
Augustin will take charge of those districts without having more alms
given them, I am very sorry on account of this offer of these fathers,
because I know that whatever burden is taken from the king's treasury
will fall on the Indians; and I do not wish this, neither should your
Lordship wish it. Since those fathers have, as I have said, so many
districts to provide for, let them take there what they get therefrom.
Concerning the religious of Batan and the others of this bishopric,
it seems to me that neither your Lordship nor I should interfere
with them, for they know what is suitable for the government and
preservation of their orders; and they would be great fools not to
consider themselves first rather than others, for St. Paul knew very
well what he was saying when he bade his disciple Timothy to take heed
to himself first and afterward to teaching. For the apostle knew very
well how proper it was for a minister to take heed to himself first
rather than others--and this not only for the good of the minister
himself, but also for that of those to whom he ministers. Now since
the apostle said this to a bishop, who is under so great obligations to
look after his sheep, how much better might it be said to the friars,
who have this duty only through charity. This is the law of charity,
_primum mihi secundum tibi_; and this should be observed more among
religious than among other ministers who are not included among
them--in the first place, because these religious did not choose to
take up this ministry as under just obligations to do so, but merely
through charity, which looks first to itself and then to its neighbor;
in the second place, because a simple-minded minister who is withdrawn
from the world, and given to prayer, and a careful observer of his
religion, and who will make the Indians feel that he lives as a saint,
is worth more than twenty who are inattentive to their duties, and
who cannot remain an hour in their cells. These virtues and other
similar ones, without which a religious can not maintain himself,
can ill be acquired by the religious when they go alone and are so
separated as you wish. Would to God that I might see in every house
for Indians, not four such as are in Batan, but six or eight, and not
one, as your Lordship says, because I should expect more fruit from
these six or eight quiet ones than from eighty heedless ones. For as
St. Paul said, speaking to the Corinthians, _Regnum dei non est in
sermone sed in virtute_; for chattering is chattering, and teaching
through works is the true teaching. There are no people in the world
who have so great need of good ministers as have the Indians, or
who notice as much as they do the life which these ministers lead,
and the example which they set them. For one religious to be alone,
although he be a St. Paul, is unsafe; and so it is proper that in this
region we should permit the superiors of each community to govern
their religious and arrange for them as it seems best to them; for,
since they came to convert these souls, it is to be believed that
they will not fail to do so if they can. But they will not, and very
rightly, consent to ruin themselves through maintaining the religious
instruction; but this is not unfavorable to religious instruction,
but rather very favorable to it--since, in the way which I describe,
it is to give them ministers who will profit them; and the way which
your Lordship proposes means to put fire to them which will consume
them. Of this I have more experience than your Lordship or anyone
else who is in these islands, because I was a friar forty-six years,
and minister more than thirty, and have been bishop twelve; and I
know it all and have seen it all, and this is good reason why more
reliance should be placed on me than on any other. This same matter
was discussed in Mexico among all the orders. When they saw that it was
ruinous to them to be alone, they determined to establish houses where
there should be at least four; and, in order that they might support
themselves without being burdensome to the Indians, they decreed that
the orders of St. Dominic and St. Augustine might have some estates
in the Indian villages, by which to support themselves. As it had
been ordered by his Majesty that they should not hold property in the
villages of the Indians, I went to España to see about the matter,
and obtained from his Majesty the revocation of this decree. As some of
the auditors of the Council said what your Lordship says now, I freed
them from that error, and proved to them that it was not expedient that
the friars should live otherwise than in a community. I discussed the
same thing with his Majesty, and it seemed well to him and so it was
provided. In confirmation of this, the fathers of St. Dominic who came
to these islands brought a brief from his Holiness, confirmed by the
royal Council, which orders that in each house there should be at least
four religious; and they tell me that in the [_illegible abbreviation
in MS._] they praised it greatly and were much edified. In this way,
wherever your Lordship thinks of making a short cut, you take a longer
route. To give to the Indians ministers [as you propose?] will be to
give them those who would destroy them, or at least who would be of
very little profit to them. Do not think that I am so careless that I
would have waited till now if I had thought that what your Lordship
says would be expedient; but as I know how important it is for the
good of my sheep that those who teach them should live uprightly, I
am more pleased to see the religious living together than to see them
separated. I am sorry in my heart when I know that some religious is
alone in a house, and if I could remedy it I would do so; but I do
what I can in not consenting that, through taking too many houses,
the friars may be left alone in others. Your Lordship will do me
the great favor and kindness not to treat of any other matter which
shall be contrary to this, because I know that it is to destroy the
religious and ruin religious instruction. The provincial who shall
do this will give me a very bad example; and I shall understand that
he cares more about establishing houses than about looking after his
friars or religious instruction. On this account the religious and
I have had some quarrels, but I know that they have not been right;
for my zeal and desire has not been to prevent their having houses,
but to prevent their taking so many that they could not support those
establishments without harm to themselves and to the Indians. When your
Lordship says that two are sufficient in Batan, you show clearly that
you are not well informed of what is needed in order that there be
religious instruction; for in Batan there is need of two more friars
in order that it may be well instructed. As to what your Lordship
says about provision for the encomiendas of Ylocos, you have as much
care for them as if you forgot those which the king has in Panay
and in other regions of the Pintados, who are all, or most of them,
Christians. The Augustinian fathers, in whose charge these were wont
to be, abandoned them; but since they have returned to take charge of
the religious instruction of that people, and the obligation which
holds them is greater than that of Ylocos, let them cease to claim
houses there until they have more ministers. As for those who were to
be sent to Ylocos, where there was no obligation at all, let them be
sent to the Pintados, where there is so much obligation. With those
who are to be taken from Malate, Laguio, and Parañaque, two or three
houses might be occupied among the Pintados in the king's villages,
which have been without religious instruction now for some time. If
your Lordship carries this out, you will take a great burden from the
conscience of the king and from your own, and those fathers will do
a thing which they are under great obligations to do; for to claim
the charge of Ylocos is only a whim of those fathers, and a desire to
undertake what they cannot carry on vigorously. If your Lordship had
consulted with me, I know that I should have given you much safer
advice than that which others give you; because there is no one in
this country who knows as much as I do about what is fitting, nor is
there anyone who would give it to your Lordship with so little regard
for other considerations as I.
What I have said about the religious, that it is not fitting for them
to go about alone, does not extend to the priests; because these,
by their profession and habit, are not obliged to be together, but
each one goes by himself. This has been the usage of the church,
and, so far, we have not seen that any bad results have followed;
but many indeed have followed from the religious dwelling alone.
There is another great evil in what your Lordship wishes, and it
is that, to station so many religious who are scattered about,
each one by himself, is not to establish religious instruction but
to permit it to go to ruin; for I have always been of the opinion,
and shall be all my life, that a few well instructed are better than
many ill instructed. When they are ill instructed they are like an
ill-cured wound, which, when we think that it is well, breaks forth
again. Thus it is with the ill-instructed Indians; for when we think
that they have profited, we find that they are worse than before
they were baptized. This comes from never having sufficient religious
instruction, which in this part of the world is most necessary, among
these unfortunate people who in but few places have seen one happy
day. Your Lordship also suggests where the priests may be placed. To
this I reply that, as we leave it to the superiors to govern their
religious, it would be right for your Lordship to leave it to me to
govern my priests, as I leave it to you to look after your captains
and soldiers; for I know what each one of my priests is for, as your
Lordship knows of your men. Your Lordship must understand that I am
not so careless of the life that the priests lead that I am not on the
watch, and they know this well; and if sometimes they come to Manila
it is with my permission, or on business which cannot be avoided. In
this I know that there is more to be remedied elsewhere than in my
priests. If the scattering of these ministers in so many regions is,
as your Lordship suggests, that the king and the encomiendero may
collect their taxes, it seems to me that this is not a good means for
it; because where there is not sufficient religious instruction, as
there is not where there is one minister in an encomienda, neither the
king nor the encomenderos can receive as much as your Lordship wishes
to give them. And I know well from the Christian spirit of our king
that, if he were informed of the truth which I know and have told you,
he would never consent that any money which was so ill gathered should
enter his treasury. Some day this truth will be known and we shall
see who will weep for not having believed it. His Majesty understood
this very well when, in an article of the letter which he wrote to me,
he bade me to try to provide sufficient religious instruction; for his
Majesty sees clearly that what is actually done is rather to neglect
than really to provide the Indians with what they need. Would to God,
as I know that what I say is true, that I might satisfy my conscience
by not saying what I am going to pass over in silence, and that I
might be in peace; for I desire this more than to see myself in the
midst of disputes and hard feeling. But the obligation which I have,
to fulfil the duties of my office, does not allow me to keep silent,
but I have to speak and say what I feel.
I do not understand what your Lordship says about the Augustinian
fathers and do not wish to reply to it until you have explained it
to me, because it never entered my thoughts to be sorry that you
should favor them, for they deserve it and your Lordship should do
so. But when your Lordship says that since you came here they have
lost some of their rights, I do not wish to agree to that, nor do
I think that they will say so; but let this wait for another time,
for I do not wish to treat of it here.
At this point your Lordship makes a long digression, trying to give me
to understand what my office is and what I can do and what I can not
do, and for this your Lordship makes distinctions of protector and
bishop and commissioner. Your Lordship need not have taken so much
trouble; for, as Captain Becerra dares to write to me not to take
so much trouble to give him light, because he has enough from God,
so it would not be very much for me to dare to tell your Lordship not
to take so much trouble as you have taken in this letter to teach me
what my office is and what I may do in conformity with it--because,
speaking with the respect which is due to your Lordship, you did not
come to this bishopric to teach me but to be taught by me. In truth I
do not understand what could be your Lordship's thought in discussing a
matter so foreign to your profession; and it did not seem at all well
to me, unless your Lordship regards me as so contemptible a person
that I am not equal to this. Although humility is well in all, and
particularly in bishops, it is not humility for the sheep to teach
the shepherd; nor would it be considered well in me, and still less
so in your Lordship, if it were known that I allowed you, who should
take rules of right living from me, to give them to me. Read, or have
read to you, the chapter _si imperator 96 distin_., in which your
Lordship will see what is the duty of secular princes and what that
of bishops, where among other words it says these: "If the emperor
is Catholic he is a son, not a prelate, of the church; and whatever
concerns religion he is to learn, not teach." In what follows in this
chapter your Lordship will see what is your duty and what is mine;
and our Lord, through the prophet Malachi, says that the lips of the
priest held knowledge, and from his mouth the law is to be sought,
and not from the governors. Since your Lordship wished to be master
when you should have been pupil, you could not avoid falling into
the difficulties into which you have fallen in this letter, as you
say that you do not know whether the bishop can order that all the
confessors should not absolve in this or that case. It is almost a
matter of course that the bishop may reserve cases, when that may seem
best to him; and it is an amusing thing that your Lordship sets about
declaring to me when the confessors are to reserve the cases and when
they are not to do so. I am astonished, and marvel at your judgment
and prudence in coming to discuss such matters with your bishop,
especially when your Lordship knows that he has studied a great deal
to know this which you can not know, nor would it be proper for you
to know it. The cases which I shall reserve shall be reserved, and
those who dare to absolve, although they may have other privileges,
will commit mortal sin, when the bishop declares the reason why he
does it; and many doctors of the highest standing maintain that
the absolution is void in such cases. When anyone shall confront
me with a concession opposed to this, he must have studied deeply,
for many talk about concessions without understanding them. Since
your Lordship meddles so much in things in which you ought not to,
do not be astonished if I reply as is suitable, in order that your
Lordship may be instructed, and that I may satisfy the objections
which are brought against me. When your Lordship says that you do
not know and can not discover how I can be concerned in trying to
remedy anything which concerns the encomiendas which are peaceful,
except by giving my opinion about the matter, I say that I am not
astonished that your Lordship does not know, since you are not under
obligations to know; but I am astonished that because you yourself
do not know, your Lordship should think that I do not know, since
you cannot but confess that I know much more than your Lordship does
about the matter in question. That your Lordship may be completely
undeceived, please know that in order to discuss the collection
of tributes and the rest that has to be done in that connection, I
have no need of a commission from the king, because I have it from
God. This limitation is proper for your Lordship, because you have
no power but that which the king has given you. I hold mine from God,
who gives the bishops all that they need to govern their bishoprics;
and so I do not need to have the king tell me what I have to do,
but I have to determine what is proper for the unburdening of the
royal conscience, and my duty toward your Lordship and the others
who are under my care; for I know better than any who are here what
is proper for relieving the royal conscience in the Philipinas. Do
not consider this as presumption, for it is not, but merely telling
the truth; for if we consider the law, I studied it very well many
years ago, and as for the facts, I know them better than anyone else,
and there is no one who has so much experience as I. Your Lordship
need not tell me that it is not my place to act in this matter, for
it is, and it is more fitting for me than for any other to act in it
and determine what should be done about it. Neither do I need to pay
any attention to the fact that there are some who say the opposite,
because, beyond the fact that I know that those who say the opposite
are wrong and make your Lordship err, besides this, I say that when
the bishop determines a thing after having taken due care not to be
mistaken, it should not be suffered that others, however excellent
they may be, should dare to say the opposite, for this is to cause
dissensions between the prelate and his flock. Whoever shall be the
cause of this, it will not go well with him, because in this bishopric
there is no other doctor than I, and whatever I say must stand and
pass in my tribunal. If I am not what I should be, let them use the
remedy which our Lord Jesus Christ left in His church, as St. Luke
tells in chapter XII. This is to wait for God to remedy the matter,
and advise with anyone who, by his authority, can remedy it, and in
the meantime to commend it to God. This same remedy laymen have as
regards their governors. But in order that they should undertake to
remedy it by opposing it, the error of the bishop must be so great
that it could not be tolerated without great prejudice to the faith
or to customs. But since I have relied on the reasons which I have,
and have consulted with those who could give a good opinion about
it, and particularly as I am so certain that I am in the right, it
would be rash boldness for another to say the opposite, or to dare
to preach it. Your Lordship is very much mistaken when you think that
what I say is nothing but the opinion of any other person whatsoever;
for now that I have set about determining this and discussing it so
purposely, I know that no one who says the opposite can support it. I
say this with such liberty because I know what I am saying; and in
the defense of it I should think it but little to lose my life. When
your Lordship tells me that I interfere with what is your business, I
consider it as a great offense; for you yourself are a good witness of
how little trouble I have given you in this matter, and henceforward
I shall give much less. I am not so desirous of ordering that I
wish you to share your charge with me, for my own work, which is not
small, is enough for me. I do wish to have your Lordship know that my
discussion of the manner in which the collections are to be made, or
from what encomiendas they may be made and from what ones not, is not
interfering with your Lordship's office, but fulfilling the duty of my
own. Not that I am to imprison or sentence encomenderos who collect
contrary to what I say, for this is your Lordship's duty. Before
the tribunal of conscience I must condemn those to make restitution
who collect without having the authority to collect, even if it be
with the permission of your Lordship; and I must place your Lordship
under the same obligation because you gave them such permission. This
distinction of powers your Lordship ought to have known before telling
me that I was interfering in what was not my business.
In the matter of employing laymen where there are no ministers of
religious instruction, your Lordship says that I do not make up my
mind, although you have already proposed it to me several times. Twice
your Lordship tells me in this letter that you have communicated
things to me, but I am astonished that my poor memory does not recall
any of them. One of the greatest satisfactions is that your Lordship
does things all by yourself, without my having anything to do with
them, and in truth I hold it as one of the greatest mercies that
could come to me; and although his Majesty orders the opposite,
as many things fail to be done which kings command, so this also
shall fail to be done, to my great satisfaction and to yours also,
as I think. I have not stationed Spaniards in the encomiendas because
I do not know whom to place there; and I remember very well having
said this to your Lordship, but we agreed together that I should
decide this matter, as I remember it. There is no reason why I should
give your Lordship a report on the persons who can be appointed,
because it is my business to appoint them, and to determine their
salaries--not only by commission from his Majesty, but it is also my
due on account of my office. But I have not dared, and do not dare,
to appoint anyone--not because I do not wish to and have tried to,
but because I know that there is no one in whom we can trust without
great harm to the Indians and very little benefit; because those who
could go and be of service to the Indians do not wish to, and those
who wish to are not suitable. Thus your Lordship will see how right
I was in saying that to appoint many alcaldes-mayor and lieutenants
is a greater harm to the Indians, and this is not a fancy of mine
but a common saying in all the land.
It is very amusing to me that your Lordship places to my account the
coming of so many Indians to me that I may favor them, just as if
I called them, or were a party to driving them away. It is evident
that your Lordship knows but little of the Indians, since you say
this. In order that I may tell you some truths, as your Lordship
wished to tell me, please know that the Indians are much dissatisfied
and complain that you receive them very ungraciously and roughly, and
thus many do not dare to appear before you. This can but be a great
obstacle to what is needed to be done in this country. If my meeting
them with a friendly aspect and treating them kindly is the cause of
their coming to me, I do not think that I shall mend my ways in this,
because I know what they need. As far as being protector is concerned,
that obstacle has been removed, for it is some time since I abandoned
the office of protector; and by no means would I take it up again, for
I do not wish to know more sorrow than I have known, without any other
result than to grieve my heart at the sight of it. When his Majesty
shall learn the reasons which I had for giving it up, I am sure that
he will not regard me as undutiful to him in having abandoned it.
In conferring the prebends and benefices I abide by the royal
rights of presentation in what I am obliged to; but to station a
clergyman in a Christian Indian village [_doctrina_] when there
is someone who opposes, is a thing that I have sometimes done,
and will do henceforward, because I know that it is proper to do so
for the service of God and the good of the sheep which I have in my
charge. Against this there is no right of patronage; nor would it occur
to the king to wish that this should not be done, nor would it occur
to me to defraud the royal right of patronage; for I know very well
the obligation under which I am to keep it, and I know when anyone
acts according or contrary thereto. Surely I am surprised that your
Lordship should meddle in such trifles as to ask from me an account of
the title under which Father Salinas was ordained. If your Lordship
does not know how he can act, I know; and for that reason I created
him a priest; and I know that this was well done, and that it is not
fitting to do anything else. I know that your zeal is great, but I
also know what St. Paul said of others who had zeal, and zeal for
God, but he said that that zeal was not according to knowledge. And
certainly, when your Lordship interferes in the things in which
you interfere in this letter, although I say it be with great zeal,
you have greatly exceeded your powers, and overstepped the bounds
to which they extend. For even if your Lordship had known and seen
that I transgressed due limits, your Lordship had neither license
nor authority to treat in so imperious a manner your bishop, whose
instruction and advice your Lordship is bound to follow, and your
Lordship should not undertake to constrain your master. The worst
thing would be that your Lordship should think that what you have
said pertains to your duty, because that would be a graver matter;
for, if your Lordship could stretch your arm so far as that, there
would be no need of any bishop in this country, except a titular
one, [3] for I do not see what remains to me if your Lordship can
do all the things which you imply in this letter. But please read
the chapter, _si ymperator_, already cited, and you will see how
far your powers extend, and what is for me to do. Your Lordship has
plenty to do in your office without extending your authority to mine,
and I have plenty to do in mine without treating of what belongs to
yours--although, since I have in my charge your Lordship's soul, not
only as a Christian but as governor, I cannot be so careless as not
often to be obliged to examine what you are doing and advise you of
what you ought to do. This your Lordship cannot do with me by virtue
of your office, although as friend and lord, as one who desires my
good, I shall be pleased to be advised by your Lordship of my faults,
which I know very well are not few. Except in what my office obliges
me to, be certain that I shall keep as far from interfering in the
matters of your government, or from giving you any trouble, as if I
were not living or were not in the country.
This has turned out a very long letter, and certainly my occupations
did not give me time for so much; but the great amount of matter
in your letter which needed to be answered left me nothing else to
do. Believe me that I am very much opposed to discussing such matter
especially when a man has to say something which may seem praise or
esteem of himself, which is a thing very unfit for those who try to
serve God. But when this is not done arrogantly, or in vanity, but
to defend the necessary truth, it is done as St. Gregory the Pope
did against the emperor Maurice, and Gelasius the Pope against the
emperor Anastasius. Even Moses and St. Paul, although they were so
humble, when it was necessary to defend their authority said things
of themselves which, said in any other connection, would seem wrong;
but, spoken for the purpose for which they said them, were rightly
spoken. As I think that what I have said is enough to satisfy your
Lordship's letter (and, if anything remains to be set right, time
will not be lacking in which it can be discussed), for the present let
this be sufficient. May our Lord give your Lordship the light of His
grace, that you may follow His holy will in everything. From Quiapo,
March twenty-first, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.
_Fray Domingo_, Bishop of the Filipinas.
Liberty if the Indians in the Philippines
Gregory XIV, Pope: In perpetual remembrance of the affair.
Since, as we have recently learned, in the first attempts to
christianize the Indians of the Philippine Islands, so many dangers
of life had to be undergone, on account of the savageness of these
Indians, that many were constrained to take up arms against those
Indians, and even to ravage their property; while subsequently, after
the conversion of these Indians--who, abandoning their worship of
false gods, now acknowledge the true God and profess the Catholic
faith--those who formerly had ravaged their property now wish to
make good what they destroyed, but are without the means of so doing:
with the desire to provide for the peacefulness of conscience of the
said persons, and thus to guard against all dangers and discomforts
therein, by these presents, with our authority, we charge and command
our venerable brother the bishop of Manila to have the above-named
persons and the parties to whom restitution is to be made come to an
agreement thereon among themselves, with satisfaction to be made to
the owners wherever these are known. But where they are not known, then
the same compensation is to be made through the bishop in benefit and
aid of Indians in distress, should they who are bound to restitution
be able conveniently so to do; otherwise, if poor themselves, let
them make satisfaction whenever they reach a comfortable state of life.
Moreover, in order that the resolutions determined upon by the said
bishop, with religious and learned men assembled together, in benefit
of the Christians newly converted to the faith, be not infringed
by them through mere whim or anyone's individual deed or fancy, we
wish and by our apostolic authority decree that whatever orders and
commands be passed by the majority of the assembly in the interest of
the Christian faith or the health of souls, for the good government
of Indian converts, shall be steadily and invariably observed until
further orders or commands by the same assembly.... In fine, we
have learned that our very dear son in Christ, Philip, the Catholic
king of the Spains, has ordered that in view of the many deceits
usually practiced therein, no Spaniard in the aforesaid Philippine
Islands shall, even by the right of war, whether just or unjust,
or of purchase, or any other pretext whatsoever, take or hold or keep
slaves or serfs; and yet that in contravention of this edict or command
of King Philip, some still keep slaves in their service. In order,
then, as conformable to reason and equity, that the Indians may go
to and from their Christian doctrinas and their own homes and lands
freely and safely, without any fear of slavery, in virtue of holy
obedience and under pain of excommunication, we order and command
all and singular the persons dwelling in those islands--of no matter
what state, degree, condition, rank, and dignity--on the publication
of these presents to set wholly free, without any craft and deceit,
whatever Indian slaves and serfs they may have; nor for the future
shall they in any manner, contrary to the edict or command of the
said King Philip, take or keep captives or slaves.
For the rest, as it would be difficult [to send] these present letters
to all and singular the aforesaid islands, etc.
Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, under the seal of the Fisherman,
April 18, 1591, the first year of our pontificate.
Articles of Contract for the Conquest of Mindanao
Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor and captain-general of these
Philipinas Islands for the king, our sovereign, etc.:
His Majesty orders and charges me, by his royal instructions and
decrees, as the most worthy and important thing in these islands,
to strive for the propagation of our holy faith among the natives
herein, their conversion to the knowledge of the true God, and
their reduction to the obedience of His holy church and of the king,
our sovereign; and to this end and object his Majesty has given me
commission to make the expeditions and pacifications that I think best
for the service of God and his own, and likewise to give license and
commission for making them. By reason thereof, he also commissions me
to make covenants and agreements with explorers and pacifiers who are
willing to bind and pledge themselves, at their own cost, to make such
expeditions and pacifications. Moreover, the island of Mindanao is
so fertile and well-inhabited, and teeming with Indian settlements,
wherein to plant the faith, and of so great circumference--namely,
three hundred leagues--and distant two hundred leagues from this
island of Luzon; and is rich in gold mines and placers, and in wax,
cinnamon, and other valuable drugs. And although the said island has
been seen, discussed, and explored (and even in great part given in
repartimiento), no effort has been made to enter and reduce it, nor
has it been pacified or furnished with instruction or justice--quite
to the contrary being, at the present time, hostile and refusing
obedience to his Majesty; and no tribute, or very little, is being
collected. And the assignment into encomiendas made there has been
null and void, as being made contrary to his Majesty's ordinances
contained in his instructions and articles on "New Discoveries," as
the land must be first entered and entirely pacified, and its rulers
and natives must be reduced to the obedience of his Majesty, and given
to understand the evangelical instruction. Besides the above facts,
by delaying the pacification of the said island greater wrongs, to the
offense and displeasure of God and of his Majesty, are resulting daily;
for I am informed that the king of that island has made all who were
paying tribute to his Majesty tributary to himself by force of arms,
and after putting many of them to death while doing it; so that now
each Indian pays him one tae of gold. I am also told that he destroyed
and broke into pieces, with many insults, a cross that he found, when
told that it was adored by the Christians; and that in Mindanao, the
capital and residence of the said king, are Bornean Indians, who teach
and preach publicly the false doctrine of Mahoma, and have mosques;
besides these, there are also people from Terrenate--gunners, armorers,
and powder-makers, all engaged in their trades--who at divers times
have killed many Spaniards when the latter were going to collect the
tribute (once killing thirteen, and at other times four or five),
without our being able to mete out punishment, because of lack of
troops. By reason of the facts above recited, and because all of
the said wrongs and troubles will cease with the said pacification;
and, when it is made, we are sure that the surrounding kingdoms of
Borney, Jolo, Java, and other provinces, will become obedient to his
Majesty: therefore, in order that the said island may be pacified,
subdued, and settled, and the gospel preached to the natives; and
that justice may be established among them, and they be taught to
live in a civilized manner, and to recognize God and His holy law,
I have tried to entrust the said pacification to a person of such
character that he may be entrusted with it. Now considering that the
good qualities requisite for this, and which are demanded by section
twenty-seven of "New Discoveries," are found in Esteban Rodriguez de
Figueroa--that he is rich, powerful, possessed of many friends, popular
with the soldiers of this country, and well-acquainted with the land,
as being one of the first discoverers--and that he has served his
Majesty loyally and faithfully, and offers of his own accord to make
the said pacification at his own expense; therefore, as I am confident
that he will fulfil whatever he covenants and contracts to do in his
Majesty's service, I have resolved to entrust and charge to him the
said pacification, in his Majesty's name. And if he, on his part,
shall fulfil his offers, which accompany this writ, then I, on my
part, will fulfil likewise what I promise, as a reward for the said
pacification. Therefore, by this present, I empower and authorize said
Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, to make the said pacification
and settlement of the island of Mindanao, and at his own expense,
under the following conditions and declarations:
As the first condition, the said Captain Estevan Rodriguez binds
himself and promises to fulfil and observe as inviolate, first and
foremost, the decrees and ordinances of his Majesty in the sections of
"New Discoveries," and in each one of them, separately--of which he
will be given an authorized copy, so that he may exercise the equity
and good method of proceeding, gently and without violence, which his
Majesty has commanded to be observed and kept in the said pacification.
_Item_: That said Captain Estevan Rodriguez binds himself and promises
to pacify and colonize the said island of Mindanao at his own expense
within three years--making one settlement on the river of Mindanao,
and more if necessary, according to the condition of the land; and
to maintain the island, thus pacified and colonized, for one year.
_Item_: From that time the life-title of governor of said island
shall be given to said Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, and to one son
or heir. And I shall have letters sent to his Majesty, entreating
him to show him favor by granting him the title of adelantado or of
mariscal of the island, as may be his pleasure, in accordance with
the orders of his Majesty in my instructions.
_Item_: It is granted in his Majesty's name that, when the said
pacification and colonization is completed, he may allot the land
and island of Mindanao into encomiendas as follows: First, the ports
and capitals shall be allotted to his Majesty's royal crown. Having
subtracted these, he may, from the remainder, allot one-third part
to himself, for the time mentioned in the said sections of "New
Discoveries," and in whatever part he wishes. The other two-thirds
remaining he may allot and apportion among the soldiers enrolled
under his banners, and those who take part in the said pacification.
The said Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa said that he accepted
the above covenant and agreement made as above stated, and promised to
abide by its provisions. To this he pledged himself and his property;
and both the said governor and captain-general, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas,
and the said Captain Estevan Rodriguez signed the agreement (written
secretly by the said governor), before me, the undersigned notary,
Manila, May twelve, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.
_Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_
_Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa_
Before me:
_Juan de Cuellar_
[_Endorsed_: "Agreement for the conquest of Mindanao." "Look for the
decree mentioned, in order to see that it is provided; and bring it."]
Ordinance Forbidding the Indians to Wear Chinese Stuffs
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, governor and captain-general for his Majesty
in these islands, to you, Juan de Alcega, alcalde-mayor of the province
of Pan Panga, and of the places pertaining thereto; or to your deputy:
Be it known unto you that some days ago the city of Manila issued an
ordinance, which was confirmed by me, forbidding the Indian natives
of these islands to wear silks or stuffs from China, for many reasons
mentioned in the said ordinance. And in order to ascertain whether
any benefit or advantage will result to the said Indians from the
said ordinance and whether certain offenses against God and other
abuses will be averted; and whether there are any for whose sake the
execution of the same should be suspended: I therefore now, by these
presents, ordain and command you that, by reason of the declarations
hereinbefore made, you secure information from Spanish and Indian
witnesses, examining the same in accordance with the interrogatory
sent herewith; in order that his Majesty may be informed of the
facts disclosed and asserted, and may issue commands at his good
pleasure. Given at Manila, on the ninth day of April, in the year 1591.
_Gomez Perez Dasmarinas_
By order of the governor: _Juan de Cuellar_
Compared with the original:
_Felipe Ramirez_, notary.
Whereas, the city of Manila, on the thirtieth day of March of this
year, issued an ordinance forbidding the natives from wearing silks and
stuffs from China, for many reasons mentioned in the said ordinance,
which are of importance to the general welfare and the good government
of these islands; we, the cabildo and government of the city of Manila,
command that the said ordinance be submitted to the royal Council of
the Indias for confirmation, in order that the said causes, and any
others that may exist, may be certified to his Majesty. We entreat
your Lordship to send us information, in accordance with the questions
sent you herewith, and that an authorized copy of said information
be sent us for transmission to his Majesty, with the said ordinance;
for which purpose, etc.
The witnesses are to be asked if they know whether, when first the
Spaniards discovered these islands, all the natives wore any other
garments than those made in the islands, planting cotton and weaving
cloth for their own use, and continuing to do so even for many years
after the Spaniards had settled in the islands; and whether the one
or two ships that came from China each year, brought any cloth or
silks to the islands. For these were not sold among the natives;
and all that was carried in these ships was earthenware, horns,
herbs, _desaumerios_, and other trifles of little importance. Also
whether, after the Spaniards settled here, and the Chinese began
to increase their trade with them and to bring many ships to these
islands laden with cloth, the natives began to wear garments of said
cloth from China, discarding their own, which they formerly used;
and whether this use has reached such a pass that there is no year
when the said natives do not buy and use for their clothing over two
hundred thousand robes of cotton and silk, which at the present time
are worth as many pesos--and in a few years will, unless this injury
[to our trade] is opposed and checked, be worth twice as much. For
as the natives are not a people who strive to acquire much property
for the purpose of leaving it to their heirs, but spend all they get
in food and drink and clothing, and as no one needs more than one or
two pieces of cloth a year, they care not whether these garments be
cheap or dear, but pay for them whatever is asked; and in this way the
price has risen so high, that a piece which at first could be bought
for two reals, now sells for ten, and very soon will cost twenty.
Also whether, for the reasons given in the preceding question, there
results what would be a serious loss to these islands, and injury to
his Majesty--that is, whether it be true that, whereas the Chinese
formerly, in payment for the clothing they brought, carried away from
these islands thirty thousand pesos in money, they now, on account
of the recklessness and extravagance of the natives, take away two
hundred thousand pesos. This money leaves the realms of his Majesty,
and is carried to a foreign country, in violation of royal edicts;
this would be prevented if the said natives were not to clothe
themselves with the said stuffs.
Also whether the said natives have, since the Spaniards have been
trading in these islands with the Chinese, abandoned the tillage
of their lands, as regards not only the cultivation of cotton, but
that of rice, wine, and other products of the country; and have given
themselves over to vice and idleness, refusing to work. For, as there
is money in the country, brought hither by the Spaniards, some of it
gets into the hands of the natives, in payment for services and in
many other ways. And thus the natives, finding the stuffs brought
by the Chinese ready at hand, and having money to pay for them,
have abandoned work and the cultivation of their lands, and become
vagabonds, both men and women--courting the favor of the Spaniards,
and committing and causing numberless offenses against God. For the
natives are addicted to theft and licentiousness, and the women are
ready to sell their persons; and for these reasons there is, here,
more than an intimacy of men and women.
Also whether the evils and disorders above mentioned would disappear
with the observance of the said ordinance. For the natives would then
be at work, and there would be an abundance of fruits and provisions
in the country, and at very low prices, as there has been hitherto,
and thus the country would be supported; and there would not be
taken out of the kingdom the large sums of money which the Chinese
now carry away for the provisions which they bring to sell--such as
flour, sugar, lard, and other things. Moreover, the natives would
dress in their own stuffs, which are better woven and more economical
than those from China; and besides making cloth for their own use,
they would have some which the Spaniards could buy for their trade;
and another large quantity of money would remain in the country,
which now is taken from it because the said natives do not make the
said cloth. Another serious evil would cease; the natives would no
longer sell raw cotton to the Chinese, who take it to their own country
and make it into cloth, and then return to sell it to the natives,
and with these goods deprive them of their money. Most of all, there
would be an end to the evils and sins against God above mentioned.
Also whether the observance of the said ordinance will induce the
natives and the Chinese to carry on trade as they formerly did, without
using money; for if the natives should wish to trade or barter in the
islands (which is not forbidden to them), they can and will obtain
goods, as they formerly did, in exchange for such articles as _siguey_
(a small white snail), dye-wood, and carabao horns; to this mode of
trading the Chinese will adapt themselves, and the outflow of money
will cease.
Also whether all these islands, or most of them, are well adapted
to the cultivation of cotton, so that, if the natives are set to
the task, enough will be produced to supply all the islands with,
provisions and clothing; and whether cloth will be made, as good as,
or better than, that which comes from China, and a surplus be left
for shipment to Nueva España in exchange for necessaries, and a
larger surplus of cotton to be used in exchange for Chinese wares;
and whether as much money will be taken out of the country as is now
taken away. Let the witnesses tell what they know on these subjects;
and whether the facts above stated are notorious or well-known,
and matters of public discussion and report.
In the village of Bacolor, province of Panpanga, of the Philipinas
Islands, on the thirteenth day of the month of May, in the year
one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, Captain Juan de Alcega,
alcalde-mayor of the said province for our lord the king, declared
that, inasmuch as the cabildo, magistracy, and government of the city
of Manila, among other ordinances which they enacted for the welfare
and government of that city, and for the benefit of the state, issued
one forbidding the natives of these islands to dress in silks or
stuffs from China, for the reasons and difficulties mentioned in the
said ordinance; and because the enforcement and observance thereof is
very just and expedient for these islands, Gomez Perez Dasmarinas,
knight of the habit of Santiago, governor and captain-general of
the islands for our lord the king, in his royal name approved and
confirmed the same. But as Don Frai Domingo de Salazar, bishop of
these said islands, in the name of the natives as their protector,
has protested against the said ordinance on the ground of its being
injurious to the natives, the captain-general, in behalf of the said
natives, and in order to ascertain the truth, makes the statements
contained in this mandate. And in order to ascertain whether the
observance of the said ordinance would put an end to the troubles
therein mentioned, or whether a fulfilment of the same would result
in the injuries to the said natives which the said bishop, as their
protector, mentions, I hereby command that the following investigation
be made, and that the witnesses be examined in accordance with the
interrogatory submitted by the said cabildo.
Signed:
_Juan de Alcega_
Before me:
_Felipe Roman_, notary.
_Evidence_
In the village of Çubao of the said province, on the fourteenth
day of May of the year aforesaid, the said alcalde-mayor, for the
purpose of the said investigation, caused to appear before him Don
Nicolas Ramos, a chief of the village of Cubao and governor of the
same--who, being duly sworn according to legal form, with the aid of
the interpreter Domingo Birral, and having promised on the sign of
the cross to speak the truth, was questioned in accordance with the
purpose of the interrogatory, and deposed as follows:
In reply to the first question this witness stated that he knew
that before the Spaniards came to these islands for their discovery,
pacification, and settlement, and that of all the peoples who then
were, or have since been, discovered here, all the natives of the
islands, so far as this witness is informed--chiefs, timaguas, and
slaves, without distinction of rank--wove cotton fabrics, with which
they clothed themselves, all from cotton of their own planting. It is
true that, as far back as this witness can remember, he thinks that
he has never known cotton to have been planted or gathered in this
province, or along the river and coast of Manila, from the village
of Cabite to this province; but in all the other tribes except these
cotton was planted, large quantities being gathered and sold to the
inhabitants of this Pampanga, and to those of the river and coast
of Manila, who gave in exchange the rice which they cultivated,
and sometimes gold; and they procured the cotton for the purpose of
spinning it and weaving cloth for their own garments. This continued to
be the custom for many years after the coming of the Spaniards; for,
although one or two ships came from China each year at that time,
these brought no cloths or silks, but only iron, and earthenware,
and _camanguian_. The principal reason why the Tagalos of Manila
and the inhabitants of all this Panpanga have never cultivated
cotton, is because they do not know how; and because they have never
been accustomed to grow anything but rice, on which they chiefly
subsist. This was his answer.
In reply to the second question this witness stated that since the
Spaniards have become established in these islands, he has noticed
how the Chinese have come hither, in larger numbers every year,
eight ships at least coming annually from China; and in some years
this witness has seen as many as twenty and thirty, all laden with
cloths and bolts of silk. And when the natives of these islands
and of this province saw all these cloths brought by the Chinese,
they made less exertion to weave their own; but to avoid even that
little work, all the natives began to clothe themselves with the
said stuffs from China, discarding entirely their own, which they
formerly wore. And so far has this gone at the present day, that all
alike--without distinction of chief from timagua, or of timagua from
slave--dress in these stuffs, making it impossible to judge of their
rank from their dress. In this way a very large quantity of cloth is
used--far more, as it seems to this witness, than the number stated
in the question; and he is very certain that, if this tendency is not
checked and corrected, the price of every one of these stuffs will in
a few years be doubled; for now even the cheapest costs not less than
a peso. For the natives of these islands do not accumulate wealth,
but spend it all in food and clothing; and as none of the natives,
however high his rank may be, needs more than two or three pieces
of cloth in a year, in order to avoid the labor of weaving them,
and so that they can spend their time in idleness, they prefer to
buy them from the Sangleys, whether they are cheap or dear, paying
without hesitation or heed whatever price is asked. The result is that
everything is growing much dearer; for a piece of cloth which at first
usually cost, on the average, three or four reals, as already stated,
now costs ten reals, and, unless this rise is checked, will very soon
cost twenty--and this for the reasons mentioned in the question. These
matters should be considered, and some corrective be found, to avoid
further difficulties. Thus did he reply to this question.
To the third question he replied that, for the reasons mentioned in
the preceding question, considerable damage has been and is suffered,
and, unless some check and remedy is applied, will continue to be
suffered in these islands, by the Spaniards and by the inhabitants
of the country, both Spaniards and natives, and especially to the
injury of his Majesty's service; this damage consisting in the
fact that while the Chinese formerly took away from these islands,
in exchange for their merchandise which they bring from their own
country, at the most from twenty thousand to thirty thousand pesos in
money, at the present day--as all the natives are extravagant enough
to buy their clothing, since they can dispense with making it--these
merchants take from the country all the money stated in the question,
and even more. This money they take out of his Majesty's dominions
to their own country, whence it never returns. And this might be
prevented if the natives were forbidden to buy the said clothing,
and would dress in the stuffs which they formerly were accustomed to
wear. This was his answer to this question.
In reply to the fourth question he stated that, before the coming of
the Spaniards, all the natives lived in their villages, applying
themselves to the sowing of their crops and the care of their
vineyards, [4] and to the pressing of wine; others planting cotton,
or raising poultry and swine, so that all were at work; moreover,
the chiefs were obeyed and respected, and the entire country well
provided for. But all this has disappeared since the coming of
the Spaniards. For since their coming all the Indians have given
themselves over to vice and vagabondage, wandering from village to
village to avoid work, and to indulge their vices--and this because,
seeing that the Spaniards have plenty of money, they are eager to serve
them. Finding that they have money, and food and clothing being given
to them, or procured by a day's labor, there is nothing to induce them
to return to their villages to cultivate the soil, and raise animals,
and work, as they formerly did. This state of affairs is already so
general in these islands that, when the attempt is made to compel a
native to work, he immediately takes to flight, and wanders about,
halting only at a place where he is allowed to remain idle. From this
have resulted the offenses mentioned in the question, a condition
which requires a remedy. Such was his reply to this question.
