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Title: Origins of the 'Forty-five
and other papers relating to that rising
Author: Walter Biggar Blaikie
Release date: October 1, 2023 [eBook #71772]
Language: English
Original publication: Edinburgh: Printed at the University press by T. and A. Constable for the Scottish History Society, 1916
Credits: MWS, Krista Zaleski and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE ***
PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
SECOND SERIES
VOL.
II
ORIGINS OF THE ’FORTY-FIVE
MARCH 1916
ORIGINS OF
THE ’FORTY-FIVE
AND OTHER PAPERS RELATING
TO THAT RISING
Edited by
WALTER BIGGAR BLAIKIE
LL.D.
[Illustration]
EDINBURGH
Printed at the University Press by T. and A. CONSTABLE
for the Scottish History Society
1916
PREFACE
I desire to express my thanks to the Government of the French Republic
for permission to make transcripts and to print selections from State
Papers preserved in the National Archives in Paris; to the Earl of
Ancaster for permission to print the Drummond Castle Manuscript of
Captain Daniel’s Progress; to the Earl of Galloway for Cardinal York’s
Memorial to the Pope; to His Grace the Archbishop of St. Andrews for
the use of papers elucidating the action of the Roman Catholic clergy
in 1745; to Miss Grosett-Collins, who kindly lent me Grossett family
papers; to Mrs. G. E. Forbes and Mr. Archibald Trotter of Colinton for
private papers of the Lumisden family; to M. le Commandant Jean Colin
of the French Army (author of _Louis XV. et les Jacobites_) for several
valuable communications, and to Martin Haile for similar help.
To my cousin, Miss H. Tayler, joint author of _The Book of the Duffs_,
I am indebted for transcripts of papers in the French Archives in Paris
as well as for information from Duff family papers; to Miss Maria
Lansdale for the transcript of the report of the Marquis d’Eguilles
to Louis XV.; to Dr. W. A. Macnaughton, Stonehaven, for copies of the
depositions referring to the evasion of Sir James Steuart; and to Miss
Nairne, Salisbury, for the translation of Cardinal York’s Memorial.
I have also to acknowledge general help from the Hon. Evan Charteris;
Mr. William Mackay, Inverness; Mr. J. K. Stewart, secretary of the
Stewart Society; Mr. J. R. N. Macphail, K.C.; Mr. J. M. Bulloch, author
of _The House of Gordon_; Dr. Watson, Professor of Celtic History,
Edinburgh; Mr. P. J. Anderson, Aberdeen University Library; Colonel
Lachlan Forbes; the Rev. Archibald Macdonald of Kiltarlity; and the
Rev. W. C. Flint of Fort Augustus.
I should be ungrateful if I did not make acknowledgment of the
information I have received and made use of from five modern
books--_James Francis Edward_, by Martin Haile; _The King Over the
Water_, by A. Shield and Andrew Lang; _The Jacobite Peerage_, by the
Marquis de Ruvigny; _The History of Clan Gregor_, by Miss Murray
Macgregor; and _The Clan Donald_, by A. and A. Macdonald.
Lastly, I have to thank Mr. W. Forbes Gray for kindly reading and
revising proofs and for other assistance; and Mr. Alex. Mill, who has
most carefully prepared the Index and given me constant help in many
ways.
W. B. B.
COLINTON, _March 1, 1916_.
CORRIGENDA
Page xxxix, lines 3 and 14, _for_ ‘Excellency’ _read_ ‘Eminence.’
Page 18, note 3, _for_ see Appendix’ _read_ ‘see Introduction, p.
xxiii.’ [Transcriber’s note: found in footnote 140]
Page 47, note 1, _for_ ‘John Butler’ _read_ ‘John Boyle.’
[Transcriber’s note: found in footnote 180]
Page 113, note 3, last line, _for_ ‘1745’ _read_ ‘1746.’ [Transcriber’s
note: found in footnote 323]
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
The Editor of ‘ORIGINS OF THE FORTY-FIVE’ requests members to make the
following corrections:--
Page xviii, line 20, ‘September 3rd’ should be ‘September 1st.’
Page xxv, line 25, the age of Glenbucket should be ‘sixty-four,’
and at page lxi, line 6, his age should be ‘seventy-two.’
In a letter in the Stuart Papers (Windsor), from Glenbucket
to Edgar, dated St. Ouen, 21 Aug. 1747, he states his age
to be seventy-four.
Page 97, line 22 of note, ‘_Clan Donald_ iii, 37,’ should be
‘iii, 337.’ [Transcriber’s note: found in footnote 301]
Page 164, note 1 [Transcriber’s note: found in footnote 388],
and again in Genealogical Table, page 422, ‘Abercromby of
Fettercairn’ should be ‘of Fetterneir.’
_June 4, 1917._
CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION ix
Papers of John Murray of Broughton xlix
Memorial concerning the Highlands liii
The late Rebellion in Ross and Sutherland lv
The Rebellion in Aberdeen and Banff lvii
Captain Daniel’s Progress lxiv
Prince Charles’s Wanderings in the Hebrides lxx
Narrative of Ludovick Grant of Grant lxxiii
Rev. John Grant and the Grants of Sheugly lxxvi
Grossett’s Memorial and Accounts lxxviii
The Battles of Preston, Falkirk, and Culloden lxxxiv
PAPERS OF JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON FOUND AFTER
CULLODEN 3
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS, WRITTEN BY
ALEXANDER MACBEAN, A.M., MINISTER OF INVERNESS 71
AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION FROM ROSS AND
SUTHERLAND, WRITTEN BY DANIEL MUNRO, MINISTER
OF TAIN 95
MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION IN 1745 AND 1746, SO FAR AS
IT CONCERNED THE COUNTIES OF ABERDEEN AND BANFF 113
A TRUE ACCOUNT OF MR. JOHN DANIEL’S PROGRESS WITH
PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD IN THE YEARS 1745 AND
1746, WRITTEN BY HIMSELF 167
NEIL MACEACHAIN’S NARRATIVE OF THE WANDERINGS OF
PRINCE CHARLES IN THE HEBRIDES 227
A SHORT NARRATIVE OF THE CONDUCT OF LUDOVICK GRANT
OF GRANT DURING THE REBELLION 269
THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT, MINISTER OF
URQUHART; AND OF ALEXANDER GRANT OF SHEUGLY IN
URQUHART, AND JAMES GRANT, HIS SON 313
A NARRATIVE OF SUNDRY SERVICES PERFORMED, TOGETHER
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY DISPOSED IN THE SERVICE
OF GOVERNMENT DURING THE LATE REBELLION, BY
WALTER GROSSETT 335
LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF
WALTER GROSSETT 379
A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF PRESTON, FALKIRK,
AND CULLODEN, BY ANDREW LUMISDEN, THEN PRIVATE
SECRETARY TO PRINCE CHARLES 405
APPENDICES--
I. The Jacobite Lord Sempill 421
II. Murray and the Bishopric of Edinburgh 422
III. Sir James Steuart 423
IV. The Guildhall Relief Fund 429
V. Cardinal York’s Memorial to the Pope 434
VI. The Macdonalds 449
VII. Tables showing Kinship of Highland Chiefs 451
VIII. Lists of Highland Gentlemen who took part in
the ’Forty-five 454
INDEX 459
INTRODUCTION
James Francis Edward, King James III. and VIII. of the Jacobites,
the Old Pretender of his enemies, and the Chevalier de St. George of
historians, was born at St. James’s Palace on 10th June 1688. On the
landing of William of Orange and the outbreak of the Revolution, the
young Prince and his mother were sent to France, arriving at Calais
on 11th December (O.S.);[1] the King left England a fortnight later
and landed at Ambleteuse on Christmas Day (O.S.). The château of St.
Germain-en-Laye near Paris was assigned as a residence for the royal
exiles, and this château was the home of the Chevalier de St. George
for twenty-four years.
James II. and VII. died on 5th September 1701 (16th Sept. N.S.), and
immediately on his death Louis XIV. acknowledged his son as king, and
promised to further his interests to the best of his power.
[Sidenote: The Scots Plot, 1703.[2]]
The first opportunity of putting the altruistic intention of the King
of France into operation occurred within a year of King James’s death,
and the evil genius of the project was Simon Fraser, the notorious Lord
Lovat.
Lovat, whose scandalous conduct had shocked the people of Scotland,
was outlawed by the courts for a criminal outrage, and fled to France
in the summer of 1702. There, in spite of the character he bore, he so
ingratiated himself with the papal nuncio that he obtained a private
audience with Louis XIV., an honour unprecedented for a foreigner. To
him he unfolded a scheme for a Stuart Restoration. He had, he said,
before leaving Scotland visited the principal chiefs of the Highland
clans and a great number of the lords of the Lowlands along with the
Earl Marischal. They were ready to take up arms and hazard their lives
and fortunes for the Stuart cause, and had given him a commission to
represent them in France. The foundation of his scheme was to rely
on the Highlanders. They were the only inhabitants of Great Britain
who had retained the habit of the use of arms, and they were ready to
act at once. Lord Middleton and the Lowland Jacobites sneered at them
as mere banditti and cattle-stealers, but Lovat knew that they, with
an instinctive love of fighting, were capable of being formed into
efficient and very hardy soldiers. He proposed that the King of France
should furnish a force of 5000 French soldiers, 100,000 crowns in
money, and arms and equipment for 20,000 men. The main body of troops
would land at Dundee where it would be near the central Highlands,
and a detachment would be sent to western Invernessshire, with the
object of capturing Fort William, which overawed the western clans.
The design was an excellent one, and was approved by King Louis. But
before putting it into execution the ministry sent Lovat back to obtain
further information, and with him they sent John Murray, a naturalised
Frenchman, brother of the laird of Abercairney, who was to check
Lovat’s reports.
It is characteristic of the state of the exiled Court, that it was rent
with discord, and that Lord Middleton, Jacobite Secretary of State, who
hated Lovat, privately sent emissaries of his own to spy on him and to
blight his prospects.
Lovat duly arrived in Scotland, but the history of his mission is
pitiful and humiliating. He betrayed the project to the Duke of
Queensberry, Queen Anne’s High Commissioner to the Scots Estates, and,
by falsely suggesting the treason of Queensberry’s political enemies,
the Dukes of Hamilton and Atholl, befooled that functionary into
granting him a safe conduct to protect him from arrest for outlawry.
When Lovat returned to France he was arrested under a _lettre de
cachet_ and confined a close prisoner for many years, some records say
in the Bastille, but Lovat himself says at Angoulême.
The whole affair had little effect in Scotland beyond compassing the
disgrace of Queensberry and his temporary loss of office, but it had
lasting influence in France and reacted on all future projects of
Jacobite action. For, first, it instilled into the French king and his
ministers the suspicious feeling that Jacobite adventurers were not
entirely to be trusted. And second, Lovat’s account of the fighting
quality of the Highlanders and of their devotion to the Stuarts so
impressed itself on both the French Court and that of St. Germains that
they felt that in the Highlands of Scotland they would ever find a
_point d’appui_ for a rising. Lovat’s report, in fact, identified the
Highlanders with Jacobitism.
[Sidenote: The French Descent, 1708.[3]]
Scotland was the scene of the next design for a restoration, and the
principal agent of the French Court was a certain Colonel Nathaniel
Hooke. Hooke had been sent to Scotland in the year 1705, to see if
that country was in such a state as to afford a reasonable prospect of
an expedition in favour of the exiled Stuart. In the year 1707, while
the Union was being forced upon an unwilling population, and discontent
was rife throughout the country on account of that unpopular measure,
Hooke was again sent, and although not entirely satisfied with all
he saw and heard, he returned with favourable accounts on the whole.
Among other documents he brought with him was a Memorial of certain
Scottish lords to the Chevalier, in which, among other things, it
was stated that if James, under the protection of His Most Christian
Majesty (Louis XIV.), would come and put himself at the head of his
people in Scotland, ‘the whole nation will rise upon the arrival of its
King, who will become master of Scotland without any opposition, and
the present Government will be intirely abolished.’ It was some months
before the French king gave any answer. St. Simon in his _Memoires_
says that Louis XIV. was so disheartened by his previous failure that
he would not at first listen to the suggestion of a French expedition;
and it was only through the efforts of Madame de Maintenon that he
was persuaded to sanction an invading force. Even then much time was
wasted, and it was not until the spring of 1708 that a squadron was
equipped under the command of the Admiral de Forbin, and a small army
under the Comte de Gasse. Even when ready to sail, the constant and
proverbial ill-luck of the Stuarts overtook the poor Chevalier. He
caught measles, which still further delayed the expedition. By this
time, naturally, the British Government had learned all about the
scheme, and made their naval preparations accordingly. At last, on
the 17th March, James, hardly convalescent, wrapped in blankets, was
carried on board the flagship at Dunkirk. The squadron was to have
proceeded to the Firth of Forth and to have landed the Chevalier at
Leith, where his partisans were prepared to proclaim him king at
Edinburgh. Possibly because of bad seamanship, possibly because of
treachery,[4] the French admiral missed the Firth of Forth, and found
himself off Montrose. He turned, and could proceed no nearer Edinburgh
than the Isle of May, off which he anchored. There the British Fleet,
which had followed him in close pursuit, discovered him. The admiral
weighed anchor, and fought a naval action in which he lost one of his
ships. He then retreated towards the north of Scotland. James implored
to be set ashore even if it were only in a small boat by himself, but
his solicitations were in vain. The admiral positively refused, saying
that he had received instructions from the French king to be as careful
of the Chevalier as if he were Louis himself; so Forbin carried him
back to Dunkirk, where the heart-broken exile was landed on the 6th of
April, having been absent only twenty days, and having lost one of the
most likely opportunities that ever occurred for his restoration to his
ancient kingdom of Scotland, if not to England.
[Sidenote: Expulsion from France, 1713.]
After his return to France the Chevalier joined the French army. In
1708 he fought at Oudenarde and Lille, and the following year at
Malplaquet. His gallant conduct won golden opinions from Marlborough
and his troops. The British soldiers drank his health. James visited
their outposts and they cheered him. What Thackeray puts into the
mouth of a British officer well describes the situation: ‘If that
young gentleman would but ride over to our camp, instead of Villars’s,
toss up his hat and say, “Here am I, the King, who’ll follow me?” by
the Lord the whole army would rise and carry him home again, and beat
Villars, and take Paris by the way.’[5] But James stayed with the
French, and the war ended with the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. This
treaty gave the crown of Spain to the Bourbons, Gibraltar and the
slave-trade to the British, and pronounced the expulsion of the Stuarts
from France. A new asylum was found for the Chevalier in Lorraine,
which, though an independent duchy, was largely under the domination of
France. The Chevalier’s residence was fixed at Bar-le-Duc, and there he
went in February 1713.
In August 1714, on the death of Queen Anne, James made a trip to Paris
to be ready for action should his presence be required, but the French
Government sent him back to Bar-le-Duc. The death of Louis XIV. on 1st
September 1715 (N.S.) was the next blow the Jacobite cause sustained.
The government of France passed to the Duke of Orleans as Regent, and
his policy was friendship with the British Government.
[Sidenote: The Fifteen.[6]]
Then came the Rising of 1715, which began at Braemar on 6th September,
followed by the English rising in Northumberland under Forster. The
movement in England was crushed at Preston on 13th November, the same
day that the indecisive battle was fought at Sheriffmuir in Perthshire.
Lord Mar made Perth his headquarters, and invited James to join the
Scottish army. The Chevalier, who had moved to Paris in October, in
strict secrecy, and in disguise, being watched by both French and
English agents, managed, after many remarkable adventures, checks,
and disappointments, to get away from Dunkirk on 16th December (27th
N.S.), and to reach Peterhead on the 22nd. Thence he went to Perth,
where he established his Court at the ancient royal palace of Scone.
He was proclaimed king and exercised regal functions; some authorities
say that he was crowned.[7] But James had come too late; mutual
disappointment was the result. He had been assured that the whole
kingdom was on his side, but he found only dissension and discontent.
His constant melancholy depressed his followers. No decisive action
was taken; the project had failed even before he arrived, and Lord
Mar persuaded him that he would serve the cause best by retiring and
waiting for a happier occasion.
James was forced to leave Scotland on 5th February 1716 (O.S.). He
landed at Gravelines on 10th February (21st N.S.), went secretly to
Paris, and concealed himself for a week in the Bois de Boulogne. Thence
he went to Lorraine, where he was sorrowfully told by the Duke that
he could no longer give him shelter. The power of Britain was great;
no country that gave the exile a home could avoid a quarrel with that
nation. The Pope seemed to be the only possible host, and James made
his way to Avignon, then papal territory. But even Avignon was too near
home for the British Government, which, through the French regent,
brought pressure to bear on the Pope; the Chevalier was forced to
leave Avignon in February 1717, and to cross the Alps into Italy. Here
for some months he wandered without a home, but in July 1717 he settled
at Urbino in the Papal States.
[Sidenote: Marriage to Clementina, 1719.[8]]
For a time the cares of the Jacobite Court were centred on finding a
wife of royal rank for the throneless king. After various unsuccessful
proposals, the Chevalier became engaged to the Princess Clementina
Sobieska, whose grandfather had been the warrior King of Poland. The
Sobieski home was then at Ollau in Silesia; and in October 1718 James
sent Colonel Hay to fetch his bride. The British Government determined
to stop the marriage if possible. Pressure was put on the Emperor, who
had Clementina arrested at Innsbruck while on her journey to Italy.
Here the Princess remained a prisoner until the following April. The
story of her rescue by Colonel Wogan is one of the romances of history,
and has recently been the theme of an historical romance.[9] Wogan
brought the princess safely to Bologna, and there she was married by
proxy to James on 9th May 1719. While Wogan was executing his bridal
mission, the Chevalier, who had almost given up hope of the marriage,
had been called away to take his part in a project which seemed to
augur a chance of success.
[Sidenote: The Swedish Plot, 1716-17.]
On the collapse of the rising of 1715, the Jacobite Court, despairing
of assistance from France or Spain, had turned for aid to Charles
XII. of Sweden. Charles had conceived a violent hatred for George I.,
who had acquired by purchase from the King of Denmark two secular
bishoprics which had been taken from Sweden by the Danes, and which
had been incorporated in the electorate of Hanover. As early as 1715
Charles listened to a project of the Duke of Berwick, by which he
should send a force of Swedish troops to Scotland, but he was then too
busy fighting the Danes to engage in the scheme. In 1717 the Jacobites
renewed negotiations with Sweden, and a plan was formed for a general
rising in England simultaneously with an invasion of Scotland by
the Swedish king in person at the head of an army of 12,000 Swedes.
The plot came to the knowledge of the British Government in time;
the Swedish ambassador in London was arrested; the project came to
nothing; but in the following year a more promising scheme for a Stuart
restoration was formed.
[Sidenote: The Spanish Expedition of 1719.[10]]
Spain, smarting under the loss of her Italian possessions, ceded to
Austria by the Peace of Utrecht, had declared war on the Emperor and
had actually landed an army in Sicily. In compliance with treaty
obligations, Great Britain had to defend the Emperor, and in August
1718 a British squadron engaged and destroyed a Spanish fleet off Cape
Passaro. Alberoni, the Spanish minister, was furious and determined on
reprisals. He entered into an alliance with the Swedish king; a plan
for invading Great Britain was formed, and negotiations were opened
with the Jacobite Court. The death of Charles XII. in December detached
Sweden from the scheme, but Alberoni went on with his preparations.
A great armada under Ormonde was to carry a Spanish army to the west
of England, and a subsidiary expedition under the Earl Marischal was
to land in north-western Scotland. The Chevalier was summoned to
Spain to join the expedition, or failing that to follow it to England.
The fleet sailed from Cadiz in March 1719. James had left Rome in
February, travelling by sea to Catalonia and thence to Madrid and on to
Corunna. He reached the latter port on 17th April, only to learn of the
dispersal of the Spanish fleet by a storm and the complete collapse of
the adventure.
The auxiliary Scottish expedition, unconscious of the disaster, landed
in the north-western Highlands; but after some vicissitudes and much
dissension the attempt ended with the Battle of Glenshiel on the 10th
of June--the Chevalier’s thirty-first birthday--and the surrender next
day of the remainder of the Spanish troops, originally three hundred
and seven in number.
James returned from Corunna to Madrid, where he lingered for some time,
a not very welcome guest. There he learned of the rescue of Princess
Clementina and of his marriage by proxy. Returning to Italy in August,
he met Clementina at Montefiascone, where he was married in person on
September 1st, 1719.
From this time forward until the end of his life, forty-seven years
later, the Chevalier’s home was in Rome, where the Pope assigned him
the Muti Palace as a residence, along with a country house at Albano,
some thirteen miles from Rome.
[Sidenote: Birth of Charles Edward, 1720.]
In 1720, on December 20th by British reckoning (Dec. 31st by the
Gregorian calendar), Prince Charles Edward was born at Rome, and with
the birth of an heir to the royal line, Jacobite hopes and activities
revived.