To the fifth question he said that all the evils and difficulties and
offenses against God, our Lord, mentioned in these questions will
disappear if the said ordinance is properly executed; for all the
natives would work, and the country be well supplied with crops and
provisions, and a surplus sufficient for the maintenance of all the
natives and Spaniards, as before the coming of the Sangleys, and the
money which the Chinese now carry from this country to their own would
remain here. Indeed, if these traders stopped coming altogether, the
islands would not lack supplies; as for clothing, the natives could
dress in their own stuffs, which are three times better than those
brought from China; and, besides what they make for their own garments,
they could make a large quantity for trade with the Spaniards; thus
would be kept in this country a very large sum of money, and thus
all this country would be wealthy and prosperous. This has not been
accomplished hitherto because the natives, for the reasons before
mentioned, will not weave their stuffs as they used to. And, besides
all this, there would be an end of the very great injury caused by the
Sangley's buying the raw cotton and taking it to his own country, to
be there worked into cloth, which again is brought to these islands
for sale. Best of all, there would be an end of all the evils and
offenses which the question mentions, and for which a remedy is most
important. Thus he replied to this question.
To the sixth question he replied that everything said in the
questions in regard to the Chinese and the trading with them, before
the Spaniards had come, is true; that so matters were wont to be in
these islands. Where the natives had not the kinds of goods mentioned
in the question, they paid for them in rice and gold, which is very
advantageous to the Chinese. If they continue to come and seek to
trade with the natives, the arrangement described in the question
would be very advantageous to both parties; and the Chinese would no
longer draw from the country the large quantities of money which they
have taken away yearly. Thus he replied to this question.
In reply to the seventh question he declared that he knew that all the
tribes who have been discovered in these islands could plant cotton,
and that the soil is adapted to that use; but that the natives of
these provinces, and of those in which rice is grown, have been and are
unwilling to plant cotton, fearing lest they may ruin the cultivation
of rice, which is their chief article of food. But this witness is
certain that, if they would consent to do so, they could plant cotton,
as it is a crop that requires less labor than rice; and if cotton
were cultivated at least by the Tagalos Indians, who are the laziest
of all, large quantities of cotton might be gathered. With this they
could make cloth of very good quality for their own garments, and even
some besides for the use of the Spaniards, who wore these garments when
they first came to the islands; much also would remain for shipment to
Nueva España; and there would still be a large surplus of cotton for
exchange against any articles they might desire. All these are facts
well and publicly known, and matters of public report. The witness
reiterates his statements and abides by them. He does not sign his
name, as he cannot write, and appears to be about forty years old.
Signed by the interpreter, and by the alcalde-mayor
_Juan de Alcega_
_Domingo Birral_
Before me:
_Felipe Roman_, notary public.
And after the above the said alcalde-mayor caused to appear before
him Don Juan Lisin, an Indian chief of the said village of Cubao, who
received the oath through the said interpreter, was sworn according
to the law; and on this oath, being questioned in accordance with
the interrogatory, he deposed as follows:
In reply to the first question this witness declared that he knew that,
at the time when the Spaniards discovered and pacified these islands,
all the natives thereof--and especially those of this province,
as this witness has seen--wore no other garments than those made
of the cloths which they then wove, which were very good; nor did
they care to use, instead of this, stuffs from other countries. And
although one or two ships came from China, these carried no cloth,
but only plates, horns, iron, and _camanguian_, which they took in
exchange for rice and gold, and for cotton in the boll, where this
was grown. And thus he replied to this question.
To the second question he said that since the Spaniards had settled
in the city of Manyla, the Sangleys--who at various times had formed
settlements there--seeing there were Spaniards in the country, and
that the money they brought was different from that which had been
used there before, began to increase their ships, bringing each year
a greater number than before. In these they brought to the islands
very large quantities of provisions (although there was no need of
these in the country), together with many pieces of satin, damask,
and taffeta, and other pieces of fine silk, and a large quantity of
cotton cloths, white and colored. And so far has this gone that this
witness has known as many as twenty ships to come in a single year,
and he has known a time when at least eight entered the river of Manila
alone. For, besides these, many go to the provinces of Pintados, which
they call Pan, Cubu, Pangansinan, Ylocos, and Cagayan. And when the
natives of all this Panpanga and of the rest of these islands--the
Bisayan as well as the Tagalan--saw these large quantities of cloth
brought by the Sangleys, and that these were so cheap, they were
unwilling to weave cloth, as they were wont to do before the Spaniards
had come and before the Sangleys brought cloth to them. To avoid
this labor, little as it was, all the natives have taken to buying
their stuffs for clothing, and have entirely abandoned their own,
which they formerly wore. The result is that in all this province,
as this witness knows, no cloths are made; for whenever a garment is
needed by a chief, timagua or slave, he straightway goes to Manila,
where the Chinese have their market, and buys it from them. Another
result of this practice is this: As all the natives--chiefs, timaguas,
and slaves alike--dress in these Sangley garments, the slave as well as
the chief, no one can decide whether they are not all chiefs. A large
quantity of the cloth is consumed, and it seems to this witness that
the number is even larger than stated in the question, rather than
smaller. And if this evil is not resisted and remedied very soon,
this number will greatly increase. For as the natives are compelled
to buy them from the Chinese, every one of the said pieces of cloth,
however worthless it may be, costs a peso or a peso and a half. If
the matter is allowed to go farther, experience shows that each
year the price of clothing will go higher--all the more because the
natives of these islands, when they have any money, try to spend
that little for food and clothing; and, not valuing the cloth that
they already have, they buy what they need--in order not to weave it,
as this witness has said--paying whatever is asked for it. Even the
most prominent and the richest of the natives finds three pieces of
cloth enough for an entire year; and these he buys, whether cheap or
dear, never hesitating to give whatever is asked for them in barter,
rather than to weave them--although that would not be more work than
they could easily accomplish. If this be permitted, all goods will,
as before stated, grow dearer every day. A piece of cloth which this
witness has known to be sold, and himself has bought, in former years
for three or four reals, sells today for eight and twelve reals: and
it will very soon cost twenty, if no check or remedy be applied. Thus
he answered this question.
To the third question he replied that the evil referred to in the
question is as therein specified. Last year it was stated to this
witness that the Sangleys carried away to their country more than
three thousand pesos, which he knows leave these dominions. This
evil should be corrected; and the remedy would lie in forbidding all
the natives of these islands to buy any cloth whatever for their own
use, and in requiring them to weave the same, as they formerly were
accustomed to do. Thus he replied to this question.
In answer to the fourth question this witness declared that he knows
that, since the Spaniards have traded with the Chinese in these
islands, the natives have begun to desert their villages--some
of them leaving their rice-fields, and others the cultivation of
their vineyards or the planting of cotton, living in idleness and
vagabondage; some have taken service with the Spaniards and others with
the Chinese. All this has resulted in a corruption of their morals;
for, being paid in money for their services, and having a livelihood,
as stated in the question, they buy their clothes from the Sangley,
abandoning all labor, being encouraged and favored by the Spaniards;
and this has led to the offenses against God our Lord which are
mentioned in the question--which are very numerous, as the natives
are so many; and unless a remedy is quickly applied, these crimes
will increase more and more each day. Thus he replied to this question.
In reply to the fifth question this witness declared that he knows
that, if the ordinance mentioned in the question is enforced with
rigor, the evils and offenses against God, before mentioned, will
cease entirely; and, the said ordinance being observed, all the people
will work, as they did before the coming of the Spaniards. Thus the
country will be maintained and well provided with all necessaries,
and the money which now goes from it will remain here, and the natives
will be rich; and besides all this the natives will weave much cloth,
and make their garments from it, as it is three times better than that
from China. There would also be a large quantity of cloth for sale
to the Spaniards, and even much which they could use for themselves,
as they did before the Sangleys began to bring goods hither. Thus
would another large sum of money remain in the country. Of all these
advantages there is great need in this country, which has suffered
because an ordinance so just and advantageous to the entire country was
not framed sooner. There would be an end of another great evil to which
the country has hitherto submitted--namely, that the Chinaman buys
cotton and takes it to his own country. And the other abuses mentioned
in the question would also cease. Thus did he reply to this question.
To the sixth question he said that the proposals therein contained
are very just for the natives of these islands, and the Chinese, if
they continue to come to this country (which will not be necessary),
will be glad to barter their goods for the articles mentioned in
the question, and will be satisfied; for they traded thus before the
coming of the Spaniards, and went away well contented. And thus will
end the outflow of the money which has been hitherto carried from
this country, and will continue to be carried away if no remedy be
applied. This was his answer.
To the seventh question he replied that all these islands, except
this province of Panpanga, and that of Calonpite and Candava, and the
river and coast of Manila--all the rest, according to statements made
to this witness by people who have visited them, are well adapted to
the growing of cotton; and if the natives are induced to plant it,
a large quantity would be produced, enough to maintain even those who
do not cultivate cotton. Then much cloth will be made for the use
of the natives, better than that which comes from China; and there
will be a surplus for shipment to Nueva España in exchange for other
things; and there will be a further surplus of cotton for trade with
the Spaniards and the Chinese--although, as already said, it would
be no injustice to the Chinese to forbid them taking cotton hence to
their own country. Thus he replied to this question. He reaffirms,
upon the oath which he has taken, that all his statements are known
to be notoriously true, and are matters of current report; and he
signs his name. He seems about thirty years old.
_Juan de Alcega_
_Don Juan Lisin_
_Domingo Birral_
Before me:
_Felipe Roman_, notary.
[Eight more witnesses are examined; but as they testify to the same
purport as the two preceding deponents (and almost in the identical
language of these), we omit their testimony. All of them are Indian
chiefs, from villages near Manila; and all are presumably converts,
as all bear Christian forenames. At the end appear the following
affidavits:]
This document was prepared and copied from the original which remains
in my possession, and was prepared by me at the command of the said
alcalde-mayor; and which I declare to have been truly and certainly
done in the village of Bacolor on the twentieth day of the month of
May, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.
Witness: Pedro Garcia de Molina.
_Joan de Alcega_
I, Phelipe Roman, notary of the province of Panpanga, in place of
Rodrigo Quadros, notary-public of the same, prepared this document
by order of the alcalde-mayor, who here has signed his name. At the
end I have hereunto affixed my seal, in witness of the truth.
_Phelipe Roman_, notary.
Account of the Encomiendas in the Philipinas Islands
_A detailed account of the encomiendas in the island of Luçón and the
other Philippinas Islands, both those belonging to his Majesty and to
private individuals, pacified and hostile, with instruction and without
it; with the names of the encomenderos, the number of tributarios in
each encomienda, the number of ministers of instruction in them, and
the number they lack and need; the capitals and the alcaldes mayor
established therein, who maintain peace therein, and govern them in
peace, justice, and civilization, in their present condition. May
the last, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one_. [5]
Manila
The city of Manila is located in the island of Luzón. It is the
capital of all the islands, and the usual residence of the governor
and captain-general, his counselor, and his Majesty's army. This
city has about three hundred citizens. It contains the cathedral
and bishop's house, and the prebendaries--to-wit, dean, archdeacon,
schoolmaster, treasurer, two canons, seven or eight clerical priests,
and some, although few, who are to receive orders. The city has a
monastery of Augustinian friars, usually with sixteen religious,
counting those who are going and coming--eight of the number being
priests, and the rest brethren and candidates for orders. There is
one Dominican convent, with four or five friars; and another convent
of the same order, with a Sangley hospital, in the Parian in the
same city, with two religious. There is one Franciscan convent,
which generally contains four priests and seven or eight brethren,
counting the teacher and the novitiates. The Society of Jesus has also
a professed house, with its father superior, three priests, and three
brethren. There is a royal hospital for the Spaniards, and another
for the Indians, under charge of two Franciscan lay-brethren. The
number of paid soldiers is generally about two hundred, besides their
officers. There are two chief constables, one city and the other
government; two constables; a prison warden; the three judges; the
officials of the royal estate--factor, accountant, and treasurer;
an executioner; a notary; a probate judge; the municipal body of
the city, with two alcaldes-in-ordinary, twelve regidors, and two
secretaries--one of finance and war, the other of administration;
six notaries-public, and two attorneys; and one constable to attend
to vagabonds. There are many calling themselves captain, but only
four have companies. This city contains the silk-market of the Parian,
which is composed of Sangley merchants, who have two hundred shops. The
Parian contains about two thousand Sangleys, more or less, with their
judge and governor. In addition to these there are somewhat more
than one thousand in the city, in Tondo, and throughout the islands,
engaged in various occupations and trades. Inasmuch as this relation
treats only of the ministers of instruction here and those necessary,
I shall not discuss further details of Manila and the islands, in
order to come to my purpose. Manila and its environs have sufficient
instruction, and even more than enough; for the usual alms is given to
the religious of the convents, and they are charged to administer the
sacraments and to give instruction to the natives there, each convent
in its own district. Therefore the ecclesiastics occupied in Manila
and its immediate environs, where there are plenty of ministers,
might be sent to other districts where ministers are lacking.
_His Majesty_--In the city of Manila are many Indians who are liable
to duty, both in service and in other employments, who are continually
shifting-- so that, out of the three thousand tributarios that there
should be, not more than five hundred tributes are collected for his
Majesty. To administer the sacraments and give Christian instruction
there is one parish priest for the Indians, and they attend mass at
the hospital for Spaniards. They are under the jurisdiction of Manila,
in affairs of justice. ... D.
_Bagunbaya_: _His Majesty_--His Majesty collects about three hundred
whole tributes in the new village of Bagunbaya. This means one
thousand two hundred souls. The convent of Sanct Agustín of Manila
provides instruction for one-third of them, those nearest the city. The
other two-thirds attend mass there. They are under the charge of the
parish priest of the Manila Indians--that is, as far as the hermitage
of Nuestra Señora de Guía ["Our Lady of Guidance"]. There mass is
celebrated for them; while he who says it to the Indians of Manila
says it in the hospital. There are many other churches where they may
attend mass, for the parish priest assists at that of the hermitage,
as it is a good settlement and outside of the city. These Indians
are under the jurisdiction of Manila. ... CCC.
_Laguio y Malate_: _His Majesty_--His Majesty collects three hundred
tributes, which represent one thousand two hundred souls, in the
village of Laguio y Malate. They are instructed by one Augustinian
religious, who has a church and house there. They are under the
jurisdiction of Manila. ... CCC.
_Longalo y Parañaque_: _His Majesty_--In the village of Longalo y
Parañaque--two places merged into one--are eight hundred tributes,
which are collected by his Majesty; counting in those of other
small hamlets, they represent, in all, three thousand two hundred
souls. They are in charge of one Augustinian convent established
there, with two religious. These religious visit the other small
hamlets. Tondo exercises justice therein. ... DCCC.
_Cabite and Others_: _His Majesty_--In the village of Cabite
and other neighboring hamlets, his Majesty has three hundred and
seventy tributes, representing one thousand four hundred and eighty
souls. One ecclesiastic residing there has them in charge. He visits
in addition some small villages very near by, and the port of Cavite,
where Spanish sailors are wont to be found. ... CCCLXX.
_Maragondon_: _His Majesty_--His Majesty collects two hundred
tributes, which represent eight hundred souls, in the village of
Maragondón. Formerly the ecclesiastic of Cavite visited them, being
assigned a special salary therefor. But he does not visit them now;
and for three years they have been without instruction, through the
bishop's negligence. ... CC.
_Dilao_: _His Majesty_--In the village of Dilao his Majesty collects
two hundred whole tributes, representing eight hundred souls,
whose instruction is in charge of the convent of Sanct Francisco of
Manila. They attend mass at this convent, as it is quite near. ... CC.
_Tondo_: _His Majesty_--The town of Tondo, on the other side of the
river, opposite Manila, is an encomienda of his Majesty, and is capital
of a district, with its own jurisdiction and an alcalde-mayor. In
Tondo, Nabotas, and Tambobo are collected one thousand five hundred
whole tributes, which represent six thousand souls. It has one
Augustinian convent with two ministers, who can give sufficient
instruction. ... MD.
Besides that, there is another convent of Dominicans, with two
religious, who furnish instruction to forty Christian Sangleys, whose
tribute is paid to his Majesty. They are under the civil jurisdiction
of that town. ... XL.
_Zapa_: _His Majesty; Pedrode Chaves; a minor son of Velazquez_--In
the village of Capa, an encomienda of his Majesty, are collected
two hundred tributes. In Pandaca, an encomienda of Pedro de Chaves,
are collected one hundred more. In other neighboring small hamlets,
on the river above, belonging to the minor son of Velazquez, are
collected two hundred more. Together these amount to four hundred
[_sic._]. They are under the charge of one Franciscan religious who
resides in Zapa and visits the other places. ... CCCC.
_Passi_: _Thome de la Ysla_--The encomienda of Passi belongs to Thome
de la Ysla. It has two thousand tributes, under the instruction of
one Augustinian monastery with two ministers. On the uplands are
two thousand more, among the Tingues above, who, although friendly,
pay no tribute and have no instruction. They could be provided with
two more ministers in due time. ... MMMM.
_Tagui_: _Captain Vergara_--The encomienda of Tagui belongs to Captain
Vergara. He collects there eight hundred tributes. It is provided
with adequate instruction by Augustinians. ... DCCC.
Thus the encomiendas of Manila, its coast, and the opposite shore
of Toado have nine thousand four hundred and ten whole tributes,
which represent thirty thousand six hundred and forty souls, or
thereabout. They have thirteen ministers of instruction, without
counting that given by the monasteries, as above stated. Thus they are
amply supplied with instruction, and even more than sufficiently. They
are under the judicial and civil jurisdictions of Manila and Tondo,
according to their districts.
La Pampanga
_Batan_: _Esguerra_--The encomienda of Batan, belonging to Juan
Esguerra, has about one thousand tributarios, who represent four
thousand souls. There is one Dominican convent there, and justice is
administered by a deputy. ... M.
_Bitis y Lubao_: _King_--The encomienda of Bitis y Lubao, which belongs
to his Majesty, has about five thousand tributes, or twenty thousand
souls. It has four Augustinian convents. Justice is exercised by one
alcalde-mayor and his deputy. ... MMMMM.
_Macabebe_: _Pedro de Chaves_--The encomienda of Macabebe, belonging
to Pedro de Chaves, has about two thousand three hundred tributes,
or about nine thousand two hundred souls. It has one Augustinian
convent. A portion of these Indians are instructed, however, by
a friar--that portion of them settled in certain new arable lands
in Araya. Justice is administered by the alcalde-mayor of Bitis y
Lubao. ... MMCCC.
_Candava_: _Don Juan Ronquillo; Don Goncalo Vallesteros_--The
encomienda of Candava, belonging to Don Juan Ronquillo and Don
Goncalo de Ballesteros, has about two thousand tributes, or eight
thousand persons. It has one Augustinian convent, but a portion of
these tributarios are in charge of the religious in the above village
of Araya. It is in the civil jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor of
Candava. ... MM.
_Apali_: _Minor daughter of Santos; Juan Lopez; Cañedo; King_--The
encomienda of Apali, belonging to a minor daughter of Santos, has one
hundred and seventy tributes, or six hundred and eighty persons. The
encomienda of Cabanbangan, belonging to Juan Lopez de Leon, has about
three hundred tributes, or one thousand two hundred persons. The
encomienda of the village called Castilla, belonging to his Majesty,
has seventy tributes, or two hundred and eighty persons. Another
village, called Capalangan, with seventy more tributes, or two hundred
and eighty persons, belongs to Antonio de Cañedo. All these villages
are instructed by one Augustinian friar, who lives in the above
village of Apali. All the above-named villages are near a river. It
is in the jurisdiction of Candava and Calompit. In all, these amount
to six hundred and eighty tributes or two thousand seven hundred and
twenty souls. ... DCLXXX.
_Calompit_: _Juan de Morón_ [_sic_]--The encomienda of Calompit y
Agunoy, belonging to Juan de Morones, has about three thousand two
hundred tributes, or twelve thousand eight hundred souls. It has two
Augustinian convents, and one alcalde-mayor. ... MMMCC.
_Malolos_: _Tirado_--The encomienda of Malolos, belonging to Tirado,
has about nine hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred
souls. It has one Augustinian convent. Justice is administered by
the alcalde-mayor of Bulacan. ... DCCCC.
_Binto_: _Cañedo_--The encomienda of Binto, belonging to Antonio
Cañedo, has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. It is in
charge of one Augustinian religious from the Malolos convent, which is
close at hand. It is in the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor above,
who visits it. ... D.
_Guinguinto_: _Ligero_--The encomienda of Guinguinto, belonging
to Ligero, has about five hundred tributes, or two thousand
persons. Instruction and justice are administered from Bulacan. ... D.
_Caluya_: _King_--The encomienda of Caluya, belonging to his Majesty,
has about seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred
persons. It is under the charge of the convent of Bulacán, and is in
the jurisdiction of that town. ... DCC.
_Bulacan_: _Mariscal_--The encomienda of Bulacan, belonging to
the Mariscal [i.e., Gabriel de Ribera], has about one thousand two
hundred tributes, or four thousand eight hundred persons. It has
one Augustinian convent, and one alcalde-mayor. It is a capital
town. ... MCC.
_Mecabayan_: _Minor son of La Rea_--The encomienda of Mecabayan,
which belongs to the minor son of La Rea, has about seven hundred
tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. It has one Franciscan
convent. It is in the jurisdiction of Bulacan. ... DCC.
Thus the encomiendas of Pampanga have eighteen thousand six hundred
and eighty whole tributes, or seventy-four thousand seven hundred
and twenty souls, more or less. They have twenty-eight ministers
of instruction, by whom, for the present, they are well instructed,
and well governed in judicial and civil matters.
Pangasinan
_Lingayen_: _King_--The encomienda of Lingayen, belonging to his
Majesty, has one thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. It
has one Augustinian convent. The inhabitants are peaceable, and have
justice. ... M.
_Sunguian_: _Vexarano_--The encomienda of Sunguian, belonging
to Vexarano, has six hundred tributes, or one thousand [_sic_]
four hundred persons. It has justice and is pacified. There is no
instruction. It needs one religious. ... DC.
_Magaldan_: _Axqueta_--The encomienda of Magaldan belongs to Captain
Christoval de Axqueta. It has eight hundred tributes or three thousand
two hundred persons. It has both instruction and justice. ... DCCC.
_Labaya_: _King; Ximenez; minor son of Sandoval_--encomienda of Labaya,
belonging to his Majesty, Juan Ximenez del Pino, and the minor son of
Alonso Hernández de Sandoval, has one thousand five hundred tributes,
or six thousand persons. It has instruction and justice. ... MD.
_Tugui y Bolinao_: _Aguilar_--The encomienda of Tugui y Bolinao,
belonging to Alonso de Aguilar, has two thousand tributes, or eight
thousand persons. Not more than one-half are pacified. They have no
instruction. The magistrate visits them. They need at least three or
four religious. ... MM.
Thus the encomiendas of Pangasinan have about six thousand whole
tributes, or about twenty-four thousand souls, who have eight
ministers of instruction. They will need five more, which will make
in all thirteen. The natives of this province will be sufficiently
instructed with that number.
Ilocos
_Bigan_--The town of Bigan is called Villa Fernandina. Five or six
Spanish citizens are settled there. It has one parish priest, one
alcalde-mayor, and one deputy.
_Baratao_: _Don Bernardino_--The encomienda of Baratao, belonging to
Captain Don Bernardino de Sandi, collects tribute from one thousand
five hundred men, or six thousand persons. It has one Augustinian
convent with two religious. It has justice. Two more religious are
needed. ... MD.
_Purao_: _Guiral_--The encomienda of Purao, belonging to Christóval
Guiral, has two thousand tributes, or eight thousand persons. There
is one Augustinian convent with two religious, and it has justice. It
needs two more religious. ... MM.
_Dumaquaque_: _King; Don Alonso_--The encomienda of Dumaquaque,
belonging to his Majesty and to Don Alonso Maldonado, has nine hundred
tributes, or three thousand six hundred persons. It has one monastery
with two religious, and justice. ... DCCCC.
_Candon_: _Aregue; Ribas_--The encomienda of Candón, belonging to Juan
el de Aregue and Ribas de Mendoza, collects nine hundred tributes,
which means three thousand six hundred persons. They have justice,
but no instruction. Two ministers are necessary. ... DCCCC.
_Nabucan_: _The Mariscal_--The encomienda of Nabucan, belonging to
the mariscal Gabriel de Ribera, collects one thousand four hundred
and ninety tributes, which means five thousand nine hundred and sixty
persons. It has instruction, one ecclesiastic, and justice. It needs
two more ministers. ... MCCCC. [_sic_]
_Napandan_: _Hospital_--The encomienda of Narandán, belonging to the
hospital for Spaniards, collects three hundred and ninety tributes,
which means one thousand five hundred and sixty persons. It has
instruction and justice. There is one minister in it. ... CCCXC.
_Bigan_: _King_--The encomienda of Bigan; his Majesty collects
there eight hundred tributes, which means three thousand two
hundred persons. It has one religious who takes care of it, and has
justice. ... DCCC.
_Batay y Batanguey_: _King_--The encomienda of Batay y Batanguey;
his Majesty collects there one thousand tributes, which means four
thousand persons. It has no instruction. It is at present visited
from Bigan. It has justice. Two ministers are needed. ... M.
_Panay_: _Don Pedro de Aguirre_--The encomienda of Panay belongs to
Don Pedro de Aguirre, a minor. He collects seven hundred tributes,
which means two thousand eight hundred persons. It has justice,
but no instruction. One minister is necessary. ... DCC.
_Sinay y Cabugao_: _King_--The encomienda of Sinay y Cabugao,
belonging to his Majesty, pays one thousand tributes, which means
four thousand persons. It has justice, but no instruction. It needs
two ministers. ... M.
_Barao_: _Don Juan de la Peña_--The encomienda of Barao belongs
to Don Juan de la Peña. He collects there seven hundred tributes,
which means two thousand eight hundred persons. It has justice,
but no instruction. One minister is needed. ... DCC.
_Cacabayan_: _King; Gaspar Perez_--The encomienda of Cacabayan,
belonging to his Majesty and Gaspar Perez; two thousand one hundred
tributes are collected there, which means eight thousand four
hundred persons. It has one monastery with three religious, and
justice. ... MMC.
_Boncan_: _Hernan Gutierrez_--The encomienda of Boncan belongs to
Captain Hernan Gutierrez. He collects there three hundred and fifty
tributes, which means one thousand four hundred souls. It is visited
by the fathers from Ylagua. It has justice. ... CCCL.
_Ylagua_: _King_--The encomienda of Ylagua belongs to his Majesty. He
collects from it one thousand five hundred tributes, which means six
thousand persons. It has three ministers, and justice. ... MD.
_Balleçillo_: _Piçarro_--The encomienda of Balleçillo belongs to
Andres Piçarro, who collects there one hundred and fifty tributes,
which means six hundred persons. It has no instruction, but has
justice. It needs one minister. ... CL.
_El Abra de Bigan_: _Doña María Ron_--The encomienda of El Abra
de Bigan; Doña María Ron collects from it one hundred and fifty
tributes, which means six hundred persons. It has no instruction,
but has justice. It needs one minister. ... CL.
_Bacarra_: _Captain Castillo; Hermossa_--The encomienda of Bacarra;
one thousand tributes are collected in it by Captain Castillo and
Andres de Hermossa. This means four thousand persons. There are two
Augustinian priests, and the people have justice. ... M.
_Dinglas_: _King; María Bermudez_--The encomienda of Dinglas belongs
to his Majesty and María Bermudez. They collect there six hundred
tributes, which means two thousand four hundred persons. It has no
instruction, but has justice. One religious is necessary for this
encomienda. ... DC.
Thus in the province of Ilocos and its jurisdiction, there are
seventeen thousand one hundred and thirty whole tributes, or
sixty-eight thousand five hundred and twenty persons. It is in charge
of twenty ministers of instruction, and needs about eleven other
ministers for the districts where they are wanting, in all more than
thirty ministers. With this number it would seem that there would be
sufficient instruction in the gospel, as there is in peace and justice.
Cagaian
_The City of Segovia_--The city of Nueva Segovia is the capital
of Cagayan, and its principal port. It has a number of Spanish
citizens, with an alcalde-mayor, his deputy, and regidors. There is
one Augustinian convent in charge of the Spaniards, with one priest,
and his associate, a brother.
_Cabicunga_: _Don Sebastian_--The encomienda of Cabicunga is assigned
to Don Sebastian Ruyz de Baeca. It has five hundred tributes,
which represent two thousand souls. It has no instruction, but has
justice. One minister will be needed there. ... D.
_Pata_: _Vacant_--The encomienda of Pata lies vacant. It has two
hundred tributes, or eight hundred persons. It has instruction and
justice, and is peaceful. The minister of Cabicunga could visit it,
and it would have sufficient instruction. ... CC.
_Massi_: _Serpa; Vacant_--The encomienda of Massi, belonging to
Christoval de Serpa, has five hundred tributes, which represent two
thousand persons. ... D.
On this river of Massi is another encomienda, called Bangal, with
three hundred tributarios, which means one thousand two hundred
persons. It lies vacant. They are both pacified and have justice, but
no instruction. One religious to reside in Massi, and visit Bangal,
will be sufficient. ... CCC.
_Tulaque_: _Captain Castillo; Juan de la Feria_--The encomienda of
Tulaque, which belongs to Captain Castillo and Juan de la Feria,
has one thousand five hundred tributarios, which means six thousand
persons. The greater portion is pacified. They have no instruction. Two
ministers will be necessary for the whole. ... MD.
_Camalayuga_: _King_--The encomienda of Camalayuga belongs to his
Majesty. He collects there five hundred tributes, which means two
thousand persons. They are pacified. They have no instruction, but
have justice. ... D.
_Camanaguan_: _King_--The encomienda of Camanaguan belongs to his
Majesty. He collects there three hundred tributes, which means one
thousand two hundred persons. Likewise Tocol, which has one hundred
tributes, or four hundred persons. These tributes have been assigned to
the repairs of the fortress of the city of Segovia. They are pacified
and have justice. At present one minister, to reside in Camalayuga
and visit the other villages, will suffice. ... CCC.
_Gotot_: _Don Pedro de Espinosa_--The encomienda of Gotot belongs
to Don Pedro de Espinosa. It has six hundred tributes. One or two of
its settlements are pacified. Justice is administered there. It has
no instruction. One religious will be necessary there. ... DC.
_Maguin y Taviran_: _King_--The encomienda of Maguín y Tabiran
belongs to his Majesty. It has five hundred tributes, or two thousand
persons. There is one pacified settlement. Justice is administered
from Cagaian. There is no instruction. One minister for the instruction
of these settlements will be necessary. ... D.
_Sinavanga_: _Juan Pablo_--The encomienda of Sinavanga, belonging to
Juan Pablo de Carrion, has one thousand tributes, or four thousand
persons. It is hostile, and has no instruction. Two ministers are
needed there. ... M.
_Manacu_: _Don Sebastian_--The encomienda of Manacu, belonging to Don
Sebastian Ruyz de Baeza, has two hundred tributes, or eight hundred
friendly persons. It has justice. The two ministers of Manacu are
without instruction. The ministers of Sinavanga might care for those
of Manacu, and it would be instructed. ... CC.
_Dumon_: _Sequera_--The encomienda of Dumon, belonging to Juan de
Sequera, has eight hundred tributes, which means three thousand two
hundred persons. It is hostile. One religious might be stationed
there when it is pacified. ... DCCC.
_Talapa y Gatara_: _Juan Vasquez; Argonca; Alonso Martín_--The
encomienda of Talapa y Gatara belongs to Juan Vasquez and Juan de
Argonca. It has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. They
are hostile. One religious might be stationed there, when they are
pacified, and who can visit the estuary of Talapanga, which has fifty
tributes, or two hundred persons, and belongs to Alonso Martín. It
is hostile also.... DL.
_Lobo_: _Don Rodrigo Ronquillo; Diego Ronquillo_--The encomienda of
Lobo, belonging to Don Rodrigo and Diego Ronquillo, has four thousand
tributes, or sixteen thousand persons. It is all hostile. For its
administration and instruction it requires six religious. ... MMMM.
_Bato and Masipin_: _Don Sebastian; Alonso Martín_--The encomienda
of Bato belongs to Don Sebastian Ruyz Baeza. It has four hundred
tributes, and Masipin two hundred tributes, which means two thousand
four hundred persons. It is all in rebellion. It might have one
religious to minister to both parts. ... DC.
_Caralanga, Yaguan, Ygui, Tagoran, Pagamon_: _Francisca de
Cardenas; Alonso Vazquez; Alonso Sanchez; Don Sebastian_--All the
above encomiendas belong to Francisca de Cardenas, Alonso Vazquez,
Alonso Sanchez, and Don Sebastian Ruyz de Baeza. They have about six
hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred persons. All of them
are hostile. They might have one religious to administer instruction
in them all. ... DC.
_Nabugan_: _King_--The encomienda of Nabugan belongs to his
Majesty. It has seven hundred tributarios, or two thousand eight
hundred persons. It is in rebellion. One minister to instruct them
is needed. ... DCC.
_Gabalatan, Gat, Tapia, Dudulique_: _Don Sebastian; Alonso Sanchez;
Patiño_--These encomiendas of Gabalatan, Gat, Tapia, and Dudulique,
belong to Alonso Sanchez, Don Sebastian, and Patiño. They have six
hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred persons. They are all
hostile. One minister is needed for them, who may live in Gabalatan
and visit the other villages. ... DC.
_Tubigarao, Tabagar, Acuba_: _Henao; Alonso Vázquez_--These
encomiendas of Tubigarao, Tabagar, and Acuba, belong to Henao and
Alonso Vazquez. They have seven hundred tributes, or two thousand
eight hundred persons. They are in rebellion. When pacified, one
minister might instruct them. He could live in Tubigarao and visit
the other villages. ... DCC.
_Batona, Sulu, Rot, Lapugan_: _Bartholome de Caravajal; Enrrique
Martín_--These encomiendas of Batano, Sulu, Rot, and Lapugan, belong
to Enrrique Martín and Bartholome de Caravajal. They have five hundred
and fifty tributes, or two thousand two hundred persons, who are in
rebellion. When the rebellion is suppressed, one minister can furnish
instruction in all these villages. ... DL.
_Cimbus_: _Caravajal; Serna_--The encomienda of Cimbus belongs to
Bartholome Caravajal and Estevan de la Serna. They have one thousand
two hundred tributarios, or four thousand eight hundred persons. It is
all in a state of rebellion. When pacified, two ministers can attend
to the instruction there. ... MCC.
_Nalaguan_: _Juan Vázquez_--The encomienda of Nalaguan belongs to Juan
Vázquez. It has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. It
is hostile. One minister is necessary. ... D.
_Bololutan_: _Caravajal; Juan Vazquez_--The encomienda of Bolo y
Lulutan, belonging to Bartholome Caravajal and Alonso Vázquez, has
five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. Bolo is at peace but
Lulutan is in rebellion. One religious can administer instruction in
both parts. ... D.
_Bataguan, Sugarro_: _Alonso Sanchez; Alonso Galindo_--The encomienda
of Bataguan and Sugarro, belonging to Alonso Sanchez and Alonso
Galindo, has six hundred tributes or two thousand four hundred
persons. It is all in rebellion. One religious can administer
instruction, and can reside at Bataguan and visit Sugarra. ... DC.
_Balissi, Moyot, and Camiguil_: _Serna; Alonso Sanchez; Juan
Vázquez_--The encomiendas of Balissi, belonging to Estevan de la
Serna, Moyot, belonging to Alonso Sanchez, and Camiguil, belonging
to Alonso [_sic_] Vazquez, have five hundred and fifty tributes,
or two thousand two hundred persons. They are in rebellion. One
minister, who could live in Balissi and visit the others, could
furnish instruction. ... DL.
_Purrao Culit_: _Miguel Nunez_--The encomienda of Purrao Culit
belongs to Miguel Nuñez, and has about five hundred tributarios,
or two thousand persons. It is in rebellion throughout. One minister
could furnish instruction to all the inhabitants. ... D.
_Taotao_: _Alonso Martín_--The encomienda of Taotao, called otherwise
Tingues de la Paxada, belongs to Alonso Martín. It has five hundred
tributes, or two thousand persons. It is all in rebellion. One minister
might instruct these encomiendas. ... D.
_Yoguan_: _Luis Patiño_--The encomienda of Yoguan has another village,
called Togol, and both belong to Luys Patiño. They have four hundred
tributarios, or one thousand six hundred persons. It is all in
rebellion. One minister can instruct these villages. ... CCCC.
_Pugao_: _Juan Rodríguez de Mansilla and others_--The valley
of Pugao, which is in charge of Juan Rodríguez de Manssilla, at
the head-waters of the Rio Grande; we are informed that it has two
thousand tributarios. They are in rebellion. When they are pacified,
they will require three ministers. This encomienda belongs to others
together with Manssilla. ... MM.
_Babuyanes_: _Alonso de la Serna; Francisco Castillo_--This
encomienda of the Babuyanes consists of two islands belonging to
Estevan [_sic_] de la Serna and Francisco Castillo. From one to the
other is a distance of two leagues. It has five hundred tributarios,
or two thousand persons. They are all in rebellion. It might have
one minister, living at Puga and visiting Aperri. ... D.
_Calayan_: _Serna_--This island of Calayan belongs to Estevan de
la Serna. It has four hundred tributes, or one thousand six hundred
persons. It is in rebellion. It needs one minister. ... CCCC.
_Camiguin_: _Alonso Martín_--The island of Camiguín belongs to Alonso
Martín. It has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. It is in
rebellion. One religious might attend to the instruction there. ... D.
We have notice of other islands, although we have not seen them,
and they remain yet to be allotted. Thus in the province of Cagayan
and the islands of Babuyanes, there are twenty-four thousand whole
tributes, or about ninety-six thousand souls. Notwithstanding that
most of it is in rebellion, a great part of it is being reduced to
the royal crown. In all the province there is not a single minister
of instruction, and it will need thirty-eight religious, when it is
wholly pacified. As to the administration of justice, in the part now
pacified or being pacified, the encomienda and government of Nueva
Segovia has it in charge. When all is pacified, more alcaldes-mayor
will be needed, and will be provided.
La Laguna
_Mirabago_: _Juan Gutierrez_--The encomienda of Mirabago, belonging
to Juan Gutierrez, has six hundred, nay, seven hundred tributes, or
two thousand eight hundred persons. It has justice. The instruction of
this encomienda located on the shore of the lake is in charge of the
bridge [6] of Tabuco. One minister is needed for the tingues. ... DCC.
_Tabuco_: _Don Luis Enrriquez_--The encomienda of Tabuco belongs to
Don Luis Enrriquez. It has one thousand tributes, or four thousand
persons. The tingues of this encomienda live very far away, although
the ecclesiastic in charge of this encomienda visits them. For this
reason they will need one ecclesiastic. ... M.
_Taitay_: _Juan Pacheco_--The encomienda of Taitay, belonging to
Juan Pacheco, has six hundred tributes. One Franciscan friar takes
sufficient care of the instruction there. ... DC.
_Bay_: _Juan Pacheco Maldonado_--The encomienda of Bay belongs
to Captain Juan Pacheco Maldonado. It has two thousand one
hundred tributes, or eight thousand four hundred persons. It
has two Augustinian convents, and justice. It has sufficient
instruction. ... MMC.
_Pila_: _Captain Mercado; Peñalossa_--The encomienda of Pila belongs to
Captain Mercado and Ensign Peñalosa. It has one thousand seven hundred
tributes, or six thousand eight hundred persons. It has justice;
and two Franciscan convents furnish sufficient instruction. ... MDCC.
_Mahaihai_: _Captain Ossorio_--The encomienda of Mahaihai belongs
to Captain Ossorio. It has five hundred tributes, or two thousand
persons. It has justice, and one Franciscan friar. ... D.
_Lumban_: _King_--The encomienda of Lumban belongs' to his Majesty. He
collects there one thousand seven hundred tributes, which means six
thousand eight hundred persons. It has two convents of Franciscan
friars, and is well instructed. ... MDCC.
_Tayaval_: _King_--The encomienda of Tayaval belongs to his Majesty. It
has seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. It
is sufficiently instructed. ... DCC.
_Panguil_: _Minor son of Velazquez_--The encomienda of Panguil,
belonging to the minor son of Velázquez, has eight hundred tributes,
or three thousand two hundred persons. It is instructed by
Franciscans. ... DCCC.
_Sinaloa_: _Brito_--The encomienda of Sinaloa belongs to Pedro de
Brito. It has seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred
persons. It is sufficiently instructed, although the tingues live very
far away, and cannot come to the convent for mass. One more minister
is necessary. ... DCC.
_Moron_: _Hernando deAbalos; Hospital_--The encomienda of Morón
belongs to Hernando Abalos and the royal hospital. They have one
thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. They have instruction,
but in order that all may have it, one more minister is needed. ... M.
_Nayun_: _King_--The encomienda of Nayun, belonging to his Majesty,
has seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. They
are sufficiently instructed. ... DCC.
Thus the province of La Laguna, which is the alcalde-mayoralty styled
by itself Bay, has eleven thousand five hundred whole tributes, or
forty-eight thousand four hundred souls. These are well instructed,
for with its twenty-seven ministers, if the tingues were gathered in
the settlements, and another four ministers were added, it would have
sufficient instruction. Likewise it is all furnished with adequate
justice.
Vicor and Camarines
_Caceres_: The town of Caceres is the capital. It has thirty Spanish
inhabitants and one Franciscan convent with two religious, not counting
those who come and go. There is one parish priest with his church,
stationed by himself, to whom his Majesty gives a stipend of fifty
thousand maravedís; and, with the balance given by the citizens,
the sum amounts to more than three hundred pesos. There is one
alcalde-mayor and his deputy.
_Milarrit_: _Minor son of Torres_--The village of Mirralit [_sic_],
belonging to the minor son of Torres; in this encomienda there are
five hundred and twenty whole tributes, or two thousand and eighty
souls in all. This encomienda is one-quarter of a league from the town
up the river. Two Franciscan religious from the convent of Caceres
visit it, so that it is sufficiently instructed. The magistrate of
Caceres administers justice there. ... DXX.
_Minalava_: _King_--His Majesty has control of the encomienda of
Minalava, in which are six hundred and sixty-eight tributes, or two
thousand six hundred and seventy-two souls. The villages of this
encomienda are quite close to one another, so that they can hear the
bell when it is rung, and assemble in this encomienda. There are two
religious of the order of St. Francis--one a priest and the other a
lay-brother--so that it is furnished with instruction. In addition,
these religious visit the following encomienda. ... DCLXVIII.
_Ynguinan_: _Doña María de Ron_--These two religious visit the
encomienda called Ynguinan, which has two hundred and six entire
tributes, or eight hundred and twenty-four persons. By means of the
above mentioned visitation, instruction is furnished. ... CCVI.
_Linaguan_: _Pedro de Salazar_--These two religious visit Linaguan
also. It belongs to Pedro de Salazar, who has in the said encomienda of
Niguinan sixty whole tributes. It is one-half league from Minalava, its
capital. There is another encomienda two or three leagues farther. At
present these towns of Niguinan and Linaguan are not sufficiently
instructed by this visitation. However, with the addition of one more
minister they will have sufficient. Justice is administered in these
encomiendas by the alcalde-mayor of Caceres, two or three leagues
away. ... LX.
_Nabua_: _King_--His Majesty has another encomienda also, Nabua by
name, numbering one thousand and eighteen whole tributes, or four
thousand and seventy-two persons. The villages of this encomienda
are near together. They used to have four ministers, for they visit
the two following encomiendas. There are in Nabua two Franciscan
friars. ... MXVIII.
_Bula_: _Doña Maria de Ron_--The village of Bula belongs to Doña
María de Ron. It is four leagues from Nabua. It has two hundred and
six whole tributes, or eight hundred and twenty-four persons. It is
visited from Nabua. ... CCVI.
_Bao_: _Minor son of Sebastian Pérez_--These fathers of Nabua visit
also the encomienda of the minor son of the late Sebastian Perez,
called Bao. It has one hundred and seventy-six tributes, or seven
hundred and four persons. Like Nabua, the capital, it used to have
four friars, but now has not more than two. These encomiendas are
not well administered, but five religious would be sufficient for
it. ... CLXXVI.
_Buy_: _Sebastián García_--Likewise these fathers of Nabua visited and
instructed the encomienda of Buy, which belongs to Sebastián García;
but they say they can do so no longer. It is two leagues from Nabua,
and can receive instruction from no other place. It has three hundred
and twelve tributes, or one thousand two hundred and forty-eight
persons, who will receive instruction, when Nabua, its capital,
has the said five ministers. ... CCCXII.
_Guas and Libon_: _Estevan Rodríguez_--Captain Estevan Rodríguez has
the encomienda of the villages of Guas and Libon, with one thousand
one hundred and seventy-four whole tributes, or four thousand seven
hundred and ninety-six souls. The settlements of these two capitals
are near one another, except some located in the mountains six or seven
leagues away, where there are many Christians. The said encomienda is
instructed and visited with difficulty. Four religious of the order
of St. Francis-three priests and one lay brother-live there. They
visit the following encomienda. ... MCLXXIIII.
_Polangui_: _Pedro de Salazar_--Between Guas and Libon, Pedro de
Salazar owns a village named Polangui, with six hundred and forty-one
tributes, or two thousand five hundred and sixty-four souls. By
means of the above-mentioned visitation, they are tolerably well
instructed at present; but if more religious can be had, they might
have two more, so that there might be two in Guas, two in Polangui,
and two in Luyon, which would furnish sufficient instruction. Caceres
rules it in affairs of justice. ... DCXLI.
_Canaman_: _Gregorio Sanchez_--Gregorio Sanchez has Canaman as an
encomienda, with three hundred and six whole tributes, or one thousand
two hundred and twenty-four persons, including adults and children. It
receives instruction from two Franciscan friars--one a priest, and
the other a lay-brother--so that it is well instructed. ... CCCVI.
_Alimanan_: _Diego Díaz Marmolejo_--Alimanán, the encomienda of
Diego Díaz Marmolejo, lies on the way to Canaman. It has six hundred
whole tributes, or about two thousand four hundred souls. There are
two religious of the order of St. Francis in the said encomienda,
who furnish sufficient instruction. Caceres administers justice
therein. ... DC.
_Magarao_: _Pedro de Arceo_--The Canaman fathers visit likewise the
encomienda of Magarao, which belongs to Captain Pedro de Arceo. This
encomienda has four hundred and fifty whole tributes, or one thousand
eight hundred men. The villages of both these encomiendas [Canaman
and Magarao] are quite near one another, being separated by little
more than one-half league. These villages are well instructed, with
the visitation of the two religious; although, if there were a good
supply of priests, they might, in order to be thoroughly instructed,
have one more for the administration of the sacraments. They are one
league from the city of Caceres, from which place they are governed
in civil and judicial matters. ... CCCCL.
_Quipayo_: _Luys Brizeño_--Captain Luis Brizeño has the village of
Quipayo as an encomienda, with five hundred tributes, or two thousand
souls. The villages of this encomienda are quite close together,
being separated by only one-half League, or three-quarters at the
most. It has two religious, priests of the order of St. Francis. It
is well instructed and has the following visitation. ... D.
_Caravanga_: _Sebastian Garcia_--These two fathers visit the encomienda
of Caravanga, belonging to Estevan [_sic_] García. There are three
hundred tributes there, or one thousand two hundred persons. By means
of the two above-mentioned religious, it is well instructed. Caceres
governs it in judicial matters. ... CCC.
_Labo y Aguette_: _King_--His Majesty owns also another encomienda
in this province, called Labo y Aguetet, having six hundred and
forty-eight whole tributes, or two thousand nine hundred and ninety-two
persons. The villages of this encomienda are close together, except
six villages having seventy tributes, which are up the river, four or
five leagues from the capital. One priest furnishes the instruction
in this encomienda, namely the canon Paz; but he makes the following
visits. ... DCXLVIII.
_Batas_: _Minor son of Hernando de la Cruz_--The encomienda of Batas,
belonging to the minor son of Hernando de la Cruz, has three hundred
whole tributes, or one thousand two hundred persons. The priest of
Labo instructs it in visits. ... CCC.
_Tarisey_: _Pablo García_--Pablo García owns another encomienda,
called Tarisey, lying between Labo and Batas. It has about eighty
whole tributes, or three hundred and twenty persons, and is visited
from Labo. Although the said minister of Labo is aided by another from
Paracali who says mass, this latter does not know the language. In
respect to the said visitations of Batas and Tarisey, it seems that,
to have sufficient instruction, the said encomienda of Labo should
have two friars. The alcalde-mayor of Caceres administers justice to
the natives of these encomiendas. ... LXXX.
_Paracali_: _Andres Cauchela_--The accountant Cauchela has five
hundred and seventy tributes in Paracali. This means two thousand
two hundred and eighty souls, all sufficiently instructed. DLXX.
_Mauban_: _King_--In this province at Mauban, and on the island
of Buyun, the island of Mandatto and Bisayas, his Majesty has one
thousand two hundred tributes along twenty leagues of coast. It is
not instructed and numbers four thousand eight hundred souls. Two
religious are necessary. ... MCC.
_Lagunoy_: _Brizeño_--Captain Brizeño has an encomienda in the province
of Lagunoy, at Mapoto, with two hundred whole tributes, or eight
hundred souls. It has not instruction, and needs one minister. ... CC.
_Lagunoy_: _Rodrigo Arias_--In the same province, Ensign Rodrigo Arias
owns an encomienda of seven hundred whole tributes, or two thousand
eight hundred persons. It has no instruction. When instruction is
furnished to the above encomienda, this one will have it. ... DCC.
_Lagunoy_: _Doña María Ron_--In the same province, Doña María de Ron
has three hundred whole tributes, or one thousand two hundred souls,
without instruction. ... CCC.
_Lagunoy_: _Juan Rodríguez Lausor_--In addition Juan Rodríguez de
Lausor has three hundred whole tributes in the same province. There
are one thousand two hundred souls living in fine settlements, near
one another. This province and all the said encomiendas are without
instruction. They might have four ministers, if there is a sufficient
supply, for they are twelve leagues from the city of Cáçeres, from
which justice is administered to them. ... CCC.
_Malinao_: _Briçeño_--In the province of Malinao and Cagarei, the said
Captain Brizeño has four hundred whole tributes, or one thousand six
hundred souls. They have no instruction, but below will be told how
they can have it. ... CCCC.
_Albai_: _Brizeño_--The said Captain Brizeño has another hundred
and sixty whole tributes, which means six hundred and forty persons,
in the province of Albay, without instruction. ... CLX.
_Albai_: _Gregorio Sánchez; Diego de Montoro_--Gregorio Sánchez and
Diego de Montoro have between them one thousand five hundred whole
tributes, or six thousand souls, in the same province of Albay. The
settlements in this province are excellent, and located near
together. Four or even three ministers might take care of these two
provinces of Manilao and Albay, and instruct the said four encomiendas,
which are under the civil jurisdiction of Cáçeres. ... MD.
_Camarines_: _Pedro de Arçeo_--Captain Pedro de Arçeo has the province
of Camarines as an encomienda. This has eight hundred and eighty
tributes, or three thousand five hundred and twenty persons. They are
all settled in one village, a condition which was brought about by
two Franciscan friars who were there, but who left it about three and
one-half years ago. Therefore they have no instruction. Two religious
will be necessary at present. ... DCCCLXXX.
_Yguey_: _Alonso Pimentel_--Alonso Pimentel has an encomienda in Yguei,
with six hundred and seventy tributes, or two thousand six hundred
and eighty souls. Two religious are needed there. The encomendero has
taught them a great deal, for many of them know their prayers. The
alcalde-mayor of Cáçeres administers justice there. ... DCLXX.
_Bondo y Caporagua_: _Alonso Lopez_--He owns the encomienda of
the bay of Bondo y Caporagua, with five hundred whole tributes, or
two thousand souls. They live on nine rivers along eight leagues of
coast, the said rivers having one hundred, or one hundred and thirty
or fifty, inhabitants. They might be collected on two of the rivers
and be instructed by one priest. The magistrate of Camarines visits
them. ... D.
_Bondo_: _Manila Hospital_--Manila Hospital owns five hundred and
forty more tributes, or two thousand one hundred and sixty souls,
in the said province of Bondo. It will need one more minister for
instruction, for they have none. This encomienda, with the one above,
belonging to Alonso López, will need three. ... DXL.
_Lumanao in Ybalon_: _Saavedra_--In the province of Ybalon, Diego
López de Saavedra owns the encomiendas of Lumanao, with four hundred
whole tributes, or one thousand six hundred persons. It has no
instruction. It and the following will need three ministers, when
there is a sufficient supply of them. ... CCCC.
_Ybalon_: _Christóval Sánchez_--On the said bay of Ybalón, Christóval
Sánchez has an encomienda of seven hundred and forty whole tributes,
or two thousand nine hundred and sixty souls. They are without
instruction, but can have it with the three ministers mentioned in
the above encomienda--two here, and one there. The alcalde-mayor of
Cáçeres visits these encomiendas. ... DCCXL.
_Uban y Builan_: _King_--His Majesty has seventy tributes along the
river of Uban y Builan. They have no instruction, but can be visited
from Ybalón. There are two hundred and eighty souls. ... LXX.
_Coast Opposite Ybalon_: _Pedro de Arnedo_--Pedro de Arnedo has seven
hundred and thirty-five whole tributes, or two thousand nine hundred
and forty souls, on the coast opposite the said bay of Ybalon, in Baco
y Busaigan. This encomienda, extending ten or twelve leagues along the
adjacent coast, and occupying five settlements along the seacoast,
might be reduced to two settlements, except one river on the strait
and mouth of Bugaigan. One priest might be established here in this
encomienda, and visit the following, as it is small. ... DCCXXXV.
_Capul_: _Hernando Muñoz_--Hernando Muñoz de Poyatos has three
hundred and thirty whole tributes, or one thousand three hundred
and twenty souls, in Capul, which is situated one league from the
strait. It has no instruction, but will be visited from the above
encomienda. ... CCCXXX.
_Catanduanes_: _Thomás Dato; Rodrigo Sarfate; Juan de Yepes;
Antón Sánchez_--The island of Catanduanes has three thousand
tributarios, and more than fully pays its listed tribute. It has
more than fifteen thousand souls, and belongs to four encomenderos:
Thomás Dato, Rodrigo Sarfate, Juan de Yepes, and Antón Sánchez. The
five scattered settlements might be reduced to two. With four more
ministers it could be instructed. Cáçeres administers its justice,
by visitation from Cáçeres. However, it will require a deputy, who
should generally live there. ... MMM.
Thus the province of Vicor y Camarines, with the island of Catanduanes,
has twenty-one thousand six hundred and sixty whole tributes, or
eighty-six thousand six hundred and forty souls. For its entire
instruction it has at present fifteen ministers. According to the
allotment of the land, thirty-two more ministers are necessary, so
that it may have sufficient instruction. In all it needs fifty-three,
if there are sufficient. All the province has justice, which is
administered from Cáçeres.
_Masbate_: _Moral_--The encomienda of Masbate is an island belonging
to Francisco de Moral. It has about four hundred tributes, or one
thousand six hundred souls. The people are peaceable. It has justice
administered from Cáçeres. It has no instruction, and needs one
minister. ... CCCC.
_Burías_: _Captain Brizeño_--This encomienda of Burías is another
island, and belongs to Captain Brizeño. He collects there four
hundred tributes. It has justice, but no instruction, and will need
one minister. ... CCCC.
[Zebu]
_Zebu_--In the island of Zebú is the capital city, Sanctissimo
Nombre de Jesús, with more than thirty Spanish citizens, with its
alcalde-mayor and magistracy. It has one ecclesiastic, who acts as
vicar of the Spaniards.
_Leite_: _Oseguera_--The encomienda of Leyte belongs to Don Pedro de
Oseguera. He collects there six hundred and twenty-six tributes, which
means one thousand and five hundred and four persons. It has justice;
and that it may have instruction, needs one minister. ... DCXXVI.
_Gonpot y Cagayán_: _King_--This encomienda of Gonpot y Cagayán
belongs to his Majesty. He collects there seventy tributes. It has
neither instruction nor justice, but needs them. ... LXX.
_Butuan_: _Doña Lucía_--Doña Lucía de Loarca owns the encomienda of
the river of Butuan. She collects there one thousand two hundred
tributes. It has justice, but no instruction. Two religious are
necessary to take care of it, for it has four thousand and eight
hundred persons. ... MCC.
_Zampojar_: _Caravajal_--Diego de Caravajal collects along this river
of Sampójar, fifty-eight tributes. They are not well pacified, and have
neither instruction nor justice, both of which they need. ... LVIII.
_Caraga_: _Juan Gutiérrezdel Real; Francisco de Sancta Cruz_--Juan
Gutiérrez del Real and Francisco de Sancta Cruz collect eight hundred
and ninety-two tributes in Caraga. This represents three thousand
five hundred and sixty-eight persons. They have no instruction, and
are not pacified; but when that shall be effected, it will need two
ministers. ... DCCCXCII.
_Dulaque_: _Francisco Rodríguez de Avila_--Francisco Rodríguez de
Avila collects tribute along the river of Dulaque from four hundred
and eighty-two tributarios, who represent one thousand nine hundred
and twenty-eight persons. It has justice, but no instruction. It
needs one minister. ... CCCCLXXXII.
_Leyte_: _Sedeño_--Pedro Sedeño collects tribute in the island of Leyte
and along the river of Tambolo, from five hundred and sixty-three
tributarios, who represent two thousand two hundred and fifty-two
souls. It is peaceful, and has justice, but no instruction. It needs
one minister. ... DLXIII.
_Carigara_: _Juan de Truxillo_--Juan de Truxillo collects tribute along
the river of Carigara from four hundred and thirty-four tributarios,
who represent one thousand seven hundred and thirty-six persons. It
has justice, and is peaceful, but has no instruction. It needs one
minister. ... CCCCXXXIIII.
_Barugo_: _Henao_--Alonso de Henao collects four hundred and fourteen
tributes on the river of Barugo. These represent one thousand six
hundred and fifty-six persons. It is peaceful, and has justice,
but no instruction. It needs one minister. ... CCCCXIIII.
_Abuyo_: _Reyes_--Gaspar de los Reyes collects three hundred
and four tributes on the river of Abuyo and the town of Guisan,
in Ybabao. These represent one thousand two hundred and sixteen
persons. It is peaceful and has justice, but no instruction. It needs
one minister. ... CCCIIII.
_Palo_: _Pedro Hernandez_--Pedro Hernandez collects four hundred
and ninety tributes from the encomienda of Palo. These represent
two thousand persons. It is peaceful, with justice, but without
instruction, and needs one minister. ... CCCCXC.
_Dulaque_: _Sauzedo_--Domingo de Sauzedo collects from the encomienda
of Dulaque six hundred and thirteen tributes, which represent two
thousand four hundred and fifty-two persons. It is peaceful, and has
justice, but no instruction. It needs one minister. ... DCXIII.
_Abuyo Ebito_: _Ysla_--Gaspar de Ysla collects four hundred and
thirty-five tributes, which represent one thousand seven hundred and
forty persons, in Abuyo Ebito, and Zebu. It is peaceful, with justice,
but without instruction, and needs one religious. ... CCCCXXXV.
_Hinundanga_: _Abila_--Francisco de Ábila collects five hundred
tributes, which means two thousand persons, from the encomienda of
Hinundanga. It is pacified and has justice, but no instruction. It
needs at least one religious to take care of it. ... D.
_Tilan_: _Sepulbeda_--Francisco de Sepúlbeda collects the tribute of
the encomienda of Tilan, which has one hundred and forty tributes. He
collects unjustly. Although it has justice, it has no instruction,
and needs it. ... CXL.
_Baybay and Zebu_: _Navarro_--Pedro Navarro collects six hundred and
fifteen tributes in Baybay and Zebú. This means two thousand four
hundred and sixty persons. It has no instruction, but has justice. One
minister is necessary. ... DCXV.
_Samay and Ybabao_: _Juan Méndez_--The minor son of Juan Méndez
collects one thousand tributes, which means four thousand persons,
in Samay and Ybabao. It has peace and justice, but no instruction. It
needs two ministers. ... M.
_Tinagon and Burí_: _Soria; Núñez_--Pedro de Soria collects two
hundred and six tributes in Tinagón. These represent eight hundred
and twenty-four persons. It has justice, but no instruction. This is
needed between him and Francisco Núñez, who collects one hundred and
ninety tributes in Burí. ... CCCVI.
_Sámar, Ybabao_: _Molina_--Francisco de Molina collects in Sámar,
Ybabao, Siquión and Maripit, four hundred and seventy-seven tributes,
which represent one thousand nine hundred and eight persons. It has
no instruction, but has justice. It needs one minister. ... CCCCLXXVII.
_Candaya_: _Françisco Martin_--Françisco Martin collects from Gandaya
two hundred and fifty-five tributes, which represent one thousand
and twenty persons. It has justice, but no instruction, and needs
it. ... CCLV.
_Ybabao_: _Gonçalo Ximénez; Juan Gutiérrez_--Gonçalo Ximénez and Juan
Gutiérrez del Real collect, in the island of Ybabao, eight hundred
and sixteen tributes, which represent three thousand two hundred and
sixty-four persons. It has peace and justice, but no instruction. It
needs, at the least, one minister. ... DCCCXVI.
_Ybabao and Zebu_: _Carreña_--Francisco Carreño collects, in Ybabao and
Zebu, three hundred and thirty tributes, which represent one thousand
three hundred and twenty persons. It has justice and is pacified,
but has no instruction, which it needs. ... CCCXXX.
_Leyte, Masbate, and Ybabao_: _Moral_--Francisco Moral collects,
from Leyte, Masbate, and Ybabao, one thousand one hundred and
sixteen tributes, which represent four thousand four hundred and
sixty-eight persons. It has justice, and is entirely pacified. It
has no instruction, and needs two ministers. ... MCXVI.
_Bantayan_: _Minor son of Gamboa_--The minor son of Gamboa collects,
in Bantayan, one thousand six hundred and eighty-three tributes,
which represent six thousand seven hundred and thirty-two persons. It
has both justice and instruction. ... MDCLXXXIII.
_Tanay_: _Ossorio_--Ossorio collects, from the river of Tanay,
one hundred and eighty tributes, which represent seven hundred and
twenty persons. It has justice and peace, but no instruction, which
it needs. ... CLXXX.
_Tanay_: _Juan Martín_--Juan Martín collects, from the river of Tanay
and the island of Negros, five hundred and fifty-seven tributes, which
represent two thousand two hundred persons. It has no instruction,
but is pacified and has justice. It needs one minister. ... DLVII.
_Abuyo_: _Françisco Álbarez_--Françisco Albarez de Toledo collects,
along the river of Abuyo, Vincay, and Maya, four hundred and eighty
tributes, which represent one thousand nine hundred and twenty
persons. It is pacified, and has justice, but no instruction, which
is needed. ... CCCCLXXX.
_Camote and Matan_: _The city_--The city of Sanctíssimo Nombre de Jesus
has of its own, in Camote and Matan, two hundred and eighty-seven
tributes, which represent one thousand one hundred and forty-eight
persons. They are pacified, and have justice, but no instruction,
which is needed. For this and the two following one minister is
necessary. ... CCLXXX.
_Mindanao_: _Roman_--Alonso Roman collects in Mindanao one hundred
tributes, which represent four hundred persons. It is pacified,
but has no instruction. It has justice. ... C.
_Masagua y Payta_: _Espinosa_--Christoval Espinosa collects,
from the encomienda of Masagua y Payta, in Ybabao, one hundred and
thirty-seven tributes, which represent five hundred and forty-eight
persons. It is pacified, and has justice, but no instruction, which
is needed. ... CXXXVII.
Thus the tributes of the island of Cebu and its jurisdiction amount to
fifteen thousand eight hundred and thirty-three whole tributes. This
means thirty-five thousand [_sic_] persons, and for these there are
but two ministers. Twenty-one ministers are necessary to furnish
sufficient instruction. As to justice, the entire province is
sufficiently governed by one alcalde-mayor and his deputy.
Panay
The town of Arevalo is the capital of this island of Panay, and
contains more than twenty Spanish citizens. There is one alcalde-mayor
and one corregidor for the river of Panay, besides its body of
magistrates, and a parish which is in charge of an ecclesiastic.
_Oton and Ymaral_: _Doña Lucía_--Doña Lucía de Loarca collects,
from the village of Oton and its tingues, the island of Ymaras,
and the river of Hilo, one thousand six hundred tributes, which
represent six thousand four hundred persons. Otón has instruction,
and one of its two friars visits Ymaras and the tingues. There is no
instruction in Hilo. It needs one more minister. Justice is had from
Arevalo. ... MDCL.
_Xaro_: _Captain Arçeo_--Captain Augustin de Arçeo collects, in
the encomienda of Xaro and its tingues, one thousand three hundred
tributes, which represent five thousand two hundred persons. It is
cared for by one ecclesiastic, but needs another minister. Justice
is had from Arevalo. ... MCCC.
_Araut_: _King_--His Majesty collects, on the river of Araut, two
thousand tributes, which represent eight thousand persons. It has
justice, but no instruction. It needs four ministers. ... MM.
_Araut_: _Captain Juan Pablo_--Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion collects,
on the said river of Araut, two thousand tributes. It has justice,
and two Augustinian friars who instruct it. It needs one other
minister. ... MM.
_Araut_: _Diego López; Lope Rodríguez_--Diego Lopez de Valdepeñas and
the minor son of Lope Rodriguez collect, on the said river of Araut,
one thousand six hundred tributes, which represent six thousand four
hundred persons. They have justice, but no instruction. They need
two ministers. ... MDC.
_Axuí_: _King; Rivera_--His Majesty and Françisco de Rivera collect,
from the encomienda of Axuí, one thousand two hundred tributes,
which represent four thousand eight hundred persons. It is pacified,
and has justice, but no instruction. It needs two ministers. ... MCC.
_Aranguen_: _Captain Sarmiento_--Captain Pedro Sarmiento collects,
along the river of Aranguen, three hundred tributes, which represent
one thousand two hundred persons. It is pacified, and has justice,
but no instruction. It needs one minister. ... CCC.
_Panay_: _King_--His Majesty has along the river of Panay and its
branch, the Mayo, eight hundred and fifty tributes, which represent
two thousand four hundred [_sic_] persons. They have instruction and
justice. ... DCCCL.
_Panay_: _Guarnico; Lievana_--Captain Guarnizo and Ensign Pedro Guillén
de Lievana collect, along the said river, two thousand three hundred
tributes, which represent nine thousand two hundred persons. It has
justice, and one ecclesiastic who furnishes instruction. It needs at
least two more ministers. ... MMCCC.
_Mambusao_: _Rivera; Morales_--Francisco de Rivera and Gaspar Ruyz
de Morales collect, along the branch river Manbusao, one thousand
tributes, which represent four thousand persons. It is pacified,
and has justice, but no instruction. It needs one minister. ... M.
_Yguican_: _Captain Sarmiento_--Captain Sarmiento collects, along the
river of Yguisan, ninety tributes, which represent three hundred and
forty persons. It has justice. ... XC.
_Maharlu_: _Ángulo_--Álbaro de Ángulo collects, in Maharlu,
Damayan, the island of Tablas, and Cabuyan, six hundred tributes,
which represent two thousand four hundred persons. It has justice,
and is pacified. It has no instruction, and needs one minister. ... DC.
_Batán_; _Miguel Rodriguez_--The encomienda of Batán belongs to
Miguel Rodriguez. He collects there, at Moguín, Dunblón, Batón,
and along the river of Hilo, one thousand two hundred tributes,
which represent four thousand eight hundred persons. It has justice,
and is pacified. It needs at least two ministers. ... MCC.
_Aclán_: _Minor son of Antonio Flores_--The minor son of Antonio
Flores collects, along the river of Aclán, one thousand three hundred
tributes, which represent three thousand two hundred persons. It has
instruction and justice. ... MCCC.
_Ybahay_: _Captain Pedro Sarmiento_--Captain Pedro Sarmiento collects,
in Ybahai, Potolanbit, Buracay, and other islets, and along the large
bay and river of La Lupa, two thousand tributes, which represent
eight thousand persons. All of this territory has justice, but no
instruction. It needs four ministers. ... MM.
_Bugason_: _Pedro Guillen_--Ensign Guillen collects, in Bugason, two
hundred and fifty tributes, which represent one thousand persons. It
has instruction and justice. ... CCL.
_Antique_: _Serna_--Alonso de la Serna collects, from the encomienda
of Antique, five hundred and fifty tributes, which represent two
thousand two hundred persons. It has justice and instruction. ... DL.
_Amiagao_: _Minor son of Flores_--The minor son of Antonio Flores
collects, in Amiago [_sic_], three hundred tributes, which represent
one thousand two hundred persons. It has instruction and justice,
and is pacified. ... CCC.
_Bongol_: _Augustín Ossorio_--Augustín Ossorio collects, from
the encomienda of Bongol, three hundred and fifty tributes, which
represent, two thousand four hundred persons. It is visited by a
religious, and has justice. ... CCCL.
_Tibagua_: _Captain Estevan Rodríguez_--Captain Estevan Rodríguez
de Figueroa collects, from the encomienda of Tibagua, one thousand
two hundred tributes, which represent four thousand eight hundred
persons. It has justice and instruction, and is pacified. ... MCC.
_Caraco_: _Pareja_--Christóval de Parexa collects, from the encomienda
of Caraco, six hundred tributes, which represent two thousand four
hundred persons. It has no instruction, but is pacified. It needs
one minister. ... DC.
_Bago_: _Albaro Pérez_--Albaro Pérez collects, along the river of Bago,
three hundred and fifty tributes, which represent one thousand four
hundred persons. It has no instruction. It is pacified and has justice.
It needs one minister. ... CCCL.
_Ynavaga_: _Herrera_--Francisco de Herrera collects, along the river
cf Ynavaga, five hundred tributes, which represent two thousand
persons. It has no instruction, but has justice and is pacified. It
needs one minister. ... D.
_Hilo_: _Trigo_--Hierónimo Trigo collects, along the river of Hilo,
one hundred and fifty tributes, which represent six hundred persons. It
has no instruction, but has justice, and is pacified. ... CL.
_Hilo_: _Ysla_--Gaspar de Ysla collects, along the said river, two
hundred tributes, which represent eight hundred persons. It has no
instruction, but has justice. One minister might care for this and
the above encomienda. ... CC.
_Hilo_: _Mendía_--Martín de Mendía collects, along the said river,
five hundred tributes, which represent two thousand persons. It has
no instruction, but has justice, and is pacified. One minister is
needed. ... D.
_Cuyo_: _Captain Juan Pablo_--Captain Juan Pablo collects, in the
island of Cuyo, one thousand tributes, which represent four thousand
persons. It has neither instruction nor justice, and needs two
ministers. ... M.
Thus, in the island of Panay and its jurisdiction, are twenty-five
thousand eight hundred and ninety tributes, or sixty thousand _[sic]_
souls. It has at present eighteen ministers, and needs twenty-five
more, which will make in all thirty-eight _[sic]_ with whom it will
be well instructed. In regard to justice, it is quite sufficient
throughout the island.
_Lumbán_: _Sauzedo_--The island of Lumbán belongs to Phelippe de
Sauzedo, and has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. It
is in the jurisdiction of Balayán. It has no instruction. It needs
one minister to instruct it. ... D.
_Mindoro_: _Sauzedo_-The encomienda of Vaco y Mindoro belongs to
Phelippe de Sauzedo. It has seven hundred tributes, or two thousand
eight hundred persons, it is in charge of one religious, and is under
the civil jurisdiction of Balayán. The opposite coast of this island
has neither instruction nor justice. ... DCC.
_Batangas_: _Francisco Rodríguez_--The encomienda of Batangas belongs
to Francisco Rodríguez. He collects there one thousand four hundred
tributes, which represent five thousand six hundred persons. It has
sufficient justice and instruction. ... MCCCC.
_Bonbon_: _The mariscal Gabriel de Ribera_--The encomienda of Bonbon
belongs to the mariscal Gavriel de Rybera. He collects there four
thousand tributes, which represent sixteen thousand souls. It all
has sufficient instruction, and its justice is administered from
Balayan. ... MMMM.
_Balayan_: _Cauchela_--The encomienda of Balayan belongs to the
accountant Cauchela, and his Majesty has there six hundred tributes,
which represent two thousand four hundred persons. It has one
alcalde-mayor, who is the judicial chief of the district. It has
instruction, which is administered by one ecclesiastic. ... DC.
[_Tuley_]: _King_--The lowlands of Tuley belong to his Majesty. Six
hundred whole tributes are collected there, which represent two
thousand four hundred souls. It has no instruction, and needs one
minister. ... DC.
_Calamianes_: _Sarmiento_--The islands of Calamianes belong to Captain
Sarmiento. Tribute is levied, although not in all parts--about two
thousand five hundred, counting the negrillos. Four ministers are
needed for the whole encomienda. It has no justice. ... MMD.
_Calilaya_: _King; Torres_--Calilaya and Marinduque is a corregidor's
district by itself. Half of the encomienda of Calilaya belongs to
the king, and the other half to Torres. There are one thousand two
hundred tributarios, or four thousand eight hundred persons. It
has had instruction, and there are many Christians. It has
justice. One ecclesiastic attends to the instruction. It needs two
ministers. ... MCC.
_Galvan_: _Medrano_--The encomienda of Galvan belongs to Medrano. It
has eight hundred tributes, or three thousand and some souls. It has
had instruction, but has none now. It is visited from Batangas. It
has justice, and needs one minister. ... DCCC.
_Mahuban_: _King_--Mahuban belongs to his Majesty. On this coast of
Manila he has eight hundred tributes, which represent more than three
thousand persons. It has never had instruction, but has justice from
Calilaya. One minister is needed. ... DCCC.
_Casiguiran_: _Francisco Garçia_--The encomienda of Casiguiran lies
on the same coast opposite Manila. It belongs to Françisco García,
who collects there five hundred tributes, which represent two thousand
persons. Half of it is hostile, and more than half has neither justice
nor instruction: One minister is needed. ... D.
_Balete_: _Juan Martín_--The encomienda of Balete belongs to Juan
Martín Picon. He collects the half of five hundred tributes, for
the other half is hostile and without justice or instruction. The
magistrate of Calilaya administers justice to one-half of it alone. It
needs one minister. ... D.
Thus Calilaya has five thousand five hundred tributes, or twenty-two
thousand persons, who have but little instruction. Nine ministers are
necessary now, so that it may have some instruction. With the nine
ministers it will have sufficient instruction; but it has adequate
justice.
_Marinduque_: _Poyatos_--The island of Marinduque, belonging to Captain
Poyatos, has seven hundred tributarios, or two thousand eight hundred
persons. It has justice, and needs one minister so that the people
may be instructed. ... DCC.
_Batan_: _Captain Esguerra_--The encomienda of Batan belongs to
Captain Esguerra, who is his own deputy. This said encomienda has one
thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. It has one monastery,
containing four Dominican friars. ... M.
Thus in the city of Manila, along its coast and the coast opposite,
and in the provinces of Pampanga, Pangasinan, Ylocos, Cagayan,
La Laguna, Camarines, Masbate, Zebu, Panay, Balayan, and Calilaya,
which is all of Luzon and the other Philippinas Islands settled,
there are one hundred and sixty-six thousand nine hundred and
three whole tributes. Each tribute includes husband, wife, and
excepting the sons, the children. Therefore there are six hundred
and sixty-seven thousand six hundred and twelve souls in the said
provinces, besides the religious of the convents of Manila. One hundred
and forty ministers--twenty of whom are ecclesiastics, seventy-nine
Augustinians, nine Dominicans, and forty-two Franciscans--are divided
among the provinces to instruct the natives and administer the holy
sacraments. It appears from this relation that there is a lack of
ministers through the departures above noted. It shows that one
hundred and sixty-one more ministers are needed to furnish adequate
instruction. These should be sent very soon, and even a greater number,
for when they arrive here, one-fourth of these will have died. His
Majesty has thirty-one encomiendas in the said provinces. Private
individuals have two hundred and thirty-six. Of these, however, from
many of those in Cagayan and some in other districts no tribute can
be collected, because they are not pacified, while others are quite
worthless or of slight importance.
The said provinces have twelve alcaldes-mayor, each with his deputy;
and, in addition, are three who are their own deputies. In some
of these districts it is impossible to go to administer justice,
because of their distance from the capitals where the alcaldes-mayor
live. This must be carefully looked into and these needs supplied.
------
TABLE
Whole tributes 166,903
Souls 667,612
Number of religious 140
Religious still needed 161
King's encomiendas 31
Those of individuals 236
Alcaldes-mayor 12
Deputies 12
Other deputies 3
------
Letter from Governor Dasmarinas to Felipe II
Sire:
Last year, a short time after my arrival in these islands, I gave
an account to your Majesty, by the first vessels leaving here, of
my arrival and of the condition in which I found matters. I could
not enter into full details, because of the short time between my
arrival and the departure of the ships. I venture to declare that
never were four and twenty days so occupied, busy as I was in the
despatch of the vessels, the new government, and other things that
occurred here at that time. Now I am somewhat better informed, and I
shall give advices of everything with due punctuality, so that your
Majesty may ordain and decree in accordance with the royal pleasure. I
hereby respond more systematically and clearly to some clauses of your
Majesty's instructions some of which I am sure have not been followed;
and, accordingly, some of the affairs in this new land are in the same
condition as when it was discovered. Your Majesty's orders should have
been received and observed, which has not been done. [_Marginal note_:
"He has done well."]
2. As these regions are so remote and far away from the possibility
of appeal to your Majesty, and from your Majesty's favor and
protection, the religion and zeal of your Majesty are so much the
more remarkable. It is sufficient to support the gospel and Christian
religion in so remote lands and seas, and among such a diversity of
idolatrous infidels, at so great cost to the royal estate, and at such
risks and losses to your Majesty's subjects and vassals. Nevertheless,
your Majesty is interested only in the glorious renown of serving God,
from whom I await the beginning of the fulfilment of the great hopes
that the arrangement and close position of these islands promise
your Majesty for the extension of the holy Catholic faith through
your royal medium.
3. To the first clause of your Majesty's instructions I do not have
to respond, as it seems to be but a preamble of the orders thereby
given me. I can only express to your Majesty my desire to serve you
faithfully, and to render a good account of my obligation as your
Majesty's born vassal, and as your servant and creature, to pay that
debt with all diligence and zeal.
4. Under the second clause your Majesty orders me to bring about
the maintenance of the pacified district in these islands, and to
increase its extent as far as possible. In answer I will say that
I am promptly attending to that, as your Majesty will see by every
clause and subject separately. [_Marginal note:_ "It is well."]
5. I am ordered by the third clause to expend, in the construction and
erection of the cathedral church of Manila, twelve thousand ducats,
to be apportioned in three parts--namely, between your Majesty, the
encomenderos, and the Indians; two thousand ducats of your Majesty's
share to be advanced from the royal treasury of Mexico. I could not
collect these two thousand ducats from Mexico, as the decrees to that
effect sent to me at Sevilla did not come as they should have done;
and therefore the officers of the royal exchequer there would not give
me the money. When I came here I found that the work on the church had
been going on for three years, and there had been spent on it eight
thousand pesos, received from assessments on the three parties--namely,
your Majesty, the encomenderos, and the Indians. There had been poor
management of the expenditure of this money, as very large salaries
were paid to those engaged on the work. Had not some reform been
inaugurated, most of the money would have gone for salaries. The
building is being carried on as rapidly as possible, although there
are other large undertakings hereabout--namely, the fortifications
and other public works of the city. The greatest lack felt is that
of people; but nevertheless I expect, God willing, that in a month
from this date, mass can be said in the cathedral. The two aisles
are already covered over, and the chapel will be finished for Corpus
Christi, and the rest by Christmas. [_Marginal note:_ "Thank him
for the care he has used, and tell him to continue the same."]
6. In this fourth clause of the instruction, your Majesty orders me to
provide most carefully for the hospital for the Spaniards in this city,
and that all due hospitality be observed there. The same is to be done
in the hospital for the Indians. The hospital for the Spaniards is to
be endowed with one thousand pesos of income, and that for the Indians
with five hundred ducats, from the first repartimientos that may be
vacant. Your Majesty gives as alms to the one four hundred ducats,
and to the other two hundred, from the royal treasury of Mexico,
which also was not paid, owing to the same difficulty of my not
receiving the proper decree. This hospital is one of the good and
necessary pious works of the islands. As there are here no doctors
or medicines, conveniences or cleanliness for the cure of Spaniards,
it is a usual practice and universal remedy for all to go to the
hospital whenever ill. Thus with all possible care and cleanliness
the poor soldiers and other Spaniards are attended. The rich go also,
as there are no conveniences elsewhere. The rich pay the hospital for
treatment and medicines, and some persons even give alms. In fulfilment
of your Majesty's commands I have already endowed the hospital for the
Spaniards with the thousand pesos of income, and that for the Indians
with the five hundred ducats. I have not given the alms because, as
I have said, I did not collect it in Mexico for lack of orders; for,
although in the instruction it stated that a decree would be given
me, that was not done. There are usually many sick persons in this
hospital, and although there is now an income of two thousand seven
hundred pesos, more or less, much more is needed. Money is necessary to
build a couple of rooms where contagious diseases can be treated. Those
are the most frequent diseases in this land, on account of the heat
and humidity; and for their treatment a comfortable and well-situated
apartment is needed. Moreover, we need a kitchen and other work-rooms;
and salary for a chaplain, to confess and say mass for the sick and
administer the sacraments. He would have not a little to do. There
should also be salary for a doctor and apothecary, and money sufficient
to import medicines in bulk from Mexico. If they are bought here
there is not sufficient to pay the expenses. Hence the present income
cannot supply these necessities, unless your Majesty grant more,
as the income should be four thousand pesos. The blankets which your
Majesty orders brought from Mexico are not needed, as those of this
country are sufficient, on account of the heat here, and because our
blankets are cheaper. Consequently the money which is to be spent for
them could be better employed for other necessities. At the hospital
for the Indians, I have tried to make investigations of some Franciscan
brethren who are there. It were well that they be called to account;
because many things come into their possession, and much money is
handled, in the course of administration. Nevertheless, they would
give no account, saying that that hospital is not under the control
of your Majesty. The bishop upholds and sustains them in this course,
saying that until your Majesty endows that house and gives what is
needed therefor, your Majesty has nothing to do with that or other
pious works of this bishopric. They persistently shield themselves
with the habit of St. Francis, although they are but lay brethren,
through the artifice of the bishop. Your Majesty will accordingly
send the despatches which may seem expedient to the royal service,
as otherwise this matter cannot be attended to. [_Marginal note_:
"Send this decree, after taking note thereof, so that the sum stated
therein shall be paid over in Mexico. Have this decree framed and
sent, even though it has been despatched already. It is well that
this be favored and aided as much as possible, because the work is
so necessary. Give him this decree."