[Sidenote: The Atterbury Plot, 1721-22.[11]]
At this time the Jacobite interests in England were in charge of a
Council of five members, frequently termed ‘the Junta.’ The members
of this Council were the Earl of Arran, brother of Ormonde, the Earl
of Orrery, Lord North, Lord Gower, and Francis Atterbury, Bishop of
Rochester. Of these Atterbury was by far the ablest, and in England
was the life and soul of Jacobite contriving. A great scheme was
devised, which is known in history as the Atterbury Plot. The details
are somewhat obscure, and the unravelling of them is complicated by
the existence of another scheme contemporaneous with Atterbury’s,
apparently at first independent, but which became merged in the larger
design. The author of this plot was Christopher Layer, a barrister of
the Middle Temple. Generally, his scheme was secretly to enlist broken
and discharged soldiers. They were to seize the Tower, the Bank, and
the Mint, and to secure the Hanoverian royal family, who were to be
deported. The larger scheme of the Junta was to obtain a foreign force
of 5000 troops to be landed in England under the Duke of Ormonde,
and risings were to be organised in different parts of the kingdom.
The signal for the outbreak was to be the departure of George I. for
Hanover, which was expected to take place in the summer.
Layer, who does not seem to have been acting with Atterbury and the
Junta until later, was in Rome in the early months of 1721, and there
he unfolded his plan to the Jacobite Court. After he left, a plan of
campaign was arranged which, however, seems to have been modified
afterwards. The original intention was to begin the movement in
Scotland, whither Lord Mar and General Dillon[12] were to proceed;
and to accentuate the latter’s position as commander in Scotland he
was created an earl in the Scottish peerage, although already an Irish
(Jacobite) viscount. Lord Lansdowne was to command in Cornwall, Lord
Strafford in the north, Lord North in London and Westminster, and
Lord Arran was to go to Ireland. The Chevalier was to leave Rome when
Mar and Dillon left Paris, and to make his way to Rotterdam _via_
Frankfort, and there await events before deciding where it would be
best to land. Things seemed to be prospering, but the English Jacobites
did not sufficiently respond to the call for financial support. James,
deeply disappointed, appealed to the Pope for help, only to be more
bitterly mortified by his refusal. The Pope, in so many words, said
that if the English Jacobites wanted a revolution they must pay for
it themselves. The original orders for invasion were cancelled in
April; but negotiations seem to have been continued with Spain through
Cardinal Acquiviva, Spanish envoy at Rome, ever James’s friend. A
revised plan of action was prepared. Wogan, who had been sent to Spain,
had succeeded in procuring assistance from that country; ships had been
prepared to carry a force of 5000 or 6000 men to Porto Longone, in the
Isle of Elba, where James was to embark. In July, James was on the
outlook for a Spanish fleet under Admiral Sorano.[13] But it was too
late. The plot had been discovered, the demand for troops reaching the
knowledge of the French ministers, who informed the British ambassador.
Spain was compelled to prevent the embarkation, and King George did not
go to Hanover that summer.
Mar had used the post office in spite of a warning by Atterbury not
to do so; his correspondence was intercepted, and a letter was found
which incriminated Atterbury and his associates. Government was not
hasty in acting, and the first conspirator to be arrested was George
Kelly, a Non-juring Irish clergyman who acted as Atterbury’s secretary.
He was seized at his lodgings on May 21st; and he very nearly saved
the situation. His papers and sword being placed in a window by his
captors, Kelly managed during a moment of negligence to recover them.
Holding his sword in his right hand he threatened to run through
the first man who approached him, while all the time he held the
incriminating papers to a candle with his left hand, and not till they
were burned did he surrender. It was not until the end of August that
Bishop Atterbury was taken into custody and committed to the Tower.
His trial did not begin until the spring of the following year. Layer,
who was betrayed by a mistress, was arrested in September and tried
in November. He was condemned to death, but was respited from time to
time in the hope that he would give evidence to incriminate Atterbury
and his associates. Layer refused to reveal anything and was executed
at Tyburn in May 1723, at the very time when the bishop’s trial was
taking place in the House of Lords. Atterbury was found guilty: he
was sentenced to be deprived of all his ecclesiastical benefices
and functions, to be incapacitated from holding any civil offices,
and to be banished from the kingdom for ever. His associates of the
Junta escaped with comparatively light penalties. Kelly, sentenced to
imprisonment during the King’s pleasure, was kept in the Tower until
1736, when he managed to escape, to reappear later in the drama.
Atterbury went abroad and entered the Chevalier’s service. He died in
exile at Paris in 1732, but he was buried in Westminster Abbey.
The failure of the schemes of Atterbury had a remarkable effect on
the unfortunate Chevalier. Apparently weary of failure and longing
for action, he wrote to the Pope on August 29th, 1722, offering to
serve in a crusade against the Turks; but he was told it would not
do, he must stick to his own task. To it he accordingly returned; and
implicitly believing that his people were longing for his restoration,
he issued a manifesto dated September 22nd, proposing ‘that if George
I. will quietly deliver to him the throne of his fathers he will in
return bestow upon George the title of king in his native dominions and
invite all other states to confirm it.’[14] The manifesto was printed
and circulated in England; it was ordered to be burned by the common
hangman.
It is somewhat remarkable that although the Atterbury Expedition was to
have been begun in Scotland, the records of the period make no mention
of the project, nor do there seem to have been any preparations for a
rising. The only suggestion of secret action being taken that I know
of--and it is no more than a suggestion--is that in 1721, on the same
day that General Dillon, who was to command in Scotland, was created a
Scottish earl, a peerage was given to Sir James Grant of Grant by the
Chevalier de St. George.[15] What the occasion of this honour may have
been has never, so far as I know, been revealed.[16]
[Sidenote: Affairs in Scotland.]
Jacobite affairs in Scotland at that time were administered by a
Lanarkshire laird, George Lockhart of Carnwath. Lockhart had been a
member of the old Scots Estates before the Union of the kingdoms in
1707, and after the Union he sat in the Imperial Parliament until 1715.
In that year he raised a troop of horse for the Jacobite cause, and
after the rising he suffered a long imprisonment, but was eventually
released without trial. From 1718 to 1727 he acted as the Chevalier’s
chief confidential agent in Scotland. His system of Jacobite management
was by a body of trustees, which was organised in 1722, and acted
as a committee of regency for the exiled king. In 1727 Lockhart’s
correspondence fell into the hands of Government and he had to fly the
country. He was permitted to return in the following year, but lived
for the rest of his life in retirement, and took no further part in
Jacobite affairs.[17]
For some years after Lockhart’s flight, Scotland seems to have been
without any official representative of the Jacobite Court. In May
1736, however, Colonel James Urquhart[18] was appointed, though under
circumstances which have not yet been made known.
The proposed expedition connected with the Atterbury Plot was the last
project for an active campaign of restoration in which the Chevalier
was personally to embark. Scheming, of course, went on, but only once
after this did James leave Italy. In 1727, on the death of George
I., he hurried to Nancy to be ready for any emergency, but the Duke
of Lorraine had reluctantly to refuse him hospitality. He retired to
Avignon, but, as before, the British Government brought pressure to
bear, and he had to go back to Rome. Six years later, on the death of
Augustus the Strong, he was offered the elective throne of Poland; but
this he declined, saying that his own country engaged his whole heart
and all his inclinations, though he regretted that his second son,
Henry, then eight years old, was too young to be a candidate for the
crown worn by his Sobieski ancestor.
[Sidenote: Charles Edward grows up.]
[Sidenote: The Cause languishes.]
Meanwhile his elder son, Charles Edward, was growing up, and the hopes
of the party were fixed on his future. His father wished him to learn
the art of war, so in August 1734 he was sent to join a Spanish army
under his cousin, the Duke of Berwick,[19] who was engaged in the
campaign against Austria, which brought the crown of Naples to the
Spanish Bourbons. Charles, then not quite fourteen, took part in the
siege and capture of Gaeta, a fortress in Campania, and accompanied
Don Carlos in his triumphant entry into Naples as king on August 9th.
The Prince won much credit for his conduct in the field, but this was
the end of his experience of war, and his campaign had lasted only six
days. His father was anxious to extend his military education, but
France and Spain in turn declined to allow him to serve with their
armies. Even the Emperor, about to make war on the Turks in 1737,
refused to allow the young prince to accompany his army. European
potentates were unwilling to receive Charles Edward even as a visitor.
The Venetian minister in London was ordered to quit England on
twenty-four hours’ notice, because his Government had shown civilities
to the Prince on a visit to Venice. The British Government was too
vigilant to hoodwink, too strong to offend. Peace reigned throughout
Europe: Jacobite activity was dormant both in England and in Scotland:
the royal exiles were isolated at Rome, and it seemed as if all hope of
a Stuart Restoration had been abandoned.
[Sidenote: The Mission of Glenbucket.]
The first to inspire the Jacobite Court with new life and hope, and
set in motion the events which led up to the great adventure of
’Forty-five was John Gordon of Glenbucket. This remarkable man was no
county magnate nor of any particular family. At this time he possessed
no landed property; he was merely the tenant of a farm in Glenlivet,
which he held from the Duke of Gordon. His designation ‘of Glenbucket’
was derived from a small property in the Don valley which had been
purchased by his grandfather, and which he inherited from his father.
He was not a Highlander, having been born in the Aberdeenshire lowland
district of Strathbogie, but he had so thoroughly conformed himself
to Highland spirit and manners that he had won the affection and
confidence of the Highlanders of Banffshire and Strathspey. Glenbucket
was at this time about sixty-four years old. In his younger days he
had been factor or chamberlain to the Duke of Gordon, a position
which conferred on him considerable influence and power, particularly
over the Duke’s Highland vassals. In the ’Fifteen he had commanded
a regiment of the Gordon retainers, and behaved with gallantry and
discretion throughout the campaign.[20] About the year 1724 he had
ceased to be the Duke’s representative, but his connection with the
Highlanders was continued by the marriages of his daughters. One of
them was the wife of Forbes of Skellater, a considerable laird in the
Highland district of Upper Strathdon; another was married to the great
chief of Glengarry; and a third to Macdonell of Lochgarry.[21]
In the year 1737 Gordon sold Glenbucket, for which he realised twelve
thousand marks (about £700); and he left Scotland to visit the
Chevalier at Rome. On his way he passed through Paris, where he had
an interview with Cardinal Fleury, the French prime minister. To the
Cardinal he suggested a scheme of invasion, by which officers and
men of the Irish regiments in the French service quartered near the
coast could be suddenly and secretly transported to Scotland.[22] The
Cardinal, whose general policy was peace at any price,[23] gave no
encouragement to the scheme.
[Sidenote: Message to the English Jacobites.]
Glenbucket went on to Rome in January 1738: he delivered his message,
was rewarded with a major-general’s commission,[24] and returned to
Scotland. Immediately the Jacobite Court was filled with sanguine
activity. What the terms of Glenbucket’s mission were, or whom he
represented, have never been categorically stated. Murray of Broughton
hints that he only represented his son-in-law Glengarry and General
Alexander Gordon.[25] Even if this limitation were true, it meant
much. Glengarry was one of the greatest of Highland chiefs, while
General Gordon was that Nestor of Scottish Jacobites who had been
commander-in-chief after the Chevalier left Scotland in 1716, and
whose opinions must have carried much weight. Although there is no
direct statement of the terms of Glenbucket’s mission, its significance
can readily be understood from the communication made to the English
Jacobites. The Chevalier at once wrote off to Cecil, his official agent
in London, informing him of the encouraging news he had received.
The zeal of his Scottish subjects, he said, was so strong that he
considered it possible to oppose the Scottish Highlanders to the
greater part of the troops of the British Government then available,
and there was good cause to hope for success even without foreign
assistance, provided the English Jacobites acted rightly.[26]
At the time that the Chevalier’s message reached his adherents there
happened to be in England a personage who bore the name and designation
of Lord Sempill.[27] Though of Scots descent he was French by birth
and residence. He was not familiar with English ways, and he did not
understand English political agitation. Mingling for the most part
with Jacobites avowed or secret, his ears were filled with execration
of the reigning dynasty. On every side he heard the Whig Government
denounced, and he saw it tottering and vacillating. He mistook
general political dissatisfaction for revolutionary discontent, and
he came to the conclusion that the country longed for a restoration
of the old royal line. Constituting himself an envoy from the English
Jacobites,[28] he hurried off to Rome and reported to the Chevalier
that the party was stronger than was generally believed, and that
affairs in England were most favourable for action.
It is necessary here to relate how Glenbucket’s mission to Rome
affected the Scottish Jacobites, and to introduce into the narrative
the name of one who for five years was a mainstay of the Cause, though
in the end he turned traitor.
[Sidenote: Murray of Broughton.]
John Murray of Broughton, a younger son of Sir David Murray of Stanhope
(a Peeblesshire baronet of ancient family who in his day had been an
ardent Jacobite), entered the University of Leyden in 1735, being then
twenty years of age. In 1737 he had completed his studies and went on
a visit to Rome, where he mixed in the Jacobite society of the place.
Although he never had an interview with James himself, he frequently
met the young princes, and he acquired the friendship of James Edgar,
the Chevalier’s faithful secretary. Murray’s father had once been
proposed as an official Jacobite agent in Scotland, and it seems highly
probable that Edgar persuaded the son to look forward to assuming such
a position. Murray left Rome to return to Scotland shortly before
Glenbucket’s arrival in January 1738.
[Sidenote: The Concert of Scots Jacobites.]
Glenbucket’s message had convinced James of the devotion of the
Highlanders and the Jacobites of north-eastern Scotland, but he wished
to know more of the spirit of the Scottish Lowlands. At the same
time that he wrote to the English Jacobites, he despatched William
Hay, a member of his household, to Scotland to make inquiries and to
report. Hay overtook Murray who was lingering in Holland, and induced
him to accompany him, as he was anxious to be introduced to Murray’s
cousin, Lord Kenmure, an ardent Kirkcudbrightshire Jacobite. The
acquaintance was duly made, and although no record is yet known of
Hay’s actual transactions in Scotland, they can be conjectured with a
fair amount of certainty from the results which followed them in spite
of Murray’s disparaging remarks on his mission.[29] Hay visited the
leading Jacobites, and it is difficult to doubt that he set in motion
a scheme for concerted action. What is known is that he returned to
Rome after three months’ absence greatly satisfied with what he had
found. In the same year, presumably as the outcome of Hay’s mission,
an Association of Jacobite leaders was formed, sometimes termed ‘the
Concert,’ designed with the object of bringing together Highland
chiefs and lowland nobles,[30] pledged to do everything in their
power for the restoration of the exiled Stuarts. These Associators,
as they were called, were: the Duke of Perth; his uncle, Lord John
Drummond; Lord Lovat; Lord Linton, who in 1741 succeeded as fifth
Earl of Traquair; his brother, the Hon. John Stuart; Donald Cameron,
younger of Lochiel; and his father-in-law, Sir John Campbell of
Auchenbreck, an Argyllshire laird. The position of manager was given
to William Macgregor (or Drummond), the son of the Perthshire laird of
Balhaldies.[31] In contemporary documents Macgregor[32] is generally
termed ‘Balhaldy,’[33] and that designation has been used in this
volume. Murray of Broughton did not belong to the Association, nor was
he taken into its confidence until 1741. He, however, attached himself
to Colonel Urquhart, the official Jacobite agent, and assisted him
with his work. In 1740, when Urquhart was dying of cancer, Murray was
appointed to succeed him.
In December 1739 Balhaldy was sent by the Associators to Paris, and
from thence he went on to Rome. The Chevalier, greatly cheered by what
he had to tell, instructed him to return to Paris and there to meet
Sempill, who had become one of James’s most trusted agents. Sempill
would introduce him to Cardinal Fleury, before whom they would lay the
views of both the English and Scottish Jacobites.
Balhaldy returned to Paris, made the acquaintance of Sempill, an
acquaintance which subsequently ripened into a strong political,
perhaps personal, friendship. The interview with Fleury was obtained,
and negotiations commenced in the beginning of 1740, about three months
after the war with Spain, forced upon Walpole, had broken out.[34]
It is no part of my task to follow the intricacies of the negotiations
between the French Ministry and the English Jacobites, except when they
affect the affairs of the Scots, but here it is necessary to turn back
for a moment to relate what took place after the English Jacobites
received the Chevalier’s communication of Glenbucket’s message from
Scotland.
[Sidenote: English reception of Scots Proposals.]
Sempill, who had gone from England to Rome in the spring of 1738, was
sent back in October with the Chevalier’s instructions to his English
adherents to arrange for concerted action with the Scots. The English
Jacobites formed a council of six members to serve as a directing
nucleus. This council communicated the English views on the Scottish
proposal to the Chevalier as follows. Although the Government, they
said, had only 29,000 regular troops in the British Isles, of which
13,000 were in England, 12,000 in Ireland, and 4000 in Scotland, yet
the rising of the Scots could not take place, as the King hoped,
without foreign assistance. It would be a difficult matter to provide
the Scots with sufficient arms and munitions, and even if this
difficulty could be surmounted, it would take two months after they
had been supplied before their army could assemble and establish the
royal authority in Scotland; that it would take another month before
the Scots could march into England. Meantime the English leaders would
be at the mercy of the professional army of the Government which their
volunteer followers, entirely ignorant of discipline, could never
oppose alone. The principal royalists would be arrested in detail, and
their overawed followers would hold back from joining the Scots. There
were 13,000 regular soldiers in England. Government would probably
transfer 6000 from Ireland, and the army would be further augmented
by the importation of Dutch and Hanoverian troops. Probably 8000 men
would be sent to the frontier of Scotland. From this they concluded
that a rising in Scotland without foreign assistance would involve
possible failure and in any case a disastrous civil war, while, on the
other hand, the landing of a body of regular troops would provide a
rallying point for the insurgents. This force should be equal to the
number of troops generally quartered about London and able to hold
them, while the volunteer royalists would march straight to the capital
which was ready to declare in their favour. They would then acquire the
magazines and arsenals at the seat of government, and almost all the
treasures of England (‘presque toutes les richesses d’Angleterre’). If
at that juncture the Scots would rise, the Hanoverians would be driven
to despair. No ally of the Elector, however powerful, would venture
to attack Great Britain reunited under her legitimate sovereign.
The requirement of the English would be 10,000 to 12,000 regular
troops sent from abroad; without such a disciplined force the English
Jacobites would not risk a rising.[35]
Sempill was sent by the Chevalier to Paris to lay these views before
Cardinal Fleury. The Cardinal, peace lover though he was, felt that
it would be absurd to neglect the assistance that the Jacobites might
afford him in the complications which were certain to arise when the
death of the Emperor Charles VI., then imminent, should occur.[36] When
the English views of requirement were presented to him he received them
sympathetically; said that the King of France would willingly grant
the help the English Jacobites desired, but two things were absolutely
necessary: he must have more exact information than had been given
him with regard to what royalist adherents would join his troops on
landing, and also as to those who would rise at the same time in the
provinces. If the English leaders could satisfy His Majesty on these
two points they might expect all they asked for.[37]
[Sidenote: Balhaldy’s interview with Fleury.]
Such was the state of Jacobite affairs at the French Court when Sempill
introduced Balhaldy to Fleury. I know of no categorical statement of
the requirements that Balhaldy was to lay before the Cardinal, but from
a memorandum he wrote[38] it may be inferred that the Associators had
asked for 1500 men with arms, ammunition, and money. Fleury replied
that his sovereign was greatly pleased with the proposals of the
Scots, and that he approved of their arrangements on behalf of their
legitimate king. France, however, was at peace with Great Britain,
while Spain was at open war. King Louis would ask the Spanish Court to
undertake an expedition in favour of King James to which he would give
efficient support.[39] Shortly afterwards, the Cardinal was obliged
to tell Balhaldy that Spain declined to entertain the proposal. The
Spanish Court disliked the war with England, and was quite aware that
it had been forced on Walpole by the Jacobites and the Opposition.[40]
Spain was not going to embarrass the British Government by embarking on
a Jacobite adventure.
Fleury then made a proposal that the Spanish Government should finance
a scheme by which an army of 10,000 Swedish mercenaries should be
engaged to invade Great Britain. While secret negotiation was going on
between the French and Spanish Governments, knowledge of the proposal
came to Elizabeth Farnese, Queen of Spain. Elizabeth, fearing that
a successful movement for a Stuart restoration would put an end to
the war with Great Britain which she strongly favoured, inspired a
paragraph in the _Amsterdam Gazette_, which exploded the design before
it could be accomplished.[41]
Driven at last from his hope of using Spain as a catspaw, Fleury
informed Balhaldy that his master the King, touched with the zeal
of the Scots, would willingly send them all the Irish troops in his
service, with the arms, munitions, and the £20,000 asked for to assist
the Highlanders.[42]
Balhaldy hurried back to Scotland with this promise and met the
Associators in Edinburgh. Although the Jacobite leaders were
disappointed that French troops were not to be sent, they gratefully
accepted Fleury’s assurances, and in March 1741 they despatched the
following letter to the Cardinal, which was carried back to Paris by
Balhaldy.