"Granted. Advise his Majesty, that another thousand pesos from vacant
tributes be applied to this hospital for ten years, for the reasons
given. Let this notification be given immediately. In regard to the
blankets, inasmuch as he says they are unnecessary, direct the viceroy
of Mexico to exchange these for whatever seems most needed."
"Take possession of the hospitals for his Majesty, as patron of
hospitals. Have investigations made thereof, and of the accounts of
whatever person may have the administration of them. The bishop is to
place no obstacle in the way, although, if he wishes to be present,
he may attend the investigation. Write this decision to the bishop."]
7. In clause 5 your Majesty directs that religious be provided for
the instruction of the Indians; and that they be not permitted to
leave the islands, at least not until after due consideration, and
with license from the governor and bishop.
8. Although your Majesty with holy zeal is so careful to furnish
ministers for teaching, to evangelize and extend the faith to these
natives, as you have always provided and now provide at great cost to
the royal exchequer, nevertheless, many more workers are needed. For
there are many encomiendas, both those in your Majesty's name and those
belonging to private persons, some of which have never had a minister,
but magistrates only; while others, although they have had ministers,
have not had enough of them to give sufficient instruction. Thus it is
most pitiable that many thousands of souls who have been subdued to
your Majesty's service for many years, pay their tributes, declare
their desire to become Christians, and ask for ministry, but for
lack thereof are not converted. The encomenderos will be glad to
pay their share of the expense for the support of the instruction,
which they do not have in their encomiendas on account of the lack of
ministers. Therefore I send herewith to your Majesty an exact account
of the districts in this country where ministers are needed. And I
beseech your Majesty kindly to provide ministers, to give instruction,
as this is the principal royal purpose. In case of entrances and of
taking possession of lands for your Majesty, the lack of instruction
is one of the greatest troubles; for it is important to the service
of God and of your Majesty that there be religious present when said
entrances are made and possession is taken by your Majesty. They should
be there to attend to the instruction, as the principal object, so that
everything may be carried on according to the intention and obligation
of your Majesty--that is, that the conversion of these souls may be
brought to pass. It should be taken into consideration that, of those
friars who are sent here, some die before reaching their destination
and others after their arrival; while others grow infirm, and none
are born. [_Marginal note_: "Friars are sent herewith; and care shall
be taken that provisions be made according to the advices received."]
9. Besides the cessation of the preaching of the gospel for lack of
ministers, as has been stated above, which is the principal danger
affecting the spiritual good, there is another question of no little
consideration touching temporal welfare. In the present condition
of things here, where there is no instruction (even should there
be justice) the entire tribute cannot be raised, according to the
statement of the theologians of this bishopric. The Indians must be
left at least the fourth part of the tribute, which is about the sum
owed and applied for the expense and support of the instruction. Taking
into account the large number of tributarios and encomenderos of
your Majesty, this would amount to a very great sum, which would
not be collected for this reason, and your Majesty would lose much
more in these fourths. There is another inconvenience in the lack
of instruction, and that is, that where there is no instruction and
the payment of the fourth is excused and less tribute collected, the
consequence is very damaging for the other Indians; for they say that
the Christians pay more tribute than do those who are not Christians,
and consequently no one is willing to be converted. This effect would
cease under adequate instruction, as all would become Christians
and would pay the same tribute, there being no opportunity for the
aforesaid practice. Moreover, restitution of the amounts collected
would be obligatory in the places where there is no teaching. Over
this subject of payment of tributes I have had various arguments with
the bishop, as your Majesty will see by the papers which are sent
herewith. By them your Majesty may understand more accurately all
that has passed, and what the bishop and I have written and replied
to each other. Therefore, as briefly as possible, I shall report it.
10. The bishop founds his opinion on clause 32 of my instructions. This
treats of the encomiendas which are disaffected or have never
been pacified; and orders that I try to correct the excesses in
the collection of the tributes of such encomiendas as are without
instruction. From this the bishop formed his opinion, or merely on
account of his office of bishop--which, he thinks, makes him master of
everything. He commenced his argument by saying that, as the Indians
had no instruction, nothing could be collected from them, nor from
the obstinate infidels living among those who have instruction,
and who refuse the faith, even if instructed. He contends that,
if anything had been collected, it should be restored. Also, that
in the encomiendas where there is justice or other temporal benefit
which tends to the spiritual, the third part of the tributes in the
large encomiendas could be collected, and in small ones, the half
thereof. This sum would be for the support of the encomendero, and is
even placed under certain conditions imposed by the bishop. He says
that from the encomiendas which do not have sufficient instruction
no tribute, or at least very little, can be collected; and, even
then, it must be under the same obligation to restitution of the
sum collected or to be collected by his Majesty and encomenderos,
as well as certain royal officials, collectors, and others who
order, permit, or consent to the same. This in substance is the
content of the twenty-five conclusions of the bishop, or the greater
part of them. As I said, the bishop at the beginning spoke with me
personally in regard to these matters, and then gave his opinion to
me in writing in the letters, treatise, and conclusions which I am
sending now to your Majesty. He preaches thus to the encomenderos
from the pulpits. Inasmuch as it seems difficult for me--whose duty
it is to give orders for the collection of the tributes, and correct
the excesses in this regard, in the name of your Majesty--to put
his theories into practice, I represented to the bishop verbally,
at various times, the reasons that I had for making no innovations
until after informing your Majesty and awaiting your Majesty's order
and resolution. Setting forth many reasons, I tried to persuade
him in the letter which accompanies this; I wrote to him explaining
that, even in the never-pacified and rebellious encomiendas, your
Majesty commanded that something be paid, as a token of recognition
of authority. If there are justices and other benefits useful to
the Indians, such as instruction in the faith, teaching them to live
decently, and attracting them by kind treatment to receive instruction,
when it should be furnished, then all the tribute could be collected
except the portion due for instruction. If neglected, the Indians
would become intractable and all would be lost. If tribute is never
exacted from the infidels, they will never become Christians. This
tribute should be collected with all possible gentleness, avoiding
violence and wrongs to the Indians. The furnishing of instruction is
not delayed by the encomenderos, for they urgently ask for it; but it
is not given them because of the lack thereof. It seemed to me that,
for the said reasons and others, it is better to make no innovations
now; but that an account of everything be given to your Majesty
so that you may order the necessary provisions. In the meanwhile,
collection will be allowed of at least three-quarters of the tributes
belonging to the encomenderos. If their support is taken away, these
men would leave the land, and everything would be lost. In that case,
even if there were instruction there would be no one to receive it;
and the Indians would have to be conquered anew. In particular some
arrangement should be made so that the Indians shall receive benefit
and profit from us, by introducing justice where none has existed,
and continuing commerce, so that they will conceive love and affection
for us and will be disposed to receive the faith whenever there may be
anyone to teach it. Thus, I told the bishop, the least troublesome
way was for affairs to remain in the same condition until after
your Majesty had been consulted. Otherwise the land would be lost
if the encomenderos should abandon it, which would without doubt
come to pass if they could not be supported therefrom. Moreover,
in accordance with these conclusions of the bishop your Majesty
would be obliged to make restitution of more than one hundred and
fifty thousand pesos, and there would be lost every year more than
thirty thousand pesos of income. As for the encomenderos, there was
not enough property in the world for restitutions, nor would there be
greater cause for pity than that an encomendero who has spent so many
years in conquering this land should be deprived of the bread for his
sustenance therein. Furthermore, in that letter I said to the bishop
that, although it is true that your Majesty commits to him only the
arrangements for the disturbed encomiendas and those unpacified (and
these are the only ones in doubt), nevertheless, it was necessary
in that case for us to meet, in order to discuss them all and give
our opinions regarding them. Moreover I told him that, even though
his opinion and advice were right and proper, yet, in carrying them
out there were inconveniences and difficulties which endangered this
land. For that reason I did not agree with him, and was of another
opinion. Being unable to agree, it was better to advise your Majesty
and await your consequent commands. As we had already waited so long,
we could wait a little longer for the resolutions of your Majesty.
11. After several days the bishop replied to this letter by another of
great length. He still insisted on the observance of his conclusions,
saying that it was unnecessary to await new orders from your Majesty,
as your Majesty had already remitted them to him and to me. He
proceeded to interpret the aforesaid clause of the instruction after
his own manner. He declares that your Majesty commands the payment
of a small portion, as token of recognition of authority; and that
three-quarters of the tribute is not a small part. He does not take
into consideration that your Majesty does not treat therein of the
encomiendas pacified, and under administration of justice, order,
and other benefits, but of those never subdued or rebellious. The
difficulties which I encounter in the execution of his projects he
passes over with some generalities, as that God will preserve the
faith which He has planted here; and that the encomendero will have
enough for his support from the share assigned him--namely, the third
of the large encomiendas and the half of the smaller. He also claims
that the encomenderos will not abandon the encomiendas, as they are
not deprived of all, but of only a part of them--and that only for the
brief period until your Majesty declares what is to be done (and this
period will be very brief); and it is to be noted that this declaration
will be, beyond doubt, that the encomenderos and your Majesty shall
not collect the tributes. The time intervening until the declaration
comes from your Majesty seems to him short. As to leaving things as
at present and collecting the tribute without any innovation therein,
until after your Majesty has been consulted, the time appears to
him long; and he thinks that orders and corrections will never cease
coming from España, and that instruction will never be obtained in
this manner. He enjoins upon me, the city, and the encomenderos to
make every endeavor and use all diligence to supplicate your Majesty
for said instruction. He declares frankly that if the infidels do not
become baptized because they see that tribute is levied after such
baptism, it is of no account that such are not converted. He supports
himself by the reasons given in his letter, which are characteristic of
one who does not have at heart the perpetuity and preservation of this
state; and who does not see, in the distant future, the trouble which
its loss might cause. He declares, moreover, that even though I should
wish to do so I could not correct the excesses of the encomenderos and
the injury which they inflict on the Indians. For the latter there are
punishments, but none for the Spaniards. To establish more justice in
the land would be to ruin it, as the officials do not do their duty,
but rob the Indians. At this, the bishop returns to the subject of
the restitutions in which he becomes engrossed; and declares that
he is finishing a treatise or declaration in respect to them. With
this he closes the letter in which he gives his opinion of what I
should have done--concluding by advising that, before allowing the
encomenderos to collect the tributes, I should investigate or make
inquiries about their good or bad treatment of the Indians and how
they treat, caress, and regale them. As soon as I should ascertain
the truth, I should either give or deny the permission according to
the results of the investigation. Then he makes a clever deduction,
namely, that in the same manner he and the other confessors shall
not absolve the encomenderos without first having made a detailed
investigation and inquiry in respect to their treatment and good
disposition toward their tributarios, so that they could grant or
deny absolution accordingly. Thus he constitutes himself judge,
in the exterior court, of encomenderos and their property.
12. While these letters were passing between us, and during several
days after--which were wasted in persuading the bishop to make no
innovations until after consultation with your Majesty; and, although
our opinions do not coincide, we should however agree in giving account
to your Majesty of what was happening--the encomenderos came to me
sorely troubled, saying that in the pulpits, sermons, and confessional,
they were being greatly harassed and many obstacles were being imposed
on the collections in their encomiendas; and that they were being
ruined, and were being prohibited now from collecting more than the
third or the half of their tributes. They were also constrained to make
restitutions of past payments. Thus they are so afflicted and ruined
that, if this continues, they will have to be allowed to leave their
encomiendas and to go to serve your Majesty nearer the royal person,
where they may gain a livelihood--since after having served so many
years with bloodshed and services which deserve merit and obtain it,
these scruples are imposed. They ask me in the accompanying petition
[7] if your Majesty would not issue some order declaring what must
be paid.
13. Having investigated their grievance and affliction, and seeing
that the bishop was reading his conclusions in the pulpit and was
quite determined to have his way, and was even giving orders that
absolution should not be granted to the encomenderos acting contrary
to what he thought proper; inasmuch as the bishop declared in his
conclusions and treatise that that was the universal determination
and sentiment of all the theologians of this bishopric, I determined
to communicate and confer with the superiors and religious of the
orders themselves. Thus they might thoroughly and conscientiously
consider what could and ought to be done in regard to this matter,
and ascertain (if it were a fact that all held and thought alike)
whether some regulation could be made; and if not, to advise your
Majesty of everything. I acquainted them, in detailed information,
with the reasons for making no innovations until after reporting to
your Majesty, and for not restricting the poor encomenderos to such an
extent. I discovered that three-fourths of the number of theologians
and religious were of a different opinion, one quite contrary to
that of the bishop. Although it is true that the Dominicans (of which
order he is a member), but not all, hold that his doctrine is good,
the Franciscans think differently; for, singularly enough, they have
another opinion with regard to the payment of the quota and reject the
bishop's opinion respecting the infidels. The Augustinian fathers,
however, who are three times more numerous than the Dominicans, and
with the Augustinians the fathers of the Society [of Jesus]--these two
orders, I say, hold (in entire agreement, _nemine discrepante_) that
the encomenderos can, with good conscience, collect the entire tributes
from the encomiendas which have instruction, from both the believers
and the infidels. Where there is justice, but no instruction, they may
collect three-fourths of the payment, the remaining fourth being left
to the Indians, the believer and the infidel paying equal shares. From
the encomiendas which have neither instruction nor justice, nor other
spiritual or temporal benefits, nothing whatever should be collected;
nor from the encomiendas disaffected or unpacified, except in case
of those disaffected without cause and through their own fault,
which would accordingly pay the part justly collected by way of
acknowledgment. All the aforesaid facts your Majesty may consider
at greater length by means of the opinions which I send. It may be
seen how many there are which vary from that of the bishop and his
friars, who alone follow him. I saw fit to reply to a note in which he
inquired what resolution I thought of taking, and what order must be
given to the encomenderos for their collections. I declared therein
that if he did not wish to wait until the return of our ships in two
or three months, in which the remedy for all would doubtless be sent,
I had resolved to give orders to the encomenderos according to a paper
which I sent him, wherein my opinion was upheld in every respect and
agreed completely with that held by the said fathers. [_Marginal note_:
"Have this opinion brought, so that after consideration the contents
of this letter may be replied to from clause nine to this point;
also all the papers which are here acknowledged by the governor,
and those of which mention is made in the following clauses as far
as the twenty-first."]
14. At this juncture, the bishop came to see me in these royal houses
of your Majesty; and among other discussions in regard to my assertion
that the clergy must not have preeminence over me in every respect,
as they have done heretofore, he replied that he had directed his
clergy that no one, not even your Majesty, had any rights here, and
other things to this same effect. To this I replied that I would not
interfere with his clergy, as far as punishing them is concerned, nor
with his jurisdiction; but that the boat-service which they took from
the Indians without payment, and a thousand other injuries committed by
them under the pretext that they are fathers of instruction, ought not
to take place; and that he had misunderstood me. It is true that I said
he was very peevish; and I begged him to speak plainly for if we could
not come to terms this time and disagreed again, I could discuss the
subject no longer. While replying to me on this point and others, he
rose from his chair at the beginning of the discussion, very wrathful
and choleric. Several days later, on the fourth of March, he wrote me
a letter as long as it was good-humored and free from anger--as may
be seen, if your Majesty wishes. Nevertheless (not to discuss what
concerns myself), it contains nothing new, except many arguments by
which he still defends his opinion. Among other statements, he declares
(and rightly) that the encomenderos are so loyal vassals of your
Majesty that they would not leave their encomiendas nor the country,
as if I had denied their fidelity and loyalty in thinking that if they
could not be supported by their encomiendas, they would leave them,
and, having abandoned them if they could not be supported therefrom,
try to seek their fortunes elsewhere. He says also that although a
Franciscan father is placed in every province, there is not sufficient
result to warrant the paying of the tribute; and that neither the king
of Castilla nor his officials have any greater power in the Indias than
that given by the church, although the church does not have so much
authority as this with the infidels. He still insists that your Majesty
entrusted to both him and me equally the settlement of this matter;
and that bringing justice into the land is like bringing firebrands:
[_Marginal note_: "Answer him with what has been decreed in this."]
15. To this letter I replied by another which your Majesty will
please to have examined, in which I answered his assertion that
without giving instruction to the Indians we can collect tribute;
for he said that where there is justice, three-fourths of the tribute
can be collected, as this is a temporal good which tends to spiritual
benefit and which prospers, directs, and administers equally justice,
government, and good order. It is not my intention to leave things
thus as the bishop points out, until your Majesty has been consulted
in regard to furnishing or providing other means of instruction,
since you have therefor so great care and holy zeal. Moreover, the
tributes are so moderate here that each Indian pays eight reals,
whereas in Nueva España he pays twenty-four and thirty-two. For we
see that since the Spaniards went to the Pintados, although without
then providing instruction, their communication and example, and the
blessing of justice, alone have caused hostilities, and the razing
of towns among the natives to cease; as also the wars by land and
sea waged among them; this is no small gain. This assertion that
the ministry of instruction is more important and noble than that of
justice and other good works, I admit; but justice and its ministers,
and the other necessary means for the preservation and defense of the
Indians, are of greater cost and expense than that for instruction--to
which is allowed one-fourth, and which is reserved and kept for the
Indians; thus in respect to the cost of each ministry its stipend must
be given, as I prove in my letter by many arguments. As to his saying
that your Majesty ordered me to remedy, with his help, these excesses
in the collection of tributes, I responded that, only as regards the
disaffected and never-pacified encomiendas, your Majesty orders me to
communicate and confer with him, in these words: "I have heard that
there has been and is disorder and misappropriation in the collection
of the tributes from the disaffected or unpacified encomiendas,"
etc. Therefore your Majesty bids us to discuss no others except these,
as in the others I shall correct the excesses. The only ones in
doubt are those disaffected. It says further that "Such encomiendas
must not be abandoned; but that at least the entire tribute should
not be collected, but only a small part in token of acknowledgment,"
etc. Consequently it is not ordered that they be abandoned, but that
something be collected; and even then nothing shall be collected
except from those who are in rebellion without cause; your Majesty
declares further that "Since the Indians of the said encomiendas
receive no temporal or spiritual benefit from their encomenderos,
there is no reason why they should pay," etc. It clearly follows
from this that, if they receive any temporal benefits--as is that
of justice, and others which are proposed--the collections may be
made. In continuing, your Majesty declares: "This is a matter that
requires as effectual a remedy as you can provide; and I therefore
charge you to "decide in this what appears to you to accord with the
judgment of the bishop." This does not mean to commit the affair to
him alone; but, after hearing his opinion, and having examined his
discussion and treatment of the matter with me, I am to resolve upon
what measures are best for the remedy thereof, and then in the name of
your Majesty provide and carry out that remedy, and have it observed
most punctiliously. Further, I told him that two-thirds of the number
of religious are of this opinion and sentiment, contrary to that of
the bishop; moreover that the bishop himself and all the theologians
were lately of one mind in this matter, but that now the bishop alone
disagrees; and that I think I make no mistake in being guided by so
many learned opinions in a matter which I find to be of service to
God and my king. Furthermore, I replied to various inquiries that
he made of me, such as the remedy which had been brought to bear in
these things, and the resulting benefit. My answer is so long, that in
order not to be detailed here, I refer your Majesty to the aforesaid
reply, as well as to the result obtained, which I show there, and
to the orders now in force. I see no other remedy than to take the
matter as I find it. I see that for lack of justice nothing can be
collected, as the Indian receives no benefit. I wish to establish
justice for administration and government, and for dealings with
and good management of the Indians, that both your Majesty and the
encomenderos should receive profit; and that the royal estate should
not suffer, nor the encomendero starve, abandon everything, and go
away. For your Majesty's share alone there would necessarily be more
than a hundred and fifty thousand pesos of restitution, not to count
thirty thousand pesos of income which would be lost from the present
tributes (for all the encomiendas belong to your Majesty); and these
islands would be left alone without a single soldier, and with only
the bishop and the religious, so that within one week there would be
neither the one nor the other. I assured him, in fact, that without
express order from your Majesty I could not curtail or diminish the
royal income or alter the encomiendas from their first establishment,
which they have had for twenty-six years. I answered him fully in
respect to the establishment of justice where there is none, and the
great good that would result therefrom. I urged him to appoint laymen
of good life and example, who, while there are no religious there,
may instruct and bring them up in the holy faith, as your Majesty
commands in the royal charge regarding presentations--to which the
bishop never has given me an answer. I told him that finally, in
these two ways, it will be brought about that they will not be left
alone and intractable, and thus ready to rebel and rise in two days'
time. It were well that these laymen of good life, when religious are
lacking, not only be not appointed by the bishop, but that they do
not importune the Indians. The bishop does not wish others than the
religious to do that, and meanwhile it is not done by either. It would
doubtless be of some benefit, and the lack of instruction of which your
Majesty complains would be obviated, if the encomenderos could furnish
it. But, if there is no such thing in the land, the encomendero is not
to blame--as your Majesty declares plainly in my instructions, clause
forty-nine, in the following words, "they do not supply it or try to
supply it as they are bound to do, and as they should, although there
is a sufficient number of the said ministers." Therefore, when there
is not a good supply, but a lack of ministers, the encomendero is not
at fault, and has no reason for not collecting his tribute. Should
the encomenderos be deprived of this, your Majesty, as the party
most interested, could not support here a soldier, nor the bishop,
nor me, and everything would be lost. I replied to his question
as to what action I should order taken; and finally, as authority
(with added reasons) for the orders that were being carried out, I
cited several authors who were quoted in an opinion that I had from
the religious. He was greatly offended thereby as your Majesty will
see by his reply, and I have just entreated him to wait at least
until the ships arrive; and especially as, in a general meeting of
the orders which took place soon after my arrival, all agreed, and
he with them, in the opinion which I have now applied in my orders;
and 1 asked him, inasmuch as he had approved of it then, not to make
any innovation now. Finally, I begged him at least to refrain from
scandalizing the people from the pulpit, defending certain opinions
and refuting others very improperly and freely. Since the Augustinians
kept silence, they should not be obliged to answer for themselves.
16. This letter appeared to the bishop so disrespectful and bold
that in his reply there are but sharp and heated words against the
religious. He says that they err from the beginning, and that they do
not know the fundamental principles. He had imagined that the letter
was not mine alone, as he believed that I could not by myself have
seen the authors cited therein for its authority and doctrine. He
says that neither I, nor your Majesty, nor the pope has authority to
take from the infidels a single real; that it is true that he was of
the general opinion before, but that he erred then, and now is in the
right (It appears to me, however, that he errs now, and was then in
the right.) So firm is he in his opinion that he does not wish to
call it opinion, but truth. He declares that if all the orders in
this bishopric, and the universities of Salamanca and Alcalá [8] in
addition, should say the contrary, he would not forsake his opinion;
and he is very certain that your Majesty will oblige me to follow his
opinion. He offers a treatise on the subject which he is preparing for
the explanation and elucidation of everything, and finally closes by
asking me to have the money paid which is owed by the royal treasury.
17. It is unnecessary to report here my reply to his letter; for,
besides being brief, inasmuch as I had said all that there was to say
in regard to the principal business, I did not care to attempt more
than to pacify him, and to reply by means of the fathers, who had
caused him to show such indignation, and to beg him not to give rise
to scandals and schisms. I advised him to finish his treatise and hoped
that God would grant that everything might be settled and composed.
18. After this there was quiet for several days, in which we maintained
no correspondence. During this time I gave to the encomenderos (who had
begged me to do so in the name of your Majesty) the order which was
necessary for the collection of their tributes. As your Majesty will
see by the accompanying document, this order was the most justifiable
that could be given and did not depart one jot from my opinions, which
I also send in their original form to your Majesty. The encomenderos
are now somewhat consoled for their former afflictions, and all this
land likewise, as will appear by the petition presented to me which
I send in the original. This order will be kept in force until your
Majesty shall order differently.
19. After the lapse of several days, and having ascertained that the
service of God and that of your Majesty were suffering, as the bishop
would not right them, I wrote him the accompanying letter. In it I
proposed some means of providing instruction in places where there is
none. Moreover, as the encomenderos were still uneasy because he denied
them absolution, I gave him to understand that, in the diminution of
the encomiendas and the reduction and collection of the tributes,
he was neither judge nor party, since he could discuss the subject
only in one of three ways which I expressed therein; and by no means
could he do more than give his opinion, which he had already done. I
again have recourse to the laymen of good life, in lack of religious;
and beg also that he will not keep engaged here the large number
of Indians that he is wont to, who come here under the pretext of
making complaints, which are a thousand childish and impertinent
trifles--thereby losing much more in their absence from their homes
and fields. I remind him that the appointments to prebends, canonries,
and benefices are reserved to your Majesty's royal patronage; and
that you should not be defrauded, as you have been, by making the
appointments terminable _ad nutum_, and not with complete title, and
with due presentation by your Majesty, and canonical institution of
the bishop. On these things I write a separate letter to your Majesty,
as also on other matters about which I give advice. I offered to
place the unsettled points in the hands of learned persons.
20. This letter so important, weighty, and full of substance that
it required a remedy and settlement without any disagreements,
he interpreted in such a way that he ended by losing his head,
and expressed himself very freely, saying in reply such things
that--considering they were not said to me personally, but to
a minister of your Majesty--I would have been quite justified in
checking and correcting the offense once for all. But as I am in a new
country, and far away from your Majesty, it is better to avoid dispute,
publicity, and scandal. Indeed, it will be seen by his letter that
even the importance of the affairs about which I wrote him did not
check him, or settle the matter, and that he cares only for defending
his own dignity--thinking that every one must learn, of him, and that
he is the only doctor who can teach here; and that he will oblige the
encomenderos and me to restore the tributes wrongly exacted. He thinks
that, in writing to him, I have exceeded my duty and have treated my
bishop with much show of authority and domineering; that I have acted
as if I were his master; and that if I can do so much, there is no need
in this land for a bishop, but a titular bishop would be enough. He
cites me decrees showing the respect which emperors must have for
bishops, and refers to some examples and authorities, as if he were
preaching to some rebel against the church. It never even entered my
imagination to say a word to him which should be lacking in the respect
and propriety due to his office, but I wish only to fulfil my duty.
21. I have written all this so fully in order to give an account to
your Majesty of everything that has passed between the bishop and
myself, in the controversy and discussion regarding the collection of
tributes. It appears at even greater length by his letters and mine
which accompany this, so that your Majesty may be sure of the arguments
on both sides. My present orders are that the encomenderos shall
not collect tribute where there is neither instruction nor justice
(although some persons thus will suffer large loss). Nevertheless,
the majority of them are quiet and consoled, and are observing the
order I gave them (which I send to your Majesty), until such time as
your Majesty, as above stated, may be pleased to order something else,
and to clear up all these doubts.
22. In regard to the needed instruction and ministers, I am writing
a separate letter to your Majesty. I am sending a very long and
exact account of the encomiendas and encomenderos in these islands
of your Majesty, both with and without instruction and justice;
also of the ministers there are and those who are needed. I beseech
your Majesty to have them provided, since it is so great a service
to God and for the good of these souls, and a means by which so many
evils and troubles will cease. May our Lord preserve your Majesty for
many long years as is needed by the Christian world. Manila, June 20,
1591. The papers referred to in this letter are inside the first sheet.
_Gomez Peres Dasmarinas_
[_Endorsed_: "Manila. To the king, our sovereign. From Governor Gomez
Perez Dasmarinas, June 20, 1591."
"July 16, 1592. Make an abstract of the different points." "Relation
abstracted as ordered." "Provided within; let the petition be acted
on at once." "Everything has been examined and provisions made."
"Let examination be made of the provisions made in clauses 9 to 21,
that came recently with the duplicate of this letter. The other
clauses are answered, and despatches sent."]
The Fortification of Manila
Sire:
As there are no funds here belonging to your Majesty, and as this
city is very poor and has no established source of income to meet
the expense involved in carrying on the erection of the wall around
it--which is absolutely necessary for its protection and safety
because it is quite exposed without it--therefore an effort must
be made to find some source of revenue in order that so important
an undertaking may not be given over. I have accordingly in your
Majesty's name granted the merchants' peso [_peso merchante_] on
Chinese goods for two years. The amount of this is thus far unknown,
because it has not hitherto been laid. The most profitable source of
income is the monopoly of playing-cards which has been established
for the benefit of your Majesty's exchequer. I apply the proceeds
of this to the wall for the present until your Majesty commands
otherwise. This amounts in one year to two thousand five hundred,
or three thousand pesos. I considered that the whole amount was
very small, while it was absolutely necessary to fortify this place,
which is entirely open and exposed to every sort of danger. Hence,
seeing that there was a great quantity of Chinese stuffs here this
year, and that there were present a number of merchants from Peru and
Mexico who ought to do something for the good of the city--if for
no other reason than the damage they do it by raising the price of
merchandise with the large amount of money they bring--I decided for
this once to levy upon all, upon citizens and inhabitants of this city
and these islands as upon all others who were therein, an assessment
and contribution of two per cent, upon the cargo and appraisement of
everyone, as appears from the decree to this effect, a copy of which
I send your Majesty. All, citizens and others, were satisfied and
were ready to pay the contribution which fell to the share of each,
for they plainly saw how just it was to ask it. But, the very moment
the bishop and his friars knew of the matter, they called a formal
meeting of their theological council and in it considered whether I
had authority to levy the assessment, whether I had received orders
from your Majesty to that effect or not, and whether I had incurred the
censures of the bull concerning the Lord's supper [_De cena Domini_],
inasmuch as this was a new impost. They resolved, in fact, that I had
no authority to do this, and were even on the point of declaring me
excommunicated. The city was so upset and disturbed by them that open
scandal almost resulted. I do not now discuss the character of this
assessment, for your Majesty will see the justification for imposing
it. All I have to say is that certainly, in addition to my ordinary
difficulties with the bishop, this last trouble is due specially to
the president and the auditors, although they know well how necessary
and useful the wall is. It was because of the lack of it that the
English, when they plundered the ship "Sancta Ana," were able to
get away with their booty so safely. It would have been possible to
attack them and to force them to give it up in the island of Oton,
where they lay at anchor for some days, if it had not been that the
president and auditors were unwilling to run the risk of leaving the
city when it had no wall. If we had had any, no matter how few the
people in it, it would have been safe. But they have not said or done
anything to help me. On the contrary, they have joined the bishop in
denouncing and attacking this tax because it affects them. They have
loaded themselves with cloths and merchandise in such quantity that
their share of the tax is likely to amount to something; and this they
would be glad to avoid, like the good merchants they are. I at least do
not know any other rich people here than the president and auditors;
and that is the only reason why they object to the tax, to which they
incorrectly give the name of "impost." This it certainly is not, for it
is assessed once only and upon men such as the Peruvians and Mexicans,
who are going away, and will not be obliged to pay it again, even if it
is demanded. It is a great pity, Sire, that the theologians, when they
are not invited and ought not to be invited to do so, meddle thus with
this matter, as they do with everything else which is decreed; and that
they should wish to act in all respects as a superior tribunal. This
they do not only in the interior court of conscience, but with outward
proceedings in the exterior court by excommunications, declarations,
and the taking of measures to stop that which is being done. It is
this disturbance and interference for which in other letters I beg
your Majesty to command a remedy. The ecclesiastical tribunal has
certainly possessed itself and gained the mastery of everything here
to an extraordinary degree; and this is not consistent with exemplary
conduct and life in the clergy. From the bishop down to the humblest
of them, they are as good merchants as the most secular and the
most skilful tradesmen. It is because the two per cent affects and
includes them all, as I have said, that the theological council finds
fault with it, declaring that it is not just. It is fortunate that
they do not directly affirm it to be unjust; but assert that I err
in laying this assessment, which the laws themselves declare shall
be laid for expenditures upon defenses and walls. From this it is
plain that they desire to be jurists and theologians and governors,
and, under pretext of conscience, to embark in and embarrass
everything. Notwithstanding, I have gone on with this tax; and all who
pay it are very well pleased--except, as I say, these long petticoats,
who smart under it. I believe it will amount to something, and a
statement of its value will be enclosed in this report. The best of
all is that, some days before the two per cent was laid, there was a
meeting called at my request, and held in the bishop's house before him
and me and all the regidors of the city. At this meeting were present
all the superiors of all the orders; this matter was discussed, and
it was decided that the tax might lawfully be levied, inasmuch as it
did not exceed two per cent, and was for the public welfare; while
now they have taken to denouncing it. May our Lord keep the Catholic
person of your Majesty for many a long year, as Christianity requires.
Manila, June 20, 1591.
_Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_
It appears that the duty [i.e. the ordinary duty of three per cent]
on the appraisals amounts in this present year to thirteen thousand
two hundred and fourteen pesos and six tomins. XIII U. CCXIIII pesos.
Hence, in proportion to the three per cent duty, the duty now imposed
for the building of the wall comes to eight thousand eight hundred
and nine pesos and six tomins. VIII U. DCCC IX pesos.
This is without having finished the clearing of the vessels, although
there is little left now to be shipped.
[_Marginal note_: "Everything that has been done in regard to the
walls is approved; let this impost and the others be continued until
the fortification is completed."]
Investigations at Manila Concerning Trade with Macan
+
Most potent Lord:
The city of Manila in the Filipinas Islands declares that the
investigation which it presents to the governor, Gomez Perez de las
Marinas, was made at his request and contains its opinion. Since
this document will show clearly the excellent reasons for, and the
great advantage and lack of all harm resulting from, trade between
Macan and the said islands and, besides the general advantage,
that it would be of great importance for the commerce, trade, and
conversion of Great China--the city beseeches your Highness to have
the investigation examined; and to favor the said city by ordering
that commerce be opened with the inhabitants of Macan, in order to
enable the inhabitants of the Filipinas Islands to trade and traffic
with them. Since this is a matter of so great utility and necessity,
as appears from the investigation, may the city receive favor.
_Romo_
+
(The city: The investigation presented to the governor. Manila,
July 15, the day on which it was presented.)
I, Melchor de Baeça, declare, in the name of the cabildo, magistrates,
and regimiento [9] of this city, that the rights of those whom I
represent require that a formal report of this inquiry be made, in
order to notify the king, our sovereign, concerning the lack of harm
and the great profit which would be derived from commerce between
Macan and these islands; and that, besides the benefit which the
Portugese receive, this commerce would be of great importance for
the conversion of Great China and for its trade and commerce with
these islands. Likewise the king ought to be informed that no ships
or merchants have gone or are going to Goa or other ports of Yndia to
trade or traffic, or to take away their [i.e., the Portuguese] shares,
bargains, and profits; and how they could pursue their business in
the said port of Macan, and at Canton, without there being felt any
scarcity, or enhancement of prices; but, on the contrary, a great
excess of goods would remain at Macao--all that arises from the trade
which they are about to begin with Goa, Chave, and other regions
that maintain trade with Macan. All this would result in the great
increase and prosperity of these islands, from which it appears that
the said commerce, which does no harm, should not be hindered.
I beseech and beg your Lordship to give orders that the said report
be accepted, and that the witnesses whom I shall put forward testify
according to these questions. Your Lordship will please make a decision
concerning the matter. I offer my plea to that effect.
I also beseech your Lordship to give orders that that section in the
instructions which your Lordship received from the king our lord be
added to this inquiry, so that I may be able to send word to the said
city of Macan. I present the claim, etc.
[_Interrogatory_]
_Item_: Let them testify whether they know that the Portuguese
inhabiting Macan, Malaca, and other places in India trade and hold
business intercourse with the Castilians who inhabit this city and
these islands; and whether the said Portuguese have derived or are
deriving from it much gain, profit, and advantage, without incurring
any loss or harm. The witnesses know about this, because they have
been in Macan, Malaca, and other regions of Yndia, and have seen it
with their own eyes; if it were otherwise, the witnesses would know,
and it would not be of less importance, because they have seen it
all themselves, as above stated, and are Portuguese; etc.
2. _Item_: Let them testify whether they know that a greater number
of ships and much more money than in any previous year have gone to
the city of Macan from the city of Goa and other places in India,
to purchase Chinese goods. There was and is plenty of cloth and
merchandise for all, and no scarcity is produced by the exportation
which is made to India; etc.
3. _Item_: Let them testify whether they know that not only the
Portuguese meet with no loss, as stated in the previous questions,
but that, on the contrary, if the Castilians pursued the said commerce
more frequently, making the journey to Macan a feature of their trade,
they could enter Great China, for the Chinese greatly desire their
trade. This would render an immense service to God and to his Majesty,
because the gospel could be imparted to the Chinese from here; etc.
4. _Item_: Let them testify whether they know that no ships or
merchants have gone or are going to Yndia to buy and sell, or to
check their trade. The witnesses know this, because they have seen
and examined it with their own eyes; were it otherwise, they would
have known, seen, and heard of the matter. It must have been no less
than this, since they continue to come to this city and trade with
Yndia; etc.
5. _Item_: Let them testify whether they know that not only the
Portuguese have gained much, without loss or injury, but that the
commerce between this city and that of Macan, according to the previous
questions, and the entrance into China through trade are of immense
advantage for the prosperity and enrichment of these islands, as well
as for that of their citizens and inhabitants. In a short time this
city and port will be one of the richest which his Majesty possesses
in the Yndias; etc.
6. _Item_: Let them testify whether they know that in July of
last year, ninety, when Gomez Perez de las Marinas, governor and
captain-general of these islands, sent a ship to the port of Macan with
royal money to purchase ammunition for the fortress and fortifications
of this city and the islands, promising the captain in command at
Macan to favor and help him in all his needs, as a vassal of the same
king and master, some inhabitants of this city sent by the said ship
a quantity of money, in order to purchase goods with it, which was
seized by the Portuguese of Macan who were on board. The ship would
not have been sent if it had not been on account of the instructions
of his Majesty which the said governor possessed. We know for certain
in this city that the captain in command seized the said ship and
the money, thus bringing loss and ruin to the said citizens. As to
what they do not know, let them refer to the said instructions and
despatches, which the said governor sent.
7. _Item_: Let them testify whether they know that the said loss and
ruin has been so severe that those citizens who own nothing else
are unable to support themselves, or to aid in the service of his
Majesty when occasions arise, as they have done until now. They are
embarrassed with debts and obligations.
8. _Item_: Let them testify whether they know that the aforesaid is
generally known and manifest to all.
_Melchor de Baeça_
This interrogatory was presented to the governor, Gomez Perez
Dasmarinas, in the city of Manila, on the twenty-third day of May,
in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, on behalf of
the cabildo, magistrates, and regimiento of the city. His Lordship
examined it and declared that he would order, and he did order,
the attorney of the said city to give a report of his declaration
before the notary, Gaspar de Azebo, whom he would entrust--and he
did entrust--with the examination of the witnesses.
_Gaspar de Azevo_
_Authority given by the Cabildo to Diego Hernandez Bitoria, whom
they elected attorney-general._ On November [_sic_] nineteen, one
thousand five hundred and ninety-one, there met and assembled before
me in Manila, Esteban de Marquina, public and cabildo notary of this
city, and the magistrates and regimiento of the same--namely, Captain
Diego de Castillo, Alcalde Don Francisco de Poya y Guevara, High
Constable Antonio de Cariedo, Captain Joan Pacheco, Diego Hernandez
Bitoria, and Antonio Garrido de Salzedo. All these regidors met, and
unanimously elected and appointed the regidor Diego Hernandez Bitoria
attorney-general for them and for this city. They gave him power,
as he holds it and justly needs, to draw and present all the claims,
petitions, injunctions, evidences, oaths, warrants, and investigations
which may be fitting and necessary, and which the said cabildo would,
if present, offer, in connection with all the trials and suits,
both civil and criminal, which the said city might have concerning
its privileges and exemptions; and in whatever process, whether in or
out of court, might come before any magistrate and judge of the king
our lord. They also gave him power to replace or recall attorneys, and
to appoint new ones. They gave him this power, and gave assurance for
maintaining it, by signing their names, and by pledging the property
and revenues of this city which have been or are to be received. It
was signed by Diego del Castillo, Joan Pacheco Maldonado, Antonio de
Cariedo, Don Francisco de Poya, and Diego Hernandez Bitoria.