[Sidenote: Lettre de quelques Seigneurs écossais au Cardinal de
Fleury.[43]]
MONSEIGNEUR,--Ayant appris de Monsieur le baron de Balhaldies
l’heureux succès des représentations que nous l’avions chargé de
faire à Votre Eminence sous le bon plaisir de notre souverain
légitime, nous nous hâtons de renvoyer ce baron avec les
témoignages de notre vive et respectueuse reconnaissance et avec
les assurances les plus solennelles, tant de notre part que de la
part de ceux qui se sont engagés avec nous à prendre les armes
pour secouer le joug de l’usurpation, que nous sommes prêts à
remplir fidèlement tout ce qui a été avancé dans le mémoire
que my lord Sempill et ledit sieur baron de Balhaldies eurent
l’honneur de remettre, signé de leurs mains, entre celles de
Votre Eminence au mois de mai dernier.
Les chefs de nos tribus des montagnes dont les noms lui ont été
remis en même temps avec le nombre d’hommes que chacun d’eux
s’est obligé de fournir,[44] persistent inviolablement dans leurs
engagements et nous osons répondre à Votre Eminence qu’il y aura
vingt mille hommes sur pied pour le service de notre véritable et
unique seigneur, le Roi Jacques Huitième d’Ecosse aussitôt qu’il
plaira à S.M.T.C. de nous envoyer des armes et des munitions avec
les troupes qui sont nécessaires pour conserver ces armes jusqu’à
ce que nous puissions nous assembler.
Ces vingt mille hommes pourront si facilement chasser ou détruire
les troupes que le gouvernement présent entretient actuellement
dans notre pays et même toutes celles qu’on y pourra faire
marcher sur les premières alarmes que nous sommes assurément bien
fondés d’espérer qu’avec l’assistance divine et sous les auspices
du Roi Très Chrétien les fidèles Ecossais seront en état, non
seulement de rétablir en très peu de temps l’autorité de leur Roi
Légitime dans tout son royaume d’Ecosse et de l’y affermir contre
les efforts des partisans d’Hannover, mais aussi de l’aider
puissamment au recouvrement de ces autres Etats, ce qui sera
d’autant plus facile que nos voisins de l’Angleterre ne sont pas
moins fatigués que nous de la tyrannie odieuse sous laquelle nous
gémissons tous également et que nous savons qu’ils sont très bien
disposés à s’unir avec nous ou avec quelque puissance que ce soit
qui voudra leur donner les recours dont ils out besoin pour se
remettre sous un gouvernement légitime et naturel. Nous prenons
actuellement des mesures pour agir de concert avec eux.
Quant au secours qui est nécessaire pour l’Ecosse en particulier,
nous aurions souhaité que S.M.T.C. eût bien voulu nous accorder
des troupes françaises qui eussent renouvelé parmi nous les
leçons d’une valeur héroïque et d’une fidélité incorruptible que
nos ancêtres ont tant de fois apprises dans la France même; mais
puisque V.E. juge à propos de nous envoyer de sujets de notre
Roi, nous les recevrons avec joie comme venant de sa part, et
nous tâcherons de leur faire sentir le cas que nous faisons et
de leur attachement à notre souverain légitime et de l’honneur
qu’ils out acquis en marchant si longtemps sur les traces des
meilleurs sujets et des plus braves troupes en l’Univers.
Monsieur le baron de Balhaldies connaît si parfaitement notre
situation, les opérations que nous avons concertées, et tout
ce qui nous regarde, qu’il serait inutile d’entrer ici dans
aucun détail. Nous supplions V.E. de vouloir bien l’écouter
favorablement et d’être persuadée qu’il aura l’honneur de lui
tout rapporter dans la plus exacte vérité.
Si les ministres du gouvernement étaient moins jaloux de nos
démarches ou moins vigilants, nous engagerions volontiers tous
nos biens pour fournir aux frais de cette expédition; mais nuls
contrats n’étant valables, suivant nos usages, sans être inscrits
sur les registres publics, il nous est impossible de lever une
somme tant soit peu considérable avec le secret qui convient dans
les circonstances présentes. C’est uniquement cette considération
qui nous empêche de faire un fond pour les dépenses nécessaires,
[ce qui serait une preuve ultérieure que nous donnerions avec
joie de notre zèle et de la confiance avec laquelle nous nous
rangeons sous l’étendard de notre Roi naturel; mais le bien du
service nous oblige de nous contenir et] d’avoir recours à la
générosité de S.M.T.C. jusqu’à ce que l’on puisse lever les
droits royaux dans notre pays d’une manière régulière.
Nous sommes persuadés que l’on pourra y parvenir dans l’espace
de trois mois après l’arrivée des troupes irlandaises et nous ne
doutons point que notre patrie, réunie alors sous le gouvernement
de son Roi tant désiré ne fasse des efforts qui donneront lieu
à V.E. de prouver à S.M.T.C. que les Ecossais modernes sont les
vrais descendants de ceux qui ont eu l’honneur d’être comptés
pendant tant de siècles les plus fidèles alliés des Rois, ses
prédécesseurs.
Nous sommes bien sensiblement touchés des mouvements que V.E.
s’est donnés et qu’elle veut bien continuer pour faire entendre
au Roi Catholique les avantages qu’il y aurait à agir en faveur
du Roi notre maître dans la conjoncture présente. Nous avions cru
que ces avantages ne pouvaient échapper aux ministres Espagnols;
mais quelque travers qu’ils prennent dans la conduite de cette
guerre, V.E. prend une part qui ne saura manquer de les en tirer
heureusement et de frustrer l’attente injuste des nations qui
sont prêtes à fondre sur les trésors du nouveau monde.
Nous en louons Dieu, Monseigneur, et nous le prions avec
ferveur de vouloir bien conserver V.E. non seulement pour
l’accomplissement du grand ouvrage que nous allons entreprendre
sous sa protection mais aussi pour en voir les grands et heureux
effets dans toute l’Europe aussi bien que dans les trois royaumes
britanniques, auxquels son nom ne sera pas moins précieux dans
tous les temps à venir qu’à la France même qui a pris de si beaux
accroissements sous son ministère et dont la gloire va être
élevée jusqu’au comble en faisant vigorer la justice chez ses
voisins. Nous avons l’honneur d’être avec une profonde vénération
et un parfait dévouement, Monseigneur, de votre Eminence, les
très humbles et très obéissants serviteurs,
LE DUC DE PERTH
LE LORD JEAN DRUMOND DE PERTH
MY LORD LOVAT
MILORD LINTON
CAMERON, BARON DE LOCHEIL
LE CHEVALIER CAMPBELL D’ACHINBRECK
M’GRIEGER BARON DE BALHALDIES.
_à Edimbourg, ce 13ème Mars 1741._
[_Translation._]
Having learned from the Baron of Balhaldies of the happy success
of the representations that we had instructed him to make to
Your Eminence, with the approval of our legitimate Sovereign, we
now hasten to send this Baron back with the proofs of our lively
and respectful gratitude, and with the most solemn undertaking,
both by ourselves and by those who are engaged along with us, to
take up arms to throw off the yoke of the usurpation, that we
are ready to fulfil faithfully all that was put forward in the
Memorial, which my lord Sempill and the said Baron of Balhaldies
signed with their own hands, and had the honour to place in the
hands of Your Eminence last May.
The chiefs of our Highland clans, whose names we have sent at
the same time with the number of men that each binds himself to
furnish, will without fail keep their engagements, and we venture
to be responsible to Your Eminence that there will be 20,000 men
on foot for the service of our true and only lord, King James
VIII. of Scotland, as soon as it will please His Most Christian
Majesty to send us arms and munitions, and the troops that are
necessary to guard those arms until we shall be able to assemble.
These 20,000 men will be able so easily to defeat or to destroy
the troops that the Government employs at present in our country,
and even all those that it may be able to despatch upon the first
alarm, so that we feel entirely justified in hoping that with
divine assistance and under the auspices of the most Christian
King, the loyal Scots will be in a condition, not only in a short
time to re-establish the authority of their legitimate King
throughout the whole Kingdom of Scotland, and to sustain him
there against the efforts of the partisans of Hanover, but also
to aid powerfully in the recovery of these other States, which
will be all the easier since our neighbours of England are not
less wearied than we are of the odious tyranny under which we all
equally groan; and we know that they are thoroughly determined to
unite with us, and with any power whatever that would give them
the opportunity they require to place themselves once more under
a legitimate and natural Government. We are at present taking
measures to act along with them.
As to the assistance that is necessary for Scotland in
particular, we should have preferred that His Most Christian
Majesty might have been willing to grant us French troops, who
would have renewed among us the lessons of heroic bravery and
incorruptible fidelity, that our ancestors have so often learned
in France itself, but since Your Eminence thinks fit to send
subjects of our King, we will receive them with joy as coming
from him, and we will endeavour to make them feel the value that
we attach to their devotion to our legitimate Sovereign, and
the honour that they have acquired in treading so long in the
footsteps of the best subjects and of the bravest troops in the
Universe.
The Baron of Balhaldies knows so perfectly our situation, the
plans that we have concerted, and everything that affects us,
that it will be unnecessary to enter into any detail. We implore
Your Eminence to listen to him favourably, and to be assured
that he will have the honour of reporting to you with the utmost
accuracy.
If the ministers of the Government were only less suspicious
of our actions or less watchful, we would willingly pledge all
our belongings to defray the cost of this expedition, but as no
contracts (of loan or sale) are binding by our customs unless
they have been inscribed in the public registers, it is not
possible for us to raise a sum that would be sufficient, with
the necessary secrecy that present circumstances require. It is
this consideration alone that prevents us from raising a fund for
the necessary expense, the raising of which would bear further
proof of our zeal, which we should give with pleasure, and of
the confidence with which we place ourselves under the standard
of our natural King; but the good of the service obliges us to
restrain our wishes and to have recourse to the generosity of
His Most Christian Majesty until it is possible to establish the
royal rights in our country in a regular manner.
We are persuaded that it would be possible to accomplish this
three months after the arrival of the Irish troops, and we do
not doubt that our country, reunited under the Government of its
king, so much desired, would make such efforts as would enable
Your Excellency to prove to His Most Christian Majesty that the
modern Scots are the true descendants of those who have had
the honour of being counted during so many centuries the most
faithful allies of the kings, his predecessors.
We are very sensibly touched by what Your Eminence has done, and
will continue to do, to make the Catholic king understand the
advantages that he would have in acting in favour of the King
our master in the present juncture. We had believed that these
advantages could not escape the notice of the Spanish Ministers,
but whatever strange things they may have done in the conduct of
this war, your Eminence is now acting in such a way as cannot
fail happily to extricate them from the consequences of their
mistakes, and to frustrate the unjust attitude of those nations
who are ready to fall upon the treasures of the new world.
We praise God, Monseigneur, and we pray with fervour that He
would preserve Your Eminence, not only for the accomplishment
of the great work which we are going to undertake under your
protection, but also that you may see the great and happy effects
throughout Europe as well as in the three kingdoms of Britain in
which your name will be not less precious in all time to come
than in France itself, which has been enlarged so remarkably
under your ministry; and that the glory of your name will be
raised to the highest pitch by making justice flourish among your
neighbours. We have the Honour to be, with profound veneration
and perfect devotion, Monseigneur, Your Eminence’s very humble
and obedient servants.
The promises of assistance from the French Court brought by Balhaldy,
and the letter of acceptance by the lords of the Concert constituted
the treaty between France and the Scottish Jacobites which formed the
foundation of all subsequent schemes undertaken in Scotland. Even
in the end it was detachments of the Irish regiments, whose use was
originally suggested by Glenbucket, together with a Scottish regiment
raised later than this by Lord John Drummond, that formed the meagre
support that was actually sent over from France in 1745.
Balhaldy returned to France almost immediately, and in the winter of
1740-41, he went to England where he met the Jacobite leaders, of whom
he particularly mentions the Earls of Orrery and Barrymore, Sir Watkin
Williams Wynne, and Sir John Hinde Cotton. With them he endeavoured
to form a scheme of concert between the English and the Scottish
Jacobites, but without much success.[45]
[Sidenote: Murray taken into the confidence of the Concert.]
It was not until after the signing of the letter to Fleury that Murray
was taken into the confidence of the Jacobite leaders, and it was at
this time that he first met Lord Lovat. This was also the occasion of
his first meeting with Balhaldy; their relations at this time were
quite friendly; Balhaldy handed over to Murray the negotiation of a
delicate ecclesiastical matter with which he had been entrusted by the
Chevalier.[46]
Another early duty was to raise money for the Cause, but to Murray’s
mortification, he had to give up the scheme of a loan, because all the
sympathisers to whom he applied declined to subscribe; not, they said,
because they objected to giving their money, but each and all refused
to be the first to compromise himself by heading the subscription
list. At this time Murray was not permitted to undertake any active
propaganda for a rising, as the associated leaders feared that by
increasing the numbers in the secret there would be too great danger
of leakage. The Associators preferred to keep such work in their own
hands, and each of them had a district assigned to him.
After Balhaldy’s departure the unfortunate Associators were kept in a
state of agonising suspense, for nothing was heard from France until
the end of 1742. In December of that year, Lord Traquair received a
letter from Balhaldy couched in vague terms, assuring him that troops
and all things necessary for a rising would be embarked early in the
spring. The scheme, he wrote, was to make a landing near Aberdeen and
another in Kintyre. The whole tone of the letter was so confident that
the Associators felt that a French expedition might be expected almost
immediately, and they were profoundly conscious that Scotland was not
ready. So alarmed were the leaders at the possibility of a premature
landing, and so uncertain were they about the promises vaguely conveyed
in Balhaldy’s letter, that they determined to send Murray over to Paris
to find out what the actual French promises were, and how they were to
be performed; and moreover to warn the Government of King Louis how
matters stood in Scotland.
Murray set off in January 1743. On his way he visited the Duke of
Perth, then residing at York, making what friends he could among the
English Jacobites. When Murray got to London, he was informed of
Cardinal Fleury’s death,[47] which somewhat staggered him, but he
determined to go on to France to find out how matters stood.
[Sidenote: Murray’s visit to Paris, 1743.]
On arriving in Paris, Murray met Balhaldy and Sempill. Balhaldy was
surprised and not particularly glad to see him, but he treated him
courteously, and discussing affairs with Murray, he patronisingly
informed him that he had not been told everything. Sempill was very
polite. He told Murray that a scheme had been prepared by Fleury, but
that the Cardinal’s illness and death had interrupted it.[48] Sempill
also told him that luckily he had persuaded the Cardinal to impart
his schemes to Monsieur Amelot, the Minister for Foreign Affairs. An
interview with the Minister was obtained at Versailles, and on Murray’s
explaining the reason of his visit, Amelot frankly told him that the
King of France had full confidence in the Scots, but that nothing could
be done without co-operation with the English. He further warned the
Scotsmen that an enterprise such as they proposed was dangerous and
precarious. The King, he said, was quite willing to send ten thousand
troops to help James his master, but the Jacobites must take care not
to bring ruin on the Cause by a rash attempt. Murray was startled
at Amelot’s answer after the assurances he had had from Sempill and
Balhaldy of the minister’s keenness to help; he was further distressed
that some arrangements, which Sempill had confidently mentioned to him
as being made, were unknown to Amelot, while the minister owned that he
had not read the Memorials, but promised to look into them.
It was on this occasion that Murray first became suspicious of the
behaviour of Balhaldy and Sempill, a state of mind which grew later to
absolute frenzy. When arranging for the interview with Amelot, they
hinted very plainly to Murray that he must exaggerate any accounts he
gave of preparations in Scotland. He came to the conclusion that they
were deceiving the French minister by overstating Jacobite prospects at
home, and after the interview he was further persuaded that Balhaldy
and Sempill were similarly deceiving the Jacobite leaders with
exaggerated accounts of French promises. He was further mortified to
find that the Earl Marischal, who was much respected in Scotland, and
to whom the Jacobite Scotsmen looked as their leader in any rising,
would have nothing to do with Sempill and Balhaldy; while, on their
part, they described the earl as a wrong-headed man, continually
setting himself in opposition to his master and those employed by him,
and applied to him the epithet of ‘honourable fool.’
Apparently about this time the preparations of the English Jacobites
were languishing, and Balhaldy, proud of the Scottish Association
which he looked upon as his own creation, volunteered to go over to
England and arrange a similar Concert among the English leaders.
He and Murray went to London together, and there Murray took the
opportunity of privately seeing Cecil, the Jacobite agent for England.
Cecil explained his difficulties, told him of the dissensions among
the English Jacobites, and of their complaints about Sempill, who,
he considered, was being imposed upon by the French Ministry. It is
characteristic of Jacobite plotting to find that Murray concealed,
on the one side, his interviews with Cecil from Balhaldy, and, on
the other, he kept it a secret from Cecil that he had ever been in
France.[49] Disappointed with his mission both in France and England,
Murray returned to Edinburgh in March or April.
[Sidenote: Butler’s mission to England.]
Meanwhile, Balhaldy was busy getting pledges in England and making
lists of Jacobite adherents avowed and secret. Though they said they
were willing to rise, he found they absolutely refused to give any
pledge in writing, and he suggested, through Sempill, that the French
minister should send over a man he could trust to see the state of
matters for himself. Amelot selected an equerry of King Louis’s of the
name of Butler, an Englishman by birth. Under pretence of purchasing
horses, Butler visited racecourses in England, where he had the
opportunity of meeting country gentlemen, and was astonished to find
that at Lichfield, where he met three hundred lords and gentlemen, of
whom, he said, the poorest possessed £3000 a year, he found only one
who was not opposed to the Government. On his return to France, Butler
sent in a long report on the possibilities of an English rising. He
told the French Government that after going through part of England, a
document had been placed in his hands giving an account of the whole
country, from which it appeared that three-quarters of the well-to-do
(‘qui avaient les biens-fonds’) were zealous adherents of their
legitimate king, and that he had been enabled to verify this statement
through men who could be trusted, some of whom indeed were partisans of
the Government. He was amazed that the Government was able to exist at
all where it was so generally hated. The secret, he said, was that all
positions of authority--the army, the navy, the revenue offices--were
in the hands of their mercenary partisans. The English noblesse were
untrained to war, and a very small body of regular soldiers could
easily crush large numbers of men unused to discipline. It would be
necessary then to have a force of regular troops from abroad to make
head against those of the Government.
[Sidenote: French determine on an Invasion.]
[Sidenote: Letter of Louis XV. to Philip V.]
Butler and Balhaldy returned to France in October. During their absence
things had changed; the battle of Dettingen had been fought (June 27th,
1743), although Great Britain and France were technically at peace.
King Louis was furious, and he took the matter up personally, and
gave instructions to prepare an expeditionary force for the invasion
of England. The main body was to consist of sixteen battalions of
infantry and one regiment of dismounted dragoons, under Marshal Saxe,
and was to land in the Thames. It was further suggested that two or
three battalions should be sent to Scotland. Prince Charles Edward
was invited to accompany the expedition, and was secretly brought
from Rome, arriving in Paris at the end of January 1744. There was no
affectation of altruism for the Stuart exile in King Louis’s mind, but
the zeal of the Jacobites was to be exploited. He wrote his private
views to his uncle, the King of Spain, communicating a project that he
had formed, he said, in great secrecy, which was to destroy at one blow
the foundations of the league of the enemies of the House of Bourbon.
It might, perhaps, be hazardous, but from all that he could learn it
was likely to be successful. He wished to act in concert with Spain.
He sent a plan of campaign. Everything was ready for execution, and he
proposed to begin the expedition on the 1st of January. It would be a
very good thing that the British minister should see that the barrier
of the sea did not entirely protect England from French enterprise.[50]
It might be that the revolution to be promoted by the expedition would
not be so quick as was expected, but in any case there would be a civil
war which would necessitate the recall of the English troops in the
Netherlands. The Courts of Vienna and Turin would no longer receive
English subsidies, and these Courts, left to their own resources, would
submit to terms provided they were not too rigorous.[51]
[Sidenote: Collapse of French Expedition.]
The story of the collapse of the proposed invasion is too well known
to need description. Ten thousand troops were on board ship. Marshal
Saxe and Prince Charles were ready to embark. On the night of the 6th
of March a terrible storm arose which lasted some days. The protecting
men-of-war were dispersed, many of the transports were sunk, a British
fleet appeared in the Channel, and Saxe was ordered to tell the
Prince first that the enterprise was postponed, and later that it was
abandoned. Charles, nearly broken-hearted, remained on in France,
living in great privacy, and hoping against hope that the French
would renew their preparations. For a time he remained at Gravelines,
where Lord Marischal was with him. He longed for action, and implored
the earl to urge the French to renew the expedition to England, but
Marischal only suggested difficulties. Charles proposed an expedition
to Scotland, but his lordship said it would mean destruction. Then he
desired to make a campaign with the French army, but Lord Marischal
said it would only disgust the English. Charles removed to Montmartre,
near Paris, but he was ordered to maintain the strictest incognito.