Before me:
_Estevan de Marquina_
Therefore I have hereto set my seal in witness of the truth.
_Esteban de Marquina_
[_Testimony_]
_Witness_: _Captain Poyatos_. On May twenty-seven, one thousand five
hundred and ninety-one, in the city of Manila, Melchor de Baeca,
attorney of this city, presented as witness in the name of the same,
Captain Hernando Muñoz de Poyatos, a citizen of this city, from whom he
took oath, according to law, upon a sign of the cross, under obligation
of which he bound himself and promised to tell the truth. After having
been questioned according to the interrogatory presented by the said
Melchor de Baeca, he made the following declaration:
1. To the first question, the witness testified that the Portuguese
of the city of Macan trade and hold business communication with the
Spanish inhabitants of this city and of these islands; that much gain
and profit has come and comes to them, and that they have not met, and
never will meet any injury for coming to trade in these islands. The
witness knows this because he has been in the city of Macan, and has
seen that matters are as the question declares them to be. And he
believes that they will surely continue thus if the inhabitants of
Malaca and other regions of India will continue to trade in these
islands. This is his answer.
2. To the second question, the witness, who, as specified above, has
been in the city of Macan, testified that, although ships now go from
Goa, from these islands, and from many other parts in greater number
and with much more money to invest in Chinese goods than hitherto,
there are cloths and merchandise enough for all who go there, and
much is left over. This is what the witness answers, because he has
found it so in the said city of Macan.
3. To the third question, the witness testified that he was convinced
that if the Spaniards in these islands went to the city of Macan to
trade and traffic with its inhabitants, a great step would be made
toward the possibility of preaching the gospel among the Chinese,
a thing which would be of great service to God our Lord, and to his
Majesty. He does not know anything about what is asked of him in the
rest of the question. This is his answer.
4. To the fourth question, the witness testified that he has lived
in these islands more than sixteen years, and that in all this time
he has neither seen nor heard that any ship had been despatched from
these islands to Yndia for trading purposes; had it not been so, the
witness would have known of it; nor could it be otherwise, since he
has resided in these islands for so many years. This is his answer.
5. To the fifth question, the witness testified that the answer was
the same as the one given to the previous question, and that, to his
knowledge, if commerce is established between these islands and Macan,
in a short time this city, its inhabitants, and the islands will be
greatly enriched. This is his answer.
6. To the sixth question, the witness testified that Governor Gomez
Perez Dasmarinas despatched a large ship from these islands to the
city of Macan, and that it was well known by all that it was sent
for the purpose specified in the question. Concerning the rest of the
question he refers to the decrees and other documents issued by the
said governor in reference to the despatching of the said ship. He
has heard that the rest of the question is true. This is his answer.
7. To the seventh question, he testified that certain inhabitants of
these islands sent money to Macan, and that they suffer need because
thus far they have not been given the proceeds. This is his answer.
8. To the eighth question, he testified that his answer was the same
as the one given to the previous questions, and that it is the truth
according to the oath he took. He acknowledged it with his signature,
and declared that he was more than thirty-five years old, and competent
to be a witness.
_Fernando Muñoz de Poyatos_
Before me:
_Gaspar de Azevo_
[Here follow depositions, in answer to the same questions, from six
other witnesses, all agreeing in the main with the facts as presented
in the questions and in the deposition of Captain Poyatos, given
above. The other witnesses are: Bastian Jorge Moxar, a Portuguese,
Ensign Christobal Flores, Notary Alonso de Torres, Captain Juan de
Argumedo, Captain Pedro Sarmiento, and Joan Sordo.]
[Bastían Jorge Moxar, besides what is contained in the foregoing,
testified that the Portuguese feared any Spanish trade in the Indian
country, and that the use of Spanish ships in the trade would bring
great distress to the Portuguese.]
[Notary Alonso de Torres alleged that he had bought goods from the
Portuguese in Manila for from sixty to sixty-five per cent above
their cost price; and the Portuguese captains had told him that they
could make twice as much on their investments with a trip to Manila
as to any other port of the Indias, and with a shorter voyage. He was
told by his intimate friend Francisco Sobrino, of Goa, that the said
Sobrino came to Manila in eighty-eight with two thousand odd pesos
in Chinese goods, and left a year later with eleven thousand three
hundred pesos. On the ship sent by the governor, certain citizens
of Manila had placed funds amounting to more than one hundred and
twenty thousand pesos, the witness himself entrusting four thousand
pesos to the said Francisco Sobrino, all which money was seized by
the governor of Macan. He further states that he himself is one of
the heaviest losers by this act.]
[Captain Juan de Argumedo reported the following conversation:]
To the third question the witness testified, as before, that he was
in Macan, and knows that the Portuguese are not injured but greatly
benefited. While the witness was speaking with the chief captain
of the said city, and the mandarin of the Chinese, the latter said:
"Let the Spaniards come here and trade; for the inhabitants of your
country do not come to trade with the Chinese, as the Portuguese
do." The witness answered: "We are hindered by the Portuguese, who
do not wish us to come." Thereupon the mandarin became much vexed,
and addressing the chief captain of the Portuguese, said loudly:
"How is this, does not the land which you hold belong to the king of
China? The Portuguese have nothing to do in the matter;" and then,
addressing the witness, through an interpreter who was there, he said:
"Look you, Castilian, from now on come here and carry on your trade,
and have nothing to do with the Portuguese; for we will give you all
you need, as well as a passport." This witness then answered and said:
"Sir, it would be better to assign the Spaniards a small piece of
land near Canton, upon which to settle."
The mandarin, after a little hesitation replied: "If you will come to
Canton with me, I shall obtain a _chapa_--a passport used there--from
the viceroy, and shall see to it that the Spaniards make a settlement
in good time." As this witness had no order to that effect, and was
busy with his own affairs, he did not go to Canton, or pursue the
matter further. Considering what he has seen, he believes that the
Chinese desire the trade of the Spaniards; that, if the latter went
there, a place would be given them for a settlement; and, if the trade
were once established, he thought it certain that the holy gospel
could be communicated to the Chinese, whence would follow much good to
the service of God and of his Majesty. He knows this because it was
in the same manner that the gospel was introduced into the realms of
Xapon by the Theatin friars, who went there with the merchants. This
is his answer.
[Captain Pedro Sarmiento testified that the Chinese desire
commerce with the Spaniards; for when the witness was there, by
order of Governor Guido de Lavezaris, the said Chinese assigned
the Spaniards a definite site on the mainland for settlement and
a trading-place. Joan Sordo testified that he believed the Chinese
would welcome the Spaniards, and quoted a Sangley as saying to him:
"Castilians, when will the day come for your entry into China? for
these mandarins oppress us so that we long for the day."]
_Petition of Diego Hernandez Vitoria_
In the city of Manila, on the twenty-first day of June, one thousand
five hundred and ninety-one, Diego Hernandez Vitoria, a regidor of
this city, appeared before me, the notary, and before the undersigned
witnesses, in his capacity of attorney-general, and declared that
he would give, as he in fact did give, the power which he holds from
the cabildo and regidors of this city, to Melchor de Vaeça, attorney
at law; and that he would approve and ratify all the pleas which the
said Melchor de Vaeça might make in this suit in the name of the said
city, and as attorney of the same. He signed his name in the presence
of the witnesses, Hernando Diaz, Miguel de Solarte, and Adrian Perez.
_Diego Hernandez Vitoria_
Before me:
_Gaspar de Azevo_
I, Diego Hernandez Vitoria, citizen and regidor of this city and
attorney-general of the same, declare that, in order to show by
the above investigation the little harm which the Portuguese suffer
from our going to Macan, I need a copy from the government books,
of the decrees which Pedro Brito took to Macan. Therefore, I beg
and beseech your Lordship to order that the said copy be given me. I
offer this plea.
_Diego Hernandez Vitoria_
On the seventeenth of July, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one,
in the city of Manila, the person mentioned in the petition presented
it to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, governor and captain-general for the
king, our lord, in these islands; and his Lordship ordered that the
copy which he asks be given him, attested in the form prescribed.
_Gaspar de Azevo_
In fulfilment of this, I, the said Gaspar de Azevo, notary-in-chief
of the government of the Philipinas Islands, caused to be made and
did make, out of the government books which are in my keeping, a
copy of the decrees which Pedro de Brito took to the city of Macan,
and whose contents are as follows:
[_Decrees Taken to Macan_]
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Sanctiago, member of
his Majesty's council, and his governor and captain-general of the
Filipinas Islands. At present I am actually practicing and exercising
the said office of governor and captain-general, according to the
commission of his Majesty, which reads as follows:
_Commission of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas as governor; and other decrees
which were taken to Macan_. Don Felipe, by the grace of God, King
of Castilla, Leon, Aragón, the two Sicilies; Jerusalem, Portugal,
Navarra, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galizia, Mallorcas, Sevilla,
Cerdeña, Cordoba, Córcega, Murcia, Jaén, the Algarbes, Algeciras,
Gibraltar, the islands of Canarias, the eastern and western Yndias,
and the islands and mainland of the Ocean Sea; Archduke of Austria;
Duke of Borgoña, Bravante, and Milan; Count of Abspurg, Flandes,
Tirol, and Varcelona; Lord of Vizcaya and Molina: Inasmuch as, from
the time when the Filipinas Islands were discovered in the great
Chinese Archipelago, I have always given much care to the supplying of
religious to preach the gospel in those far-away and remote regions,
in order that our Christian religion might be spread in those islands
which our Lord through His mercy chose to call to a true knowledge of
Himself; and in order that a more godly success might be obtained among
the natives of the said islands and others of the same archipelago,
and of other neighboring lands and provinces surrounding the regions
already discovered and pacified; and in order that, through the
mild method of instruction, they might attain the end for which they
were created, I have continually supplied Spaniards to settle those
islands, so that with their presence and defense, religion might be
established and its ministers protected. Moreover, wishing better to
regulate affairs and to render them more stable, I gave orders for
the establishment of the Audiencia and royal chancilleria in the city
of Manila, of the said Filipinas Islands. But now--having heard that
the said Audiencia is a heavy burden to a new and thinly-populated
land; and that besides, having few matters to settle, it incurs heavy
expenses for the maintenance of ministers and officers--I have decided
to order the abolishment of the said Audiencia and the resumption
of the same form and order of government that existed before the
establishment of the Audiencia. Considering how much and how well you,
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Sanctiago, have served
me, and considering the many good qualities united in your person,
I hereby elect and appoint you my governor and captain-general of the
said Filipinas Islands, hoping that you will continue to serve me on
all occasions with the love and faithfulness which my great trust in
you imposes upon your person. In such capacity, it is my will that
you enjoy and exercise the said offices in the cases and matters
connected with and depending upon them, so long as I desire; and in
the manner which the persons who have exercised them hitherto have
been accustomed, permitted, or obliged to do; and as other persons
who have served and are serving me in similar offices in these
islands and provinces of the Yndias do, may, or must do. It is my
desire that you administer justice for me, both civil and criminal,
in all the cities, towns, and places, settled or to be settled; you
shall also confer offices of justice, war, and others which exist
in the islands. Through this decree, or a copy of it, signed by a
notary, I order that the civic bodies, courts, regidors, knights,
esquires, officers, and good men of all cities, towns, and places of
the said Filipinas Islands, and the officers of my exchequer, and the
captains, inspectors, and other persons residing there, whatever be
their station, shall--after you, the said Gomez Perez Dasmarinas,
have taken the oath with the solemnity required by the occasion,
and according to the custom of the cabildo of the city of Manila,
of the Filipinas Islands--receive you and look upon you as my governor
and captain-general of the said islands, and freely allow you to enjoy
and exercise the said offices, and to carry out and execute my justice
in the said islands, whether it be through your agency or through the
lieutenants of my governor and captain-general. I think it advisable
that the offices of corregidor, alguazil, and others which you assign
in the said islands shall be declared vacant and removed whenever
you consider that my service and the execution of my justice demand
it. You are empowered to substitute others in their places; and to
hear, dismiss, and decide all the civil and criminal trials and suits
which may arise in the said islands and towns; you and your lieutenants
are empowered to deprive the said offices of the fees connected with
and pertaining to them, and to make any investigation in former suits,
and other matters connected with and pertaining to the said offices
which you and your lieutenants may consider necessary for my service,
the execution of my justice, and the settlement and government of the
said islands and communities. In order that you may enjoy and exercise
the said offices, and carry out and execute my justice as above stated,
all men shall submit to you and give and cause to be given to you all
the support and aid which you ask and need from them. All shall respect
and obey you, and carry out your orders and those of your lieutenants;
and they shall in no wise place or allow to be placed any obstacle
or opposition before you, since I hereby accept and consider you as
accepted in the capacity of the said offices, and in the enjoyment and
exercise of them. I give you power and authority to enjoy and exercise
them and to carry out and execute my justice as above stated. In case
those persons, or any of them, shall not accept you as holding the
said offices, I command whomsoever holds the reins of my justice in
the said islands, as soon as you, the said Gomez Perez Dasmarinas,
ask for them, to give and yield them up to you, and to exercise their
offices no longer--under pain of incurring the punishment incurred by
those who exercise royal and public offices without any authority; for
I hereby suspend and hold them suspended from the said offices. You,
your lieutenants, and other magistrates shall enforce, and cause
to be enforced, all fines and punishments which you may inflict,
which moneys are to be given and delivered to the officials of my
exchequer. Whenever you consider it fitting for my service and for
the execution of my justice for any of those persons, who are now or
may be in future in the said islands, to leave the same and not return
thither, but come before me instead, you shall send them in my name,
and cause them to depart in accordance with the ordinance to this
effect. You shall state to the persons whom you thus send the reasons
for your doing so; but, if it seems best to give the information
secretly, you shall give it enclosed and sealed, and then you shall
send me a similar explanation by another messenger, in order that I
may have knowledge of it. You are warned not to send any one in this
way unless urged by serious reasons. Both parties are to do nothing
contrary to this, under pain of losing my favor. Given in San Lorenzo,
August the ninth, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine.
_I, The King_
I, Joan Ybarra, secretary of the king our lord, had it written by
his order.
The licentiate
_Hernando de Vega de Fonseca_
Registered:
_Pedro de Ledesma_, Chancellor.
_San Joan de Sardaneta_
_Clause of the instruction_. The king, our lord, sent me, in such
capacity, an order through royal decree and instruction, signed by
his royal hand, the original of which does not accompany this on
account of its being inserted in other important decrees and secret
orders relating to his royal service. The order in question reads
as follows: "Whenever you think best to allow and give permission to
the inhabitants of the said islands to go to Xapon, Macan, and other
kingdoms or settlements of the Portuguese or the heathens, for the
sake of trade, you can do so after having first carefully investigated
whether there is any obstacle or danger in the journey." Since, for
the reason which will be stated below, his Majesty's desire corresponds
to two other royal decrees which will be shown, we have inserted here
a number of original documents which successively read as follows:
The King: To Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, my governor and
captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, or, in your absence, to
the person or persons having charge of the government. According to
what I wrote you on the fourth of April of last year, eighty-one,
and what you have seen since in the despatches sent by the fleet
which left for Nueva España on the thirteenth of June of the said
year, you must have heard that, on account of the death of the most
serene, powerful, and lofty king, Don Enrrique, my uncle (may he
rest in peace), I succeeded to the kingdoms of Portugal; and that
their crown is united to that of the other kingdoms which I already
possessed. Since for this reason all become one and the same people,
and you and the Portuguese are all my vassals; and since it is right
that, for the better support of my service, there be agreement and
amicable relations among all, especially in these regions--where,
on account of their great distance from here, one must exert himself
to remedy the losses which may come from events that occur daily,
without awaiting orders from here, on account of difficulties which
would be caused by the delay--I command you that on all occasions,
whether together or separated from one another, you maintain friendly
relations and one mind among yourselves, as I have written, being
careful to help, support, and defend one another alike in all needs
and with great harmony and friendship, as it is right for you to do. I
warn you to act in all things according to that trust I place in you,
so that there may be no omission in the affairs committed to you,
for this should be your chief and main aim. Lisboa, March thirty-one,
one thousand five hundred and eighty-two.
_I, The King_
By order of his Majesty:
_Antonio de Herasso_
The King: To Don Gonzalo Rronquillo de Peñalosa, my governor and
captain-general of the Philipinas Islands; or, in your absence,
the person or persons who may hold the reins of government. You
understand, from what I have written you before and what I write
now, the causes and reasons why there should be a close and friendly
relation between you and your people dwelling in those islands and
my viceroy of Eastern Yndia, and my governor and captain-general of
Malaca with his Portuguese; and how well served I shall be if, since
you are all on the same footing, and since you are all my vassals,
you deal, communicate, and make friends with one another, and help
one another whenever occasion and need shall arise. There was little
necessity to remind you of this; yet, seeing that it is so important
and so reasonable that things be so, I have decided to recommend the
matter to you, assuring you that I shall be much pleased thereby. If
at any time my viceroy of Yndia, or the governor and captain-general
of Malaca, should write to you asking to send men to his aid, you
will send him the men whom you can spare from those islands, in order
that he may be secure; and do so with the precaution that you shall
find needful. In either case, you will give orders as one who has
the matter at heart, and knows what can and must be done. Since I
trust in you and your prudence, and allow you to send some troops and
captains under similar circumstances, you shall ask the same to obey
and carry out whatever he whom they go to help may say and order,
either in writing or orally, serving him with the good discipline
and obedience to which that nation [the Portuguese] are accustomed,
in the expeditions and military exploits which may take place. Lisboa,
on the thirty-first day of March in the year one thousand five hundred
and eighty-two.
_I, The King_
By order of his Majesty:
_Antonio de Erasso_
Considering the fact that the king, our lord, is pleased to have
harmony, friendly relations, commerce, and trade between the
inhabitants of these islands and the Portuguese nobles inhabiting
Macan, Xapon, and other regions--which things are necessary for the
preservation of these his kingdoms, and the welfare and prosperity
of his vassals, and the exaltation of our holy Catholic religion;
and since in fulfilment of this royal desire and offer of friendly
intercourse, commerce, trade, and many other things pertaining to
his royal service, as I am in need of ammunition for this camp, I am
forced to send a person to the city of Macan--namely, Pedro de Brito, a
regidor of this city of Manila--whom I order to sail from these islands
to the said city of Macan on the ship "Nuestra Señora de Conception"
(or, as it is also called, the "San Pedro"), with Pedro de Solorzano
as captain, and Antonio Diaz Delaleres as ship-master. I have given
him permission to sail, and if necessary, to let this document serve
as a permission for the voyage and the return to this city, observing
strictly all my instructions and orders: therefore in the name of the
king, our lord, I request and ask in my own name the chief captain
of the said city of Macan, the officers of the exchequer, and the
magistrates and rulers of the city; and whatever governors, captains,
judges, and magistrates may reside in the said city in his Majesty's
name; also nobles, and other persons who live there, and in others of
his kingdoms and seigniories--of all these I request that, whenever
this is shown, they examine the said royal decrees and obey and
observe them. I request them to let the said regidor, Pedro de Brito,
come into port with the said ship and crew, allow them to land, and
communicate and trade with the inhabitants and natives in all things
that they desire and need, and to offer no obstacle or hindrance;
but, on the contrary, to protect and help them for their success,
and in the necessary preparations which they will make, as they owe
to the service of his Majesty. I shall do as much to them whenever
a similar request is made of me. In the city of Manila, on the third
day of July, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety.
_Gomez Perez Dasmarinas_
By order of the governor:
_Gaspar de Azevo_
This was corrected and compared with the said government book from
which it was copied. Manila, June twenty, one thousand five hundred
and ninety-one. The following witnesses were present when it was
corrected and compared: Miguel de Solarte and Adrian Perez.
_Gaspar de Azevo_
_The Governor's Opinion_
Sire: Having examined this investigation which the cabildo, magistracy,
and regimiento of this city have made, so that your Majesty might
favor the inhabitants of Manila by granting them commerce with
the inhabitants of Macan, and considering the little harm which
the Portuguese would suffer from it, my opinion is that, with your
Majesty's pleasure, the favor could be granted, for very little trouble
will follow from it. Moreover, it will benefit this camp, in that we
shall be able to get ammunition, supplies, and other things from the
city of Macan: for, as far as ammunition is concerned, the trade with
China is closed, since no Chinese would dare to bring it over.
_Gomez Perez Dasmarinas_
This copy was made, corrected, and compared with the evidence and
other decrees already mentioned, at the request of the attorney
of this city of Manila, and by order of the said governor, on June
twenty-second, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, in Manila;
and in the presence of the following witnesses, who saw when it
was taken, corrected, and compared: Miguel de Solarte, and Adrian
Perez. Therefore, I set my seal to it in witness of truth.
_Gaspar de Azevo_
We, the undersigned notaries, certify and truly testify that Gaspar
de Azevo, whose signet and name are attached to this investigation,
is government notary of these islands; and, as such, the instruments
drawn before him, or which have heretofore been drawn before him,
are to be given full faith and credit in or out of court. Port of
Cavite, June twenty-third, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.
_Alonso Esteban de Marquina_, notary.
_Tomas Perez_, notary.
_Miguel de Quintanilla_, notary-public.
The preceding was deliberated upon in Madrid on the twentieth day of
July, one thousand five hundred and ninety-two.
The licentiate _Gonzalez_.
[_Endorsed at beginning of document_:
"The city of Manila in the Filipinas Islands; concerning the
possibility of their inhabitants trading with those of Macan.
_Ledesma_, secretary."
"Eighty-four maravedís were paid for the examination, on July 15,
1529 (_sic; sc._ 1592).
The licentiate _Gonzalez_."
"The possible trade between Macan and the inhabitants of Manila."]
[_Endorsed on back of document_: "Investigation concerning the question
of Macan; for Domingo de Uribe."]
Documents of 1592
Opinions of the religious communities on the war with the
Zambales. Juan de Valderrama, and others; January 19-20.
Letter of congratulation to the bishop, clergy, and people
of the Philippines. Clement VIII; March 25.
Letter to Felipe II. G.P. Dasmariñas; May 31.
Rules for the Manila hospital. G.P. Dasmariñas; [May 31].
Expedition to Tuy. [Luis Perez Dasmariñas]; June 1.
Two letters to Felipe II. G.P. Dasmariñas; June 6, 11.
An embassy from Japan. Hideyoshi, and others; 1591-92.
Three letters to Felipe II. G.P. Dasmariñas; June 20, July 6.
Luzón menaced by Japanese. [G.P. Dasmariñas; 1592?].
_Sources_: All these documents are obtained from original MSS. in
the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
_Translations_: In the first document, the opinion of the Augustinians
is translated by Joseph Fitzgerald; that of the Franciscans, by
Victoria G. Peacock; the remainder, by James A. Robertson. The second
document is translated by Rev. T.C. Middleton, O.S.A., Villanova
College; the third, by José M. and Clara M. Asensio. In the eighth
document, the first letter is translated by Helen E. Thomas; the
third, by Mary F. Foster. The remaining documents of this group are
translated by James A. Robertson.
Opinions of the Religious Communities upon Waging War with the Zambales
Opinion of the Augustinians
Your Lordship orders us to give our judgment whether it be lawful
to make war on the Zambales, in view of the many injuries that they
have been and daily are inflicting upon our people; and, if so be
that the war is lawful and righteous, what measures may be taken to
attain the end proposed therein, security.
In reply to this we say that, according to all the authorities,
divines as well as canonists and jurists, three conditions are required
in a war to make it a righteous one; and on these we will rest the
justification of the war at present under consideration.
The first condition is that he who begins the war shall have authority;
the second, just cause for making war; and third, righteous intention.
The first requires that he who begins the war and by whose order it is
waged be a public person, as St Augustine declares, _Contra Faustum
Manichæum_; cited by Gratian (23 qu. I. c. _Quid culpatur_): _Ordo
naturalis mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poscit, ut susctpiendi
belli authoritas atque consilium penes principes sit_. Whence it
is clear, as St. Thomas says (2a 2æ, q. 40, art. I), [10] that a
private person cannot lawfully make war; for, if he is aggrieved,
he should resort to his superior for satisfaction; and it is as
little within the right of a private individual to collect such a
body of men as is requisite to carry on a war. The difficulty is to
understand what is meant by "public person" or "prince;" for it is
plain that it is not lawful for every prince or judge whatsoever to
wage war. The solution of this difficulty, according to St. Thomas
(_ubi supra_,) and Cajetanus (_ibi_ and in _Summa, ch. Bellum_),
and Castro (_De justa hæreticorum punitione_ lib. 2, c. 4), is that
by "public person" in the present case is understood the one who in
his government depends not on another; such are the kings of Spain
and France, also some free commonwealths, as Venice, Florence, and
Ferrara: these have authority, without recourse to another, to wage
war. But those princes and states whose government is not sovereign
may not levy war without authority from their superior; and so the
lords of Castilla and the viceroys and governors appointed by our
king Philippus may not without a warrant make war.
What is said applies not when war is waged for defense against enemies,
but in other circumstances; for if it is for defense, such war is
permitted to any governor or king, as the authors say, because _vim
vi repellere licet_; [11] and thus the viceroys and governors of the
Indias have authority to levy war against disturbers of the peace and
quiet of the states of which they are in charge, without necessity
of resorting to his Majesty for permission.
The second condition of righteous war is that the cause for which it
is waged shall be a just one, as St. Thomas says: "Those upon whom
war is waged deserve it for the offenses that they have committed,
and the grievances that they have inflicted upon the one who makes
war on them." Thus says St. Augustine (lib. 83. _Quæstionum super
Josue_, 9. 10), and Gratian quotes him (23, q. 2, c. _Dominus noster_):
_Justa autem bella solent definiri quæ ulciscuntur injurias, si gens
vel civitas plectenda est, quod vel vindicare neglexerit quod a suis
improbe factum est, vel reddere quod per injuriam ablatum est_. [12]
And as this injury and grievance may be of many kinds, so too, many
and various are the just causes of war; but we will consider here only
those which make for the matter in hand, confirmed by the authority
of Scripture.
The first ground of a righteous war may exist when one is hindered
from doing what he may by right do. This is matter of natural and
divine law and on this ground Julius Cæsar, as Lucan represents him
(lib. 1), made defense of his conduct in waging war against the Roman
state--viz., that the state had blocked to him, a Roman citizen,
the route to Rome; and so he said, arms in hand, _Omnia dat qui justa
negat_. [13] On this ground, as St. Augustine says (in _Quaest. Num._
q. 43), [14] the children of Israel justly made war on the kings of
the Amorites (_Ut legitimum_, c. 21), for having withstood their
passage through their country when they were on their way to the
promised land, although the Israelites had given assurance that they
would do no damage to the lands, the crops, or the vineyards of the
Amorites. And so says St. Augustine (and he is quoted _ubi supra_,
last chapter), _Notandum est sane quemadmodum justa bella gerebantur
a filiis Israel contra Amoritas: innoxius enim transitus denegabatur
qui jure humanæ societatis aequissimo patere debebat_. [15] Upon
which passage Joannes Andreas in his gloss well says: _Licet enim
transire per alienum agrum jus non sit, tamen quia necessarius et
innoxius erat iste transitus illi prohibere non debuerunt; item quia
via publica erat et nemo prohibetur via publica_. [16]
The second ground, as I said, of a righteous war is the self-defense
of the prince or of his subjects. This ground also is matter of both
natural and divine right; for even as self-defense is a natural
right, on which right is founded the rule of _vim vi repellere_,
so too in the prince is the defense of his subjects--for the care
which the prince has of his subjects is as essential on his part as
is the care which each one of them has for himself; hence, if the
subjects are aggrieved by their enemies, the prince may justly in
their defense make war, and _vim vi repellere_. This is much better
than that the individual should himself avenge the wrong; for the
individual can lawfully defend himself and his property only _in
continente_, as Sylvester declares (_Bellum_, 2 § 3), but he may not
avenge past wrongs, _nec sua repetere_ save by recourse to his judge
and superior. [17] Whatever goes beyond that is contrary to law and
good government and, as Cajetan says, is _extra moderamen tutelæ_,
[18] it being an essential condition of the right _vim vi repellere_
that it be done _cum moderamine_. But the prince and the state have the
same authority with respect to their enemies at whose hands they have
suffered injury, which they have with regard to their own subjects;
and hence not only may they defend themselves lest either they or their
subjects suffer injury, but they may avenge injuries by inflicting
punishment, exact satisfaction for damage done, and take the enemies'
lives, if so the quiet and safety of their subjects require. Under this
head come the many wars waged by King David against the Philistines,
mentioned in the Scriptures; as also the war of the Machabee captains
against the kings Antiochus and Demetrius.
The third cause and ground is rebellion and disobedience of
subjects. This was the ground of David's war with Sheba, son of Bichri,
who raised a revolt, as you may read in II Sam. 20; [19] and this is
what St. Augustine says (_Contra Faustum Manichæum_, I. 22, c. 74):
_Adversus violentiam resistentium sive deo sive aliquo legitimo imperio
jubente gerenda ipsa bella suscipiuntur a bonis ubi eos vel jubere
tale aliquid vel in talibus obedire juste ordo ipse constringit_
(in c. _Quid culpatur, ubi supra_.) [20]
The fourth cause and ground for a righteous war is when there is
default of keeping faith or carrying out agreements; for in such
case the party who has been wronged may lawfully make war on him
who, by not keeping faith, has done him injury. This made Joran
[Jehoram], king of Israel, wage war on Mesa [Mesha], king of Moab,
for his having failed to keep the agreements and to pay the tribute
which he had promised to pay to his suzerain, King Ahab; and that
this war was just is clear, for that he was assisted therein by the
holy and righteous Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, with the approval of
the prophet Elisha--who in the name of the Lord urged them on to war,
and promised them a sure victory--as is seen in II Sam. ch. 3. These
four causes and grounds, or any one of them by itself, justify war;
and there are other grounds also, but these are the most certain and
the most applicable to the matter in hand.
The third condition which, as we have said, must be fulfilled to
make a war righteous is a right intention on the part of him who
wages it; because, failing this, even when the other two conditions
concur--to wit, authority and just cause--a faulty intention may
render and does render the war unjust. This condition is also laid
down by St. Augustine (_Contra Faustum_), and he is quoted by Gratian
(in c. _Quid culpatur_); and as his words are of great weight and
define wherein a bad intention consists, it is well to quote them:
_Quid culpatur in bello? an quid moriuntur quandoque morituri ut
dominentur in pace victuri? Hoc reprehendisse timidorum est non
religiosorum. Nocendi cupiditas, ulciscendi crudelitas, impacatus
atque implacabilis animus, feritas rebellandi, libido dominandi et
si quae sunt similia: haec sunt quae in bellis jure culpantur_. [21]
And what must be the right intention of the prince in levying war
the same Augustine declares in the book _De Verbo Domini_; and the
passage is found in c. _A pud, ubi supra: Apud veros dei cultores et
ipsa bella peccata non sunt quae non cupiditate aut crudelitate sed
pacis studio geruntur ut mali coerceantur et boni subleventur_. [22]
Peace is the end that is to be sought in war, and so saith Aristotle
(lib. 10 _Ethicorum_): _Bellum gerimus ut in pace degamus_. [23]
And Augustine says the same (_Epist. ad Bonifacium_): _Non quaeritur
pax ut bellum exerceatur, sed bellum geritur ut pax acquiratur._ [24]
But here it is to be noted that this right intention which is here
required is a condition no more essential to a righteous war than
to other good works, for in all these it is required, and without it
no work is virtuous; and hence it is that if this right intention be
wanting in the prince who levies war and in those who urge it, he would
sin by wrong intention, but if the other two conditions be fulfilled,
he, as Soto says, will not be held to make amends for the injuries
that may be done in the war. So, too, if a judge orders a robber to
be hanged, granted that _ex odio suspendat_, [25] he will not be held
to restitution, if on the testimony adduced the man deserved hanging.
_Reply_
Having ascertained the conditions required to make a war just, from
them we shall be able clearly to decide whether such is the war against
the Zambales at present under discussion. To this question we will
answer affirmatively: that it is lawful without any scruple whatever,
for in it the three conditions meet which are required for a just war,
as we have already said.
And first, in this war is found the first condition, namely, authority
in the one who wages it, for he is _persona publica_, the governor
of these isles; and also he has a superior who is our king. But since
the cause is self-defense, as will later be proved, he has no need of
other permission to defend his state against enemies who molest it,
as we have proved.
In this war, the third condition, too--we shall speak of the
second later--is fulfilled, namely, right intention; for its end
is the peace and security of the subjects, disturbed by these their
enemies. And this peace it has not been possible to secure by means
of our benevolent efforts, although such means have been tried--as
appears from our labors to that end last year in sending religious
of our order, and persons known to the Zambales, to persuade them to
desist from wrongdoing and be our friends, granting them a general
pardon for the wrongs they had committed against us; and although the
Zambales promised, and made oath in their fashion, they have defaulted
utterly, committing since then many atrocious wrongs against our
people, as appears from the reports on that matter which have been
drawn up. And, forasmuch as nothing has been gained through kindness,
comes now, as a last and drastic remedy, the resolution to win peace
and security for the king's subjects by waging war on his enemies; and
this is the right intention that is required according to Aristotle
and St. Augustine, as before quoted. But even suppose this intention
to be lacking, it is already said and proved above that this condition
is not in such sort essential as to oblige to indemnification.
It remains that we look into the second condition of just warfare,
to wit, that just cause exist for waging it. This condition, in which
might be presented greatest difficulty, is the clearest and plainest
part of the matter before us; for not only are some of the four causes
and grounds pointed out by us, as being any one of them in itself
sufficient, but all the just causes are here concurrent. The first
condition is fulfilled in that these Zambales impede the general
traffic by sea and land of those who go to Pangasin and Ylocos and
Cagayan. And, albeit the traffic works damage neither to them nor to
their lands, but uses a common highway, yet they sally out upon the
highways and kill and rob passengers, as appears from the reports.
Concurs also the second cause; for, although these Zambales are not
molested by our people, they assault and murder them, not only falling
upon them in the highways, as already said, but also seeking them out
in the settlements while they are laboring in the fields; so that
neither in their fields nor their homes are our people safe--which
also is shown in the reports.
Furthermore, after promising obedience to our king and to the governor
on his behalf, they have rebelled and renounced obedience, as we
have said; and this is the third of the reasons which, as we said,
justify the war.
Finally, the war is justified by their failure to keep their word
and their pledges of friendship; for, as is well known, they have
again and again, in the time of previous governors, been reconciled
and have promised friendship, and thus have obtained pardon for
their acts. And in the year just past this was done with greater
formality and more solemn assurances, as appears from the record;
but notwithstanding this, breaking the compact of peace, they have
since then inflicted other and graver injuries--sallying out as
robbers into the public routes by land and by sea, making descents on
our settlements and murdering everyone on whom they can lay hands,
be they Indians or Spaniards, seculars or ecclesiastics. Indeed, it
is well known that last year they murdered a religious of our order,
and they were tracking our provincial and two others, his companions;
but all these, thanks to their own watchfulness, escaped.
From what has been said it stands amply proved that the war to be waged
against the Zambales is a just one, and, beyond all scruple, as well
on the part of him who sets it on foot as of those who take part in it.
But it may be that some one will, in opposition to what has been
said, cite to us certain law texts to the effect that when a number
of persons or a town sins, even if all or most of them are guilty,
yet they should be pardoned. In the _Decretum_ (dist. 50, c. _ut
constitueretur_) St. Augustine says, writing to Bonifacius: _Ubi
per graves dissentionum scissuras non hujus aut illius hominis
periculum sed populorum plurimorum strages jacet, detrahendum est
aliquid severitati ut majoribus sanandis malis charitas syncera
subveníat_. [26] And (1 q. 7 c. _Quoties_) Pope Innocent, as cited by
Gratian, says: _Quoties a populis auta turba peccatur, quia in omnes
propter multitudinem vindicari non potest inultum solet transire_. [27]
Much to the same effect is what is said by Alexander III (c. _Extra,
De clerico excommunicato_), and also by Honorius III (in the
last chapter, _De transact._). And the reason for this is that in a
multitude or in a town are many innocent persons, and it were a grave
injustice to require that they shall suffer the rigorous punishment
awarded to the guilty; while it is certain that in a war one suffers as
much as the other; and hence, lest the innocent be punished, the guilty
should be pardoned. To the objection which cites these testimonies
in proof that _parcendum est multitudini_ [28] Castro makes apt reply
(lib. 2 _De justa haereticorum punitione_ c. 14), that the proposition
is true and applies when the multitude or town purposes amendment,
and there is fair hope of the same; but if the case is otherwise,
and they persist in their evil ways after being admonished, reason
says they shall be punished rigorously. The opposite course would
only give them occasion to go on and become more hardened in their
sin and misdoing, and cause others, after the example of these,
to do the same--that appearing to them to be lawful, when they see
that it is not punished. And such is the teaching of c. _Qui vult,
de Pænitentia_, 3. 6., attributed to St. Augustine: _Cum enim tot sunt
qui labuntur ut pristinam dignitatem ex authoritate defendant et quasi
usum peccandi sibi faciant, rescindenda est spes ista_. [29] Then, as
these Zambales have many times been warned, and have promised and sworn
peace and amends, and have totally defaulted, as we have already said,
and have taken occasion, from the lenity shown them, to do greater
mischiefs with more boldness--mistaking for timidity the kindliness
that we have used toward them--it follows that, numerous though they
are, we ought no longer to dissemble with them, but must punish them
sternly; for the more numerous they are, the more mischief they do.
What we have stated in enforcing our thesis affords us occasion for
explaining here the mode of procedure in this war, and--assuming it
to be a lawful war, as has been sufficiently proved--for inquiring
what considerations may be urged by those who carry on the war. And,
for the sake of brevity and clearness, we will resolve the matter into
a few points, without any arguments, for these points are corollaries
of a just war.
First: If, to attain what is purposed--to wit, to bring the said
Zambales under control--it becomes necessary that we burn their crops,
their houses, and their other properties, and even kill those who
make resistance, even if the presumption be that among them are some
who are guiltless--it is lawful to do all this during war, until
the final victory is won which is purposed. We say "if necessary,"
for unless the purpose of all that is done in the war is the final
victory, such deeds will be impious and tyrannical. And hence the
matter should not be left to the arbitrary will of the soldiers,
but should be directed by the order of him who governs them.
Second: Also, if during the war there be lack of subsistence, or of
other supplies needed for its prosecution, these may be taken from
what the enemy have, even though the owners be guiltless, and this
without obligation to restitution--the reason being that _cum licet
bellum licet apponere media necessaria ad finem victoria_. [30]
Third: _Ex jure gentium_, during the war, all movables taken from
any one of the enemy belong to him who has them, and there is no
obligation to restitution: Sylvester Presbyter (_Bellum_, 1 § 10),
and Cajetan (in _Summa_). I say "during the war," because when it is
ended _non licet ultra praedari_. [31]
Fourth: After they are reduced to subjection, those who are most
guilty may be condemned to death, as also such others as regard for
the security and tranquillity of the land may determine. But it will
not be lawful to kill those of them who are found to be guiltless,
even though it be feared that they may be mischievous in the future;
for no grievance has been suffered at their hands, and means can be
found of holding them securely, as we will show presently. Those of
the inhabitants of a state who are usually deemed guiltless are lads
not yet old enough to bear arms; old men incapacitated by age, save in
the case that heretofore they have been mischievous; and the women,
unless it appear that they too have engaged in war. But it will not
suffice to say with Soto that they supply provisions for their husbands
during the war, for that is a natural right and obligation. All the
rest are deemed guilty, failing proof to the contrary; here strict
investigation is to be made, lest wrong be done.
Fifth: _Ex jure gentium_, those captured in a just war are held as
slaves. Paludanus (in 4. d. 15, q. 3) holds that this is not to be
understood as applying to Christian captives; and such is the truth,
and this provision is observed among Christian kings. But, as these
Zambales are not Christians, they may be dealt with according to the
_jus gentium_, and made slaves. Yet, inasmuch as they are a people
of small mental capacity, and hence do not realize the seriousness
of their crime, they ought not to be treated with the full vigor of
law; and therefore it seems to us that it will be enough to make them
slaves for a limited time, ten or fifteen years.
Sixth: The war ended, his Lordship the governor may exact from the
Zambales all the costs of the war, and indemnification for all the
losses suffered; and he may, by way of chastisement, levy from them
some tribute: for all this is _jus belli_ in the case of a just war,
such as is this, as stands proved.
Seventh: Since it is not enough to punish past crime unless a remedy
is applied for the future; and since a wide experience has shown that
little confidence is to be reposed in the word and the character of
this people; and since to leave them in their mountains would be to
give them occasion and good opportunity for doing mischief and damage
hereafter, as always in the past: it seems to us that inasmuch as
these Zambales are few and have not in their villages or in their
territory any cultivated fields or any fixed settlements, it will be
advisable, as security against their returning to their old ways,
to transplant them from the mountain region to peopled districts,
depriving them of arms, and giving them a village site and lands upon
which, with police control and under a government, they may live and
cultivate their farms. This we deem the ultimate remedy, and as being
necessary for the ends of peace and security at which we aim.
Finally: It seems to us from the experience we have had in this
matter, and from what we have seen, that the expeditions sent against
these Zambales have been ineffective because this method was not
employed. The plan should be carried out chiefly by means of the
Indians of Pampanga and the Zambales of Pangasinan--people who know
the country and its hiding-places and coverts; and who, as being more
agile than Spaniards, bear more easily the toils of the march over the
routes that have to be traversed, owing to the wildness of the region,
which, as is well known, is very great. In payment of the costs to
these Indians, the slaves captured in the war might be apportioned to
them; and in virtue of this compact they will not commit the cruelties
and murders to be apprehended from them. Besides, this will benefit
the state; for, having more field-hands, they will plow and cultivate
more land. Further, as regards the Panpangos, they will in this way
obtain satisfaction for the many and serious wrongs that they have
suffered from the Zambales in the way of both murders and robberies.
Such, with all respect for the better judgment of others, is our
opinion regarding the matter proposed to us by your Lordship,
with command to declare our views. This we do, recommending always
moderation and Christian charity, which should ever be practiced,
and especially in dealing with this people--who, as we have said, do
not realize the gravity of their offense; and on whom, therefore,
the penalties of the law ought not to be inflicted in all its
rigor. And, to signify that this is our judgment, we confirm it with
our names. Given at San Augustin de Manila, the nineteenth day of
January, 1592.
_Fray Joan de Valderrama_, provincial
_Fray Alonzo de Castro_, definitor
_Fray Lorenso de Leon_, definitor
_Fray Joan de Tamayo_, prior
_Fray Antonio Serrano_, prior
_Fray Diego Gutierrez_
_Fray Diego Muñoz_
_Fray Diego Alvarez_
_Fray Alonso de Montalvan_, superior
_Fray Matthias Manrique_
_Fray Alonso de Paz_ [32]
[_Endorsed_: "Opinion of the Augustinian fathers regarding the
Cámbales." "Opinion of the Augustinian fathers upon waging war against
the Zambales."]
Opinion of the Dominicans
_Jesus_
Admitting the information received against the Negrillos and certain
Zambales, who commit assaults; and admitting (what is generally
known) the murders committed daily, both past and present, and which
have not been committed in their just defense or in just revenge
for injuries--as is evident because indeed the Batanes, Panpangos,
Pangasinanes, and Ylocos (and these last are the worst sufferers) were
at peace with them, and, since that peace, neither the Panpangos nor
the others have disturbed them in their villages or on the highways,
but, on the contrary, have tried to preserve friendly relations; and
admitting (likewise a well-known fact) the custom of this race from the
earliest period of killing, whenever possible, Spaniards and Indians,
without any distinction, and without having received any injuries,
for the sole purpose of proving their courage by their ability to
kill men, collecting heads and hanging them up in their houses, as
such proof; _item_, admitting one other certain fundamental, that no
incursion has been made into their lands for the sake of provoking
them in their common habitation, but that they, on the other hand,
invade, from their lands, the royal open highways and the settlements
of the peaceful natives, in order to kill those who are living in
peace with them, and with all: we render freely an exact opinion.
1. The Negrillos and mountain Zambales have not, because of their
former wars, before the arrival of the Spaniards in this land,
at present any just title to war against the settled and peaceful
people of these islands. This is proved, for, although in those former
times force ruled, and injustice held full sway, and meant different
things to each individual, and no distinction was made--as, where
two persons quarrel with words, and injure each other equally, there
is no satisfaction other than to stop, and there is no distinction in
the injury--now, after the pacification of the Indians in settlements,
these wars ceased for many years; for which reason the old animosities
do not furnish any just pretext for war to either Negrillos or Zambales
against the Ilocos, Panpangos, etc. _Item_: Since those petty wars
ceased, the Panpangos, etc., and all the others have not incited the
Negrillos or Zambales to war; nor have they done them any injury,
either personally or in their lands. Therefore the present action
of the Negrillos and mountain Zanbales in committing assaults on the
highways and killing as many as they have killed, has no just pretext
of war from their neighbors.
2. Second, we assert that the Batanes, Panpangos, Pangasinanes, Ylocos,
and other tribes living near the Negrillos and mountain Zambales, have
a just pretext for war against the Negrillos and mountain Zanbales--a
proof of which is admitted in the fact of the murders, robberies,
attacks, and assaults on the highways, made without any just pretext,
as we have said in the first conclusion. Therefore, on the contrary,
the injured ones have a just pretext against them.
There appears to be no doubt regarding these two conclusions, for
they are most certain according to natural reason and to all law. The
whole difficulty is whether the injuries committed, the present harm,
and that which with some reason is feared (which will be greater each
day)--considering also the condition of the Negrillos, and the sort
of country in which they live--whether all these together constitute
sufficient pretext for an expedient so severe as war; and if fire
and sword are necessary.
To answer this doubt, we must admit that, with the diversities and
natural features of countries, and with the characteristics of the
peoples therein, is entwined most intimately the _jus gentium_, as
we call it. Accordingly, in some lands some things are regarded as
established, and classed with the _jus gentium_, but not in others;
and some things lawful in certain lands are not so in others. On the
contrary, things that would be wrong for some would be lawful and _jus
gentium_ for others; while things wrong for others would be lawful and
honorable to the first, because of the diversity of countries, customs,
and race, whence arises this _jus gentium_. Therefore we say that,
if in Castilla, where neither the land nor people of these islands
are known, this case were to be judged on only the things written
and proved, nothing more than that these people were assaulters would
be decided; and an order would be issued to proceed against them as
against assaulters. If these things should happen in Sierramorena,
no orders would be given to destroy the towns near by; or, if in the
Pyrenees, for that reason war would not be declared upon the Gascons
or Navarrese. For this would be esteemed a personal offense, and not
one committed by the community. But here, where we know the land,
the people, and their abominable and long-standing customs, we must
esteem it, not a personal, but a communal offense; nor must we presume
amendment where ferocity springs from custom, now rendered almost
natural instinct, and from the land being unconquerable. Therefore it
must be presumed that, if they are not punished by force superior to
their own, they will grow worse each day; for they consider cruelty
honorable, and esteem him most who kills most. Therefore, with people
of this nature, we apply the saying of Aristo--namely, that it is
lawful to make war on and kill like wild beasts, those people who
live unsettled and wandering like wild beasts. It is quite evident
that Aristo means people harmful to others; for, even when they live
like wild beasts, but are not harmful, war is not on that account
lawful. And inasmuch as these arguments extend to the Negrillos and
Zambales, it is our opinion that the war must be judged as just or
unjust rather by the condition of the land and people, the injuries
that will be inflicted, and the little relief obtained by employing
other methods, than by the severity of the injuries received. It is
no remedy to guard the roads, as is quite evident, because they do
more harm in one night than the soldiers in a week. Likewise it is
no remedy to guard the villages, for the people are obliged to go to
the fields, etc. Consequently we say:
That, it is justifiable--by methods which will not cause greater
annoyance to the regions adjoining the Negrillos and Zambales--to make
war upon the Negrillos and Zambales, even with fire and sword, whenever
the above reasons are evident. We prove this by the above statements,
for ferocity is a quality among them now almost a natural instinct;
and they place all their honor in killing, without caring for any
other object. Again, these ills cannot be obviated and prevented,
except by destroying them, if it be possible. _Item_: because there
is no hope that they will make peace and settle down; for their
happiness consists in living a nomadic life, without any restraint,
and they are a race who never keep any promise.
_Item_: We say that, because the method of warfare as employed by
the Castilians is not by means of rough ground, forests, and dense
thickets--as witness the war of Granada, in which Hespaña lost so many
men because the rising was in places unknown to the Spaniards but known
to the Moors. It has been seen here many times that the Spaniard needs
ten or twenty servants to take care of his person, furniture, food,
and clothing, alone--from which results more loss than that which the
Negrillos and Zambales can inflict in a lifetime. We think, in the
absence of better judgment, that, for a specified time, those captured
alive should be handed over to the neighboring districts as captives,
or remanded to the galleys. Whoever is put to death, let it be by
order of the captains, and at the time and place appointed. We render
this opinion, as long as this measure does not appear more harmful
[_i.e._, than the harm caused by the Negrillos and Zambales]. If any
measure whatever is more harmful, then we shall consider it unlawful,
although we are assured that a most justifiable right exists for
making war, and for destroying with all the harm possible to them,
and less harm to the surrounding people, than is done or can be
done by the Negrillos and Zambales. _Item_: We declare that, as the
losses of war are accidental, and depend on artifice, seasons, and
innumerable other circumstances, it might well happen that what is
advanced one time as justifiable may, given a change of conditions
at the time of execution, become unjustifiable; for with the change
of conditions the argument of justice or injustice is altered.
_Item_: Because the term "Zambales," in general, comprehends many
people to whom the above arguments do not apply, we say that, under
the terms Zambales and Negrillos, we understand only those who are
nomadic, as above stated. As to whom these may be, we refer to the
investigations in detail; it is not for us to judge the information
given, but to credit it. This we advance as our opinion, and as such
we sign it. Given in the convent of Santo Domingo at Manila, January
1, 92.
_Fray Juan de Castro_
_Fray Alonso Ximenes_
_Fray Juan de Castro_
_Fray Juan de San Pedro Martir_
_Fray Juan Cobos_
_Fray Thomas Castellar_
_Fray Juan Garcia_
Opinion of the Jesuits
_Jesus_
In regard to our right to make war upon the Zambales, the following is
our opinion. Granting as true the reports of robberies and murders
committed by them, past and present, on both Castilians and the
pacified Indians (who are our allies, and Christians), then it must
be ascertained how these crimes have been committed--whether by all
their land in common, or one portion of their province, so that by
common consent those of one or many villages or the whole province
conspire, and the bravest and strongest go forth to rob and kill;
whether its head or chief is of one or of many villages or of the
entire province, by whose order certain men go out to commit these
depredations; or whether it is not really by common consent, or by
the authority of the chiefs, but by crowds of ruffians from one or
several villages who commit the said injuries.
If this people have a leader, and any go out from the villages or
from the province to commit assaults, then this is sufficient cause
for war. The same is true, even if they do not go at his order,
but if the chiefs allow them to go, and do not punish them; since
they have authority and power therefor. If there are no chiefs,
then it must be ascertained whether they go out by common consent,
to commit assaults, even if all do not go, but only a few. For, if
they go by common consent, then war may be made on them all. But war
may not be made if they went out as a single band of plunderers, even
when they have friends and relatives in the villages, who protect them
and supply them with food. It can not be determined that the latter
are accomplices; neither can they be punished, nor be dissuaded
from doing it, nor even prohibited from giving them food, etc.,
because of their being, as is usually the case, women and children,
while the former are barbarous and cruel men. In such a case, then,
it could only be allowable to seek to apprehend the guilty, as well
as one might, and to punish them in conformity with their crimes. But
nothing may be done to the others.
But should it be by common consent, according to the first supposition,
without any leader, or if they have chiefs who possess authority
superior to the others, so that they may punish them as they deserve,
but who do not punish these guilty ones or have them punished by their
order, then, in these cases, war is allowable against the villages
that shall have taken part in the depredation, or against all the
province, or the guilty part; but it must be with the moderation with
which our Catholic king has ordered, in so Christian-like a manner,
war to be made, with the least bloodshed and injury possible. Those
captured shall not be killed, except those who shall have committed
individual crimes, who consequently merit death; and the others shall
not be reduced to perpetual bondage, but for a limited period only.
However, because of the great danger from this tribe, in order to
be sure of peace and to render secure our allies who dwell near the
Zambales, whom we are bound to protect, all the children and women
and the others may be taken from their land and divided in various
parts in small bands, even when their crimes were perpetrated by but
a few ruffians. By this method we receive much benefit and security,
and they no harm, but on the contrary much benefit, both spiritual
and corporal. But in no case do we think that they may have their
ears cut off or be crippled so that they can not take flight--neither
women, nor children, nor those who do not commit any individual crime
which may merit such punishment; for this is great cruelty and will
engender in all a deadly hatred of our nation and law. Besides,
other and gentler means can be used to prevent them from becoming
fugitives--such as dispersing them throughout many widely-separated
districts, and providing some one to watch over them.
_Antonio Sedeño_
Opinion of the Franciscans
_Jesus_
I have read the papers which your Grace sent me, and although, at
first reading, the justification of this proceeding was not apparent,
I wished, on account of its being so serious a matter, to study at
leisure the doctors who have discussed this subject. It is important
for me to know if what I have heard is true--that the Zambales have,
upon various occasions, been molested by the Spaniards. To be sure
of this point is a matter of much importance, because if we have
injured or provoked them, first, by wrongs, or by exacting from them
tributes which they did not owe, such action on our part would ill
be justified. But, since I am not certain on this point, I first
find, according to the account which I have read and examined in the
papers which your Grace sent me, that they have been persuaded and
invited with offers of peace, and pardon for the injuries which have
been done; and that for this purpose, the governor, using mild and
conciliatory measures, sent religious with the military, to whom the
said Zambales promised to be peaceable. They made similar promises
to former governors, but have kept none of them; on the contrary they
have been bolder and more lawless than ever, robbing and killing many
persons on sea and on land. For these offenses I consider that all
the malefactors should be punished, and that means should be provided
to protect the highways for the benefit of the Tagalos, Panpangos,
and Ilocos, and of all others who pay tribute--since it is for this
purpose, together with the teaching they receive, that they pay their
tributes, and have placed themselves under his Majesty's protection and
favor. If this punishment cannot be accomplished without war, then I
consider war justifiable, for the reasons above stated. Without doubt
the authority of the king is the first condition to be established,
observing faithfully in all things the spirit of uprightness and
Christian moderation--which is justice, charity, and freedom for
the innocent, according to the saints, particularly St. Augustine
and St. Thomas, and other doctors of the church--seeking the common
weal. Since the cause for just war is the injury received, war
against them would be unjust, if they are innocent of the charges
against them. This is my opinion, in view of the aforesaid report,
in the absence of better judgment. Issued from this convent of San
Francisco at Manila, January twentieth, 1592.
_Fray Pedro Baptista_ [33]
Letter of Congratulation
_To the Bishop, Clergy, and People of the Philippines_
Venerable brother and beloved son, health and apostolic blessing.
The lofty works of divine power, that in the earthly realm take place
not by human but by heavenly means, very often are wont to display
themselves from the very outset; while matters that through divine
wisdom as leader and mistress tend to a spiritual end, the health that
is of our souls, in the meanwhile lie unrecognized, or, if unveiled,
seem of such trivial import as not to be viewed in their grandeur even
by the keenest of minds, until aroused thereto chiefly by the splendor
of their results. This, as oftentimes before, has happened now at this
very time in the conversion to gospel truth of the New World, of both
the Indias, and especially of the Philippine Islands. Wherefore we
are uplifted in great wonder at the most bountiful results wrought
therein secretly by divine wisdom, from the first discovery of those
countries. Previously we had learned of this, in truth, from the
letters of many persons and from report; now however, that the divine
goodness has raised our insignificance to the summit of apostolic
dignity, we have heard it also from the ambassador, our beloved son
Alphonsus Sanchez, a professed priest of the Society of Jesus--sent
in your name first to Sixtus V, pope, of happy memory; then to the
following Roman pontiffs, our predecessors; and lately to us--from
whom, in private conversations which we frequently have held with
him, we have learned more in detail ... From conversation, too, with
the same Alphonsus we have learned of your purposes and deeds in the
foundation of churches, the spread of divine worship, the training of
natives, the establishment of schools, the practice of useful arts,
the appointment of magistrates, the defense of missionaries, the
protection of new converts, and, in fine, the permanence of those
commonwealths--which as so many members and parts thereof you have
brought about through the union of the New World with the Old.
Now, however, in order that you may have some recompense for your love
and good-will toward us, and enjoy some reward for your endeavors and
toils, by the authority of almighty God and of the holy apostles Peter
and Paul, and by our own, in virtue of these presents, we take you all
and singular and all that you have, into our trust and protection,
and that of the apostolic see; and we send you through the same
Alphonsus our apostolic blessing....
Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, under the seal of the Fisherman,
March 25, 1592, in the first year of our pontificate.
Letter from Gomez Perez Dasmarinas to the King
Sire:
By two ships which sailed from this port for Mexico at the end of
June, 1591, I wrote your Majesty, advising you of everything here, in
duplicate, sending a copy in each ship. Afterward, on the eighteenth of
October (same year), by a fragata sailing to Malaca and Eastern India,
I wrote later events, and sent the duplicate of the letters. As that
route is not considered very safe, I send this, combining both reports,
written in fuller detail--fearing least perchance, on account of the
many accidents which have taken place on the sea in these years,
all the letters have been lost. I cannot help fearing so because,
as I write this, a ship has just arrived from Mexico, by which I have
received no letter from your Majesty; nor have I received one since
I have been in charge of this government--although, praise be to God,
I have had good news of the health of your Majesty. For this I return
infinite thanks to God, and pray that it may continue, and that He may
give your Majesty complete success in all the new cares and anxieties
which may present themselves. I am confident that His Divine Majesty
will give long life to your Majesty, in order that everything may be
ordered and arranged according to the needs of Christianity.
Supposing that the duplicates of the letters aforesaid have been
received, this letter will be more brief, in order not to repeat
herein what has been said elsewhere. It is now necessary to describe
in general the state of this land, although this year has been very
unfortunate, deaths and sickness being common among both Indians and
Spaniards; and we are also pressed hard and threatened by enemies,
as your Majesty will learn by a separate letter. As to the general
quiet and tranquillity of this state and kingdom, it has never been
better; for great progress is being made in the strengthening and
adornment of public buildings, both ecclesiastical and state.
Hitherto the Spaniards have not experienced misfortune, but much profit
in traffic; and trade [with Nueva España] is being regulated and put in
order. The natives are content and happy; the Chinese are more fond of
trading with the merchandise which they bring from that kingdom. There
came this year twenty-eight ships with much merchandise, including
very rich goods of silk and other articles. The religious are agreed
among themselves, and aside from the bishop, everything is quiet as it
should be--except in some few matters, of which I will give an account
to your Majesty. The encomenderos have more peace of conscience than
they have heretofore had, and justice is equitably administered in
the districts of the alcaldes and the villages of the Indians; and,
finally, everything which my poor strength could accomplish has been
done for the common tranquillity and good government. As I realize
my little worth and ability, I would wish it to be known how much I
desire and strive to accomplish in the service of God and your Majesty.
The cathedral church is completed, thanks be to God; and mass has
been celebrated therein since the twenty-first of last March with a
large attendance and much devotion, and to the great satisfaction of
the people.
The seminary for girls, although in its first house, is maintained
in seclusion and good order; and there have been several marriages
or establishments made from among the inmates. As I have written,
that house is so unsuitable that the erection of the new church and
house is being pushed forward; it is being built of stone, and will be
very substantial and commodious, and will be completed inside of six
months. Your Majesty is patron of this house; and not only on account
of the preeminence of the royal patronage and what for this reason is
due, but for the good ordering of the house, I desire that there be
sent me from España some rules or laws whereby such houses are ruled
and governed. The regulations which I have been able tentatively
to ordain here are those accompanying this letter. This house will
have four hundred pesos of income. That being built has not hitherto
received anything whatever from the royal exchequer of your Majesty;
for, although I would like to give it, your Majesty does not have it
here. I am sending also a set of rules for the conduct of the hospital,
in order that your Majesty may order them amended there.
The new fort, which will be called Santiago, is now raised from
the level of the ground more than two estados; and in one ravelin
thereof, which is now finished, eight pieces of artillery have been
mounted already, and guard is kept. By the time this reaches you,
God willing, the fort will be finished and perfected. All the beach
from the fort of Santiago to the fort of Nuestra Señora is occupied by
the curtains and traverses--the latter very suitable, two and a half
estados in height. It needs nothing but the parapet, which is being
built. Although that already built was called a fort, it is not one,
nor can it be of use; for it is but a large tower, badly cemented,
and was falling in four places. It was braced by four buttresses
which were called cavaliers, and cost your Majesty a large sum, as
I have written. Everything is now being rebuilt in order to put the
fort in good condition.
I have launched four galleys, and have for them a gang of free
rowers on pay, although they are hard to manage. Even that has
been accomplished in the face of great difficulties and scruples;
for the religious say that I cannot maintain galleys or rowers, or
avail myself of Indians for that purpose. If they do not serve, it is
impossible to maintain galleys here, because there are no other people
to row. What I have been able to accomplish is that the Indians are to
remain on the galleys until your Majesty shall advise me of the plan
which you are pleased to adopt. I have manned one of the galleys with
four hundred Çambales, who were captured in war. They were given to me
by some captains and soldiers, and I have used them in your Majesty's
service. They are now on a galley and would to God that I could thus
provide everything for the many needs which your Majesty has here.
As regards the sailing of the ships on the account of your Majesty,
and not that of private persons, I have already written the weighty
reasons, and send herewith a duplicate of the letter in which they
are set forth. In fact, when all the expenses are on your Majesty's
account, this not only causes no loss whatever to your Majesty's
offices and royal exchequer, but results in great profit to this
state from the charges on the tonnage. The cost is but half of
what it is when the ships sail at the expense of private persons;
and, if your Majesty would set the price of the tonnage at the same
rate as private persons set it, there would be gained a large sum
of money. This is the truth, although in Mexico they try to argue
and discuss this point for private ends. Moreover, in this manner
deserving soldiers are utilized and occupied, as your Majesty ordains,
in these matters of transportation; and the dangers arising from the
insufficient number and the vices of those who come from Mexico in
these vessels are avoided. There are also deceits practiced by private
persons, and other reasons which I have already stated. Besides, when
the ships belong to private persons, their owners will not become
citizens of these islands; and, on account of the large amount of
money taken away by them, the prices of merchandise are raised, and
the land is ruined. I therefore repeat that if your Majesty will set
a moderate price for the tonnage on the ships, not only will there
be no expense for your Majesty's exchequer, but there will be gained
more than twenty thousand pesos. In accordance therewith will your
Majesty please signify your will.
As I wrote your Majesty last year, troops have been sent for the
pacification of the Çambales, and in their proceedings with the natives
the severity and chastisement which they deserved were dispensed
with. Garrisons were established, and many of the chiefs were subdued;
they appeared to act sincerely, and gave evidence of being tractable
and living in peace and justice. The troops returned, and thereupon the
pacified ones, and those who still remained to be reduced, came down
from the mountains to the highways, robbed, murdered, and committed
innumerable injuries. Therefore I determined to lay a heavier hand
upon them, and to bring them to open warfare, if that could be done
conscientiously, after consulting with the religious orders, and after
I had made inquiries concerning the damages, treacheries, uprisings,
and crimes of the Cambales, and the reasons and causes therefor.
All the religious orders concurred in the opinion that war by fire and
sword was justifiable, as is evident by the original opinions which I
send herewith to your Majesty. In conformity therewith I resolved to
strike the blow at once by sending troops with six captains. Under
each captain was a troop of twenty Spanish soldiers and five or
six hundred Indians--Pampangos, who were willing to go to war, and
gave much assistance, because of the damages received by them from
the Cambales. They approached that country, which had never before
been entered, by six routes; and although they were troubled by the
roughness of the roads and the large brambles, they hid themselves
and destroyed all the food and the crops which were either harvested
or growing. In that region those whom they killed and took captive
amount, men and women, to more than two thousand five hundred;
and from the men taken the captains and soldiers gave me about four
hundred Sambales. I have utilized them for your Majesty's service on
the galleys, where they are learning to row. Many have been reduced
by famine, and have formed settlements where they were ordered to do
so. As it was the rainy season, and the troops were dying, I commanded
them to withdraw, leaving garrisons at convenient points, and well
provisioned, in order that they might overrun the country and destroy
their rice and grain. I believe that, because of this, these people
will not revolt again nor raise any disturbance. On the contrary, I
think that in due time they will be pacified thoroughly. The relation
of what was done, accompanies this letter.
All of Cagayan has been as quiet as Manila for many days and
months. Tributes are being collected from the encomiendas that remained
to be pacified and subdued. A memorandum of encomiendas and villages
explored lately, with an account of the discovery of Tuy, accompanies
this letter.
I enclose, with the duplicate, also the relation of the late
exploration of Tuy, in which I stated that my son Don Luis would remain
there, in order to make another entrance of not less importance, of
which I had a reliable report and account. It happened that, having
gone upon this errand, and having arrived with the soldiers that he
was taking to the province of Ylocos, through which he had to pass,
he was taken ill, in the month of October, with attacks of fever. This
sickness was very severe, and he came here to be treated; and, although
he is doing well, he has not entirely recovered his strength. Almost
all the soldiers fell sick at the same time, as that district is at
that season very unhealthful. Captain Don Alonso de Sotomayor died,
as well as some of the soldiers there. Others were brought to the
city sick, and so the expedition had to be abandoned until a more
favorable opportunity.
On account of these expeditions and pacifications, and because their
country is not very healthful (and particularly so this year), both for
Spaniards and Indians, a number of the soldiers have died, so that,
from the total of four hundred, I have but two hundred left. And
although this fort, in its present condition, can be defended by a
much smaller force than formerly, yet without it, there would be no
safe position. Since España is at such a distance, when reenforcements
arrive half of the former troops will have died. If in any one year
(as has happened) there should fail to be a ship from Castilla, it is
pitiful to see the state of this land. Moreover--as I report elsewhere
to your Majesty, and send papers thereon--for the new danger from
hostile Japanese, against which I am guarding, I need troops, in order
to defend a land so destitute and far away that it cannot expect succor
in time of necessity. Although I have sent earnest petition therefor
to Mexico, I think that they will neglect my request, just as they do
everything else, unless they see an order from your Majesty I beseech
your Majesty to have compassion for this new plant of the faith of
Jesus Christ, which costs your Majesty and your subjects so dearly to
establish and preserve. May your Majesty grant me grace and send me
troops, and let those who come be from those realms of Castilla--a
matter of moment and importance--and not the creoles or exiles from
Mexico. I should also be provided with ammunition, arms, and men to
cast artillery. An order should be sent to Mexico to supply me with
money, to meet the needs and contingencies. I trust in our Lord, and
in the excellent arrangement and plan that this city is assuming, that
if there are supplied barely sufficient troops to defend a town of this
size, your Majesty need not fear all Xapon, nor any other more powerful
enemy that might attack us. This I discuss at greater length elsewhere;
but here I only remind your Majesty of the completion of this fort,
and the necessity of troops therein, as also of the workmen and their
wages for which, in my former letters, I have petitioned your Majesty.
By a decree which I have received here from your Majesty, I am
ordered to make inquiries as to whether there is quicksilver here,
or if it can be brought from the Chinese realms and taken to Mexico,
and at what price. I will say that I have dealt with these Chinese,
and they are so distrustful that unless the money is given them
beforehand, they will not bring the goods the following year. It
is true, nevertheless, that they guarantee the fulfilment of their
commission. They ask one hundred ducats for a pico of quicksilver,
the equivalent of one hundred and thirty Castilian libras. If this
price is satisfactory, will your Majesty order as suits your royal
pleasure; for they can bring from their land whatever quantity is
desired. May our Lord preserve your Majesty for many long years,
with increase of better kingdoms and seigniories, as is needed for
Christendom. At Manila, May xxxi, 1592.
_Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_
Rules for the Manila Hospital
Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Santiago, governor
and captain-general of these islands and districts of the West, for
the king, our sovereign. Inasmuch as it is advisable, for the service
of God, to reform certain matters in the royal hospital of this city
that require such remedy, and to decide and establish other matters
for its better government and service, for the welfare of its poor
sick, and for the perpetuity of the said hospital, as it is a work
of so great piety and so much needed in this community: Therefore,
by this present, he ordained and ordered that the following articles
be observed and kept to the letter, as permanent rules and regulations.
1. First, because sick persons are received in the said hospital,
who are not of the character and station entitling them to admission,
many annoyances result; for some of them are wealthy, and others are
servants of certain persons from whom they receive pay and wages. By
receiving these persons into the hospital, contrary to right, they
occupy the places and beds which more properly should belong to his
Majesty's poor soldiers, the workmen of this colony, and the other
poor, for whom hospitals are chiefly established. And, that there may
be system in this, and that expense to the hospital may be avoided,
and so that the expense incurred be for those persons whose due it
is, he ordained and ordered that, now and henceforth, the hours for
receiving sick persons shall be from six in the morning until five in
the afternoon; and that the head chaplain, or his substitute, and the
physician or physicians who may be there, and the steward, surgeon,
and nurse of the said hospital be present at the entrance and reception
of patients. These he ordered and commanded not to receive any sick
except workmen or paid soldiers of this colony, paid sailors, and the
sick and needy poor; there is no restriction on the admission of such,
whether they are servants of the king or not. In case any sick person
is received without the previous order and consultation above-mentioned
(unless some of the said hospital officials are lawfully prevented), or
if the sick person belongs to the classes who ought not to be received,
then he who shall have received him shall incur and bear the penalty of
paying all the expenses incurred by the hospital for such sick person.
2. _Item_: It is ordained that, when a sick person is received, his
name shall be taken down, with the date and hour of his entrance. He
shall come confessed, or shall confess immediately; shall declare
whether he is married or single, and whether he has father or mother;
and an inventory shall be made of the possessions and clothes that he
brings to the hospital--so that, when he comes to leave the hospital,
his property and that of the said hospital may be known. And if the
property should have to be used for the repose of his soul, or left
to any other heir, the same consideration and account must be observed.
3. In order that this be observed with rigor and care, a book of
accounts shall be kept, wherein shall be entered, by day and hour, the
names of the sick who are received, and the exit of those who leave
or die, since all the wealth of the hospital consists in allowances
and income.
4. Likewise, in order that there may be greater neatness and order,
there shall be a numbered wardrobe, in which shall be kept the clothes
of the hospital, and the clean and reserve clothes, respectively--the
blankets being kept in one place, the sheets and the other white
clothes in another, and the bandages to be used for wounds and sores
in another. Great care must be taken in this division; and it is
very advisable to keep the clothes and garments of those sick with
contagious diseases in a place by themselves. Likewise the clothes
and garments of those who enter shall be washed and laid aside with
memoranda as to the owner of each garment, so that if he recover,
it may be returned to him clean and neat; or if he should die and it
must be sold, either for the repose of his soul or for the hospital,
that it may be in good order and condition.
5. _Item_: There shall be two porters who shall serve by the week. They
shall take oath not to allow anything to be given to any sick person,
except by permission of the doctor. The hospital door shall be locked
at seven at night, without fail, and cannot be opened.
6. _Item_: There shall be an apothecary shop inside the said hospital,
so that medicines can be furnished to the sick more easily and at less
cost; and the apothecary shall not give or hand out any medicines
except by order of the physician, either on his own account or that
of the said hospital.
7. _Item_: The head chaplain or another (his substitute) shall
always sleep in the hospital, in order to administer the sacraments
to the sick.
8. _Item_: The nurse shall have two deputies for service, so that watch
may be kept in turn through the quarters of the night, and attention
given to the service and sudden needs of the sick. For this purpose it
is ordered that the chaplain, as above stated, and the nurse, steward,
apothecary, and all the servants, shall always sleep in the hospital.
9. _Item_: No person connected with the hospital shall keep swine or
have other means of gain in the hospital.
10. _Item_: A book shall be kept, in which shall be set down the
alms given by charitable persons to the hospital, whether in money,
clothes, and food, or other things.
11. The food of the sick shall be received and placed under the head
of ordinary expense of the hospital; and at mealtimes, the physician
shall be present at the distribution of food to the sick, in order
to see that his orders are observed; and the steward likewise, if
not lawfully prevented.
12. _Item_: Those who are sick of contagious diseases shall be
treated separately, and their service of beds and clothes and their
food shall be kept separate from those of the other sick; and much
care shall be taken in this.
13. _Item_: A book shall be kept wherein to enter the income of the
hospital, whether from tributes and annual pensions, or from other
sources of income or profit possessed by the hospital. Likewise
there shall be a book for the entry of alms and legacies bequeathed
to the hospital by the dying, as well as those collected and sent
to it by charitable persons, in either money or fowls, or anything
else, so that the steward in whose care they shall be placed may have
them all credited in the said book, and so that there may be a full
account of everything. There shall also be another book in which to
enter the clothing, beds, ornaments, and other furniture acquired
by the hospital; and it shall be kept by the person in whose charge
they are. There shall be another book in which to enter the names of
the sick, with the day, month, and year of their entrance; and the
deaths and the departures, also with the date. Likewise there shall be
another book of the allowances, wages, and pay spent in the hospital,
both of its sick and of its officials, entering therein the tickets
of admission of the sick.
[_Endorsed_: "Rules of the Manila hospital."]
Expedition to Tuy
When we went upon this expedition to Tuy, the Indians surrendered of
their own free will, and no blood was shed, solely through the efforts
of two religious who accompanied Don Luys. Then they gave only their
tribute of recognition in beads and a trifle of adulterated gold. And
so that it might not appear that the tribute was to be collected
immediately, they were given one year's respite, within which the
Spaniards would return to collect it. They bound themselves to pay
it. In order not to break faith, we shall not return there until the
time limit has expired; and, even then, I shall see to it that when
we return they shall not be oppressed in any way, in order to compel
them to give the whole tribute. They shall give only what they are
willing to, because we have furnished them no instruction; nor have
we effected a settlement, as I expected--because of the few people
we have, on account of the death of many of them, and because I am
deliberating whether I should make a settlement in Tuy itself, as
it is the capital, or at place thirty or forty leagues from Cagayan,
up the river, opposite Tuy, and midway between Cagayan and Tuy. This
year we shall go thither, and and I hope, with God's help, to found
the settlement and attain the success that is desirable. As I had to
encounter the Zambales, who were attacking me, everything could not be
done. The land there is very fertile, and the climate more temperate
than this. The Indians are robust, intelligent, and energetic. All
the houses are large and quite well constructed. The villages contain
about five hundred or more inhabitants. Two crops of rice are gathered,
one being irrigated, and the other allowed to grow by itself. The
land contains deer, buffaloes, swine, goats, poultry, anise, ginger,
cotton, and many wild fruits. The people display more politeness and
good manners than all the others. They have places set apart where
they discuss public matters. They say that public affairs must not be
discussed in the houses with women. When asked if they had enemies,
they answered, "Yes, we would have them if we would leave our land
to commit depredations. But we are not like you Castilians, who rob
everywhere." They recognize no king among themselves, nor any other
sovereignty than to have a chief in each village, who is over all, and
whom all of that one village alone recognize. I trust, God helping,
that this plan may be fully carried out this year. Sealed at Manila,
June 1, 1592.
Two Letters from Dasmarinas to Felipe II
Sire:
Immediately upon my arrival last year, I wrote your Majesty what
I observed in the disposition of the licentiate Pedro de Rrojas,
my counselor--in the little while in which I could study him--that
he was very fond of his own opinion, and of meddling with what did
not concern him. This resulted from his office, since he wished to
reduce everything pertaining to war and administration to justice. I
also stated that he considered his commission and mine as identical,
with no distinction between them; and that I thought him moved by
and wedded to his opinion. Now that by intercourse with him, I know
him better, I am able, in accordance with what I owe your Majesty's
service, again to _[break in the original MS_.] he is indeed so sure
and certain of his opinion that it appears to him that with four
courses at Salamanca [_[break in MS_.] other letters or judicature
but his; and that he knows everything, and others nothing. Regarding
this, he uses very free and disrespectful language, shutting himself
up in his resolution, from which there is no drawing him. And hence
there happened to me one day with him what your Majesty will see
by the enclosed investigation, [34] which I send, only that your
Majesty may know what passed, and the liberty with which he talks
and acts. It is not a new thing, since he antagonized and quarreled
with President Sanctiago de Vera, as is evident by the investigation
I send thereof; he certainly has very little fondness for peace, and
is inclined to disputes and arguments. As the royal Audiencia was here
so haughty and domineering, he retains that authority and harshness,
with which he tries to reduce all others as his vassals. In the
matters of justice that he discusses, he is unable to be impartial,
but is in many matters very biased. This is because of his trading
and trafficking, which the president and all the auditors carried
on from the time of their arrival--and with so great avidity, trying
to secure it all to themselves, that I find no rich men here beside
them. This is the reason why Rojas (as I inform your Majesty in a
separate letter) and the auditors opposed the pancada, [35] in order
that the consignments of money sent by them to China for merchandise
might not be known--which, at last, have come to light. Moreover,
as they were unwilling to pay, on the present shipment to España,
the two per cent that I levied as a tax for the wall, they opposed it;
and they stirred up on both questions the bishop and friars. I inform
your Majesty of these things in another letter, and of the manner in
which I have cleared up all doubts regarding them, and ascertained
the investments of the present year, as appears by the accompanying
paper. If the matter of inspection and the residencia held here had
fallen to my order and commission, as it fell to that of the viceroy
of Nueva España, I would have proved to your Majesty the investments of
past years. I wish to say but two things, pertaining to your Majesty's
service, and which I ought to say. One is that the licentiate Rrojas,
in this country, where he is so busied with these means of gain,
is so puffed up with the authority and name of auditor, and with his
other abilities, that I believe that he will not serve your Majesty
so well in this country as in another, where these opportunities
are wanting. The other thing is that I do not consider it fitting
to the royal service of your Majesty to give a man who should have
served your Majesty in a similar place here, anything in Mexico; for
as such men go delighted with their interests and gains from trade
here, they are fettered and biased by their relations with the trade
of this country, which always [_break in MS_.] objects and profits,
and not in accord with the common welfare and perpetuity of these
islands. In both of these matters your Majesty will determine what
is most important for your royal service. May our Lord preserve and
prosper your Majesty for many long years, as Christendom has need.
Manila, June vi, 1592. [36]
_Gomez Perez Dasmarinas_
[_Addressed_: "To the king, our sovereign."]
[_Endorsed:_ "To His Majesty, 1592. Gomez Perez Dasmariñas. June 6." "A
place has already been given him as alcalde of Mexico, although the
matters reported in this letter are not remedied thereby."]
[Accompanying the letter, and on a separate fold of paper, is the
following:]
_Register of merchandise carried in the ship "Sant Felippe_"
I, Juan de Cuellar, notary of mines and registers, certify that, in
the galeon "Sant Felippe" now ready to set sail for Nueva España, from
the port of Cavite, this present year of five hundred and ninety-one,
the persons named below are exporting the following bales and boxes
of merchandise:
Bales Boxes
Don Frai Domingo de Salazar, bishop
of the Philippinas, fifteen bales and
thirty-three boxes. xv xxxiii
The president Santiago de Vera, with
the others contained in his memorandum,
sixty bales and twenty-nine
boxes. lx xxix
Pedro Herrandez, for the licentiate
Rojas, former auditor of the royal
Audiencia, and present counselor,
etc., nineteen bales and four boxes. xix iiii
The auditor Don Antonio de Rribera
Maldonado, fifty-two bales and
twenty boxes. lii xx
The licentiate Ayala, fiscal, twenty-seven
bales and seventeen boxes. xxvii xvii
The dean of Manila cathedral, in the
said vessel and in that of Juan Pablo,
thirteen bales and seven boxes. xiii vii
Estevan Gonzales, canon of the said church,
five bales and three boxes. v iii
The licentiate Herver del Corral, visitor
of the royal Audiencia of Manila, eighteen
bales and one box. xviii i
The schoolmaster of the Manila cathedral,
six bales. vi
Father Cervantes, ecclesiastic, three bales
and six boxes. iii vi
The beneficiary Juan Gutierrez, two boxes. ii
Father Rodrigo de Morales, ecclesiastic,
three bales. iii
Father Crisanto de Tamayo, ecclesiastic,
two bales. ii
Benito Gutierrez, ecclesiastic, two bales. ii
And in order that this might be evident, I give the present, signed
with my name and the usual flourishes. Given in Manila, June four,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.
_Juan de Cuellar_, notary of registers.