He asked to see King Louis, but he was refused any audience. His old
tutor, Sir Thomas Sheridan, was sent from Rome to be with him; also
George Kelly, Atterbury’s old secretary, who, since his escape from the
Tower, had been living at Avignon. He took as his confessor a Cordelier
friar of the name Kelly, a relative of the Protestant George Kelly,
and, sad to say, a sorry drunkard, whose example did Charles no good.
These Irish companions soon quarrelled with Balhaldy and Sempill, who
wrote to the Chevalier complaining of their evil influence, while the
Irishmen also wrote denouncing Balhaldy and Sempill.
Charles left Montmartre. His cousin, the Bishop of Soissons, son of
the Marshal Duke of Berwick, kindly lent him his Château Fitzjames, a
house seven posts from Paris on the Calais road, where he remained for
a time. Another cousin, the Duke of Bouillon, a nephew of his mother,
also was very kind, and entertained him at Navarre, a château near
Evreux in Normandy. But his life was full of weary days. He could get
nothing from the French, and ‘our friends in England,’ he wrote to his
father, are ‘afraid of their own shadow, and think of little else than
of diverting themselves.’ Things seemed very hopeless: the Scots alone
remained faithful.
[Sidenote: Suspense in Scotland.]
From the time that Murray left London in the spring of 1743, the
Jacobite Associators had received no letters from Balhaldy. The
suspense was very trying; indeed Lord Lovat felt for a time so hopeless
that he proposed to retire with his son to France and end his days
in a religious house.[52] Lovat’s spirits seem to have risen shortly
after this owing to some success he had in persuading his neighbours to
join the Cause, and he eventually resolved to remain in Scotland. It
was only from the newspapers the Jacobite leaders knew of the French
preparations, but towards the end of December a letter was received
from Balhaldy, which stated that the descent was to take place in the
month of January. Other letters, however, threw some doubt on Lord
Marischal’s part of the enterprise, which included an auxiliary landing
in Scotland, and once more the Jacobite leaders were thrown into a
state of suspense. They felt, however, that preparations must be made,
and an active propaganda began among the Stuart adherents.
[Sidenote: Murray’s interview with Prince Charles, August 1744.]
In due course news of the disaster to the French fleet reached
Scotland, but no word came from Balhaldy or Sempill, and it was then
determined to send John Murray to France to find out the state of
matters. Murray tells the story of his mission in his _Memorials_.
He met Prince Charles at Paris on several occasions, and told him
that so far from there being 20,000 Highlanders ready to rise, as
was the boast of Balhaldy, it would be unwise to depend on more than
4000, if so many. But in spite of this discouraging information, the
Prince categorically informed Murray that whatever happened he was
determined to go to Scotland the following summer, though with a single
footman.[53]
Murray hastened home, and at once began an active canvass among the
Jacobites; money and arms were collected, and arrangements were made
in various parts of the country. Among other expedients was the
establishment of Jacobite clubs, and the celebrated ‘Buck Club’ was
founded in Edinburgh. The members of these clubs were not at one
among themselves. Some of them said they were prepared to join Prince
Charles whatever happened, but others only undertook to join if he were
accompanied by a French expedition. At a meeting of the Club a document
was drawn up by Murray representing the views of the majority present,
which insisted that unless the Prince could bring them 6000 regular
troops, arms for 10,000 more, and 30,000 louis d’or, it would mean
ruin to himself, to the Cause, and to his supporters.[54] This letter
was handed to Lord Traquair, who undertook to take it to London and
have it sent to Prince Charles in France. By Traquair it was delayed,
possibly because he was busy paying court to the lady who about this
time became Countess of Traquair,[55] but to the expectant Jacobites
for no apparent reason save apathy. After keeping the letter for four
months he returned it in April 1745, with the statement that he had
been unable to find a proper messenger. Another letter was then sent
by young Glengarry, who was about to proceed to France to join the
Scottish regiment raised by Lord John Drummond for service in the
French army. It was, however, too late; the Prince had left Paris
before the letter could be delivered.
Distressed that the King of France would not admit him to his presence;
wearied with the shuffling of the English Jacobites and the French
ministers; depressed by Lord Marischal, who chilled his adventurous
aspirations; plagued, as he tells his father, with the _tracasseries_
of his own people, Charles determined to trust himself to the loyalty
of the Scottish Highlanders. He ran heavily into debt; he purchased
40,000 livres’ worth of weapons and munitions,--muskets, broadswords,
and twenty small field-pieces; he hired and fitted out two vessels.
With 4000 louis d’or in his _cassette_ he embarked with seven followers
at Nantes on June 22nd (O.S.).
On July 25th he landed in Arisaig,--the ’Forty-five had begun.
PAPERS OF JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON
These papers, picked up after Culloden, are fragmentary and are not
easy reading without a knowledge of their general historical setting,
and this I have endeavoured to give in brief outline in the preceding
pages. They are particularly interesting as throwing glimpses of
light on the origins of the last Jacobite rising. They were written
before the collapse of that rising and before Murray, after the great
betrayal, had become a social outcast. Murray’s _Memorials_, edited for
the Scottish History Society by the late Mr. Fitzroy Bell, were written
thirteen years after Culloden as a history and a vindication. These
papers may be considered as memoranda or records of the business Murray
had been transacting, and they view the situation from a different
angle.
Some of the events mentioned in the _Memorials_ are told with fuller
detail in these papers; they also contain thirteen hitherto unpublished
letters, consisting for the most part of a correspondence between
Murray and the Chevalier de St. George and his secretary James Edgar.
But to my mind the chief interest of the papers lies in the fact that
they present a clue to the origin of the Jacobite revival which led up
to the ’Forty-five; that clue will be found in Murray’s note on page 25.
In 1901 the Headquarters Staff of the French Army issued a monograph
based on French State Papers, giving in great detail the project for
the invasion of Great Britain in 1744, and the negotiations which
led up to it. The book is entitled _Louis XV. et les Jacobites_, the
author being Captain Jean Colin of the French Staff. In his opening
sentence Captain Colin tells how the Chevalier de St. George was
living tranquilly in Rome, having abandoned all hope of a restoration,
when about the end of 1737 he received a message from his subjects
in Scotland informing him that the Scottish Highlanders would be
able, successfully, to oppose the Government troops then in Scotland.
In no English or Scottish history, so far as I am aware, has this
message from Scotland been emphasised, but in the French records it
is assumed as the starting-point of the movement on the part of the
French Government to undertake an expedition in favour of the Stuarts.
Murray refers to Glenbucket’s mission in the _Memorials_ (p. 2), though
very casually, and as if it were a matter of little moment, but the
insistence in French State Papers of the importance of the Scottish
message made it necessary to investigate the matter further.
The first step to discover was the date of the sale of the estate of
Glenbucket, the price of which was probably required for the expenses
of the mission, and it was found from Duff family papers, kindly
communicated by the authors of _The Book of the Duffs_, that Glenbucket
sold his estate to Lord Braco in 1737. The next step is told in the
pages of _James Francis Edward_, where it is narrated that Glenbucket
was in Paris about the end of that year, that he there presented to
Cardinal Fleury a scheme for a rising in Scotland, which he proposed
should be assisted by the Irish regiments in the service of Louis XV.
The same work tells how Glenbucket went on to Rome in January 1738,
and there conveyed to the Chevalier satisfactory assurances from the
Highlands, but few from the Lowlands.[56] The result was that William
Hay was sent to Scotland on the mission which eventuated in the
‘Concert’ of Jacobite leaders, Highland and Lowland, and Balhaldy’s
subsequent mission to Paris and Rome.
It would be interesting to know who the Highlanders were who entrusted
Glenbucket with the message to Rome. Murray, in his jealous,
disparaging way, remarks that it could only be Glengarry and General
Gordon, but either he did not know much about Glenbucket or he was
prejudiced. In an account of the Highland clans preserved in the Public
Record Office, and evidently prepared for the information of the
Government after he had turned traitor, Murray writes: ‘I have heard
Gordon of Glenbucket looked upon as a man of Consequence, whereas, in
fact, he is quite the reverse. He is not liked by his own name, a man
of no property nor natural following, of very mean understanding, with
a vast deal of vanity.’[57] But this word-portrait does not correspond
with that drawn by a writer who had better opportunities of knowing
Glenbucket. The author of the Memoirs of the Rebellion in the Counties
of Aberdeen and Banff particularly emphasises the affection he inspired
in the Highlanders, and significantly adds:--
‘It is generally believed he was very serviceable to the court of
Rome, in keeping up their correspondence with the Chiefs of the
Clans, and was certainly . . . of late years over at that court,
when his Low Country friends believed him to be all the while in
the Highlands.’[58]
It may be that Lovat was one of those Highlanders who joined in
Glenbucket’s message. About this time he had been deprived of his
sheriffship and of his independent company, and, furious against the
Government, had almost openly avowed his Jacobitism. In 1736 he, as
sheriff, had released the Jacobite agent John Roy Stewart from prison
in Inverness and by him had despatched a message of devotion to the
Chevalier,[59] but of his co-operation with Glenbucket I have found no
hint. The sequence of events here narrated make it plain that whoever
it was for whom he spoke, it was Gordon of Glenbucket whose initiative
in 1737 originated the Jacobite revival which eventually brought Prince
Charles to Scotland.
Analysis of the papers is unnecessary after the admirable introduction
to the _Memorials_ by Mr. Fitzroy Bell, but it may interest readers
of that work to refer to two letters mentioned in the _Memorials_.
The first of these was a letter Murray says he wrote to the Chevalier
giving an account of his interview with Cecil in London.[60] Mr. Bell
searched the Stuart Papers at Windsor, but failed to find it. I think
the letter printed on page 20 is the letter that was intended, though
it is addressed not to James but to his secretary Edgar. The other
letter mentioned in the _Memorials_ was one to the Earl Marischal
written about the same time. It was entrusted for delivery to Balhaldy
and Traquair, but to Murray’s intense indignation they destroyed it.
In the _Memorials_ he expresses his regret that he has not a copy to
insert. There is little doubt that the letter on page 27 of these
papers is the draft of the letter referred to.
The account of the interview with Cecil (pp. 16, 21) makes pathetic
reading. Murray, the Scottish official agent, fresh from seeing
Balhaldy and Sempill, the official agents in Paris, is conscious that
the latter are deceiving both the French Government and their own
party. Murray conceals from Balhaldy that he is going to interview
Cecil; from Cecil that he has been in Paris. Cecil, on the other
hand, makes only a partial disclosure of his feelings in Murray’s
presence. He is contemptuous of his Jacobite colleagues, the Duchess of
Buckingham and her party, and he has not a good word to say of Sempill.
Murray again ridicules Cecil, of whom he has a poor opinion.
How could a cause served by such agents ever prosper?
This copy of John Murray’s papers and the three following documents
were found among some papers relating to the ’Forty-five collected by a
gentleman of Midlothian shortly after the Rising. Many years ago I was
permitted to copy them, and from these transcripts the text has been
printed.
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
In 1898 the late Mr. Andrew Lang edited and published a manuscript
from the King’s Library in the British Museum, which he entitled _The
Highlands of Scotland in 1750_. Mr. Lang was unable to discover the
author, but conjectured that it was written by Mr. Bruce, a Government
agent employed to survey the Highland forfeited estates after the
’Forty-five. A close scrutiny of Mr. Lang’s volume along with the
_Memorial_ here printed has convinced me that they are the work of the
same hand. Whoever wrote the manuscript in the King’s Library, the
information contained therein came from the author of this ‘Memorial.’
The manuscript in the British Museum contains a good deal more than
this _Memorial_, but the views advanced are generally the same, the
sentiments are similar, and occasionally the phraseology is identical.
The manuscript from which the ‘Memorial Concerning the Highlands’
is printed is holograph of the Rev. Alexander Macbean, minister of
Inverness at the time of the ’Forty-five. Macbean was well qualified
to write on this subject. I have been unable to discover the place of
his birth, but it may be conjectured that, if not actually born in
the Macbean country, his family came from there, _i.e._ that part of
Inverness-shire lying to the east of Loch Ness, of which The Mackintosh
was feudal superior. The earliest information that can be gleaned from
ecclesiastical records is that he received his degree of Master of Arts
from the University of St. Andrews in 1702, and that he was employed
as schoolmaster at Fort William from 1701 to 1709. That his salary was
slender may well be believed, but its tenuity was aggravated by the
fact that it was not paid regularly. We find that as late as 1717 the
Commission of the General Assembly applied to the Treasury for arrears
due to Macbean, and was bluntly refused on the ground that the Treasury
was not responsible for debts incurred before the Union of 1707.
Alexander Macbean went from the Western Highlands to Roxburghshire,
where he became chaplain to Douglas of Cavers, and was licensed as a
probationer by the Presbytery of Edinburgh in 1711. In the following
year the right of presentation to the parish of Avoch in the Black
Isle, Ross-shire, having fallen to the Presbytery of Chanonry, _jure
devoluto_, Macbean was selected to fill the vacancy, and was ordained
minister of the parish in June 1712. His appointment met with fierce
opposition. His predecessor had been one of the pre-Revolution
episcopal ministers who had retained his living, and the parishioners,
for the most part episcopalians, resented his intrusion and fretted
him with litigation. He became so unhappy that he obtained permission
to resign his charge. In 1714 he was presented to the rural parish of
Douglas in Lanarkshire, and there he remained for six years. In 1720
he was back in the Highlands as minister of the ‘third charge’ of
Inverness; and in 1727 he was transferred to the ‘first charge’ of that
important town, and there he remained until his death in 1762.
In Inverness he made his individuality strongly felt as champion for
the Government. He was ‘the John Knox of the North,’ and one who
exerted himself to suppress the spirit of rebellion in and about
Inverness in the years 1745 and 1746.
On one occasion he nearly fell a victim to his interest in the
struggle. Having gone with many others to the Muir of Culloden to
witness the battle, one of the flying Highlanders attempted to cut him
down with his broadsword, but the blow was warded off by a bystander.
Alexander Macbean was the father of a very distinguished son,
Lieut.-General Forbes Macbean (1725-1800) of the Royal Artillery.
This officer was educated at the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich, was
present at Fontenoy in 1745, and at Minden in 1759. At Minden he so
distinguished himself that he was presented with a gratuity of five
hundred crowns and a letter of thanks from the Commander-in-Chief,
Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, written with his own hand. Forbes
Macbean subsequently became Inspector-General of Portuguese Artillery,
1765-69; served in Canada 1769-73 and 1778-80; but his principal claim
to the gratitude of posterity is a collection of manuscript notes
recording the early history of the Royal Artillery.
Of Alexander Macbean’s ‘Memorial’ it is perhaps enough to say that it
is, considering the times, fairly impartial, and corresponds on the
whole with authentic information gleaned from other sources. I have
taken the opportunity of supplementing, perhaps overloading, his text
with notes detailing, so far as I have been able to discover them from
various sources, the names of the principal Highland gentlemen who were
concerned in the Rising of the ’Forty-five.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND
The author of this narrative was Daniel Munro, minister of the parish
of Tain. His origin was probably humble, as in Scott’s _Fasti_ it
is stated that owing to his knowledge of the Irish (_i.e._ Gaelic)
language, he was educated on the Church’s charitable funds, and held a
bursary from the Synod of Ross at Marischal College, and the University
of Aberdeen. Munro was minister of the parish of Auldearn, near Nairn,
from 1736 to April 1745, when he was translated to Tain, where he
remained until his death in 1748. Of his life and work I have found
little record. Andrew Henderson, the author of the Edinburgh _History
of the Rebellion_, who knew this country well, says that he was ‘an
uncouth man, a monster of impiety, wickedness, and ill nature.’ He
further states that he was turned out of his church for ‘fighting and
other immoralities.’[61]
This ‘Account’ is a very meagre one. The important fact in the history
of Ross in the ’Forty-five was that the head of the house of Seaforth
forsook the family tradition and took active part with the Government
against the old royal family. It was a heavy blow to Prince Charles
when Lord Macleod, eldest son of Lord Cromartie, who went to Glasgow to
see the Prince in January 1746, informed him at supper that Seaforth
had furnished two hundred men for the service of the Government.
Charles turned to the French minister and gasped, ‘Hé, mon Dieu, et
Seaforth est aussi contre moi!’
Kenneth Mackenzie, known as Lord Fortrose (which was really a Jacobite
title), would have been the sixth Earl of Seaforth but for the
attainder. His wife was Lady Mary Stewart, eldest daughter of the
Earl of Galloway. She held Jacobite principles and raised many of her
husband’s clan for the Prince, while most of Fortrose’s men eventually
deserted to the Jacobites.
The principal operations in Ross and Sutherland began after Inverness
had been taken by the Jacobite army. Lord Loudoun then retired to
the shores of the Dornoch Firth. Lord Cromartie was sent in pursuit.
Loudoun had boats, and when Cromartie approached him, he crossed the
Firth to Dornoch. The Jacobites had to go round by the head of the
Firth, whereupon Loudoun returned in his boats to the southern shore
at Tain, and went back to Sutherland when Cromartie came to Ross.
Cromartie was superseded by the Duke of Perth. Land operations seeming
to be useless, a flotilla of boats was secretly collected at Findhorn
and taken to Tain under shelter of a dense fog. On March 20th, 1746,
Perth crossed over the Meikle Ferry, and completely defeated Loudoun
at the bloodless battle of Dornoch. Lord Loudoun, along with Duncan
Forbes, Sir Alexander Macdonald, Macleod of Macleod, fled to the Isle
of Skye, while the chief of Mackintosh was taken prisoner.
On March 25th, the _Hazard_, a sloop of war which had been captured by
the Jacobites at Montrose four months previously and sent to France,
when returning with money, stores, and recruits, was forced to run
ashore in the Kyle of Tongue by four men-of-war. Lord Reay, the Whig
head of the Mackays, took possession of the wreck and its contents,
including 156 prisoners and £12,000, the money being sorely needed by
the army. Lord Cromartie and his son, Lord Macleod, were sent with a
force of 1500 men to expostulate with Lord Reay, and if possible to
recover the spoil. In this they naturally failed, but they continued
the march as far as Thurso, beating up for recruits and levying the
land cess upon the inhabitants.[62] On the way back, Cromartie and his
son paid a visit to the Countess of Sutherland at Dunrobin. There, on
the day before the battle of Culloden, they were made prisoners by the
clever trick of a certain Ensign Mackay, while their followers, then at
Golspie, were beaten and dispersed in an action sometimes called the
battle of the Little Ferry.
MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION IN THE COUNTIES OF ABERDEEN AND BANFF
This manuscript bears neither signature nor date, and gives no
indication of authorship. There can, however, be little doubt that
the author of the narrative was a minister belonging to Aberdeen
or Banffshire, and that it was written at the same time as the two
previous papers, about the end of 1746 or the beginning of 1747.
The story of the events of the Rising in the north-eastern counties
is recounted with much fulness of detail, and with a minute knowledge
of the country and the people. It is told, moreover, with marked
fairness. Although the writer is a Whig, he speaks kindly of the
Jacobite leaders, and he does not conceal the cruelties committed by
the Government troops.
He tells the story of the skirmish of Inverurie in greater detail than
is found elsewhere, and he gives picturesque touches in places that add
to the interest of his narrative. Specially graphic is his account of
Macleod’s famous piper, MacCrimmon, who was captured in that action.
The condition of parties in the north-eastern counties was not what it
had been in the ’Fifteen. At that time the great lords of the counties
had been Jacobite, whereas in 1745 most of the Aberdeenshire peers were
supporters of the Government. None of them, however, took a prominent
lead in the struggle. It is interesting to read the reasons given by
the author of these Memoirs for the reticence of the Whig peers. The
Duke of Gordon was prevented by indisposition. Lord Findlater’s sickly
condition quite disabled him, and Lord Kintore’s incumbrances on his
fortune were a drawback. Lord Forbes again had by no means an estate
suited to his ability, while Lord Saltoun had no weight in the county.
As for Lord Braco (afterwards Earl Fife), the newness of his family
would have marred any project of his forming. The author considers,
however, that something might have been expected of the Earl of
Aberdeen.[63]
These explanations carry no conviction, and there can be little doubt
that, in the beginning, these Aberdeenshire lords were more or less
sitting on the fence. Nor is this to be wondered at; family tradition
and family connection would make them very chary of taking any
prominent steps against the Jacobites. The Duke of Gordon, whose mother
was a daughter of the Earl of Peterborough, had been brought up a
Protestant and a Whig in defiance of the Catholic religion and Jacobite
principles of his predecessors. Yet he must have had some sympathy
with the family tradition. Early in September his father’s old factor,
Gordon of Glenbucket, carried off horses and arms from Gordon Castle
while the Duke was there, apparently with his connivance. Moreover,
Sir Harry Innes of Innes in writing of this to his brother-in-law,
Ludovick Grant, adds: ‘I am sory to tell yow that the Duke is quite
wronge.’[64] By the end of November, however, he had pronounced for the
Government. Lord Findlater was a Jacobite in the ’Fifteen, and had then
been imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle. Lord Kintore’s father had fought
at Sheriffmuir, and been deprived of his office of Knight-Marischal as
a punishment. Lord Braco’s family was deeply concerned on the Jacobite
side; his son-in-law, Sir William Gordon of Park, his brother-in-law,
William Baird of Auchmedden, his nephew, a son of Duff of Hatton, were
all ‘out,’ and his eldest son was only kept by force from joining the
Jacobites.[65] Lord Aberdeen had only in March succeeded his father,
who, it is known, had intended to join the Stuart cause.[66]
Lord Forbes, whose traditions were Whig, and whose father was
Lord-Lieutenant of the county in 1715, might have acted, but his family
connections were nearly all Jacobite. He was the brother-in-law of Lord
Pitsligo and Gordon of Park, while his three daughters were married to
prominent Jacobites.[67]
Nor on the Jacobite side were there any noted personages. The two
most prominent Jacobite leaders were Gordon of Glenbucket, a tenant
farmer, and Lord Pitsligo. Though of small estate, Lord Pitsligo was
universally respected for his high character and his personal piety. He
knew his own mind and never faltered. He had been out in the ’Fifteen,
and was sixty-seven years of age. In a letter to a friend, he confesses
that what really troubled him was the fear of ridicule that a man of
his age should take part in the adventure; but he thought, and weighed,
and weighed again. His enthusiasm was of the coldest kind, but duty
called him and he obeyed. His example influenced many Aberdeen and
Banffshire lairds, and he gathered a considerable contingent of horse
and foot. It is related that when he was ready to start to join the
Prince, and had put himself at the head of his troop, he turned his
face upwards and prayed aloud, ‘O Lord, Thou knowest that our cause is
just,’ and then quietly gave the order to march.[68]
To understand these Memoirs fully, it is necessary to place them in
their historical setting, and to give a brief outline of the military
operations during the campaign.
On August 31st the corporation of Aberdeen, thoroughly alarmed at the
news of the advance of Prince Charles, determined to put the city into
a position of defence. Lists were made of all available citizens,
who were embodied into a force of twelve companies of infantry and a
detachment of artillery, while arms and ammunition were collected for
their equipment. Sir John Cope, who had left Inverness on September
4th, reached Aberdeen on the 11th. Finding guns placed to defend the
harbour and citizens fully armed, he commandeered both cannon and
small arms, and carried them off, alleging that otherwise they might
fall into the enemy’s hands. Cope left Aberdeen by sea for the Firth of
Forth on September 15th, the city being left without any defence.
Meantime the Jacobites were not idle. Gordon of Glenbucket, now
aged seventy-two, had been bed-ridden for three years, but he no
sooner heard of the Prince’s arrival than he experienced ‘a kind of
new life.’[69] Although bent nearly double on horseback, he hurried
off to the West Highlands, and met Prince Charles at Kinlochmoidart
on August 18th. He was back in Banffshire raising men by September
5th.[70] John Hamilton, the Duke of Gordon’s factor in Strathbogie,
also quickly raised a contingent, and ten days after Cope’s departure,
on September 25th, he marched into Aberdeen, where he proclaimed King
James at the Cross, and perpetrated the somewhat ludicrous outrage on
the provost and magistrates narrated on page 119. From that time until
the last week in February, Aberdeen was under Jacobite government.
Men were hurriedly collected; and on October 4th Glenbucket joined
Prince Charles at Edinburgh with 400 men from Strathavon and Glenlivet,
Hamilton also arrived in the city with 480 from Strathbogie and the
Enzie. On the 9th Lord Pitsligo followed with 132 horse and 248 foot.
In the last week of October Lord Lewis Gordon, brother of the Duke of
Gordon, a young naval officer who had joined the Prince in Edinburgh,
was sent north as Lord-Lieutenant of the counties of Aberdeen and
Banff. He found his task harder than he expected, being grossly
thwarted by ‘the vile and malicious behaviour of the Prysbiterian
ministers.’[71] Towards the end of November, to his intense surprise,
his brother, the Duke, instructed his vassals to disregard Lord Lewis’s
orders.[72] In spite of discouragement, Lord Lewis worked on. Moir
of Lonmay was appointed deputy-governor of Aberdeenshire and Baird of
Auchmedden of Banffshire. Three new regiments were raised under Moir of
Stonywood (Lonmay’s brother), Gordon of Avochy (Glenbucket’s nephew),
and Farquharson of Monaltrie, a cadet of Invercauld; rates and taxes
were imposed and collected; and a good deal of hardship was inflicted
on the lieges.
After the battle of Prestonpans (September 21st) Lord Loudoun, who
there acted as Cope’s adjutant-general, had gone to London, where he
received a commission to return to Inverness to command an army of
Highlanders friendly to the Government, then being organised by Duncan
Forbes of Culloden.
By December Loudoun was able to send an expedition under Munro of
Culcairn and Macleod of Macleod to relieve Aberdeen. Lord Lewis Gordon,
reinforced by some of the French troops of Lord John Drummond, which
had landed in November at Stonehaven, Peterhead, and Montrose, met the
invaders at Inverurie on December 23rd. He defeated Macleod completely,
and forced him to retire across the Spey, thus freeing Aberdeen and
Banff from all enemy troops.
Lord Lewis now collected all his available forces and marched to
Stirling to join Prince Charles, who had returned from his English
expedition; and by the first week in January 1746 Aberdeen was left
without Jacobite troops. The battle of Falkirk was fought on January
17th, and on February 1st the army of Prince Charles began its retreat
to the north. One column under Lord George Murray, taking the coast
road, marched through Aberdeen and on to Elgin; another proceeded by
Glenshee and Braemar, occupying for a time the northern districts of
the county; the main body of the Highlanders went by Blair Atholl
and Badenoch to Inverness. Two small French contingents landed at
Aberdeenshire ports on February 21st and 22nd, but on the 23rd the last
of the Jacobite army had left the town of Aberdeen.
Meantime, Cumberland’s army was in full pursuit. It left Perth on
February 20th, and the van reached Aberdeen on the 25th, the Duke
himself following two days later. The Earl of Albemarle and General
Bland, along with Brigadier Mordaunt, occupied Strathbogie, the
Jacobites retiring before them. Lord John Drummond was entrusted with
the defence of the passage of the Spey, but some troops were left under
John Roy Stewart and Major Glascoe to carry on a guerrilla warfare.
Glascoe, on March 20th, surprised a detachment of Campbell’s and
Kingston’s horse at Keith, and captured nearly the whole garrison.
Hitherto the loyal inhabitants of Aberdeen had murmured at the excesses
of the Jacobite troops, but their complaints were more bitter at
the excesses of those of the Government.[73] Houses were plundered
and burned, the chapels and meeting-houses of Roman Catholics and
Episcopalian non-jurors were destroyed, and the inhabitants were
more or less terrorised. In the General Order Book of the Duke of
Cumberland, an instance is given of the kind of punishment that was
meted out. There was a certain loyal schoolmaster in the parish of
Glass, who, having learned that John Roy Stewart intended to spring
a surprise similar to that at Keith, warned Lord Albemarle of the
intention. This warning had the effect of keeping the Government
troops on the watch for several nights. No attack was made on them,
however, and the General, believing that the intelligence had been
given for the purpose of harassing the troops by depriving them of
sleep (although in reality he had been saved by the vigilance he had
exercised as the result of the schoolmaster’s information), sent the
unfortunate informer to headquarters at Aberdeen. The punishment was
very severe. In the Order Book, it is stated ‘that Peter Maconachy of
Glass, convicted of spreading false intelligence in order to allarm our
defence post, to be tied to a cart and whipped and drum’d through the
cantoonments of Aberdeen, Old Meldrum, and Strathbogey, with a labell
on his breast mentioning his crime. From Strathbogey he is to be turn’d
out towards the rebells with orders never to come near where the army
may be on pain of being hanged. The woman suspected of inveigling men
to list in the French service is to be carried in the same cart.’[74]
On April 8th, the Duke of Cumberland left Aberdeen, concentrated his
army on Cullen, and crossed the Spey on the 12th, when Lord John
Drummond retired before him. Four days later the battle of Culloden was
fought.
CAPTAIN DANIEL’S PROGRESS WITH PRINCE CHARLES
This narrative, written by an English officer, who served in Lord
Balmerino’s regiment, is occasionally referred to by modern historians
of the Jacobite period, but has never been printed. Two manuscripts
are known to exist. One, which belongs to an English gentleman, was
shown to me by the late Mr. Andrew Lang. It is evidently contemporary,
or nearly so, but the spelling is so eccentric that it is exceedingly
difficult to read. The second manuscript is preserved at Drummond
Castle, and is a certificated copy of the original, but it is written
with modern spelling. Both were put at my disposal, but as there was
nothing to show that the older version was Daniel’s holograph--indeed
the evidence was against it--I preferred to use the Drummond Castle
copy. The matter in both was practically identical. Of the writer
nothing is known beyond what he tells of himself. Apparently he came
from the Fylde country of Lancashire, the district between the Lune and
the Ribble, and he was brought up in Jacobite principles.
The narrative is particularly interesting as giving the adventures of
an English Jacobite. Daniel, stimulated by the call of conscience, had
determined to embrace the cause. He had the good fortune to meet the
Duke of Perth when the Prince’s army was near Preston on the march to
Derby. The Duke invited him to join, offering him his friendship and
patronage. Daniel accepted the offer, and he continued with the army
until the end, when he escaped to France in the same ship as the Duke
of Perth, whose death he witnessed on the voyage from Arisaig to France
in the following May.
On joining, Daniel was attached to the first troop of Life Guards,
of which Lord Elcho was colonel, but on the retreat from Derby he
was transferred to the second troop of the same regiment, which was
commanded by the Hon. Arthur Elphinstone, who about three weeks later
succeeded his brother as sixth Lord Balmerino. Daniel conceived a great
affection and admiration for his colonel, yet in his laudatory account
he mentions a painful characteristic of the times. A gentleman, and a
scholar who could recite pages from the Classics, Lord Balmerino was
of a noble personage and had the courage of a lion. Moreover he never
failed in his military duties. His ‘sole and predominant passion’ was
for hard drinking. But for this weakness, ‘he would have shone with the
same lustre in the army as he afterwards did on the scaffold.’
In the narrative there is no affectation of impartiality. Daniel is
constantly comparing the iniquities of his enemies with the virtues
of his friends. There is a curious incident mentioned by him when
referring to the death of Sir Robert Munro of Foulis at the battle of
Falkirk. He says (page 198), ‘among the slain were . . . Sir Robert
Munro, who was heard much to blaspheme during the engagement, and as
a punishment for which, his tongue was miraculously cut asunder by a
sword that struck him directly across the mouth.’ This is rather a
startling statement concerning the end of one whom Dr. Doddridge has
depicted as a type of the Christian soldier.[75] There seems, however,
no necessity to doubt the truth of Daniel’s statement as representing
the talk of the Highland camp; for it must be remembered that Sir
Robert had served for many years with the army in Flanders whose strong
language was proverbial. With the Highlanders on the other hand,
profanity was not a common failing, and they may have been shocked at
expletives which to an old campaigner were but unmeaning commonplaces
of military expression.
Doddridge gives a certain amount of confirmation to Daniel’s story. He
tells that when Sir Robert’s body was found the day after the battle,
his face was so cut and mangled that it was hardly recognisable.
Daniel on joining the Jacobite army had been befriended by the Duke of
Perth, and naturally he heartily disapproved of Lord George Murray. His
dislike and distrust are shown frequently in his narrative. He tells,
too, how his chief, Lord Balmerino, quarrelled with Lord George; how
the hardships the cavalry endured in the campaign nearly drove the men
to mutiny, the blame being thrown on the general. Such unreasoning
accusations must have made Lord George’s life, hard as it was, more
difficult than it would have been had officers and men been really
disciplined.
There is another charge which Daniel makes against Lord George
Murray--a charge which raised much controversy amongst the
Jacobites--namely, the responsibility for fighting the battle of
Culloden.
Daniel says: ‘Contrary to the Prince’s inclination, Lord George Murray
insisted on standing and fighting that day. The Prince, notwithstanding
his great inclination to avoid fighting, was at last obliged to give
way to the importunity of Lord George Murray, who even used terms very
cutting in case of refusal.’ This attempt to fix the responsibility
on Lord George is contrary to impartial evidence, as may be seen by
careful examination of contemporary documents.[76] Lord George was
against fighting, his scheme being to retire to the mountains, very
much as proposed by the Marquis D’Eguilles. The Prince surely must
have known this, yet we find that while hiding in South Uist he told
Neil Maceachain that ‘he blamed always my Lord George as being the
only instrument in loseing the battle, and altho’ that he, the morning
before the action, used all his rhetorick, and eloquence against
fighting, yet my Lord George outreasoned him, till at last he yielded
for fear to raise a dissension among the army, all which he attributed
to his infidelity, roguery, and treachery.’ One can only surmise that
in his anger against Lord George Murray, the Prince’s recollection
of what had actually happened had become confused, and, surrounded
by flatterers even in his flight, he had brought himself to lay the
responsibility on his Lieutenant-General.
The controversy, which long raged among the Jacobites, may be set at
rest once and for all from the report of the Marquis D’Eguilles to
Louis XV. D’Eguilles was the accredited envoy of the King of France to
the itinerant Court of Prince Charles Edward. On his return to France
after a year’s confinement as a prisoner of war, he wrote an official
report of his mission to the French king. It is a State document,
preserved in the archives of the French Government, but apparently it
has never been examined by any British historian. From the text of that
document, an extract from which is here given, it will be seen that on
the Prince, and the Prince alone, lay the responsibility of fighting
the battle of Culloden.
[Sidenote: French Envoy’s Official Report to Louis XV. on the Battle of
Culloden]
Le prince, qui se croyait invincible, parce qu’il n’avait
pas encore été vaincu, défié par des ennemis qu’il méprisait
trop, voyant à leur tête le fils du concurrent de son père,
fier et haut comme il l’était, mal conseillé, peut-être trahi,
oubliant en ce moment tout autre projet, ne put se résoudre à
lui refuser un seul jour le combat. Je lui demandai un quart
d’heure d’audience en particulier. Là, je me jetai en vain à ses
pieds; je lui représentai en vain qu’il lui manquait encore la
moitié de son armée, que la plupart de ceux qui étaient revenus
n’avaient plus de boucliers, espèce d’armes défensives, sans les
quelles ils ne sauraient combattre avec avantage; qu’ils étaient
tous épuisés de fatigue, par une longue course faite la nuit
précédente; que depuis deux jours plusieurs n’avaient pas mangé,
faute de pain; qu’il fallait se réduire à défendre Inverness;
qu’il serait même encore plus prudent de l’abandonner et de
mettre entre les ennemis et nous la rivière, auprès de laquelle
cette ville est batie; qu’au pis-aller nous entrerions dans les
montagnes voisines; que c’était là qu’il serait véritablement
invincible; que nous y resterions les maîtres de la partie de la
côte où devait arriver le secours d’armes et d’argent que nous
attendions; que dès que nous l’aurions reçu, nous marcherions
vers l’Angleterre par cette même côte, ainsi qu’il avait été
convenu; que plus les ennemis se seraient avancés vers nous, et
plus il leur serait difficile en rebroussant chemin, d’arriver à
Londres avant nous; que c’était la prise de cette grande ville
qui devait faire son unique objet; que les succès qu’il pourrait
avoir ailleurs n’auraient jamais rien de décisif, tandis que tout
allait être perdu sans ressource dans une heure, s’il venait à
être battu.
Enfin, le trouvant inébranlable dans la résolution prise de
combattre à quelque prix que ce fût, je fis céder mon penchant à
mon devoir. Je le quittai pour la première fois, je me retirai en
hâte à Inverness, pour y brûler tous mes papiers, et y songer aux
moyens de conserver à votre Majesté la partie de ses troupes qui
ne périrait dans l’action.
Je vis avant la fin du jour le spectacle le plus frappant de la
faiblesse humaine: le prince fut vaincu en un instant. Jamais
déroute plus entière que la sienne.
TRANSLATION
The Prince who believed himself invincible because he had not
yet been beaten, defied by enemies whom he thoroughly despised,
seeing at their head the son of the rival of his father;
proud and haughty as he was, badly advised, perhaps betrayed,
forgetting at this moment every other object, could not bring
himself to decline battle even for a single day. I requested
a quarter of an hour’s private audience. There I threw myself
in vain at his feet. In vain I represented to him that he was
still without half his army; that the great part of those who
had returned had no longer targets--a kind of defensive armour
without which they were unable to fight with advantage; that
they were all worn out with fatigue by a long march made on the
previous night, and for two days many of them had not eaten at
all for want of bread; that it was necessary to fall back to
defend Inverness; that it would be even more prudent to abandon
that town, and to place between the enemy and ourselves the
river near which this town is built; that if the worst came
to the worst, we might betake ourselves to the neighbouring
mountains--there it was that he would be truly invincible; there
we would remain masters of that part of the coast, at which
supplies of arms and of money ought to be arriving, and as soon
as these reached us, we should march towards England by that
same coast as had already been arranged; that the more the enemy
should advance towards us, the greater would be their difficulty
to retrace their steps so as to get to London before us; the
capture of that great city should be made his one object, for
successes that he might achieve elsewhere would have no decisive
value, while, in a single hour, all would be lost without hope of
recovery if he should chance to be beaten.
In the end, finding him immovable in the resolve he had taken
to fight at any cost, I made my desire yield to my duty. I left
him for the first time. I retired in haste to Inverness, there
to burn all my papers, and there to think over the means of
preserving for your Majesty that portion of the [French] troops
which might survive the action. I saw before the end of the day,
the most striking spectacle of human weakness--the Prince was
vanquished in an instant; never was a defeat more complete than
his.
THE WANDERINGS OF PRINCE CHARLES IN THE HEBRIDES
This narrative by Neil Maceachain, the guide of Prince Charles and
Flora Macdonald over the seas to Skye, appeared in the _New Monthly
Magazine_ for 1840. As a magazine article three-quarters of a century
old is nearly as inaccessible as a manuscript, the Council of the
Society authorised its inclusion in this volume as a fitting addition
to the numerous narratives of the ’Forty-five collected by the Society.
In the magazine the article is prefaced with a note by the editor,
Theodore Hook, who states that it was purchased from a hairdresser
in Paris who claimed to be the son of the writer, and who, as Hook
believed, must have been a son of Neil Maceachain. This, however, was
impossible, as Neil had but one son who survived infancy--a son who had
a far more distinguished career.
The fact is that when Neil died, his son was in garrison at Calais.
The father’s papers were made over to the custody of a Mr. Macnab,
a Highland exile residing in France. At the Revolution, Macnab
was imprisoned, his effects were seized and scattered, and Neil
Maceachain’s papers were lost. Probably at that time the vendor had
obtained the manuscript.
My attention was drawn to the paper about twenty years ago, and I
determined to find out what its claims to authenticity might be. In
one of my journeys through the Outer Hebrides, when compiling the
_Itinerary of Prince Charles_,[77] I was accompanied by the late Father
Allan Macdonald, priest of Eriska and Dean of the Isles. We took a
copy of the article with us, and traced on the spot the wanderings
here described. We were much gratified; local tradition as well as
topography completely corroborated the narrative. It could only have
been written by one thoroughly acquainted with the islands. There could
be no doubt of its genuineness, and it must have been written by Neil
Maceachain.
In the _Itinerary_ there is a short account of Neil, to which the
reader is referred. Briefly, he was one of the Macdonald-Maceachains
of Howbeg, in South Uist, a sept of the Clanranald. Neil was educated
in France for the priesthood, but abandoned his intention of taking
orders, and returned to South Uist, where he acted as parish
schoolmaster and tutor in the family of Clanranald, who then resided at
Nunton in Benbecula. The old chief attached Neil to Prince Charles when
in hiding in the islands, believing that his scholarship, his knowledge
of languages, and his accomplishments as a musician might be useful to
the Prince.
It must be remembered that the narrative can be accepted as trustworthy
only for the occasions on which Neil was actually with the Prince. He
met him on his first arrival at Benbecula, but he did not accompany him
on his journey to Harris and Lewis; he was, however, again with him on
his return to Benbecula and South Uist. Neil’s accounts, therefore, of
the Prince’s adventures when away from South Uist are only from hearsay
and not to be entirely depended on. In the _Itinerary_ I followed for
that part of the Prince’s wanderings the narrative of Donald Macleod of
Gualtergil, who was then his companion and guide.
Not the least interesting portion of the narrative is the account
of the meeting between Flora Macdonald and Prince Charles. So much
fiction mingles with accounts of the incident, in prose, in verse, and
in pictures, that it is well to get the simple facts of the story.
There were no English soldiers in the Hebrides; the duty of hunting
the Prince was entrusted to the independent companies of Highlanders
generally referred to as the Macdonald, Macleod, and Campbell militia.