Sire:
In another letter I have informed your Majesty of my fears of Japanese
enemies. After that letter and packet were closed, and the ships about
to leave, it happened that the ambassadors of whom we had advices
came here in a ship that made port on the twenty-ninth of May, On
the thirty-first, they delivered to me the letter from that king,
enclosed in a box of wood one and one-half varas in length and painted
white. Inside this was another box of the same proportions, excellently
painted, varnished, and polished in black, with some medium-sized
gilded iron rings and some large cords of red silk. Within this box
was another one painted in various colors--yellow and gold--with its
large iron rings and cords of white and violet silk, both covered with
damask. In this third box, wrapped in a stout, wide paper, painted and
gilded, was the letter, written with Chinese characters in the Japanese
language, on stout paper, illumined and gilded with great neatness. The
letter is even larger than the sealed bulls from Rroma, on parchment,
and is sealed with two painted seals stamped in red. I am not sending
the originals, because you have no one who can translate them there;
while they will be needed here, perchance, for what must be done to
affirm the embassy, and even for objects and matters of importance
that we might be able to discuss, by virtue of these letters, with
the king of China. Therefore I enclose only one copy of the letter,
in accordance with the best and most exact translation that could
be made here; and another copy made for me by the emperor himself,
by means of an interpreter. Although these two copies differ somewhat,
they agree in their essential point, namely, the demand for recognition
and obedience, made with the arrogance and barbaric haughtiness that
your Majesty will find in them. They also brought, resting in small
boxes, a letter from the king's chamberlain (one of the grandees of
that kingdom), another from their captain-general and another from
the king of Firando; and at other times letters have been written
to the governors here. I am also sending the translated copies of
these letters, from which your Majesty will see the determination and
resolution of that king; and that we are not harboring suspicions, but
veritably expect him here by October of this year or the beginning of
next. I have assembled the orders, as is due to the respect and name
of religion--giving them all needed information, and asking them only
whether they thought that it was fitting to answer to this tyrant,
and in what form. I did the same with the captains and war-officers
of these islands--those of the best judgment--in whom I place the
greatest confidence. To these I communicated the matter in all its
details; and, after discussing it thoroughly with them, and after
they had all consulted together, it was decided that this letter of
which I am sending your Majesty a copy, should be written. The said
persons affixed their signatures thereto, in token of approbation;
and it is in my possession. My purpose in sending a person to Japon,
and in answering his letter, is, as your Majesty will see plainly,
only to divert his attention and put him off, until the repairs and
fortifications and the reenforcements that I am expecting are well
assured; and to prevent him from being informed by his ambassador
of matters here, so quickly as the latter could inform him. I also
plan that, by means of the envoy going from here, I may know and be
advised of affairs there, by one way or another. Therefore, when he
comes, we shall know it, and be forewarned. Even now this place is in
a reasonable state of defense; and I even trust that, God helping,
the enemy will find more resistance than his barbarous confidence
promises him. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to provide in
this what is most advisable for your Majesty's service. And for
the future--and because it may arrive late for this emergency, as
is expected expected--will your Majesty ordain that Mexico shall
furnish what pertains to its part. For, if I ask for troops, they
send me twenty men, who die before they arrive here; and none are
born here. And if I ask for ammunition, they laugh at me, censure me,
and say that I ask impossible things. They retain there the freight
money and the duties; and if they should send to this state what is
yours, your Majesty would have to spend but little from your royal
patrimony. And, just as they forget us in everything, I fear that they
will do so in this. Surely it is advisable to send troops here, and
to have this matter attended to, well and continuously, from Mexico;
for, as long as this state of affairs continues and the fortification
goes on, the inhabitants are being punished by greater anxiety;
as they cannot see that this is taken as a matter of general course
and in earnest, and the fortifications are being continued--which is,
I believe, the chief reason why Japon is moved to try to obstruct it
Your Majesty will ordain what is most to your service. May our Lord
preserve your Majesty many long years, as Christendom requires. Manila,
June 11, 1592." [37]
_Gomez Perez Dasmarinas_
[_Endorsed_: "Manila. To his Majesty. 1592. Gomez Perez
Dasmarinas. June 11."]
An Embassy from Japan
Letter from the King of Japan
It is more than one thousand years since Japon has been governed by
one sovereign. During this period the wars and dissensions among the
rulers of the country were so many, that it was impossible to send
a letter from one part to the other; until now the Lord of Heaven
has willed that the country be united in my time, and that it be
reduced to my obedience. In accomplishing this, everything was so
favorable to me, that as yet I have lost no battle, but have been
victorious in every one for ten years. Likewise I have conquered the
island of Lequio, which was not under my sway, and Acoray [Korea];
[38] and even from Eastern Yndia embassies have been sent to me. Now
I am about to invade Great China in order to conquer it, for heaven,
and not my forces, has promised it to me. I am much surprised that that
country of the island of Luzon has not sent me ambassador or messenger,
and I was therefore of a mind, on my way to China, to attack Manila
with my fleet, were it not that Faranda, a Japanese noble, told me
of the good treatment accorded to my vassals, the Japanese traders,
who go to those islands from here. When I asked him if the ruler there
was my friend, he answered and assured me that, if I should send a
letter to the governor, he would send me an ambassador. And should he
not do it since I am well established in my kingdom, I am so powerful
that I have men who can go to conquer any kingdom whatever. Although
this messenger is a man of low rank, I have accredited him, because
of the good account he gives. And also, since I am not sending the
troops I thought to send, I shall descend, within two months, from
where I am now, to Nanguaya, my seaport, where are stationed the
forces composing my army; and if an ambassador comes to me there from
those islands, and I ascertain that the governor is my friend, I shall
lower my banner in token of friendship. If an ambassador is not sent,
I shall unfurl my banner [39] and send an army against that country to
conquer it with a multitude of men; so that that country will repent
at not having sent me an ambassador. In order to become the friend of
the Spaniards, I am sending this embassy from Miaco, in the year 19,
[_sic_] from the country of Japon, to the country of Luçon. [40]
[_Endorsed_: "Copy of the letter from the king of Japon."]
Letter from the Chamberlain, Tiau Kit [41]
Although we have never before had any correspondence, I am writing this
present letter in all courtesy. Next year, our great prince, Quampec,
[42] is going to make war on China; and unless it renders homage
to him, together with all the other kingdoms (notwithstanding their
distance from here), and pays him tribute, he will send his soldiers
to seize their land. On this account, all the neighboring kingdoms
have rendered homage to him and obeyed his commands. Likewise he was
thinking of making war on that rich kingdom of yours; but Guantien
informed a certain member of the council, who in turn informed
Quanpec, that war would be unnecessary, if without it tribute were
sent, and that this would certainly be done, if you were advised of
the intention of the kingdom and court of Japon. Acting upon this
suggestion, I am writing the present letter; let us promptly consult
together. I am one of the grandees of the kingdom. Therefore your
kingdom can sleep secure, and you need have no fear or hesitation;
but discuss all secret matters with him whom I send, who is my
confidential man. With all due courtesy. The year 19, Tienchen,
[43] the ninth month and eleventh day. From Siaulyuquiu.
_The Chamberlain_
[_Endorsed_: "Copy of the chamberlain's letter."]
Letter from Dasmarinas to the Ruler of Japan
Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, [44] knight of the order of Santiago, governor
and captain-general in these islands, great archipelago, and districts
of the West, for the king, our sovereign, Don Phelipe the Second, king
of Castilla, Leon, Aragon, the two Sicilies, Jerusalem, Portugal,
Navarra, Granada, Cerdeña, Corcega, Murçia, Jaen, the Algarves,
Aljecira, Jibraltar, the Eastern and Western Yndias, and the islands
and mainland of the Ocean Sea; archduke of Austria; duke of Borgoña,
Bravante, and Milan; count of Abspurg, Flandes, Bretaña, Tirol, etc.:
to the very exalted and powerful prince and seignior, Quamboc, after
all due respect, wishes health and perpetual happiness. Faranda Mango
Schiro, a Japanese vassal of yours, [45] and a Christian, arrived in
this city, bringing me news of your royal person, at which I rejoiced
exceedingly; for, because of your greatness, and the worth and prudence
with which the God of heaven has endowed you, I am much affectioned
unto you. Some days ago Faranda gave me a letter, which--although it
seemed to be in its form and authority, and even in the gravity and
style of its language, a document despatched by so great a prince--yet,
since the messenger was below the rank and quality requisite to the
royal name of him who sends him, and of the one to whom he is sent,
and the importance and greatness of the embassy, I have doubted, on the
one score; and on the other, because he is a man so common and poor,
and coming in an ordinary merchant vessel, which came hither for the
purpose of selling provisions and other articles. Because this took so
long in coming hither, I have doubted whether these letters were not
written by this man himself or by another, for some individual end, so
that by this means, he might receive more attention here. Furthermore,
as I have no accurate interpreters thoroughly acquainted with both
the Japanese and Spanish languages, as has been likewise declared to
me by the letter and embassy, I am in doubt also of the true sense and
purport of the words of the letter. I think that if the king of Japon
wished to write me, he might, since he has in his kingdom the fathers
of the Society of Jesus and other Spaniards, send me at least a copy
of his letter in my own language, through their medium. I can say
with truth that I have not even been able to read or understand _in
toto_ the letter or embassy presented me by this man; and therefore,
that he may not have practiced any fraud or deceit toward your royal
person, or toward me, I have thought it best to detain him here,
until I could ascertain the truth and will of the king of Japon, and
what are his commands and wishes. And in that doubt, because of what
I owe to even the semblance and appearance of a letter and embassy
from you, I have observed this respect and courtesy of writing this
reply to the small portion of your letter that I understand, which has
been no more than Faranda has chosen to interpret for me. Since I am
sending the father vicar, Fray Juan Cobo, [46] a man of great virtue
and goodness, and of the highest estimation in these islands--from
whom, because of his prudence and worth, I seek counsel, and to
whom I communicate the most important matters--he will express,
in my name, the fullest respect due to your exalted rank. For the
honor of the embassy, if it is really one, I give you many thanks,
[47] assuring you that I am and will remain your friend; and that, in
the name of my king and sovereign, the greatest monarch in the world,
I shall rejoice at your well-being and grieve over ill-fortune (which
may the King of Heaven keep from you). Let it be taken for granted
that I desire your friendship, in the name of my king and sovereign,
because of the good reception and hospitality extended by your royal
hands to the Spaniards, vassals of my king, who have gone to Japon and
Asia by way of Eastern Yndia and these districts; and because the best
treatment possible has been extended here to your vassals and will be
extended to them with the same love. My king will consider it a favor
to be advised if the message brought to me by this man is true. If it
is such, then I shall respond to the friendship due so great a prince,
without any lack of my duty and obligation to my king and sovereign,
to whom I shall immediately give account of this, in order to ascertain
what his orders shall be then. I trust that this matter will result
quite to the satisfaction of two so great princes as my king and the
king of Japon; and that these discussions and conferences in true
friendship and alliance may redound to much peace to the universal
happiness of the world, and to the glory of omnipotent God, the
King of kings. Inasmuch as certain presents have been sent me but
lately from Japon, which are of great value, I would wish to have
some rare and valuable products of our España to send in return;
but, since weapons are the articles most esteemed among soldiers,
I am sending you with this a dozen of swords and daggers. They are
the finest that we have, and you will receive them from me as from
a private person who desires your well-being and greatness, with the
good will with which they are offered, and as a token of affection. [I
send only these, too,] because the bearer of this letter is going
only for the purpose of assuring me of what I have stated above, so
that we may have the information here that is desired. May our Lord
preserve your royal person with great prosperity. Manila, June xi,
1592 years since the birth of our Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ.
[_Endorsed:_ "Copy of the letter, from the king of Japon--I mean,
to the king."]
Three Letters from Governor Dasmarinas to Felipe II
Sire:
Last year I wrote to your Majesty that I had arrived in this city of
Manila, on the first of June of the year ninety, having been nine
months on the way, counting the time I spent in Mexico recruiting
troops; the total of these was two hundred and seventy soldiers,
including those I brought from Spain. On my arrival here, I ordered
the soldiers whom I had brought, inasmuch as they were drawing pay from
your Majesty, to mount guard and do sentry duty, posting sentinels at
the forts, and excusing those whom I found here, and the townspeople,
from acting as sentinels. Although I understood that they were very
grateful to me, and that they kissed your Majesty's hands, for this;
and as there was, on other accounts, no reason why they should fail to
do their duty; still, some ungrateful rogues counseled the soldiers
that they should resist authority, and that they should not perform
their guard duty, or carry their muskets--all of which, they said,
was only to make trouble for them. Besides, they did other things
well worthy of punishment. Along with this fiction, they instantly
bombarded me with memorials and importunities for rewards for
services. I assure your Majesty truthfully that, even if you had
here three hundred encomiendas and a like number of offices, you
could not recompense them for their services, which they exaggerate
and overestimate beyond what they have actually performed for your
Majesty. The most deserving of them merits very little, unless it be
a reward for having conducted himself with great freedom, and for
having destroyed the property committed to his charge. I do not in
conscience feel that your Majesty is under any obligation in this
country, beyond that of rendering justice for past excesses. I could
easily give your Majesty a detailed account; but, not to be prolix,
I shall leave it until the especial thing that demands reform here has
been somewhat remedied--and this is in regard to the soldiers of this
land. For in their begging for favor they are all in need of reform;
for it is through many sicknesses, and through being dependents of
the members of the Audiencia, and in like manner, that they have been
deprived of their gains.
Likewise, I found here not a ship or a galley, not a libra of iron
or of copper, or any powder except what I brought from Mexico--forty
quintals. Not a braza of rope did I find, nor balls for ten pieces
of artillery which are here. These are very insufficient for the
needs of the place; for four of them are swivel-guns, and another,
a large piece, is neither culverin, cannon, nor sacre; nor do any here
understand how to manage it, except by chance; there is no account of
it, no design, and no name for it. There are no storehouses, with the
exception of a shed where there is a little rice; and an enclosure
where have been put the wood and remains of three rotted galleys,
which were built but never launched. Their timbers are all rotted,
and the oars of the galleys also. The enclosure contains, as well,
a makeshift turret where the little powder that they had was kept,
and where I put what I brought; but unfortunately we had a fire,
and now it is all gone. In order to collect these necessary supplies
from those places where it is not proper to keep them, I resolved to
build storehouses, and have constructed four, where we are placing
what comes--such as iron (for I confiscate it all), rigging (which
is being made, for the sake of having some in reserve), rope, lead,
and rice. Shovels, pickaxes, and spades are being made, because of the
great need for them. Ammunition I planned to obtain in the following
way: I sent to Macan a ship which I found here, and which had been
despatched hither from Mexico by the Marques of Villamanrrique
(bound for Macan, as he said)--after taking from it guarantees to
the amount of fifteen thousand pesos that it should make the voyage
to Macan and return, bringing the ammunition. I sent also a regidor,
Pedro Debrito by name, with a copy of the warrant that your Majesty
gave me, authorizing me to do this; but up to this time he has not
returned. Some Chinese who have come from there say that the ship
has been captured by Portuguese, and sent to India. I can scarcely
maintain my position for the lack of ammunition, which is great--and
greater than ever just at the present time, for twenty-two Chinese
ships have come, without bringing a libra of copper, of saltpeter,
or of powder; and they say that under peril of their lives they had
been forced to dispose of them. They say the same of horses and black
cattle. As for the affairs of this city, the need of thorough equipment
is very great, for it has almost nothing, not even a prison; and that
under an Audiencia, as your Majesty will see by that report. Neither
are there any fortifications, so I have devoted myself to providing
for what is most necessary, namely, safety. I began the walls at the
point, where a fort was being built. I have made it with its curtains
and traverses, placing the traverses symmetrically as regards one
another. It is one and one-half estados from the ground, and the
foundation is of the same depth. It is from sixteen to twelve and
eight feet wide on top, according to the plan. The creek of the sea
stretches up to the fort, in all about one thousand brazas in length;
and while it would not do more, it will serve as a very good trench. On
account of this fort and wall I have increased the import duty here on
all articles from China, such as pepper and other things. Likewise,
playing-cards were seized in your Majesty's name. With this the work
was begun, but was about to stop for lack of funds; and, assuming that
your Majesty does not possess them, and orders me also to fortify
this city and be responsible for order in it, it seemed best to me
to levy a tax for this purpose on the property of all those from
different places who were settled here, and on the inhabitants in
general. This I did, charging two per cent, in consideration of the
many and great profits. Inasmuch as this affected the property of
the president, the auditors, the bishop, the clergy, and those in
benefices, they immediately held secret meetings and declared that
I was incurring the censure of the bull of the Lord's Supper. As is
a very common proceeding for the bishop and the Dominican friars,
because I will not let them go to España to seek many things from
your Majesty "very important to the welfare of these islands," I am
now excommunicated; the Franciscans are now saying the same thing
because I have forbidden them to go to China and Japan, and now to
España. So great is the freedom and assurance of these saintly folk
that they say they will go whether I will or no; that I am the most
ill-tempered man in the world, the most cruel, intolerable, and wicked;
and that it is from fear that I will not let them go. In response to
this, I say that I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to hear them
and peruse their letters, and to appoint a person and time, so that
the truth may be known; for, if the truth be known, for me and for
the vindication of whatever they may say, I am sure that no man in
this country can injure me in the least degree. This is the truth,
and even though other motives unite with malice and evil intention, I
am not concerned a maravedi in my honor or another's honor, or any sign
of it. If this be not so, may neither God nor your Majesty protect me.
What I find here is plenty of debts, which your Majesty owes for
the services of the poor Indians, and for the work and material
on the public buildings, all of which the Audiencia failed to pay;
and for the salaries of chaplain, chancellor, bailiffs, and others,
the total of which must amount to more than thirty thousand pesos;
and there is nothing here with which to pay them.
In order to obviate the discomfort of the soldiers, who are quartered
some in one place, some in another, among the inhabitants; and to
prevent the quarrels into which they get with the people, I have
built for them barracks of stone and brick which are now finished,
and which will accommodate four hundred. They are near the official
buildings and a small fort which I have made, where they may keep
their flags, and where they may be assembled aid at hand, and safe
from the misfortune of fire, when there is need of such safety.
With your Majesty's permission, I must state that I regret the trade
of these Chinese, for it seems to me injurious. It might be forbidden
on the ground of the great sums of money which they take from these
islands to foreign countries. The most of the trade is in cotton
stuffs--the material for which they take from this country in the
first place, and bring it back woven. The natives here could just as
well make these, if they chose, of their own cotton, and even better
than those which come from China. They could export them to Mexico,
and could have a trade worth four hundred thousand pesos. This
would lead to greater care in producing and cultivating the cotton,
because they would not have the Sangleys acting as middlemen. The
rest that they bring is silks, very poor and sleazy, except some
silk which is brought in raw or spun into thread. This last, I fear,
exceeds in quantity that brought from the Spanish kingdoms; and would
interfere with your Majesty's royal revenues from the silks of Granada,
Murcia, and Valencia, which would be most undesirable. Besides this,
there is another point deserving no slight consideration--namely,
that they (the Chinese) come to these islands with freedom to sell
their goods, and even settle here, and frequently marry. They do not
permit us, however, to go to their country, nor may a Spaniard go
thither to invest one real--a custom entirely contrary to freedom
of trade. Therefore, in order to avoid other undesirable results,
I have decreed that Chinese traders shall not live here under the
pretext of being merchants; but that only certain workmen who are
mechanics may remain, and that, when their merchandise is sold,
they shall return home. The bishop and all the friars say that they
cannot thus be deprived of the liberty of coming and settling here,
and that no such commands or decrees can in conscience be made for
them. From the pulpits they say that the governor is going to hell,
because the Chinese have their laws, and we cannot dictate to them
unless we first govern ourselves according to the laws and customs
which we found among the Indians of this country, because it was and
is theirs. In regard to what I have said concerning the trade of these
Chinese, I am doubtful on only one point--namely, if this trade be
abandoned, your Majesty will lose the royal duties which this commerce
brings in, on the arrival and departure of the merchants. These must
amount to thirty or forty thousand pesos yearly, lacking which, your
Majesty would have to supply it from your royal treasury in Mexico,
or elsewhere, in order to maintain the army here, and for other very
pressing expenses. I have set all this before your Majesty, so that,
having considered it on both sides, your Majesty may inform me of
your will.
The bishop is about to go to Spain, [48] and is so wrought up over
what touches his individual interests, and matters connected with
his friars (as are all of the latter), that he declares publicly
that if I would not let him go he would betake himself to a desert,
in order not to look upon injustices. Not the least among these are
the many murders of Indians, very evil in the way in which they were
committed, and worse in their concealment for twelve years past;
and the failure to make restitution of great amounts, received but
not returned. Because I am remedying this, with which neither the
bishop nor his clergy concern themselves, the bishop forces them to
take this attitude because the name of injustice irritates him.
With great eagerness the bishop is making up something to say about
me, taking great pains to get information in regard to my life,
and trying to bring forward someone who could tell him something to
write. About a little amber which I bought a few days ago, for my own
use, and at my own expense, he made many inquiries of the man who sold
it--namely, whether he had been paid for it, and how; besides other
things of which he has managed to get hold. But since I am sure these
charges against me will not be believed, his base intention gives me
no uneasiness. May our Lord guard the Catholic person of your Majesty
for many long years, since Christendom has need of you.
Manila, June 20, 1592.
_Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_
Sire:
By the letters I am writing your Majesty through your royal Council
of the Indias, your Majesty will learn of all affairs here. It is
advisable that your Majesty be able to correct and provide as is most
fitting to your royal service. Although I advise in those letters
concerning the conditions of affairs here, and what I think about each
one, agreeably to the nature of the events and affairs contained in the
letters, I am writing this letter, addressed to your Majesty in person,
so that it may serve merely as a memorandum and reminder of certain
matters that most occupy and busy me. I set them down here in small
compass, in order not to fatigue your Majesty, since I have already
given a detailed account of them by letters, memorials, informations,
and reports which I am sending to the Council, in which your Majesty
can ascertain what you may be pleased to know.
In this land, as being so new, and where affairs have not as yet the
solidity and completeness requisite, are many obstacles and impediments
to its good government. One of them, and not the least, is the power,
authority, and even tyranny, with which the bishop and religious
have insinuated themselves into and domineered over it. Nothing is
attempted or tried that they are not wont to oppose it; and nothing is
ordained or decreed here in which they do not meddle and interfere,
without being summoned or consulted. They assert that they must
pass their edict of approval or disapproval on everything; so that
there are but few or no matters whose execution they do not oppose
and obstruct--saying that such and such cannot be done or ordered,
under penalty of going to hell; and, in conjunction with the bishop,
they immediately excommunicate and terrorize, so that the secular arm
and hand of your Majesty has not here the strength and freedom that
it should have for the execution of affairs. One of the things most
needing reform is that, as the bishop, according to his caprice--and
often in cases outside of his jurisdiction--excommunicates and
proceeds unjustly, doing violence to the law; and as there is no
royal Audiencia here to remove the excommunications: justice and
the despatch of business may suffer greatly, unless your Majesty
entrusts the governor here with power to try such cases, and to lift
and remove the ban, since other recourse is so distant, and so many
wrongs might be perpetrated. For it is certain that, both in this and
in all other matters, the conduct of the bishop and of the religious
with so great power and license is one of the most severe trials of
this government; because the bishop has a title as a saint (so that
some persons imitate him), and a man of upright life. That I do not
take it upon myself either to praise or to censure. I have never
seen a man more peculiar or so inconsiderate and obstinate in his
opinions, who even does not hesitate to oppose the right of patronage,
the jurisdiction, and the royal exchequer of your Majesty. All this
he judges and discusses as injuriously as the most utter foreigner,
and even enemy, would do. I say this with truth, on account of what
I owe to your Majesty's service; and although I warn him of the harm
that he is doing, as it appears to me, and although I am restraining
myself in regard to him with the moderation suitable in a land so
slippery and uncertain, he is wont to answer with monkish liberty,
what the king must do for him; and that, inasmuch as neither pope nor
king can do him good or ill, he is not at all concerned. He says that
your Majesty has no authority here; that to him is due the conquest
and conservation of this land; and that he is not bishop for your
Majesty, but for the pope. What royal patronage he must observe,
the pope declares in his bulls, and not he who praying kept to his
bed. He talks with the same liberty in his theology and judgments,
since in order to prove his opinions, he says that the universities
of Salamanca and Alcala (who do the contrary) are in error, and he
right. He declared also that those who should follow the instruction
of the Theatins here would go to hell; and that the doctrine of Father
Acosta was heretical--beside innumerable other things. And it is quite
certain that, since my arrival here, I have had in him a continual
opposition and obstacle to whatever is ordered and done. If things
are not quite to his taste, he says that he will go into retirement,
and abandon everything. And the friars say the same thing--namely,
that they will abandon their doctrinas [_i.e._, Christian villages]
if their power over the Indians is taken away. This power is such that
the Indians recognize no other king or superior than the father of
the doctrina, and are more attentive to his commands than to those of
the governor. Therefore the friars make use of them by the hundreds,
as slaves, in their rowing, works, services, and in other ways,
without paying them, and whipping them as if they were highwaymen. In
whatever pertains to the fathers there is no grief or pity felt for
the Indians; but as for some service of your Majesty, or a public work,
in which an Indian may be needed, or as for anything ordered from them,
the religious are bound to gainsay it, place it on one's conscience,
hinder it, or disturb everything. Without doubt, if I did not exercise
so much caution and moderation, some mutiny or rebellion might arise,
in a country so new, at less opportunities than those which the bishop
and his friars afford. For they do not content themselves with opposing
our proceedings in the tribunal of conscience [_fuero interior_],
announcing them as sins or cases against conscience; but also, as soon
as they assemble in their councils and enunciate their propositions,
in the latter and in their pulpits they declare these acts to be
unjust, wrong, and worthy of restitution. Thereupon the bishop orders
refusal of absolution in confessions, excommunicates, and proceeds in
the outer court. [49] Thus if it is ordered in accordance with your
Majesty's commands that the citizens alone discuss [any matters],
they say that that is not just, because it must be for the general
welfare. And if, by your Majesty's command, it is ordered that the
Chinese merchandise be bought at one price, theology declares that
no such thing can be ordered. If it is decreed that the Indians, in
order that they may cultivate and weave their cotton, since it is so
abundant in the country, should not wear silks and Chinese stuffs,
nothing could be worse. No sooner is the excise, or the merchant's
peso, or the two per cent duty imposed for the wall, than it is against
conscience and the bull _De cena Domini_ ["of the Lord's supper"]. If
I undertake to appoint magistrates to govern in peace and establish
order among the Indians, they say that I am setting the land on
fire. If I pass any sentence in accordance with the merits of the case,
there is murmuring, and [it is said] that such a thing has never been
seen in these islands; and therefore there is no man more severe or
of more evil disposition than I. They assert also that not a single
arquebus-match should be lighted here, or a single soldier be kept;
and that the pure gospel must be preached. Thus, I behold myself,
Sire, greatly restricted by these obstacles, and even more by the
procedures of the bishop in matters in which he has no jurisdiction,
and which do not concern his office--because those that do pertain to
him, he has most forgotten. For I assure your Majesty as a Christian
that since my arrival here, although the work on the church was no
farther advanced than the raising of the walls a matter of six varas,
and enclosing a court, never did he come to me so that we might give
orders to have even one brick placed in it. On my faith, he has not
been so forgetful of his own house, for he has one so handsome and
well-finished, and from money for the restitutions, which was in his
possession. From these restitutions he gave pensions to whomsoever he
wished, and took such part as he chose for his own house. Nor have I
known him, as long as I have been here, to consult in regard to placing
one minister of instruction where there is none, or to convert one
soul; but he has only opposed those who tried to provide instruction
and to be of service in this matter. This is because he wished, in
all things, to have his clergy preferred, in regard to whom he took
sufficient care to importune me for them; although they are all better
merchants than students of Latin. Consequently, in no other way was
more time wasted than in listening to his complaints on this score,
and regarding the Augustinian fathers--to whom he is very hostile,
because he wished his Dominican friars to have everything good;
and in disposing of the misrepresentations and invented tales with
which he kept coming to me, we lost much time. In short, the bishop is
growing old, as I am informing your Majesty in another letter. But it
is certain that, unless he himself goes away, I see no other remedy
for the obstructions caused by his temper and passion (by which he
has embarrassed the course of business and government here), than the
very journey which he contemplates--namely, to send him to España (as
I would assuredly do, because he would have made this step necessary
for me) in order to tell your Majesty that there will be no deficiency
in his duties here, for he has not busied himself more in them than
to hinder me in mine. May our Lord preserve your Majesty for many
long years, as Christendom needs. Manila, June 20, 1592. [50]
_Gomez Perez Dasmarinas_
[_Endorsed:_ "Manila. To his Majesty. Gomez Perez Dasmarinas. June
20."]
Sire:
In previous letters I have reported to your Majesty the irregularities
and abuses existing here in the marriage of widows of encomenderos and
others who are minors, and I now refer again to the subject. According
to the order of your Majesty, the widow or child of an encomendero
who served in the conquest inherits the encomienda or income. It
happens very often that the widow is young, and rich through her
succession to the encomienda; and, following bad advice or personal
inclination, she makes an unsuitable or improper marriage, giving that
rich reward and appointment to some trader or newcomer, without merit
or claim for service. Thus many honorable and deserving men, who have
rendered services to your Majesty here, and who might, by this means,
be rewarded and established, are deprived of the encomiendas. The
same occurs in the case of minors, who by reason of their youth or
through bad advice on the part of interested guardians or relatives
(who openly sell them in marriage to the highest bidder), contract
many misalliances. In addition to these evils, many quarrels and
lawsuits ensue from this practice.
Only yesterday a woman who had but a month ago buried her husband, one
of the most honorable captains in these islands, married one of her
servants, a man of very short lineage, still fewer years of service,
and poor natural endowments. I think that the same thing will happen in
the case of four or five rich widows and several minor encomenderos,
who are about to be married. All this might be prevented or largely
corrected, if the governor here, by order of your Majesty, should be
empowered to control this matter. Without his consent and approval
no marriages should be allowed, at least of an encomendera, who owes
her position to favor conferred by your Majesty upon her father or
husband, for services rendered, or to special favor on your Majesty's
part. It is not right that some trader or transient resident, who has
rendered no service, but who has rather been unserviceable to your
Majesty, should usurp and enjoy these benefits by unjust means. The
governor should be instructed not to allow, on any account, marriages
to take place with any creditor or servant; but he should have, as
his sole object, reward and honor to worthy persons who have served
your Majesty in the country. God keep your Majesty many years in the
prosperity of which Christendom has need. Manila, July 9, 1592.
_Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_
Luzon Menaced by Japanese
Precautions Submitted to the War-Officials and Certain of the Cabildo
of the City
That the citizens reserve their arms and food to as great an extent
as possible, and, for possible contingencies, fowls and any other
delicacies for the sick.
That the vessels coming from Xapon be examined carefully to see
whether they bring in secret other articles than those which they
announce publicly.
That twenty vessels--virocos and fragatas--well manned and equipped,
be stationed in the river, below the artillery of the fort, in
order to be used in carrying food, news, or messages to any point
considered advisable; and that the other boats--champans, and all
other vessels--not needed there, go up the river, where they can not be
attacked by the enemy and used for making entrenchments by them, and in
order that the seacoast may be kept clear for fighting and skirmishing.
That an immediate general review and muster be made of all the Spanish
forces for the defense of this city; every one, not only of those
who are paid, but of the old inhabitants, to be entered on the list,
with his weapons.
That a proclamation be made throughout the coast of these islands
that no viroco, banca, fragata, or other vessel, leave the islands
without permission; for, should they happen to meet the enemy, the
latter would have news of affairs here.
Another proclamation that no citizen or anyone else may remove from
this city gold, silver, property, wife, children, or household,
or leave it without permission, under penalty of his life, and
confiscation of the property thus removed, the latter to be applied
to the expenses of war.
As we see our fears of the Xaponese enemy so confirmed in every
direction, and that the German [51] pirates are actually here and
committing daily depredations along the coast, it seems that, in order
to relieve ourselves from anxiety regarding so many Xaponese traders
as are in the city, it would be advisable to assign them a settlement
or location outside of the city, after first taking away all their
weapons; and that they live there and sell their property. Likewise,
the question of what shall be done with the Xaponese servants here
should be considered, for there is a great number of them, and they
have free entrance into our houses and this city; in this great danger
they would be able to set fire to it, or cause other like damage.
Also, it will be advisable to send word throughout the coasts of
Mindoro, Lunban, Valayan, Ylocos, and other districts that piratical
enemies are about, so that they may be forewarned and that the natives
may be protected.
That the coast be reconnoitered from Parañaque to Cavite, to ascertain
whether the enemy have disembarked along it, and to discover what
location and convenience there is for laying ambushes and keeping
the enemy busy.
What is said here of our fears of Xapon should be understood as well
of the Chinese, since we have so little confidence in them.
That word be sent to Gallinato to set a price on rice, and gather as
much as possible, on the account of his Majesty's tributes there.
That four fragatas be fitted up and used for nothing else than to
transport rice and food, putting each fragata under command of a
thoroughly trustworthy master.
That the biscuit brought by the Chinese, should be taken, and also
one-half the flour brought by this Xaponese ship, in order to give
it a trial, at a moderate price; and if any well-preserved tunny-fish
have been brought, they should be taken, although first it should be
ascertained whether they have any yew-tree or other poison in them.
_Item_: It appears advisable that two careful regidors of this city--in
order that they may secure due respect, and act in the name of the
city--should go to bring twelve or fourteen thousand fanegas of rice
and one thousand five hundred jars of wine, from such district or
districts as they may choose, for any necessities that might arise in
general--namely, in city, monasteries, and hospitals; since all are
sustained by alms, and, in such times, there is no possibility that
these can be supplied or provided for them from any place. For this
reason it would be advisable to levy an assessment among the citizens
of this city; for, although there may be no necessity therefor,
it can be sold, and paid to those who should have lent or furnished
the said rice and wine, and up to the amount that shall have been
lent--so that, in one way or another, having either consumed or sold
it, each one shall receive satisfaction for his loan.
_Item_: It is advisable that, in case anyone of us, from myself and my
son first, down even to the least, should be captured while fighting
with the enemy, no one shall be ransomed, even though the enemy be
willing to surrender him for a very small ransom; and that this be
with no exceptions or with no equivocation, so that each one may fight
with greater courage and resolution, preferring--though God grant
that we come not to blows with the enemy--death rather than capture.
_Item_: whether it would be advisable that, in the tingues
and mountainous districts near Manila, forts and strongholds be
established, to which, if possible, there be a safe path from this
city, and an entrance and exit therefrom to that place. Then, when
occasion should arise, the women, children, old people, sick, and
other non-combatants might be placed there; for, if they remained in
the city, they would hinder us and cause us to starve, while there
they will have more comfort and refreshment.
Precautions Submitted to the Religious
In all present and future affairs, the chief remedy is to invoke God,
endeavoring to placate Him by sacrifice and prayer, and beseeching
Him to protect us by His powerful right hand. This duty devolves by
special right upon the religious. Our duty is to threaten and strive
to correct him who offends God.
Admitting that we expect outside enemies--and we have them among
us, because of our little assurance that the natives, if they see
themselves safe, will not rise and attack us, on which point will he
discussed, in its proper place, whether it will not be advisable to
collect the arquebuses given them during the war with the Çambales--the
immediate question is whether it would be advisable to take some
security from them, such as, for instance, the gold that they wear,
and of which they should be possessed, so that, if they did not prove
an aid to us, they should not prove harmful. Also, whether this gold
should be deposited with the fathers who instruct them, so that the
natives would understand that this action is taken only for security,
and with no other intent; and whether this gold should be brought
to Manila by the said fathers of the doctrina, and deposited in
the fortress--that being the most secure place. Also it should be
considered whether this taking their gold seems a harsh measure, and
whether others easier and milder offer themselves--as the exemption of
certain chiefs from tribute, and otherwise making much of them. But
this race is so barbarous and ungrateful that, if they understand
our necessity, and discover any weakness or fear in us, the majority
of them will rebel against us, and we shall be compelled rather to
deal with them as with enemies. Therefore, whatever our exigency,
we must deal with them with the same courage, superiority, and
firmness as in our most prosperous time itself; and we must assure
them that our orders and requests are solely for their good, and by
no necessity of ours. It appears to be advisable to order them that
each chief send one of his sons with his gold, in order to watch it,
and to prove that the rightful owner accompanies it.
Likewise: whether it will be advisable to have a quantity of rice,
swine, fowls, and other food stored in certain parts of the mountains
and tingues; for were the places where these are chiefly produced
near this city, or in places easy of access to the enemy--and since
it is supposed that they would come in force--in such case, it would
not be difficult for them to seize this food and appropriate it to
their own use, or burn it, for we could not have sufficient forces
to divide them, or withdraw them from the defense of this city. And
in this connection it is observed that it would be advisable to have
the cattle-pastures -which are the support of this state, and the
first thing that the enemy look for--established inland (as there
is sufficient pasturage in all parts), with some guard. And since,
if the enemy came, and we were actually confronted with the danger,
it would be necessary for the Indians who have their villages and
houses on the seacoast, or along the rivers or estuaries, where the
enemy could penetrate easily, to retire inland to live, it seems
that it would be advisable for the fathers of the doctrinas to have
the natives warned and persuaded immediately to move to more retired
and secure places; and that they should commence their sowing, since
there are many virgin and unoccupied lands. Should such an event
[the coming of an enemy] occur, then this would be already done;
and if not, then they would lose nothing in harvesting their rice;
for it would be necessary to abandon their hamlets and comforts,
if the enemy did come. Furthermore, as these Indians are traders, as
is known, and trade in rice and other products with this community,
since they bring it from Otton, Camarines, Ylocos, and other places,
this trade and provision would, if the enemy came, have to cease;
and if these Indians remained among us and near their present abodes,
they would consume our food, and we both would starve. In order to
supply food, there is no better remedy than to commence to sow in
distant and secure places, so that the natives may be safe, prepared,
and forewarned, and that there may be abundance of provisions; since,
by withdrawing from each varangay ten men, or the number that may be
deemed sufficient, these fields and new settlements may be commenced.
Likewise should be considered whether it would be advisable to store
the property of all the Sangleys in the stone warehouses of this
city, where the goods might be kept safe, while the Sangleys could
go outside of the city to build their houses, because of the great
danger, lest by some fire-contrivance they should burn that Parian
and a great part of the city. This is to be understood as proposed
only if occasion should arise for us to take such measures. Likewise,
it will be advisable to have the houses or churches which now are
thatched with straw or nipa roofed with tiles; or else they might
be destroyed, because of the manifest danger of being set afire with
great facility upon any occasion.
Whether the encomenderos, because of these common necessities, should
be allowed to collect from each tributario the value of two reals in
rice and one real in one laying hen, or two chicks (male or female),
or one cock, and the rice at its value among them. Also whether the
encomendero should not store it in the city, in the house that he
is actually living in; and whether, since the hen is obtained from
the Indian as the tribute for one real, neither the hen, the male or
female chicks, nor the cock--whichever the Indian gives in tribute,
the matter being left to his choice--can be valued, sold, or bought
for more than one real.