It must be remembered, however, that the Navy was relentless in the
pursuit. Flora’s stepfather, Hugh Macdonald, was one of the chief
men of the Sleat Clan which supported the Government, while Flora
herself was a Clanranald.[78] She had been educated in her childhood
with Clanranald’s family, and later she had been a good deal with Sir
Alexander and Lady Margaret Macdonald in Edinburgh. Flora was dearly
loved by both the families, and was a very suitable person to conduct
Prince Charles from Clanranald territory to Skye. Moreover, the moment
was opportune, for Sir Alexander Macdonald was in attendance on the
Duke of Cumberland at Fort Augustus, and Lady Margaret, who had taken
the utmost interest in the Prince and had secretly sent him comforts to
South Uist, was at home at Monkstat.
Hugh Macdonald has always been suspected of collusion with the
Prince,[79] but this is the only narrative in which the fact is stated
categorically. Charles declared that he felt safe while he was with
the Macdonalds.[80] Flora had but one meeting with Charles Edward in
South Uist, on June 21st, when the plan of escape to Skye was arranged
(p. 251). They met again on the evening of Saturday, June 28th, at
Benbecula, whence Flora, Neil, and the Prince went by boat to Skye.
Sunday night was spent at Kingsburgh’s house, and the narrative breaks
off at the interesting moment when the party was on the way from
Monkstat to Kingsburgh. What happened after that is found in various
narratives of _The Lyon in Mourning_. Briefly, the Prince spent the
night at Kingsburgh House. Next day, he walked to Portree, changing his
female clothes in a wood on the road. The Prince walked by private
paths and Flora rode by the main highway. At Portree the Prince said
farewell to Flora for ever.
Such is the story, and it needs no embellishment. Flora’s services to
the Prince were matchless; she saved him at the moment when General
Campbell with his militia and a naval expedition were on the point of
capturing him. She herself was taken prisoner a few days later.[81]
At Portree Neil Maceachain also said farewell to Prince Charles, who
with Malcolm and Murdoch Macleod went that night to the island of
Raasa. The following day the Prince returned to Skye, and left two days
later for the mainland. Thus finished his wanderings in the Hebrides.
Neil evaded capture after the escape of Prince Charles from Skye; in
September he rejoined him at Arisaig, and in the ship _L’Heureux_
accompanied the Prince to France. There he joined the French army, at
first as a lieutenant in the Regiment d’Albanie, of which the command
was given to Lochiel, and afterwards in the Scots regiment of Lord
Ogilvy, the Jacobite exile. Ogilvy’s regiment was disbanded after the
Peace of Paris in 1763, and Neil passed the rest of his life, first
at Sedan and afterwards at Sancerre, in the province of Berry, on
a pension of three hundred livres (about £30). He died at Sancerre
in 1788. When he left Scotland Neil dropped the name of Maceachain,
retaining only that of Macdonald.
His only son became famous as one of Napoleon’s generals--Marshal
Macdonald, Duke of Tarentum.
NARRATIVE OF LUDOVICK GRANT OF GRANT
In 1745 Sir James Grant was the head of the family. His father at the
Revolution had taken the side of King William, and had been a member of
the Convention of Estates which declared King James’s forfeiture. He
had raised a regiment and had incurred heavy expenses in the service of
the new Government, but in spite of frequent applications no repayment
had ever been made to him. Sir James’s elder brother, Alexander,
succeeded his father. He was a distinguished soldier, who served the
Government faithfully, and rose to the rank of Brigadier-General. In
the ’Fifteen he was Lord-Lieutenant of Banff and Inverness, and was
appointed Captain of Edinburgh Castle. In 1717 he was informed that
the Government had no further occasion for his services. He died in
1719, and was succeeded by his brother James, who by a special grant
inherited the baronetcy of his father-in-law, Sir Humphrey Colquhoun
of Luss. Sir James Grant was member of parliament for the county of
Inverness from 1722 to 1741, when a quarrel with Duncan Forbes of
Culloden forced him to relinquish the constituency. He then became
member for the Elgin burghs, for which he sat until his death in 1747.
Although Sir James was a Whig in politics, it may be that at one time
he had dealings with the Jacobite Court. It is remarkable that in 1721,
while the Atterbury Plot was being hatched, and at the very time that
Christopher Layer was in Rome on that business, Sir James Grant was
created a peer by the Chevalier.[82]
On his arrival in Scotland, Prince Charles wrote to Grant requesting
his co-operation in much the same terms as he wrote to known Jacobite
adherents.[83] Sir James, who was now sixty-six years old, determined
to keep out of trouble. He handed over the management of his clan and
property to his eldest son, Ludovick, and on the pretext of attending
to his parliamentary duties, he went to London, where he remained
throughout the Rising.
Before leaving Scotland, Sir James pointed out to his son that the
family had received scant reward for eminent services in the past,
and he advised him that whatever happened the clan should not be
subdivided. He strongly opposed Duncan Forbes’s scheme of independent
companies. The clan should remain passive, prepared to defend its own
territory, and only act in the event of its being attacked. This policy
Ludovick carried out, and in doing so incurred the grave suspicion of
the Government. It is indeed difficult to believe that, until the final
retreat of the Jacobites and the approach of Cumberland, the acting
Chief of the Grants was not sitting on the fence.
The Grant estates were in two distinct portions, those around Castle
Grant in Strathspey and those in Urquhart and Glenmoriston on the
western side of Loch Ness. Although the Strathspey Grants were
accounted a Whig clan, the Grants of Urquhart and Glenmoriston were
notoriously Jacobite. When the Rising took place, Ludovick Grant wrote
to his outlying retainers, not forbidding them to join the Prince, but
peremptorily forbidding them to move without his sanction. Eventually
they went ‘out’ in spite of his orders, but the Strathspey men stood
loyally by their chief.
The whole story of the rising in Urquhart and Glenmoriston and the
action of Ludovick Grant towards the Government and his clansmen has
been told within recent years in a most interesting volume by Mr.
William Mackay,[84] to which the reader is referred. The narrative
printed here is Grant’s own _apologia_ to the Government, prepared
with legal assistance after the Rising. The text tells its own story,
but four points may be referred to here, points which it gave Ludovick
Grant much trouble to explain. First, when Sir John Cope marched north
in August 1745 he passed within ten miles of Castle Grant, yet the
young chief neither visited him nor sent him assistance.[85] Second,
when President Duncan Forbes asked him to furnish two independent
companies for the service of Government, he declined, on the ostensible
ground that two companies were too insignificant a contingent for so
important a clan as the Grants. He eventually was persuaded to send
one company,[86] whose only service was to garrison Inverness Castle
under Major George Grant, Ludovick’s uncle. The castle surrendered to
Prince Charles in February after two days’ siege, and the commandant
was dismissed the service. Third, Grant marched his men to Strathbogie
to attack Lord Lewis Gordon’s men in December without orders from Lord
Loudoun, then commanding in the north,[87] for which he incurred Lord
Loudoun’s censure. Fourth, when Grant had gone to Aberdeen in March,
five of his principal gentlemen made a treaty of neutrality[88] with
the Jacobites under Lord George Murray and Lord Nairn, by which the
Prince’s people were to get supplies from the Grant country in return
for protection from raiding.
This narrative is occasionally referred to in Sir William Fraser’s
_Chiefs of Grant_, but is not included in that work. The text is
printed from the original manuscripts in the Public Record Office.
THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT AND OF GRANTS OF SHEUGLY
To show his zeal for the Government after Culloden, Ludovick Grant
marched his Strathspey men, eight hundred strong, into Urquhart and
Glenmoriston, and under threat of fire and sword arrested his clansmen
who had been ‘out.’ The fighting men were handed over to the Duke of
Cumberland, and most of them were transported. Grant of Sheugly and his
eldest son had not actually been out but were accused of urging their
people to join the Jacobites. They were sent to London as prisoners
along with the Reverend John Grant, minister of Urquhart. Ludovick
asserted to the Duke of Newcastle that the minister ‘was at all their
consultations and never attempted to dissuade the people from joining
the rebells, but on the contrary gave over praying for his Majesty, and
after the battle of Culloden he concealed some of the rebells and had
their money in keeping.... Mr. Grant concealed from me where three of
the rebells were hid by his direction....’[89]
The reader will find the minister’s own story in the text, and must
judge of its truth. Perhaps Grant protests too much, for Mr. Mackay
informs me that the tradition of the parish is that he was a thorough
Jacobite. It is perfectly evident, however, that the Attorney-General
and the Solicitor-General thought lightly of the case both against the
minister and young Sheugly, or they would never have remitted them to
the court at Edinburgh, when it was notorious that no Scottish jury
would convict a Jacobite.
The prisoners, on December 4th, ‘sisted [surrendered] themselves
in court [at Edinburgh] to answer for alleadged Rebellion and all
such matters as on his Majesty’s behalf should be objected against
them.’[90] They were admitted to bail and there the matter ended.
The Presbytery records show that no ecclesiastical proceedings were
taken against the minister, though probably that does not mean much.
At that time it may well be believed that every minister and elder in
the Highlands sympathised with the hunted Jacobites. The only minister
of the Church of Scotland who was dealt with for disloyalty in the
’Forty-five was Thomas Man, minister of Dunkeld. He was tried before
the Commission of General Assembly in May 1747. The libel against him
was found relevant, and the charges partly confessed or found proven.
The sentence was gentle--five months’ suspension from his duties.[91]
The manuscript of this case is preserved in the Record Office.
GROSSETT’S MEMORIAL AND ACCOUNTS
Walter Grossett[92] of Logie was the grandson of a certain Alexander
Grossett, or Grosier, or Grosiert, a Frenchman, who came over to Great
Britain in the Civil Wars and served King Charles I. in the army. He
settled in Scotland, and died there, leaving a son Alexander. This son
purchased the small estate of Logie, near Dunfermline. He was an ardent
Covenanter, and retired to Holland at the time of the persecutions.
Alexander left an only son, Archibald, who married Eupham Muirhead, a
daughter of the laird of Bredisholm, in North Lanarkshire, by whom he
had three sons; of these Walter was the eldest. Through his mother,
he was a cousin of Sir John Shaw of Greenock, and was also nearly
connected with the families of Lord Blantyre and the Earl of Cathcart.
In 1745 this Walter Grossett was Collector of Customs at Alloa, an
office he had held for seventeen years. He was exceedingly active in
his vocation, and very successful in the prosecution of smugglers. A
short time before the Rising, at great risk to himself, he made one
of the largest seizures of smuggled tobacco ever made in Scotland,
thus enriching the Treasury by several thousand pounds.[93] Early in
the ’Forty-five, eight days before Prince Charles entered Edinburgh,
Grossett was commissioned by Lord Advocate Craigie to seize the boats
and shipping on the northern shore of the Firth of Forth to prevent
their falling into the hands of the Jacobite army, then assembling
at Perth. Apparently his performance gave satisfaction, for he was
promoted to be Collector at Leith, and he was constantly employed
thereafter by the military authorities and the Lord Justice-Clerk,
both in executive work and in secret service. His services were so
highly approved by the Duke of Cumberland that H.R.H. promised him
‘his countenance on every occasion.’[94] After the suppression of the
Rising, he was employed by the Duke of Newcastle, Secretary of State,
to collect evidence for the prosecution of the rebel lords and other
Jacobite prisoners, and to escort the witnesses for the prosecution to
London. For his services to Government he was promoted to the office of
Inspector-General of Customs in 1747, on the recommendation of the Duke
of Cumberland.[95]
Grossett must have been a man of great personal courage, for he went
about with his life in his hand. On one occasion, it is related, he
saved the life of his cousin Sir John Shaw by entering the Jacobite
camp (it is not stated when or where) and carrying him off in the
disguise of a Jacobite officer.[96] His enemies, whether Jacobites
or smugglers, perhaps both, wreaked terrible vengeance on his house
and his family, treating his wife so harshly that she died shortly
afterwards.[97]
It is pleasant to find on record a friendly action of Grossett to
a condemned prisoner. Patrick Murray, a goldsmith of Stirling, was
taken prisoner at Airdrie in November 1745 by some country people.
To Grossett, who was present, he declared that he surrendered in
accordance with Marshal Wade’s proclamation of 30th October offering
his Majesty’s clemency to all rebels who would surrender before 11th
November.[98] Grossett had been summoned to Murray’s trial at Carlisle
as a witness for the defence, but was prevented from being present
owing to his secret services detaining him in London. Murray was tried
on September 24th, 1746, found guilty, and condemned to death. The
terms of his surrender were not pled at his trial, and Grossett sent in
a memorial stating the facts of the arrestment:[99] it was of no avail,
Murray was executed on November 15th.
Grossett tells the story of his executive work and of the expenses
he incurred in the pages printed in this volume. He mentions that he
gave evidence in 1747 at the trial of Lord Provost Archibald Stewart
for losing Edinburgh to Prince Charles, but he does not mention the
lines in which he is held up to shame and ridicule, along with the
magistrates and the clergy of Edinburgh, in a poem published after the
trial, which was burned by the hangman, and which brought the printer
to the pillory and to ruin:
‘And stupid Gr--t next must take the field,
And He, (with fifty,) swore he would not yield,
To those brave Hundreds (who deserv’d the rope,)
That did beat Thousands under Sir J--n C--pe.’[100]
Judging from the report of the Duke of Cumberland’s Secretary and the
Solicitor to the Treasury (p. 400), Grossett’s claim for £3709 was
justified. I have, however, failed to discover if the sum was actually
paid, and family papers throw some doubt on this. In a memorandum by
his eldest son it is stated that he was a sufferer for his services to
Government by many thousand pounds. This may mean that his claim was
never liquidated, though after the report of the official scrutineers
that hardly seems probable. It is more likely that young Grossett
refers to the legal expenses incurred by his father in defending
himself against the ‘scandalous Libells and groundless and vexatious
lawsuits,’ which he had to meet as the result of his anti-Jacobite and
anti-smuggling zeal, together with the loss of professional perquisites
referred to on pp. 336 and 337.[101]
A gauger has always been a most unpopular personage in Scotland, and
Grossett rendered himself doubly odious by his action as informer
against the unfortunate Jacobite prisoners. He was the victim of shoals
of frivolous actions in the courts, brought by persons determined to
wear him out in law expenses. He was strongly advised by the Secretary
of State to leave the country and go abroad for a few years, and he was
told that the Treasury would give him full pay as Inspector-General
during his absence on leave. How long this leave on full pay continued
I do not know, but Grossett went to Italy. His wife had been a Miss de
Vlieger, the daughter of a Dutch merchant and Government financier, and
it may be that this fact stimulated Grossett to international financial
enterprise. Along with the Earl of Rochfort, British minister at the
Sardinian Court, and other gentlemen, he entered into silver and copper
mining adventures in Savoy, which proved utter failures. He returned to
England a completely ruined man, and died broken-hearted, in 1760, at
his son’s house in London.
Walter Grossett had been heir-presumptive to his uncle, John Muirhead
of Bredisholm, the last of the male representatives of that ancient
family and of the Muirheads of that Ilk. Muirhead had helped Grossett
in his mining speculations, and had become so involved that he was
obliged to sell the reversion of the estate in order to live. He wished
the property kept in the family, so he sold it to Walter Grossett’s
nephew, the son of his youngest brother, James, a prosperous merchant
of Lisbon, who assumed the name of Muirhead. James’s son John married a
granddaughter of Lord George Murray--Lady Jean Murray, daughter of the
third Duke of Atholl.[102] He is the ancestor of the family which, in
the female line but retaining the name of Muirhead, still possesses the
property of Bredisholm.
Grossett’s second brother, Alexander, was a captain in Price’s
regiment, and served on the staff at the battle of Culloden, where
he was killed under circumstances related in the text (p. 336). His
wife and children are on the list of recipients of gratuities from
a Guildhall Relief Fund collected for sufferers in the campaign of
the ’Forty-five (see Appendix, p. 429). The entry reads, ‘Captain
Grossett’s widow and 4 children, £150.’ It was the largest individual
sum distributed.
Grossett’s narrative seems truthful and straightforward. Although
presented in the unusual form of a commercial invoice, it is
particularly interesting and useful in giving details of minor
events of the campaign not generally mentioned, or at least not
detailed elsewhere. He, however, would convey the impression that
his enterprises were always successful, which was not the case. For
instance, the Jacobites were successful in securing the passage of
the Firth of Forth, yet Grossett does not make the reader understand
this in his long account of the operation at pp. 353-358, and the same
applies to other passages. Yet the description does not differ more
from the Jacobite accounts than in modern times do the descriptions of
operations as narrated by opposing belligerent generals.[103]
Two services he was employed on are worthy of special notice--the
release of the officers on parole (p. 364), and his participation in
the distribution of the Guildhall Relief Fund (p. 374). The former
service had been originally destined by Hawley for the company of
Edinburgh volunteers under the command of John Home (author of
_Douglas_), by whom it was indignantly refused.[104] The latter,
which is described in the Appendix, is particularly interesting at
the present time of war, when similar funds are being distributed for
similar purposes.
The manuscripts of the ‘Memorial,’ the ‘Narrative,’ and ‘The Account
of Money’ are in the Record Office. A remarkable coincidence procured
the Correspondence printed on pp. 379-399. After the ‘Narrative’ was
in type, my friend, Mr. Moir Bryce, President of the Old Edinburgh
Club, sent me a packet of letters, most of them holograph, to look
over and see if there was anything of interest in them. To my surprise
and gratification, I found they were the identical original letters
that Grossett quotes as authority for his transactions. Mr. Bryce, who
had purchased the letters from a dealer, knew nothing of the history
of their ownership. He subsequently generously presented me with
the collection. The Report of Fawkener and Sharpe was lent to me by
Miss Frances Grosett-Collins, Bredisholm, Chew Magna, Somerset. Miss
Grosett-Collins also kindly lent me some family papers from which,
along with documents preserved in the Record Office and the British
Museum, these brief notes of her ancestor’s career have been compiled.
ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN
This is a beautifully written manuscript of sixty-two folios, small
quarto, by Andrew Lumisden, private secretary to Prince Charles when
in Scotland. Certain documents bound up with the manuscript give its
history. It was originally written for the information of John Home,
author of the tragedy of _Douglas_, when engaged in writing his history
of the Rebellion. After Home’s death, it was presented by his nephew,
John Home, W.S., to Macvey Napier, Librarian of the Signet Library.
In 1840 Napier presented it to Mr. James Gibson Craig, W.S., because,
as he says in a letter, he ‘has a just taste and value for such
documents.’ On Mr. Gibson Craig’s death in 1886, it passed into the
collection of his partner Sir Thomas Dawson Brodie, Bart. On his death,
it came into my possession by purchase.
Andrew Lumisden was a grandson of Andrew Lumisden, episcopal minister
of Duddingston, who was ‘outed’ at the Revolution. In 1727 the latter
was consecrated bishop of Edinburgh, and died six years later. The
bishop’s third son, William, was educated for the bar, but he ‘went
out’ in 1715, and, refusing to take the oaths to Government after
that Rising, he was unable to follow his profession, but practised
in Edinburgh as a Writer or law agent. He married Mary Bruce, a
granddaughter of Robert Bruce, third of Kennet. To them were born two
children, (1) Isabella born in 1719, who, in 1747, was married to
the young artist Robert Strange, whom she had induced to join Prince
Charles’s Life Guards, and who afterwards became the most famous
British engraver of his time, and was knighted by George III.; and (2)
Andrew, born in 1720, the author of this ‘Account.’
Andrew followed his father’s profession of Writer, and when Prince
Charles came to Edinburgh in 1745 he was, on the recommendation of his
cousin Sir Alex. Dick of Prestonfield, appointed private secretary to
the Prince, and accompanied him throughout the campaign. After Culloden
he was attainted. He concealed himself for some weeks in Edinburgh,
escaped to London, and thence to Rouen. Here at first he suffered
great privation, but succeeded in obtaining a French pension of 600
livres, which relieved his immediate wants. In 1749 he went to Rome,
and in the following year he was appointed Assistant Secretary to the
Old Chevalier. On the death of James Edgar, in 1762, he succeeded him
as Jacobite Secretary of State. The Old Chevalier died in 1766, and
Lumisden was for a time continued in his office by Charles. The great
object of Charles’s policy was to be acknowledged by the Pope as King
of Great Britain, a title which Clement XIII. refused him in spite of a
powerful appeal by Cardinal Henry, Duke of York, to his Holiness.[105]
Charles, smarting under the indignity, became intensely irritable,
and gave himself up more and more to self-indulgence. In December
1768 Lumisden, along with two other Scottish officials, was summarily
dismissed for refusing to accompany his royal master to an oratorio
when that master was intoxicated.[106] Leaving Rome, he settled in
Paris, where he moved in the highest literary and artistic circles. In
1773 he was allowed to return to Great Britain, and five years later he
received a full pardon.
Lumisden, who was never married, continued to spend much of his time
in Paris, accounted ‘a man of the finest taste and learning,’ living
the life of a dilettante, and paying frequent visits to London and
Edinburgh.
There is a pleasant anecdote told of him at this time, which reflects
the kindly feeling borne by King George III. to irreconcilable
Jacobites. It is very similar to the well-known story of King George’s
message to Laurence Oliphant of Gask, told by Sir Walter Scott in the
Introduction to _Redgauntlet_. It must be remembered that to their
dying day both the laird of Gask and Andrew Lumisden never referred to
King George except as the Elector of Hanover. The story of Lumisden is
told in a family paper[107] by his great-niece Mrs. Mure (_née_ Louisa
Strange), and may be given in that lady’s own words.
A valuable library was about to be dispersed in Paris, which
contained a rare copy or edition of the Bible, and George III.
commissioned his bookseller, Mr. Nichol, to procure it for him
at a certain limit as to price. Mr. Nichol, intimate with Mr.
Lumisden, whose literary character qualified him to pronounce
as to the authenticity and value of this work, employed him to
examine, and, on approval, to make this purchase, which he did,
obtaining it at a far lower price than had been mentioned. The
king, delighted with his acquisition, asked Mr. Nichol how he
had managed to get it. Mr. Nichol replied he had ‘applied to
a friend of his much connected with literature, whom he could
trust,’ etc., etc. ‘Well, but who is your friend,’ said the
king, ‘I suppose he has a name?’ ‘A gentleman named Lumisden,
your Majesty,’ said Mr. Nichol. ‘Oh!’ replied the king, ‘the
Prince’s secretary.’ The king, with true courtesy, never called
Charles Edward aught but ‘the Prince.’ ‘Yes, your Majesty,’ said
Mr. Nichol shyly, ‘the same.’ ‘Well, Nichol,’ said the king, ‘I
am much obliged by the trouble Mr. Lumisden has taken; pray,
make him my compliments, and tell him so; and I should like to
send him some little token of this. What shall it be?’ Nichol
suggested ‘a book, perhaps,’ and it is said the king laughed and
said, ‘Oh, yes! a book, a book! that would suit you!’ However,
the message was sent, and Mr. Lumisden’s reply was, that he
should be gratified by the possession of a copy of Captain Cook’s
_Voyages_, then just published, in which he took a deep interest,
and considered they owed their success to the individual
patronage given them by the king himself.
A very handsome copy of Anson’s and Cook’s _Voyages_, in nine
quarto volumes, was sent to Mr. Lumisden by the king. They were
left by Mr. Lumisden to my father [Sir Thomas Strange], and he
bequeathed them to his son James, now Admiral Strange, in whose
possession they are. [Written in 1883.]
In 1797 Lumisden published a volume at London entitled _Remarks on the
Antiquities of Rome and its Environs ... with Engravings_, his only
literary legacy excepting this account of the battles in Scotland. I
have failed to discover at what period of his life this manuscript was
written.
Lumisden died in Edinburgh in 1801. His usual lodging had been in the
Luckenbooths, the very heart of the old town, but he had recently
changed his quarters to the then new Princes Street, and to the very
newest part of that street, the section west of Castle Street. To the
imagination it seems strangely incongruous, yet as a link between the
past and the present not entirely unfitting, that this aged partisan
of the House of Stuart, probably the last Scottish gentleman who
personally served that dynasty whose capital was the ancient city,
should meet his death in the newest part of that modern street which is
the glory of the Edinburgh that the Stuarts never knew.
ORIGINS OF THE ’FORTY-FIVE
PAPERS OF
JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON
A COPY OF ORIGINAL PAPERS written by JOHN MURRAY, Esq., Secretary
to the Young Pretender, containing a History of the first Rise
and Progress of the Late Rebellion from the End of the year 1742
to 1744.
_N.B._--The original is written by Mr. Murray’s own hand and
was found after the Battle of Culloden, and seems to have been
originally design’d as Memoirs, etc.
_Copy of a shattered Leaf belonging to the original Manuscript_
[Sidenote: Edgar to Murray]
During all this winter[108] my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r,[109] as I observed
before, was at London with Lord Semple[110] and Mr. Drummond,[111]
and the gentlemen in the Highlands immediately concerned in his
Majesties affairs were employed in cultivating his interest amongst
their vassals and neighbours, which was the more easily done as the
most part of that country are naturally Loyal and at the same time ...
run so high against the Government, that any scheme proposed ... was
most acceptable. It seems after his Lordship had been there sometime,
he wrote a letter to his Majestie, in answer to which I received one
enclosed to me from Mr. Edgar,[112] dated the 5th of July 1742, which
was this.... It is a long time since I had the pleasure of writting
to you which has been occasioned by my knowing you was informed of
everything by Bahady, and that being the case I did not care to ...
venture all ... time when I shall ... to say to you as I ha ... view
of recommending them ... for Lord [Tra]q[uai]r to your care ... of it
with much satisfaction ... to assure you of my best respect and of the
longing I have to tell you by word of mouth how much I am yours. As
Lord T[ra]q[uai]r has been lately at London and knew there how things
were going it is useless for me to enter here ... matters and as the
King has particular directions to give you ... sent I shall add nothing
... but by his Majesties Com ... kind compliments ... that the family a
... I am with all my h....
After his Lordships return ... taken to inform the Highlands of the
favourable situation there seemed to ... from the information he had
got from Lord Semple and Drummond ...
_The rest of this page torn away._
_Copy of another shattered Leaf_
Which message tho’ they began to languish a little, yet kept up their
spirits. As nothing is more common than for people to believe what they
wish and hope for, however specious the encouragement may be. Upon
Mr. Drummond parting with His Lordship at London, he assured him he
would write particularly whatever Resolutions the Cardinal[113] should
come to after his arrival, imagining, as he said, that the promises
they had gott in England from the King’s friends there would suffice
to determine the old man to act strenuously in his Majesty’s favours;
upon which we waited impatiently to hear from him. In the beginning of
Winter Locheal came to town with whom I had occasion often to converse
on these subjects, and always found him the man the most ready, and
willing chearfully to enter into any scheme that would conduce to His
Majesty’s interest: and must here declare that I really believe he is
the most sincere honest man the Country produces, without the least
shew of self interest. After several months had passed without my
hearing from Rome, or any letters coming from My L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r
received one from Mr. Drummond about the beginning of December and
dated . . . of . . . which alarmed us very much, as it gave us ground
to believe that things were much nearer Action, than we had any notion
of, and indeed it seemed to us only fitt to be written a few weeks
before a descent; but to make the reader Judge, I shall here insert a
letter itself.
Copy Mr. Drummond’s letter to the Earl of T[ra]q[uai]r dated
the 1742.
_The rest awanting._
_Copy of another torn Leaf in Manuscripts_
As there was nothing in this letter but a general assurance of the
French Design without either specyfying the number of the Troops,
Arms, Money, Ammunition or even the fixed time, My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r
and the Laird of Lochiel[114] considering how unprepared the Country
was to join in any such attack attempt, and that from the contents of
the letter it was impossible to give any positive directions to the
Gentlemen of the Highlands, together with the near prospect they had of
a landing, which must of necessity have proved abortive had it really
happened. They thought it absolutely necessary they should be presently
informed of everything, but the difficulty was how to accomplish it.
There was no opportunity to write, the time of an answer uncertain,
and from the indistinct letter already received they had no great
reason to expect anything in writing very satisfactory ... upon which I
offered to go ... and then learn distinctly ... the Resolutions of the
... fully informed ... but as this was not to ... having the opinion
of ... who were the most ... in his Majesties Interest ... a letter
wrote by ... which went to him by ... likewise one to S[ir] J[ames]
C[ampbell][115] their advice and opinion, and during the intervall we
had severall conversations all tending to acquaint us particularly
of what had been carried on for sometime before by Lord Semple, Mr.
Drummond and then received by me as one of these who had been the first
in the Country to form a Concert, binding themselves by oath not to
discover their schemes to any but one of themselves, or the persons
agreed upon to be received amongst them by the Consent of the whole.
I had for a long time before been pretty well acquainted with who were
the principle people concerned in all the present transactions, without
knowing there had ever been any such formal Combination. I gave my
word of honour faithfully to keep these secrets, and then they told
me the rise of the Story what assurances they had given the French by
the hands of Drummond and Lord Semple after making terms with the King
himself, that nobody should be acquented with their procedure without
their consent. I was like wise informed
_The rest of this Page not legible._
The weather at this time happening to be very stormy, the express did
not return for two weeks longer than we expected; but upon receiving
his Lordships answer which he approved of the proposal, I sett about
making ready to sett off, and accordingly took journey about the 10
or 12 of Jany. 1743, upon the pretence of talking with the Duke of
Queensberry[116] then at London concerning a process I had with the
Earl of March,[117] to whom his Grace had been Tutor-in-law.
On the Friday I left Edinburgh and went to Traquair and so through
Tweeddale to York, where I stop’d to talk to the D[uke] of P[erth]
one of the Concert, and acquaint him with my journey and received
his commands. The principal part of my transactions was to make
myself fully acquainted with the French Resolutions, to give them all
encouragement possible, and to write to his Majesty acquainting him
that the Gentleman in the Highlands being informed that my L[ord]
M[arischal],[118] whom his Majesty had honoured with the Command, was a
man of a very high and forbidding manner, and exceedingly positive in
his way, they were afraid least such procedure might create differences
and heart burnings amongst them; wherefore he prayed his Majesty would
send over General Keith,[119] who they understood was of a very mild
and humane temper and in whose abilitys they had great confidence.
When I came to York his Grace the D[uke] of P[erth] approved highly of
my going over and gave me a great many injunctions[120] how to write
to the King, which is needless here to put down as they all tended
to prevent differences in case matters came to be put in execution.
I then went to London, where I only stayed some few days, and sett
out of on Munday about 12 o’clock to Dover where I arrived the same
night about 9 o’clock, and found a Packet ready to sail. As the wind
was then pretty fair, I was in hopes of getting next morning pretty
early to Calais, but it changed a little after we was at sea, so were
oblidged to make for Boulogne, this made me exceedingly uneasy as I
was instructed to go privately to Paris without the knowledge of any
of the people who were at Boulogne, and now in all probability we were
to land in broad daylight where I must infallibly have been known; but
luckily we were becalmed all that day, and did not arrive till about
three in the morning. I stayed there till about five, when I got a
chaise and set out for Paris, where I came on Friday morning and went
to McDonald’s the Banquier,[121] and enquired for Mr. Maxwell, which
was the name Drummond then went by. I immediately went to him this same
day before dinner, and found him greatly surprised at my Coming, but
said it was very lucky as it might be a mean to quicken the French in
proceeding; when they saw how forward and anxious the Country was to
come to action. Upon my arrival at London I heard of Cardinal Fleury’s
death, which was a very unlucky incident; for these two Gentlemen had
it left in their power to assert, that had not that happened, every
thing would certainly have been performed, and not then in my power to
advance anything positively to the contrary. I went with Mr. Drummond
in the evening to Lord Semple who I had never seen before: he received
me very civily and enquired about the situation of the Country which I
told him was very favourable; but as the letter Mr. Drummond had wrote,
gave us to understand that the Cardinal had determined to put things
in execution sooner than we had any cause to expect, never having had
anything encouraging before, and that by that letter, we was told of no
particulars, it was judged necessary I should come over to know how
things were to be executed: and particularly, what assurances of every
kind we might depend upon; so as the Gentlemen of the concert might be
able upon my return to sett immediately about preparing the Country
for their reception. He then agreed with Mr. Drummond that my coming
over was well timed, but that he was afraid it might require some time
before the French could be brought into it, as in all probability their
schemes would be entirely altered by the Cardinal’s death; that all
his views consisted in keeping peace, but that there was a party of
younger people about court, who had gained a good deal upon the King,
which together with his own natural disposition and heat of youth
inclined him to war. At the same time he said it was lucky that he had
observed the Cardinal’s Decline, and had persuaded him to impart all
the affairs that concerned this Country to Mr. Amalot,[122] by which
means they would be but little stop as to the King or Ministery being
acquainted with whatever related to us, as Mr. Amalot was continued as
Minister of Forreign Affairs. A great deal more of this kind passed,
and upon my not being able to tell them minutly what every individual
of the Concert had done in the particular District alotted them, Mr.
Drummond complained that I had not been fully informed of all their
Scheme. I in the meanwhile did not reflect upon the Cause of his making
such reflections against Lord T[ra]q[uai]r, who was the person that
informed me of their Concert; but it has often occurred to me since,
that they laid great stress on all the little pieces of information
they gott of the Gentlemen’s procedure in Scotland, and everything
they gott took care to make a mighty matter of it to the King: and Mr.
Drummond did not fail as he has often told me himself, to write in the
strongest terms to his Majesty, of their great success, which he knew
must always redound so far to his advantage, as he had taken care to
make the King believe he was the person who had sett all in motion, and
that it was upon his plan that they acted, and their success mostly
owing to following the Scheme he had laid down to them. I then told
them it would be necessary as the Cardinal was now dead that I saw Mr.
Amalot, and heard what Resolutions they had taken, to be able to inform
the King’s friends of what was to be expected. Lord Semple told me that
Mr. Amalot was then at Versailes, but would be in town on Sunday when
he would talk to him, and inform him of my being sent over, and gett
him to fix a time when I might have an audience, he accordingly was
with him on the Sunday and, as he told me the same evening, could not
see him for ... and when he did tell him, he took it very ill that he
had been made wait so long in his Out-chamber; that although his Master
was not upon the Throne and so did not keep his Ministers publickly at
Court, yet he thought using these he employed in his service in that
shape was treating him ill and not like a Prince as he really was. That
Mr. Amalot made excuses from his being so little in Paris all week,
and consequently hurryed all the while he was there; but fixed no time
when to see me, so his Lordship went by himself to Versailes that week,
where he stayed a night or two and returned to town. I went out some
days after along with him and Mr. Drumond to see Mr. Amalot who was
first to talk to with the King and then return me his Majesty’s answer,
but was told from day to day, that he could not have an opportunity
of talking with the King. So was oblidged to return to Paris without
seeing him.
I wrote a pretty long letter to the King acquainting him with the
reasons of my coming over and hoping his Majesty would pardon my
leaving the Country without his Permission, but not to be too tedious
by mentioning all the different conversations I had with his Lordship
and Mr. Drummond during my stay which were all to the same purpose,
together with the most severe Reflections and Invectives against the
Dutches of Buckingham[123] and Lord Marshal with Coll Cecel,[124] Coll
Brette[125] and Ch. Smith[126] and all those who were of a contrary
party from them, alledging it was entirely owing to their having given
in Ridiculous Schemes to the Cardinal demanding vast numbers of men,
money, cannon, etc., sufficient to conquer the Country, which made the
Old man have a mean opinion of the power of the King’s party and put
a stop to his realy putting in execution ... required of him; and at
the same time assuring me that these people were most unjust to the
Cardinal in alledging that he was not hearty and sincere in the King’s
interest, for that he had often professed that he would willingly lose
his own life in the cause, that there was nothing he had so much at
heart next to the Interest of his own Master, and that he had even
cryed[127] with concern in speaking of the misfortunes of the King’s
family, and notwithstanding he had a very mean opinion of the other
party, yet the Memorials they had given instruct him so much that it
cost Lord Semple the utmost[128] pains and trouble to perswade him of
the contrary, but they had after some time succeeded so effectually
that he was determined to send over a body of troops to England and
designed Mr. Mailebois[129] should return to Flanders for that purpose;
but that the party at Court which opposed him had influenced the
King to make him march his Army into Westphalia which occasioned the
Neutrality for Hannover; that this was so opposite to his Schemes,
and he was sensible that a general war must ensue, and France thereby
brought into great difficulties, that together with the King’s loose
way of living, having at that time taken the third sister for his
mistress, had certainly broke his heart, for he had been observed from
that moment to decline, and dyed soon after.[130]
Having spent some days at Paris in hearing such like storys, I went
again to Versailes where we were still put off till the night I left
it. When we had an audience of Mr. Amalot I told him that the Gentlemen
in the Concert in Scotland,[131] having from time to time received
assurances from the late Cardinal of Troops, Arms and Money, had been
continualy expecting to hear that a final Resolution was taken but upon
being informed of the bad state of health the Cardinal was in,[132]
they had done me the honour to send me over instructed to represent
the situation of their affairs to the Ministry and to acquaint them
they had wrought so effectualy with the Country in general and their
Vassals in particular that they could raise near thirty thousand men
and were able to make themselves masters of the Country in six weeks
or two months. Upon which he interrupted me and said that they were
satisfied the Scots were able to do a great deal but that they must
have assurances from England, but at the same time he said he did not
well understand the possibility of engaging so many people without
letting them into the secret. Upon which Lord Semple explained the
matter to him, I then mentioned to him the number of men, arms, etc.,
we expected in Scotland together with the place of their landing and
method proposed for their acting he said if things were gone into there
would be no difficulty of arms, money, etc., but seemed to be ignorant
as to the place of landing or indeed the particulars of the scheme and
which confirmed me in this; some things that L[ord] Semple mentioned to
him he knew nothing about and he owned he had not read the memorials
but promised to do it and gave us to understand that nothing could be
undertaken without encouragement from the English and assurances of the
troops upon their landing having provisions of victuals and carriages
which we took pains to show him that from the frequency of the touns
upon the coast and the trade there continually carried on they could
not fail of, and then told me he had not gott time to talk seriously
and fully with the King, but that his Majesty desired him to assure me
he had the King my master’s interest very much at heart and so soon as
he could do it safely and with his Honour, he would; and told us to
believe it that he could easily loss 10,000 men, but that he would not
undertake it rashly as his being foiled in a thing of this kind would
not be consistant with the Honour of his Crown and desired we might
think very seriously of what we was about and take care not to bring
ruin upon ourselves and the Country by a rash attempt,[133] and so we
parted and so we came that same night to Paris.
Next day I again wrote to the King a few lines wherein I told him I
thought Mr. Amalot had done as much as he could at the present juncture
and that I thought the information I had gott was well worth my while
of coming over and sure enough it merited the journey, for by this
I had it in my power to assure our friends in Scotland there was no
determinate Resolution taken; and at the same time the manner in which
Mr. Drummond told me he had taken to engage the Highland Gentlemen
seemed to me very good and practicable. As I was then but little
acquainted with business imagined it might have the same effect upon
these in the Low Country and indeed was so much prevented with the good
character of L[ord] Semple and Mr. Drummond had amongst those concerned
in his Majesty’s affairs in Scotland that it never came into my head
to doubt of anything they advanced; in which opinion I partly remained
till my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r’s return to Scotland in Octr. 1743 that
same year.[134]
From what Mr. Amelot had told us the next thing to be done was
endeavouring to form a Concert in England, by which they might be
able to give such encouragement to the French and such assurance of
joining upon their landing together with victuals and carriages as
might then oblidge the King to declare one way or other. To execute
this Mr. Drummond and I sett out from Paris the end of Febuary and
gott to London by the way of Dover in four days and a half. The method
he proposed was to bring my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r to London and to work
the point by him as he was acquainted with all the principal Torries
and desired I would go to York and gett the D[uke] of P[erth] to send
express for him and that I would return with a Resolution to stay
there for some time to be an assistant to his L[ordship] and him; but
this I refused to go into as the reason I had given out for my journey
would not suffice to detain me any time, so rather chuse to go to
Scotland myself and shew my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r the necessity there
was for his coming up. In the meanwhile I was employed in endeavouring
to learn from Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith the objections the Dutches
of Buckingham and her party had to L[ord] Semple, and as I was pretty
well acquainted with them both I easily made myself master of all they
had to say against him, which I then thought quite frivolous from
the favourable notion I had of L[ord] Semple. As to the particular
accusations laid against him I shall say nothing of them here as I
shall put down the Copy of a letter I had the Honour to write to the
King some litle time after my arrival in Scotland wherein I mentioned
them all.
I sett out from London[135] the 18th of March, came in by York, where
I saw the D[uke] of P[erth] who was much disappointed upon what I
told him, stayed 24 hours there and came to Edinburgh the 21st. I
immediately inquired for L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r and finding he was in
Perthshire with his brother-in-law L[ord] J[ohn] D[rummon]d I sent an
Express to him, in the meantime I mett with L[ochie]l and acquainted
him of all that had passed and particularly of the Scheme he proposed
to raise money whereby to pay his father-in-law’s pension; he was far
from being pleased with the French delays and not satisfied with the
Cardinal’s sincerity and likewise heartyly vexed there was no money for
Sir J[ames] who then stood in great need of it. However the only thing
to be done was for L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r to go to London and endeavour to
bring in the English which would in a little time satisfie us whether
the French really intended us their assistance or not. On the 16th of
the month L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r came to toun, to whom I told all that
had passed and his Lordship agreed to go to London. Upon conversing
with his Lordship[136] I told him that he ought to push Mr. Drummond’s
getting that money, for if he did not make his word good in that trifle
it would be a means to make folk doubt all the other things he had
advanced. His Lordship sett out from his own house on the Sixth of
Aprile and I sent the bond Mr. Drummond desired signed by L[ochie]l
and I to the D[uke] of Perth who signed it likewise and sent it to
L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r[137] at London, which is still in Mr. D[rummon]d’s
Custody, but no money raised during my being at London after my return
from Paris, Mr. C. Smith delivered me a packet from Rome, but as its
contents could not be obeyed till I came home, thought it more proper
to insert it here tho’ posterior to the Receit of it.