Communication from the Governor to the Ecclesiastics
_Relation of the proposition made by Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, knight
of the order of Santiago, and governor and captain-general in these
islands, for the king, our sovereign, to the fathers provincial of the
orders, and to other superiors, religious, and ecclesiastics at the
meeting that he held with them; and the response of the said fathers._
[52]
Since my arrival in this kingdom, whose government and defense the
king, our sovereign, was pleased to entrust to me--certainly a trust
greatly disproportionate to my poor strength--I have ever watched
over its conservation and perpetuation, as being a new land, in the
midst of infidel and idolatrous enemies; and I have even peopled the
greater part of it with them; and those so far away have a remedy
and aid from their hardships and dangers. In this, God has willed, by
His mercy, to plant His faith among and to enlighten those natives,
by preaching to them, through His ministers, His holy law, with
a zeal so fervid. And this is very different from other provinces
in these regions, where there is likewise a Christian faith, and
the name of church of the faithful; but their people are so remiss
that they content themselves with furthering only their trading and
commerce, caring only for their own individual aims and interests,
and peradventure, to no little renunciation of the name of Christian,
and causing it to be despised (as in Goa, Malaca, Macan, Maluco, and
other parts)--who, satisfied with their own individual interests and
business, do not, as here, regard the propagation of the holy gospel
as their principal purpose. The maintenance of this is costing so
many deaths of blessed fathers religious, who, in the planting of
this vine in the Lord, completed so much toil and affliction with
their lives, and who, in the conversion of souls, were laboring
and overcoming ail manner of danger and fatigue; so much blood and
lives of so many honorable Spaniards, who have so happily ended their
days in the furthering and building of this new church; and lastly,
the vast amount of wealth and royal patrimony which his Majesty has
expended, and is expending daily, in the prosecution of so glorious an
object. This is none other than the exaltation of the Catholic faith,
although it costs so much, as is known, that every year he expends
money from his own house, while the temporal gain derived here is so
small, and the expense and cost so great and excessive that, unless
he lift up his eyes and behold the eternal reward which will result
from this, he would have abandoned it already--and as, I believe, no
other monarch whatever would have been so zealous for the honor of God,
and the Catholic name, that he would not have abandoned it. Therefore
we must consider prudently, and fear lest (may God preserve him
to us for many years!) he might die, and be succeeded by one who,
because of nearer cares and labors, will grow tired, and not take
any care of the affairs of this state. Therefore, it is advisable
that, should this happen, he [a successor] take and find it in such
condition that, with the divine favor, it might, in its own strength,
furnish its own defense from the injuries inflicted by weather
and enemies; and, planning out its duty in the most secure manner,
take courage, so far as it might, to construct a solid and durable
fort. And although this care and vigilance have always been mine,
and I have been especially attentive, from the time of my arrival,
to look after the repair and fortification of this city, as being the
head and court of this kingdom, and where, in whatever attack and
emergency, the heart and principal strength of the defense of this
kingdom must be located; and for this and for the conservation and
perpetuation of this state, I am setting in force many activities
and provisions that I have ordained and made in anticipation, which
are to be seen and considered, conforming to and governing myself in
this by the express orders given me by his Majesty--who for it points
out to me, and advises me especially of certain hostile nations,
with whom I must proceed carefully and cautiously; nevertheless, in
the preparation and repairs of this city, the defense of the coasts
and seas, in order to resist the enemies that might invade them,
I would have displayed greater zeal and energy (both in these and in
other provisions), had not the fathers, superiors of the orders, and
other religious, in all or nearly all of them, opposed me by raising
scruples, both in private conversations and in their pulpits and
sermons, contradicting my authority and raising up obstacles. For
indeed, in the building of the wall and fort of this city, the
scruples that they have urged against me are well known--namely,
that this country had no need of the defenses; that the Indian, to
whom the country belongs, does not request them; and that the whole
thing results in labor and oppression for the Indians. If galleys are
built and equipped--even when by order of his Majesty, and for the
defense of these seas and rivers, it has been said with accusations
that for so poor a land this is a very heavy burden; and that these
and other preparations cannot be made, except in a known extremity,
and a manifest and evident danger. They have urged the same obstacle
against me in equipping the galleys with seamen from among the Indians;
and say that, in good conscience, this cannot be done; that although
such natives otherwise may be the perpetual slaves of their chiefs,
while here they are seamen for but three years, at the end of which
they are freed, this is not sufficient to justify it, as the work is
different, greater, and against natural right. They have even said
that, if there is no other means to have galleys, there should be none,
or that the king find the method, since, by virtue of the tribute that
he levies, the defense of the land belongs to him. If order is given
to gather the rice and other foods--so necessary a preparation in
case of any adverse event--or that tackle, lines, and other supplies
be made (for which the Indians are well paid for their work thereon),
neither can this be done, because the Indians are deprived of food,
and it is a great affliction. In short, there is contradiction and
opposition to everything, and moreover, called by a name so serious as
charge of conscience and salvation or condemnation of the soul. This,
at the very least, however necessary may be the things ordained,
renders lukewarm and greatly disheartens him who ordains them, and
continues to warn him; so that it has happened to me that, by finding
myself confused and with my hands almost tied by so many outcries
in the pulpits, so many declarations, and so many acclamations and
persuasions, I have been temporizing. And, little by little, this has
increased, with that which the troubles and dangers were demanding in
the procuring of repairs and remedies, until now when it is evident--by
reason of the information that I have received of Xaponese enemies,
which can have only a sure and certain foundation--that there will be
no need of announcing to them, in the manifest danger that threatens,
the arousing and quickening of the great and ardent desire that I
have always had, that I might succeed in seeing this state in some
condition of perfection, and in such repair and defense that it may
await, with courage and confidence (after the protection of God), any
attack whatever from surrounding enemies, who are known here--until,
with the lapse of time, and God opening His hand more generously,
and the city growing stronger with its power and forts, it may, not
contenting itself with only conserving that conquered in the name
of God and of its king, extend and enlarge itself, ever acquiring
greater dominion and authority. For this purpose, there is no surer
means than by repairs and preparations to have foreseen the danger
and extremity to which we might come, before such danger comes to
let fall its blow--since, if we await it until that time, the enemy
will give us no opportunity to take counsel or protect ourselves,
much less to make and prepare things, that, necessarily, to be of
use, should have been made and prepared much beforehand; for the
sword is worn many days in the belt, to but one that it proves its
worth by its aid. It would not suffice for me then, when the enemy
tried to kill me in the fort, to have my sword at home. Nor is it a
discreet state which, when expecting enemies, waits until they are
actually seen, before providing a fort, walls, artillery, galleys,
arms, and other preparations _[aparatos]_, which for that very reason
are called preparations: because they have to be made ready beforehand
_[aparejados]_ many days, and even years. Accordingly, not only should
the arms be ready, but the soldiers experienced in and accustomed to
them; the galley not only finished, but the rower skilful at the oar;
the food collected; and even the money, which is the sinew of war,
ready and assigned for the expenses of war--in order that the enemy,
who spies on all our actions, may see how well prepared and equipped
we are, and be restrained and intimidated. For many times battles are
fought as much by means of reputation as with forces, and since the
future danger, when it is assured, must be held as present, in order
to anticipate it and prepare for it, let us take counsel on the danger
expected as if we had it already at the doors of our houses. And with
the same diligence, let us set ourselves to the preparation, as if we
actually saw the enemy on that sea. I would wish to be judged as too
forearmed and assured, than, by negligence, over-confidence, and lack
of diligence to lose one palmo of land, or one iota of reputation. This
proposition, then, Fathers and Sirs, I have petitioned and prayed
from your Paternities and Graces, that we might assemble here,
since we all have equal share in the common safety, to discuss it;
and so that, in the provisions and preparations that must be made,
I may take action in everything with an easy conscience, which is the
part pertaining to your Paternities; so that, with light and clearness
on this point, I may prepare in time for the imminent danger that
threatens. For if we waited until the extreme point of necessity was
reached, innumerable difficulties would ensue, since what gradually,
and in space of time, can be done easily, and with few people, who are
well paid, must then be done at one stroke, with an infinite number
of conscripted and unpaid people, and with intolerable confusion and
hardship, besides many other annoyances, which are a great hindrance
and obstacle to both soul and body, and to defense from the enemy,
but which are avoided, if preparation be made beforehand.
[_Endorsed on the front leaf_: "For the religious."]
Documents of 1593
Letter to Governor Dasmariñas. Felipe II; January 17.
Two royal decrees. Felipe II; January 17 and February 11.
_Sources_: Both of these documents are obtained from the original
MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias.
_Translations_: These are made by James A. Robertson.
Letter from the King to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas
The King: To Gomez Perez Das Marinas, my governor and captain-general
of the Philippinas Islands. I have received the letters that you
wrote me by the last fleet from Nueba España. You have done well to
advise me so minutely of the condition in which you found affairs in
those islands, and how ill their government was being carried on. You
shall continue on all occasions to do this, acting in the islands
according to your obligation, and in conformity with the hope and
satisfaction that I have had, and have, in you. You have done very
well in having observed so punctually, as you say, what was ordered
you in the instructions that I had given you. You shall do likewise
with the other matters in your instructions.
I was very glad to hear how far advanced work was on the cathedral
church of that city. I was pleased to see the care and promptness with
which you have attended to what I ordered you in regard to this. I
consider this as a service from you, and charge you that, if there be
anything lacking to finish the work, you shall see that it is done
as quickly as possible. Although you have been sent in duplicate
the decrees that you carried, they are now being sent again, without
considering that fact, to the officials of Mexico, so that they may,
upon the first opportunity, provide you with the supplies mentioned.
You have done very well in applying the one thousand pesos of income
to the hospital for Spaniards, and the five hundred to that for the
Indians, as I ordered you in your instructions. I charge you that you
aid and protect them to the best of your ability, since the work is
so charitable.
Since you say that the blankets that I ordered sent from Mexico for
the said hospitals are not needed, as you have there all you want,
and at a cheaper price, and that the money spent on them might be
better spent on other indispensable necessities of the said hospitals,
you shall advise the viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco, so that he may
convert the money for them into what you consider most needful.
You advise me that you wished to audit the accounts of certain brothers
of the habit of St. Francis, who have charge of the hospital for the
Indians, but that they refused to show the accounts, and asserted
that I had nothing to do with it; and that, until I should endow that
house and satisfy its needs, I could have nothing to do with it,
nor in the other charitable works of that bishopric. You say that
the bishop had abetted that, and that he had sided with and aided
the brothers. And although you ought, notwithstanding his reply,
to continue your investigations, which have not yet been made, you
shall, as soon as you receive this letter, take possession of the said
hospital, and of any others in the said islands, in my name, as patron
of them--for such I am by right and by apostolic bull. Likewise you
shall call to account all who shall have had charge of the incomes,
alms, and other matters pertaining to them. I am writing to the bishop
not to hinder you in this; and that, if he desire, he may be present
at the said settlement of accounts.
Since the bishop has gone to excess in placing so many fiscals and
officials in that city and in the other towns of that island, and
in arresting and whipping Indians, to the very great prejudice of my
jurisdiction, he certainly must restrain himself. Now and henceforth
you shall see that the said bishop does not meddle or concern himself
with more than pertains to him by right, and that he observe the
regulations imposed by the laws of my kingdoms.
I have noted what you say in regard to the artifices and plans of
the bishop, so that my patronage might not be exercised; and that
he appoints the incumbents of benefices removable _ad nutum_,
and temporarily, not in actual ownership and by institution,
in order to be able to remove them and appoint others; and the
excommunications with which he annoys the officials of my royal estate,
and the encomenderos, if they do not furnish the salaries of those
ecclesiastics whom he appoints without notifying you. Inasmuch as
these things are prohibited with especial distinctness, and the said
patronage belongs to me throughout all the states of the Yndias, you
shall have it observed. The bishop shall not meddle with the matter
of the salaries, but you yourself shall pay to those who shall give
instruction what is due them according to the ordinance.
As I have understood the opposition offered by the religious, and the
difficulties that they placed in the way of executing the ordinance
which prohibited buying the Chinese merchandise--except through persons
assigned for it and at a moderate price set by them, who should buy
at wholesale, and afterward distribute the merchandise--I am writing
the enclosed letters to the provincials of the orders, ordering them
not to offer any opposition in such matters. You shall deliver them
to the provincials, and shall act according to your orders.
You have acted excellently in ordaining that no suits regarding actions
committed and past before the establishment of the Audiencia shall
be admitted, since, as you very truly observe, this meant opening
the door to many difficulties, and giving opportunity to the people
to become entangled in embarrassments and troubles. Therefore, you
shall continue with the execution of this plan, and shall endeavor
always to prevent suits and quarrels, which are so prejudicial and
harmful in lands so remote, as is easily understood.
In regard to what you say of the embassy and present that you think
should be sent to the king of China, in order to conciliate him to
my service, and to open the door, by this way, for the preaching of
the gospel in those districts, I am considering the matter, and shall
advise you of what is resolved upon.
All that you say concerning the need of religious is borne in
mind. Therefore as many as possible will always be sent. At the
present time, a number of them are going, in especial thirty descalced
religious of the order of St. Francis. Care and diligence will be
exercised, in the future, to provide those who, as you shall advise
us, are needed.
It is very advisable and necessary for the Indians to have a protector
and defender, as is the case in Piru and Nueba Spaña. And since,
as you say, the bishop, to whom I had entrusted it, is unable to
attend to the affairs, acts, and judicial procedures which require
personal attention, you, as governor, shall appoint the said defender
and protector, to whom you shall assign a suitable salary. This
salary shall be paid from the tributes of the Indians, distributed
proportionally among those assigned to my crown and those allotted
to private individuals, without at all infringing for this purpose
upon my moneys that proceed from other sources. Notwithstanding this,
you are to understand that the bishop is not to be deprived of the
general superintendence of the protection of the said Indians.
You report that, upon your arrival at those islands, you found that
the Indians of Sirean, Yllocos, and Cagayan were paying ten reals,
and had been doing so since the tribute was imposed, because, as they
were more wealthy, heavier tribute was imposed on them than on the
others. You say that you are in doubt, because your instructions state
that the tribute of eight reals is to be increased and raised to ten,
whether you are to understand that all the tributes are to be raised
two reals; for if so, then those who formerly paid ten must now pay
twelve, just as those who were paying eight now pay ten. Inasmuch as
the intention was that all the tributes should be raised two reals,
you shall order that those Indians who were paying ten reals shall
pay twelve, now and henceforth. You shall adjust this with the mildest
possible means.
Respecting the duties that are to be paid on the gold dug in those
islands--about which you say there has been a dispute, since the
former fiscal of the Audiencia there claimed that it should be the
fifth, while the city contradicted him, and petitioned that it be
but the tenth--you shall endeavor, conveniently and mildly, now
and henceforth to introduce the fifth, since it is the right that
pertains to me. If you shall encounter in this great difficulties
and annoyances, you shall leave the matter in its present shape. You
shall advise me of the condition of the country and the mines, and the
annual amount of the said fifth, based on the present value of the
tenth, so that after examination in my royal Council of the Yndias,
the most advisable measures may be enacted.
You say also that, inasmuch as you found Don Bernardino de Sande
very poor, you were unable to collect from him the proceeds of the
encomienda of Baratao, in accordance with the writ issued by my
royal Council of the Yndias. In consideration of this, and because
he had served well, you say that you left him in possession of the
encomienda, providing that he annually put one-third of the income
arising from it into my treasury. Also, that you have allotted the
other villages that he occupies in La Laguna of that city to Don Juan
Ronquillo and Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Ballesteros in equal portions,
as a reward for their services; and that likewise you have appointed
Captain Gomez de Machuca (who is a very meritorious person) to the
post of treasurer, with a salary of five hundred pesos, until the
owner of the office should arrive. All of the above is well done.
Likewise you say that one section of your instructions orders that
while the soldiers draw pay they may not trade, as such a thing would
distract them from their military duty; and that although this is
right, you think that they might be permitted to invest two or three
hundred pesos, because of their great poverty and as an aid to its
alleviation. This would not embarrass them, and you would not allow
it to distract them. In consideration of this, I endorse what you
say. Therefore you may tolerate this in them to the above amount.
You wrote me from Mexico what you repeat in your latest letters--that,
in order to be able to ensure respectable soldiers going to those
islands, it would be advisable to permit the soldiers who go there to
return to Nueva Spaña, or wherever their wives or business interests
were, after several years' service, or if necessary business arose,
or if they were, as some are, married; for, as it is seen that they
are not permitted to leave those islands, none but mestizos and
people of little account go there. After discussing this matter,
it was determined to refer it to you, as I do now, in order that you
may act as you may consider most advisable; but so that there may be
no lack of the people necessary in that country.
The suit that you mention between the bishop and the encomenderos in
regard to the tithes, has not yet arrived here. As soon as it comes,
it will be examined, and necessary steps will be taken.
Inasmuch as you report that there are certain Sangley shops in the
Parian, whose rent is given to their governor; and that it is not
advisable that those Sangleys remain there, because they are not
Christians; but that some settlement outside the city should be
assigned them, and the rent for their shops applied to that city as
public property, while another kind of remuneration be given to the
said judge of the Sangleys: I refer to you everything pertaining to
this matter, so that, after consulting with the licentiate Rojas and
the municipal government of that city, you may provide for it in such
manner that the said Sangleys receive no injury or dissatisfaction.
Under the present cover I enclose to you a second decree, ordering that
my officials of those islands should pay their wages to the sailors,
carpenters, blacksmiths, and other workmen; and that, if my treasury
there should prove insufficient for this, they send to Nueba Spaña
for the deficit. Under other covers I am writing to the viceroy to
have this carefully obeyed.
Notwithstanding that the provision mentioned in your instructions,
ordering that none but inhabitants of those islands engage in trade,
was not delivered or afterward sent to you, you shall observe the
contents of that section of the said instructions which treats of this.
The effort which you report having made with the city, that a convent
of nuns be founded in the church of Sant Andres (the erection of
which has begun), which is discussed in section twenty-seven of your
instructions, is well, and you shall continue it.
You will know my wishes in regard to the sale of the offices from
the despatches that have been sent to you, and you shall observe them.
The bulls of crusades and composition, which you say might be applied
in those islands, were sent to you; and my royal Council of the
Crusade is writing in regard to it.
In remunerating and providing for the deserving, you shall continue
to observe the instructions and orders given you.
In regard to what you say about the entrances and new discoveries, and
their great necessity in order that the soldiers may be maintained,
and their extreme poverty alleviated, this is not the principal
end that must be observed, but that of the service of God, and the
welfare of the Indians. Inasmuch as you have the matter in hand, you
shall consider what will be most advisable, and you shall accordingly
ordain in it what you consider fitting, in accordance with the nature
and condition of the country, and the people that you shall have.
You have done very well in applying the proceeds of the merchant's
peso on the Chinese merchandise, and the monopoly of playing-cards,
to the wall of that city; and because you have made, for the same
purpose, a two per cent assessment and contribution on the citizens
and on the Peruvian and Mexican merchandise traded in that land. And
although you report that this two per cent assessment has been made
for only one time, you shall continue the collection of this duty,
and that on the playing-cards, and the merchant's peso, until the
said fortification is finished.
You shall be very careful to favor the cathedral and hospitals. You
shall advise me of what alms can be given, and to what amount, since
you report their, necessity as so great.
I note what you say in regard to the change of lieutenant-governor
that you advise, or my giving you permission to appoint another. In
the meantime, until what is deemed advisable is provided in regard to
this (which is now being discussed) you shall endeavor to maintain
pleasant relations; and shall proceed as is most desirable to the
service of God and to mine, and to the welfare of the land.
What pertains to the navigation from those islands will be determined
as soon as possible--namely, whether it shall be at my account,
or at that of private individuals, and you shall be advised of the
resolution taken. In either case, you shall send information, now and
henceforth, upon all occasions, to my royal Council of the Indias,
of all vessels leaving there, and of their registers, with itemized
cargo--as, so much in gold, and so much in merchandise, with the
declaration of the different kinds.
You say that you have experienced difficulties and opposition on the
part of the encomenderos in establishing the increase of two reals
on the tribute of each Indian; and that notwithstanding that they
afterward agreed to it, yet they petitioned that they be allowed
to collect their tributes in the usual way. As this does not seem
to you advisable, but you desire that they collect with mildness,
you shall ordain thus, and it will receive endorsement.
In undertaking the construction of the galleys, you shall advise me
of its progress, and of their cost, and for what purpose they can
best be used.
I am ordering Joan de Ledesma to send you, with this, signed copies
of the decrees prohibiting Peru and Guatemala from trading in those
islands and in China. In accordance with these decrees, you shall
regard as confiscated everything that may be traded in violation of
those orders.
It is not advisable to make any innovation in regard to the permission
which you request--namely, power to despatch vessels to Peru and
other points; but you should observe the decree.
The other points of your letters are being discussed, and an answer
will be sent to you upon the first occasion. Madrid, January 17,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.
_I The King_
By order of the king, our sovereign:
_Joan de Ybarra_.
Countersigned by the council.
[_In the margin, at the beginning of this document_: "Reply to Gomez
Perez das Marinas, governor and captain-general of the Philippinas
Islands."]
Two Royal Decrees
Lawsuits in the Philippine Islands
Don Phelipe, etc. When I ordered the suppression of my royal audiencia
and chancilleria resident in the city of Manila of the Filipinas
Islands, and established there a governor and lieutenant-governor
(the latter of whom is a lawyer), to take care of matters of justice,
one of my decrees was ordered to be promulgated, in which was declared
the order to be followed in the hearing of suits and causes that
might arise in the said islands. This is of the following tenor:
"Don Phelipe, by the grace of God, king of Castilla [his other titles
follow]. Inasmuch as, for certain reasons advantageous to my service,
I have resolved to order the suppression of my royal audiencia, at
present established in the Philipinas Islands, and have appointed
as my governor and captain-general of them Gomez Perez Dasmarinas,
knight of the order of Santiago, and you, the licentiate Pedro de
Rojas (at present my auditor in my said royal Audiencia), as his
lieutenant-governor and counselor, to determine matters of justice;
and inasmuch as, the said Audiencia not having existence, it is
advisable that for the peace and tranquillity of the said islands and
the citizens and inhabitants thereof, and the good administration
of justice therein, you should understand the system that you are
to observe and follow in the hearing and determination of the suits,
which were moved and were pending in the said Audiencia, or that will
be moved hereafter: I declare, desire, and will that in all cases you
shall hear, sentence, determine, and execute in the following form
and manner. All the suits that were pending in the said Audiencia,
and were not concluded on trial, you shall resume in the condition
in which they were left, and they shall be prosecuted before you. You
shall pass sentence upon them; and if appeal is made by the parties, or
either one of them, from your decisions, you shall submit the appeal to
the president and auditors of my royal Audencia residing in the city of
Mexico, in Nueba España. You shall likewise refer to my said Audiencia
of Mexico the suits that may have received sentence on trial in the
said Audiencia, if appeal has been made from the sentence, so that
the cases may be prosecuted before it, and sentenced in review. And if
any suits were sentenced in review in the said Audiencia of the said
Philipinas Islands, and the execution of the sentences is demanded,
then you are authorized to have them executed, as well as the sentences
given on trial in the said Audiencia in suits pending therein, and
on which no appeal was made, and if the said sentences on trial were
passed in a case where judgment was rendered. Likewise I declare, and
it is my will, that you may hear and try the suits regarding Indians
which shall be moved in the said islands henceforth, and those which
might come before you on appeal from the corregidors that are and were
in the said islands. In hearing the said suits regarding Indians,
you shall observe the royal decree and edict given at Malinas, and
the declarations that were made regarding it. In this and in all the
abovementioned cases, as well as in all other suits and causes that the
said Gomez Perez Dasmarinas can and ought to try, as being governor and
captain-general, and you, the said licentiate Pedro de Roxas, as his
counselor and lieutenant-governor, for the determination of the said
suits and matters of justice, you shall observe the laws and ordinances
of these kingdoms, and the instructions, provisions, and decrees,
given by the emperor and king, my sovereign (may he rest in peace),
and by me, and those that shall be given. And for authorization to
perform and fulfil all that is above mentioned, and any portion and
part of it, and all else annexed and pertaining to it, I grant you
as complete and sufficient power as is required and as is needed. I
order the presidents and auditors of my royal audiencias of the said
Nueba España, and all the councils, magistrates, regidors, knights,
esquires, officials, and good men of all cities, towns, and hamlets
of Nueba España and of the said islands, to keep and observe this my
decree in every point, according to the tenor of what is contained
and declared therein; and that, for its fulfilment, they give and
cause to be given to you the help and assistance that you request
and that is necessary. And I order my said presidents and auditors of
my said royal Audiencia of Mejico to hear the said suits that shall
be sent there, in accordance with the above order; and that they
give sentence and conclusion to them in accordance with the law and
ordinances of these kingdoms, and with the said ordinances, provisions,
and decrees; and none of you shall violate them. Given at San Lorenzo,
August twenty-one, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine.
_I The King_
I, secretary of the king, our sovereign, had this written by his order.
_Juan de Ybarra_"
I have been informed recently that, because of the great distance
of those islands from the city of Mexico (to whose Audiencia must be
sent appeals in the said causes), many, especially the poor, refuse to
prosecute their suits; for in some of them the costs amount to more
than the principal, besides the annoyance of the delay. This serves
as a cause for grief and annoyance, from which the wealthy profit to
the injury of most of that community. As I desire the relief of this
state of things, I order, with the concurrence of my royal Council of
the Indias, for the present that henceforth all suits for the value
of one thousand ducados or less be concluded in the courts of the said
Philipinas Islands. If appeal be made from the sentences given at the
first instance, and substantiated in the second, in conformity with
law, the case shall be regarded as closed with the sentence imposed by
the said lieutenant-governor in the second instance, and no appeal can
be taken from it. In suits and causes for more than one thousand pesos
[_sic_], appeal may be made to my said royal Audiencia of Mexico,
in accordance with the tenor of the decree inserted above. In order
that this may be public and manifest, I order this my decree to
be published in the said city of Manila. Given at Madrid, January
seventeen, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.
_I The King_
Countersigned by Juan Bazquez, and signed by the council.
[_In the margin_: "In order that suits and causes of one thousand
ducados and less may be concluded in the court of the Philipinas
islands; and, if the amount be in excess of the above sum, they may
be appealed to the royal Audiencia of Mexico."]
Restrictions on Commerce
The King: Inasmuch as, whenever we have promulgated ordinances
prohibiting trade between the Western Yndias and China, and regulating
that of the Philipinas, I have been informed that there has been
neglect in the execution thereof; and that, as the merchants and
other persons in the Northern Sea who trade in these our kingdoms
of Castilla, and in the Yndias, have suffered so many losses during
past years, and those engaged in the profits of the Chinese trade
have gained so much, the latter has increased greatly, while the
commerce of these my said kingdoms has declined, on which account
both these kingdoms and my royal income have received great damage:
therefore, since it is so important that the commerce of these my said
kingdoms and of the Yndias be preserved and increased, and that there
be quite usual communication and trade between them, I have, with the
concurrence of my royal Council of the Yndias, determined to prohibit
by new orders--as by this present I do pruhibit, forbid, and order--in
the future, in any manner and under any circumstances whatever,
any vessel from sailing from the provinces of Peru, Tierra Firme,
Guatimala, Nueva España, or any other part of our Western Yndias,
to China, for trade or traffic or for any other purpose. Neither can
they go to the Philipinas Islands, except those from Nueva España,
which are permitted to go by another decree of this same date. We have
ordained that, should this be done, such vessel will be regarded as
confiscated, with all its money, merchandise, and other cargo. One
third part of all of this shall be applied to our exchequer, a second
third to him who shall give information thereof, and the other third
to the judge who shall pass sentence. And further, we forbid that
any merchandise brought to the said Nueva España from the Philipinas
Islands be transferred to the said provinces of Piru and Tierra Firme,
even when the duties imposed on such merchandise have been paid. For
our purpose and will is that nothing from China and the Philipinas
Islands be used in the said provinces of Piru and Tierra Firme,
except what may be there at present, and for which we allow them four
years, to be determined from the date on which this our decree shall
be promulgated. For this purpose every person shall register what
he has at present before the justice of the city, town, or hamlet,
where he lives, or of which he is a citizen. Henceforth whatever of
the aforesaid merchandise shall be taken to the above-named provinces,
or whatever shall be found in the possession of any person whatsoever,
outside of the said register, or after the conclusion of the above
time-limit, we order that it be confiscated also, and divided and
shared as above stated. But we permit them to bring to these kingdoms,
anything of the above-named articles that they may have had hitherto,
within the limit of the said four years. I order my viceroys of Piru
and Nueva España, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas,
the presidents and auditors of my royal audiencias of the Yndias,
and all other magistrates therein, that they observe and fulfil
this our decree, strictly, inviolably, and punctually; and that
they execute the penalties contained herein without any remission or
dispensation whatever, as is thus my will, and as is fitting for my
service. They shall promulgate it in all places where this shall be
necessary and desirable, so that all may have notice of it, and none
may plead ignorance. Given in Madrid, February eleven, one thousand
five hundred and ninety-three. [53]
_I The King_
Bibliographical Data
The papal decree of 1591 is taken from Hernaez's _Coleccion de bulas_,
i, p. 108; the account of encomiendas, from Retana's _Archivo del
bibliófilo filipino_, iv, pp. 41-111; the letter by Clement VIII,
from Hernaez, ii, p. 357. All the remaining documents of this volume
are obtained from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, being
translated from the original MSS. or from transcriptions thereof;
the pressmarks are as follows:
1. _Collection of tributes_ (1591)--See Bibliographical Data for
_Vol_. VII.
2. _Conquest of Mindanao_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas;
cartas y expedientes del cabildo secular de Manila vistos en el
Consejo; años 1570 á 1640; est 67, caj. 6, leg. 27."
3. _Ordinance regarding Chinese stuffs_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia
de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos
en el Consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6."
4. _Letter by Dasmariñas_ (1591).--The same as No. 3.
5. _Fortification of Manila_--The same as No. 3.
6. _Investigations at Manila_--"Simancas--Filipinas; descubrimientos,
descripciones y poblaciones de las Yslas Filipinas; años 1582 a 1606;
est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 3|29."
7. _Opinions of the religious orders_.--"Simancas--Secular; Cartas
y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en
el Consejo; años 1583 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18."
8. _Letters from Dasmariñas_ (1592); also all the remaining documents
of that year.--The same as No. 7.
9. _Letter from Felipe II_ (1593).--"Audiencia de Filipinas; registros
de oficio y partes: reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades y
particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; años de 1568 á 1605;
est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 11."
10. _Two royal decrees_.--(1) Is a part of No. 9; (2) The same as
No. 6.
NOTES
[1] Referring to the _Historia natural y moral de las Indias_
(Sevilla, 1590) of Joseph de Acosta (1540-1600), a noted Jesuit
writer. Markham's translation of this interesting work forms nos. 60
and 61 of the Hakluyt Society's publications (London, 1880).
[2] Evidently a reference to the convent of the Augustinians.
[3] Spanish _obispo de anillo_, literally, "bishop with a ring;"
the same as a bishop _in partibus infidelium_. This means a titular
bishop of the Roman Catholic church whose territory is occupied by
infidels, so that he cannot reside there.
[4] Spanish _viñas_; here used metaphorically, since the natives
then obtained their wine from the palm-tree, and from rice, etc. See
_Vol_. III, p. 202; iv, p. 67; and V, p. 169. Cf. U.S. Philippine
Commission's _Report_ (1900), iii, pp. 264-266.
[5] The allusion to this document which appears in section 8 of
Dasmariñas's letter to the king of June 20, 1591, which immediately
follows this, shows that it was prepared by his order, to accompany
the letter.
[6] Spanish _puente_, in Retana's text; apparently an error for some
other word referring to the priest at Tabuco.
[7] Evidently referring to the petition which appears in _Vol_. VII,
p. 301.
[8] The university of Salamanca was founded in the twelfth or
thirteenth century. The city of Salamanca, although it contains
beautiful churches, owes its fame chiefly to the university. The
studies were divided into the greater schools, or university proper,
and the lesser schools, or colleges. In 1569 it had the following
chairs: canonical law, ten; theology, seven; medicine, seven; logic and
philosophy, eleven; astronomy, one; music, one; Hebrew and Chaldean,
two; Greek, four; rhetoric and grammar, seventeen. It was among the
very first universities to teach the sciences.
The university of Alcalá was founded by Cardinal Cisneros, July 26,
1508, under the name of Colegio Mayor de San Ildefonso. It was removed
to Madrid in 1836. The building occupied by the university combined
in itself several forms of architecture, not adhering to any one.
[9] _Regimiento_: the body of regidors, who never exceeded twelve,
forming a part of the municipal council, or _ayuntamiento_, in every
capital of a jurisdiction. See Bouvier's _Law Dictionary_ (Rawle's
rev. ed., Boston, 1897), p. 860.
[10] The quotation from St. Augustine is cited in Gratian's "Decretum,"
in _Corpus juris canonici_; it reads thus, in English: "The natural
order, fitted to promote peace among mortals, demands that the power to
wage war, and the direction of it, rest in the sovereign." The other
citation is from St. Thomas Aquinas's _Summa theologica_, part ii,
div. ii, qu. 40, art. i.--_Joseph Fitzgerald_.
[11] "One may repel force with force."
[12] "Just wars are defined to be those which avenge wrongs; if a
nation or a state is to be punished either for neglect to punish the
evil deeds of their people, or to make restitution of what has been
taken wrongfully."
[13] "He concedes all who refuses what is just."
[14] This reference is to St. Augustine's "Questions on (the book of)
Numbers." The citation _Ut legitimum_ is to a chapter in Gratian's
_Decretum_, of which these are the opening words.--_Joseph Fitzgerald_.
[15] "It is to be observed in what manner just wars were waged by
the children of Israel against the Amorites; for inoffensive transit
was denied to them, although by the most equitable laws of human
fellowship it should be open."
[16] "Though it be not lawful to cross over the lands of others, still,
as this transit was necessary and harmless, they [the Amorites] ought
not to have forbidden it--and, further, because it was a public route,
and no one is forbidden to use a public route."
[17] _In continente_, "on the spot;" that is, at the actual time of
the assault or other wrong. _Nec sua repetere_, "nor recover his own"
(by force or violence is implied). Silvester is cited in the _Theologia
moralis_ of Alphonso Maria de Liguori.--_Joseph Fitzgerald_.
[18] "Beyond the due limits of [lawful self-]defense."
[19] "The Spanish writer cites "II Kings." But the books designated
"I and II Kings" in the Septuagint, the Vulgate, and the Catholic
canon are called in the English Bible "I and II Samuel."--_Joseph
Fitzgerald_.
[20] "Whether at command of God or that of some legitimate ruler,
wars are undertaken even by good men, to be waged against the violence
of rebels, when civil order itself justly constrains them either to
command such action or to obey [_i.e._, to serve in the army]."
_Quid culpatur_ is the opening of a chapter in Gratian's _Decretum_,
a section of the canon law, and serves as the title of the
chapter.--_Joseph Fitzgerald_.
[21] "What is condemned in war? Is it that men who at some time
must die, die in war? It is for cowards to fault this, not religious
men. The desire to do injury, the cruelty of revenge, unappeased and
implacable hate, the wild passions of rebellion, lust of power and
the like--such are the things which are justly condemned in wars."
[22] "With God's true worshipers even wars are not sinful if they are
waged, not through greed or with cruelty, but for the sake of peace,
that the wicked may be repressed and the good sustained."
[23] "We wage war that we may live in peace."
[24] "Peace is not sought that war may be waged, but war is waged
that peace may be won."
[25] "He hangs him out of hatred."
[26] "When from dissensions and factions results, not peril to this
one or that, but slaughter of whole populations, then severity must
be relaxed somewhat, that sweet charity may intervene for the healing
of those greater ills."
[27] "Whenever evil is done by whole populations or by a multitude,
then, because it is not possible to punish them all, on account of
their great number, the matter usually passes by unpunished."
[28] "The multitude should be spared."
[29] "For when there are so many who fall that they defend their
former iniquity by authority, and who make, as it were, a business
of sinning, that hope itself must be cut off."
[30] "As war is lawful, it is lawful to use the means needful to
attain the end, which is victory."
[31] "Plunder is no longer allowable."
[32] Juan de Valderrama was the head of the Augustinian missionaries
sent to the Philippines in 1582. He had much executive ability, and,
besides conducting one or more churches in the villages near Manila,
held successively important posts in his order (prior provincial,
from 1590). He died in 1618. Alonso de Castro came to the islands in
1577, and was missionary in several villages, both Tagalo and Bisayan,
as he had mastered both languages. Gifted as a theologian and orator,
he was designated by Felipe II as bishop of Nueva Cáceres, but died
(1597) before he could exercise that office.
Lorenso de León came in 1582, and held many high positions in his order
there. In 1606 he returned to Mexico, where he died in 1623. Juan
Vega Tamayo who arrived in the same year, remained until his death
(in 1603), most of his time being occupied in official duties at
Manila. Of Antonio Serrano it is only known that he occupied various
official positions in the Manila convent from 1590 to 1596. Diego
Gutierrez was a missionary in Luzon from 1578 until his death in 1613.
Diego Muñoz came in 1578, and was professor of theology in the
Manila convent, missionary to the Chinese at Tondo in 1581, the first
commissary of the Inquisition in the islands (see his instructions,
_Vol_. V, pp. 256-273), and prior provincial from 1587. He died at
Manila in 1594. Diego Alvarez was in the islands from 1578 until his
death (1601) mainly engaged in official duties. Alonso de Montalban
came in 1590, and died in 1604. Matías Manrique came in 1586, and
died in 1593. Alonso Paz is known to have been in Luzon during 1591-93.
The above information is obtained from Perez's _Catálogo_.
[33] This was doubtless St. Pedro Bautista Blazquez y Blazquez
Villacastin, born June 29, 1542, of a noble Spanish family. He made
his religious profession in the Franciscan order, in 1567. After
some time spent in Mexico, he came to the Philippines, where his
first task was the instruction of Tagals in music. In 1586 he was
chosen as custodian of the Franciscan communities there, which
office he held until 1591; he was then appointed guardian of the
Manila convent. He was very active in mission work in the islands,
and founded several convents and villages. In 1593 he was sent by
Governor Dasmariñas as ambassador to Japan; was afterward placed in
charge of the Franciscan missions in Japan; and founded a hospital
for lepers and a convent in the city of Miaco. On February 5, 1597,
Father Bautista with five of his brethren, and a number of Japanese
converts, were martyred at Nagasaki. He was beatified in 1627, and
canonized by Pius IX in 1862. See Gomez Platero's _Catálogo biográfico_
(Manila, 1880); and Santa Inés's _Crónica_, i, pp. 452-466.
[34] The document here mentioned is an official report of certain
conversations between Dasmariñas and Rojas; it is not presented here,
because it is of little importance or interest.
[35] Contract for disposing of goods by wholesale.
[36] An extensive synopsis made by some government clerk is written
on the back of this letter.
[37] An extensive synopsis of the letter was made by one of the
government clerks.
[38] The conquest of Korea was not accomplished until 1592, although
the preceding year had been spent in vigorous preparations for
the campaign. Hideyoshi evidently made this statement in boastful
anticipation of success. His design was to conquer, at one blow,
both Korea and China.
[39] The device of Hideyoshi was a bundle of gourds.
[40] As explained in the letter of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, of June 11,
1592. (_q.v._ p. 256, _ante_), two copies of the translation of this
letter into Spanish were sent to Spain. The above, which is the second
in the document we follow, bears title "The same letter translated by
the ambassador, through an interpreter." The other copy was the one
made by order of the governor in Manila. As the governor states in his
letter, they are alike in essentials. The first letter is dated "The
year nineteen of Tienche, in the ninth month, and on the nineteenth
day of the month. The Quanpec of the kingdom of Japon." See another
version (in Spanish) of the second letter, with still other variations,
in Santa Inés's _Crónica_, ii, pp. 545-547; the editor of that work
states that the date of the letter--which, however, is there given as
"the 13th year of Tenjo, 11th month"--corresponds to the year 1591.
[41] This letter, as found in the archives, is written on a separate
sheet and is inserted in the fold of the following letter.
[42] "A corruption of Kuwambaku, the Japanese designation of
a regent appointed by the Mikado. The holder of this office at
the time here referred to was Hideyoshi, one of the most notable
rulers of Japan. Born in 1536, he entered the army when a youth,
and rapidly rose to its head. He was appointed regent in 1586, but
in 1591 abdicated in favor of his adopted son, Hidetsugu--retaining,
however, actual authority until his death in 1598. This embassy to
the Spaniards in the Philippines was but one evidence of Hideyoshi's
insatiate arrogance and ambition; for he planned to subjugate China
and all the other countries within his reach. For the history of
his reign, see J.J. Rein's _Japan_ (London, 1884), pp. 277-294;
David Murray's _Story of Japan_ (N.Y., 1894), pp. 184, 190-226; and
W.E. Griffis's _Mikado's Empire_ (5th ed., N.Y., 1887), pp. 236-243.
[43] The Japanese calendar was based upon the lunar year; and the years
were divided into cycles of sixty years each. Besides this division,
there is another and more arbitrary one, into periods between important
historical events, which divisions are named from a list of Chinese
words specially set aside for this purpose. The name used in this
document, Tienchen, is that of one of these historical periods; it is
written "Tensho" by Griffis, and its dates given as 1573-92. See Rein's
_Japan_, pp. 434-437; and Griffis's _Mikado's Empire_, pp. 623-626.
The place from which the letter was written was probably the town of
Shiuri, the chief port of the Riu Kiu (or Loo Choo) Islands, known to
the Spaniards as Lequios. See Basil Hall's "Bibliography of Luchu,"
in _Transactions_ of Asiatic Society of Japan, xxiv, pp. 1-11.
[44] A different version of this letter is given by Santa Inés, ii,
pp. 547-549.
[45] La Concepcion states (_Historia_, ii, pp. 217, 218) that Faranda
had come to Manila in 1591, and, having carefully observed the
condition and defenses of that city, returned to Japan and informed
Faxevedono (Hideyoshi) that he could easily conquer the Spanish colony
in the Philippines.
[46] Juan Cobo was a prominent member of the Dominican order in
Manila. He accomplished his errand as envoy to Japan, but on the
return voyage was shipwrecked, presumably on the coast of Formosa;
it is supposed that any who might survive the wreck were slain by
the natives. See La Conception's _Historia_, ii, pp. 223-229.
[47] Span., _yo beso vras Reales manos_, "I kiss your royal hands."
[48] Salazar embarked for Spain in this year of 1592, and after his
arrival there obtained from the king various favors, and a considerable
gratuity for the adornment of the Manila cathedral. The king determined
to relieve Salazar's burdens by erecting new dioceses in the islands,
and creating him archbishop. While preparations for this were being
made, the aged bishop died at Madrid, Dec 4, 1594. See La Concepción's
_Hist. de Philipinas_, ii, pp. 192-194; also biographical sketch in
_Cartas de Indias_, pp. 837, 838, where are mentioned his writings
(one of which was printed).
[49] A court of canon and civil laws, in opposition to the inner court,
or tribunal of conscience. (See vol. vi, p. 260, note 51.)
[50] A synopsis by a government clerk is written on the back of
this letter.
[51] The writer apparently confuses the Dutch with Germans.
[52] The reply here mentioned is not preserved with this document.
[53] On February 9, 1594, Garcia Hurtado de Mendoça, marques of
Cañete, and viceroy of Peru, ordered this decree to be delivered to
the royal officials of Ciudad de los Reyes, who in turn ordered it
to be promulgated in due form by the herald.
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898,
Volume VIII (of 55), 1591-1593, by Emma Helen Blair
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