Copy of a letter from Mr. Edgar of ... mber the 22nd, 1742.
[Sidenote: Edgar to Murray]
SIR,--Upon what Mr. Charles Smith has told me from you on the
subject of the Bishops[138] upon what he says himself and as the
opinion also of other friends the King has thought seriously
on the matter and is pleased to settle it as you proposed, as
you will see by the enclosed paper signed by him under another
name and a letter from me to Bishop Ratrae;[139] yours covering
it both are write in closs Cypher, but as I am unwilling that
the Cyphers we use together should be put into any third hand
whatsoever, I have wrote the enclosed packet by the Cypher Coll.
Urquhart[140] informed me he had recovered from amongst the late
Earl of Dundonald[141] papers before his death. I really look
upon this Cypher to be a safe one and that there is no Copy of
it but what you and I have, it was originally sent to Mr. Robert
Freebairn[142] and he gave to the Earl of Dundonald and I am
perswaded neither the one nor t’other made a Copy of it which
would not be an easie task nor allowed any to be made by any
other body, I remmember Coll. Urquhart after he had recovered
that Cypher asked me if he should send it to me, or what he
should do with it, and in return I desired him to keep it by him
and give to the King’s friends who had a mind to write to his
Majesty and wanted a Cypher to do it by, by which means the new
one I sent him (now used by you and me) would be a Virgin One
unseen and untouched by anybody, I thought it was necessary
to say thus much to you on the Cypher in Question. The Packet
I now send you is open, therefore may if you please look into
it yourself, but as I reckon you wont care to be at the trouble
to decypher it I wish you would seal the packet and deliver it
with ... of the Cypher into Mr. Rattrae’s own hands. I shall
only add on this subject that I know I need not recommend to you
to take care of your own safety in this matter and that as few
as possible and these only of whom you are sure know anything
that we have the least dealing in it, for tho’ our Clergy be
well meaning honest men, yett many of them have not the gift
of Secrecy and holding their tongue, which is a mischief I am
sure you will guard against. I don’t know indeed what to say to
you on certain affairs, I live in good hopes they will still go
well, when anything favourable is certain you will hear of it
much sooner from Bahady and L[ord] Semple than you could from me;
which is the reason I write so seldome to you, I am unwilling to
venture a letter in this critical juncture unless when necessary
as it happens in the present case. I should be glad you informed
me of what you heard or know of Drumelzier’s[143] brother he has
not write to me since he mett with his brother and I have heard
nothing about him since he went home. Drumelzier, I fancy, may
have told him the substance of what you communicated to him of my
letter to you concerning him, which he may have taken very ill
of me and which has made him write no more to anybody in this
place. The family is well and the King charges me with many kind
compliments to you. Longing to have you in my Arms. I am well all
with my heart.--Sir, etc.
It was not long after his Lordship’s departure that I had an occasion
to send a letter to Rome when I wrote as below.[144]
Mr. Narsom’s letter to Mr. Edgar dated the Day of 1743.[145]
[Sidenote: Murray to Edgar]
This is the first opportunity I had to write since I left Paris
otherwise you may beleive I would not have failed to lett you
hear from me long e’er now. I received yours of the 22nd of
Novr. from Mr. Smith at London but as Mr. Rattrae has not been
in town not finding any sure hand the two enclosed papers are
still in my Custody, but I am informed he intends soon in this
place, when I shall take care to deliver them with the Cypher; I
am very hopefull his Majesty’s making choise of him will prove
a means of uniting them together as they have for some time ago
addressed him as the eldest of the Colledge to take inspection
of the Diocess during the Vacancy; I return you my most sincere
acknowledgements for your good advice as to my Behaviour with
them which you may depend upon I’ll strickly follow and by what
I wrote you of Mr. Keith’s[146] procedure you will be still more
convinced of the Necessity I am under to act cautiously with
them. I understand my Lady Clanronald lately received a letter
from L[ord] J[ohn] D[rummon]d with the contents of your last
to me which was immediately told Keith so that Mr. Rattrae’s
Election was known before my Arrival here. I am sorry L[ord]
T[ra]q[uai]r should keep such correspondence but there are some
people continue long young and consequently ought to be looked
upon as Children.
Upon my return to London having the fortune to be entirely
trusted by Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith, I made it my business to
inform myself as particularly as possible of their grounds of
Quarrel with L[ord] Semple, when I found they both agreed in the
following Accusations, 1mo. That he had been employed by means
of the Dutchess of Buccingham and Coll. Cicel to transack some
little affairs and from that time had assumed to himself the
Character of Minister for the King’s friends in England. 2d. That
by his Behaviour to Or[mon]d and L[ord] Marshall he had entirely
disobliged them whose friendship he ought by any means to have
Cultivate. 3tio. He had been grossly deceived by the Cardinal
who had made him believe twenty things he had no intention of
Performing. 4to. He was so credulous in beleiving the Cardinal’s
assertions as to write from time to time in terms only fitt
some weeks before an invasion. 5to. He seemed to ack the part
rather of a French than Brittish minister. 6to. He seemed to
turn his politicks into a kind of Mechanicks and made a trade
of them. 7to. He contradicted himself not only in a different
but even in the same letter, by saying that the Cardinal was
so well satisfied with the offers made him and the information
he had gott that he desired no further and in the same letter
advises Coll. Cicel still to inform him further so that he might
determine the Cardinal more and more to act in his Majesty’s
favours. 8to. He acted imprudently by transmitting to Coll. Cicel
the Commissions sent him by the King to dispose of in so large
a Packet that Mr. Smith could not conceal them in the Ship and
at the same time wrote a long letter with a great many trifles
of what had passed betwixt him and the Cardinal in Closs Cypher
who, he insinuate, he entirely managed and all relating to the
Commissions in plain English. 9to. His coming over was not only
without the knowledge of but disagreeable to the King’s friends
in England, that my L[ord] Barramore[147] and he were vastly
uneasy about it and gave him all the Civil usage and fair Words
they could in Prudence so as to make him leave the place least
he should be taken up. 10to. He is not trusted by the King’s
friends in England. 11to. He was not even trusted by the Cardinal
notwithstanding he pretended he had so much to say with him and
given this instance that he, the Cardinal, sent a proposal to the
King’s friends by Mr. Bussie[148] at London of landing a body
of Swedes[149] in the Country which he seemed greatly surprised
at when told by L[ord] Barrimore and that he should afterwards
have greatly repented telling him, imagining when he went over
he would make a handle of this information to show how he was
trusted by the English. 12to. That Coll. Cicel told him at
parting that provided the Cardinal was explicite he would inform
him of everything that was necessary but as he saw that was not
like to be the case he never had wrote him anything which was
sufficient to show him he was not trusted and that he and L[ord]
Barrimore particularly complained of L[ord] Semple’s intruding
himself into the management of their affairs, and Lastly that he
was quite drunk with his ministerial office and acted so high
and mightily a part as even to intermiddle betwixt the King and
Dutchess of Buckingham. These so far as I can remember are the
sum of their Accusations, which I could have reduced into the
compass of a few lines were it not I thought it my duty to write
in as plain and minute a manner as possible whatever I have
learnt having an Eye to nothing but truth and to give the King
all the information in my power so that if I have acted out of
my sphere I hope you will interceed for my forgiveness. I only
beg leave to say that from the little knowledge I have of L[ord]
Semple I take him to be a man of great honour and possessed of
much greater abilities than any of his Accusors.[150]
I parted with L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r about a fortnight ago when he
sett out for London with a view to bring the English to Concert
matters so as to be able to act this summer. The Gentlemen of
the Concert are highly dissatisfied with their behaviour they
say they have been ready to act for some years past, putt to a
great expense in Cultivating a friendship and intimacy with their
Vassals, keeping a great many otherwise useless fellows in their
Grounds and often obliged to give very advantagious [terms] to
their tennants for fear of disobliging them, whereas on the other
hand they, the English, do nothing but make a noise and complain
of their Oppression.
The situation of things are such at present that had they any
Resolution att all they would almost without stroke of sword
putt an end to the cause but in place of that they draw a cross
one another and run into little political partys so that if
they are not brought to engage heartyly so as to be able to
act this summer we give up all hopes of ever bringing them to
act in Concert with us. Had the King’s friends in a body used
means to favour the Restoration they could not have done it to
better purpose than the present Government. There are now 16,000
men out of the Country, 6 Regiments more partly gone, the rest
going, only about twenty thousand in England[151] nine parts
of ten of which are as raw and undisciplined as those to come
against them, The Duke of Hannover[152] going over and in short
every soul--Whigg and Torry, Republican, etc.,--disobliged and
irritated to the last degree, so that we to be sure are able to
do more of ourselves at this juncture then we could do with the
assistance of 10000 men were these Troops returned.
L[ochie]l with whom I have Occasion often to talk on this subject
gives it as his Opinion that the Highlanders have now for so
long time been in hopes of something being done and now seeing
so fair an Opportunity, will probably unless brought into Action
once this Summer or harvest give up all thought of ever seeing
a Restoration and he is afraid every one will do the best they
can by endeavouring to catch at part of his Country before she
sink entirely and I am really affraid it will be the case with
some of the least steady amongst them. He is thoroughly convinced
that with 20,000 Stand of arms his Majesty or the Prince with a
good General and some Officers att our head, Scotland is well
able to do the whole affair, and indeed it is not only his, but
the opinion of several others I talk to in this place upon that
subject, as in this case none would be exempt from carrying arms
and things are now quite changed from what they were formerly
when a simelar proposal[153] was made. This I could not fail
acquainting you with least L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r’s journey don’t
take effect and this irrecoverable opportunity lost by the
further delay of the English, and indeed any delay may prove of
the worst consequence as the death of either L[ord] L[ova]t or
Sir J[ames] C[ampbell] who are both old men will greatly weaken
if not entirely ruin the Concert as there are few to be found
who can fill their places. L[ochie]l desires me to mention the
great use General Keith would be off. The Highlanders having
got the same notion of him they formerly had of Lord Dundee.
Drumelzier and his Brother have been all this winter at Tangiers
and propose to pass all the Watters where General Keith and Lord
Crawford[154] were tho’ some people imagine D[rumelzier] will
come home upon account of his Lady’s death,[155] they give it out
here that Mr. Hay is very well. I wrote a letter two weeks ago to
L[ord] Marshall a Copy of which with the Motives that induced me
to write you shall have first occasion but the bearer being ready
to sett out putts a stop to my doing of it at present.--I am,
Yours, etc.
The ship not sailing as soon as I was made believe I took the
opportunity of writing Mr. Edgar the reason of my writting to L[ord]
Marshall I shall here subjoin with a Copy of the Letter I wrote his
Lordship.
[Sidenote: Murray to Edgar]
SIR,--When Mr. Smith and I happened to be frequently together at
London he took reason to complain of the letter my L[ord] Semple
had wrote to L[ord] Marshall and particularly of that paragraph
where my L[ord] hints that possibly the Scots folks were offended
with my L[ord] Marshall not taking sufficient notice of them in
proportion to the regard they had shown him he insisted greatly
an invincible attachment his Lordship had for the King....
_The rest of this page not legible._
Upon this I thought I should be greatly to blame if I lost
any opportunity that occurred to better his Majesty’s affairs
by endeavouring to reconceal and unite his friends so that as
I imagine his Lordship authorised Mr. Smith to talk upon a
suspicion that there might be some grounds for what L[ord] Semple
advanced and thereby to reconceal himself to his countrymen I
was resolved as we say to putt a Thorne in his foot as he knows
I am instituted by the King’s friends here and would not advance
anything contrary to their Sentiments. You will be surprised I
should write this to you in so closs a Cypher....
_The rest of this page not legible._
After reflecting upon what you had been so good as to inform me
off I could not fail to write the enclosed as I have all the
reason in the World to believe you my friend, so I take the
liberty to beg that after perusal in case you find it not too
assuming and in a stile sufficiently respectly you will be so
good as take the trouble to deliver it with an appology.... [_Not
legible._]
(_Signed_) J. BROUN.[156]
[Sidenote: Murray to Earl Marischal[157]]
MY LORD,--I heartyly regreted it was not in my power when so near
as London to do myself the honour of waiting upon your Lordship
for Reasons I beg Mr. Smith to give and at the same time assure
your Lordship that without the honour of being known to you
there was none who had a more hearty and sincere Regard for your
Lordship’s property.... [_Not legible._] my Lord, abstracting
from your many private Virtues makes you dear to every true
Scotsman and from what I could easily learn gives your Lordship
great weight with the English. This, my Lord, encourages me to
suggest of what use you may be att this juncture to his Majesty’s
affairs by uniting those people together who to my great concern
I found (so far as I could judge) quite inactive, diffident
of one another and distrustfull of those they employ. Your
Lordship’s being so near them will I hope make the work short
as well as Effectual, and in my poor Judgement were there any
unanimity, any harmony and concord amongst them it would easily
be in our power to shake off the yoke of Bondage and Slavery we
now groan under; this, my Lord, I propose with great submission
to your Lordship’s serious reflection and experience, I shall
only add that as I have no other in any thing I do but to promote
the real Interest of my King and Country so I have all the reason
in the world to believe that healing the wounds and cementing the
differences now subsisting amongst our Neighbours is the greatest
ambition of our countrymen and must render their gratitude to
your Lordship for so great a work unalterable. I begg your
Lordship will pardon my presumption in writing without being
asked and believe I am with the most sincere regard and esteem,
My Lord, etc.[158]
These two preceding letters I gave to my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r on the 5th
of Aprile 1743, the day before his Lordship sett out from his own house
to London which he was to show Mr. McGregar who told my Lord that this
was not a time to send such letters and besides that the letter to Lord
Marshall was not such an one he proposed, by which means they never
went. I shall here mention what occurred to me what was the reason for
Mr. McGregars stoping them never having any further reason given than
the above and not knowing even that till L[ord T]raq[uai]r’s return
to Scotland, during the short stay I made att London after my return
from Paris in company with Mr. McGregar as I said before I made it my
business to learn of Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith all the Complaints they
had against Lord Semple and Mr. McGregar which I generally communicated
to him being then fully perswaded of their Honesty and Abilitys. Upon
telling him what Mr. Smith had said in relation to Lord Marshall he
purposed I should write to his Lordship a Letter in the same Stile
Lord Semple had done, purposely to let him know how little he was in
favour with his Countrymen and show him how much their liking depended
upon his being well with them two, and att the same time to acquaint
him that his Countrymen’s regard went no further than so far as he
should act entirely conformable to the King’s will, he saying that
Lord Marshall pretended to stand entirely upon his own legs from the
great Number of Admirers he had in Scotland, and imagined that unless
he was the sole manager of the King’s affairs his Majesty’s subjects
would not be brought to act for him, in short that he looked upon
the King’s interest to depend upon [him] alone. I suppose he thought
by my writing in this stile to draw something from Lord Marshall
undervalueing of his Countrymen whereby to hurt him with the generality
but particularly with those of the Concert who had first employed and
still supported him, whereby he might verify to them what he had so
long advance against his Lordship, but this was a thing I refused for
many reasons; first that it must hurt the King’s affairs to create
differences amongst his friends of which their then subsisted too many;
secondly it was running myself headlong into a party quarrel, a thing
I ever had the worst oppinion off; and thirdly, not to be too tedious
in giving many more, it was a thing I had not the smallest tittle to
do. But on the contrary I thought it was a fair opportunity of uniting
people together and commencing a Correspondence with Lord Marshall
whereby if I gain his friendship and confidence I [should] thereby be
enabled to inform the King of the pleas of both partys without letting
either of them know of it, which is acting a part some people may think
odd as it is seemingly playing with both hands, but in my Eyes not
only honourable but my duty, when for the King’s interest, I receive
from time to time letters from L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r when att London
informing me in his way of his success with the English; but as there
was nothing material in them and that they were signed by himself I did
not care to keep them in case of accidents. Some time in the month of
June I received the following letter from Mr. Edgar with two enclosed
from the King himself in answer to two I had wrote when at Paris.
Copy Mr. Edgar’s letter, dated March 14th, 1743.
[Sidenote: Edgar to Murray]
SIR,--You will see by the enclosed I send you from our friend
Mr. Edwards (he means the King) that he leaves me nothing to say
in return to your two letters of the 18th and 25th of february.
This Packet is sent open to Lord Semple to forward to you, you
will see it is write in his Cypher, a Copy of which I know Mr.
McGregor left with L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r so I reckon you may easily
gett this read, for suppose you may have that Cypher in your own
Custody. You will be glad to know that the family is well, I
heartyly wish you all health and happiness and longing to have
the pleasure of Embracing you, I am with great Esteem, etc.
Letter from the Chevalier to John Murray.
[Sidenote: The Chevalier de St. George to Murray]
I received a few days ago yours of the 18th of February and am
far from disaproving your comming into France att this Time.[159]
The Settling of a Correspondence betwixt us on this Side of
the Sea and our friends in Scotland may be of consequence in
this juncture I hope you will have concerted some safe method
for this effect with Lord Semple before you leave him and
that once determined you will I think have done very well to
return home where you may be of more use than abroad. I shall
say nothing here of what’s passing in France of which you will
have been informed by Lord Semple, and you may be well assured
that depends upon me to induce the French to assist us as is
reasonable to hope they will if their be a general war. But if
they ever undertake anything in my favour, I shall to be sure
have little warning of it before and by consequence I fear it
will be impossible that General Keith can come in time into
Scotland how much soever both I, and I am perswaded himself also,
desires it because you will easily see that one of his rank
and distinction cannot well quite the Service he is in either
abruptly or upon an uncertainty. I remark all you say to me on
that subject and when the time comes it shall be my care to
dispose all such matters in as much as in me lys for what I may
then think for the real good of my Service and for my friends
Satisfaction also for in such sort of particulars it is scarce
possible to take proper Resolutions before the time of Execution.
I had some time ago a proposal made me in Relation to the Seizing
of Stirling Castle[160] what I then heard and what you now say
on that subject is so general, that I think it is not impossible
but that the two proposals may be found originally one and the
same project; I wish therefore you would enter a little more
into particulars that I may be the better able to determine what
directions to send. As to what is represented about the Vassals
I suppose what you mean is the same with what I have inserted
in a draught of a Declaration for Scotland I have long had by
me, viz., That the Vassals of those who should appear against my
forces on a landing should be freed of their Vassalidge and hold
immediately of the Crown provided such Vassals should declare for
me and join heartyly in my Cause. As this is my intention I allow
my friends to make such prudent use of it as they may think
fitt. Before you gett this you will probably have received what
was wrote to you from hence about the Scotts Episcopal Clergy
so that I need say nothing on that subject here more than that
I hope the steps taken by me will give satisfaction and promote
union in that Body.
It is a great comfort to me to see the Gentlemen of the Concert
so zealous so united and so frank in all that relates to my
service and I desire you will say all that is kind to them in
my name, I remark you have advanced one hundred pounds of your
own money[161] for Sir J[ames] C[ampbe]ll which I take very well
of you but I desire you would not give me any more proofs of
that kind of your goodwill towards me and as for what is past I
look upon it as a personal Debt and shall take care that it be
repayed, I remark what you say about the difficulty their is of
raising money I foresaw that would be no easy matter and think it
should not be insisted upon, I think I have now taken notice of
all that required any answer in what you wrote to me and Edgar
and shall add nothing further here but to assure you of the
continuance of any good opinion of you and that your prudent and
zealous indeavours toward my service shall never be forgott by me.
(_Signed_) J. EDWARDS.[162]
Dated _March 11th, 1743_.
At the same time came the following:--
[Sidenote: The Chevalier to Murray]
Since I wrote to you on 11th I have seen what you wrote to Edgar
of the same date; I remark what you say on extending a Concert
in the Low Country and the Method[163] it has been done in the
Highlands such a measure may be a great advantage to the cause
and therefore I cannot but much approve of it, provided it be
gone about with great prudence and Caution, which I earnestly
recommend to you not only on your own account but mine also, for
we must in this juncture carefully avoid anything that may give
the Government any jealousie or pretence to molest our friends. I
am well pleased to observe what you say of L[ochie]l and if you
have occasion make him a kind Compliment from me and the Prince,
this is all I have to add or present in this paper.
Signed as befor and dated 14th, 1743.
In the first letter I wrote to Mr. Edgar after my return home I told
him that the Packet for Bishop Rattrae was still in my Custody being
informed that he intended to be soon in town so thought it fitt to
delay doing any thing in it till he should come, accordingly whenever
I heard of his arrival I went immediately to the Country where the
Cypher Mr. Edgar mentioned there was, and brought it to town with
me but to my Surprise found it did not answer. Yett I nevertheless
resolved to deliver the Packet to him att the same time reading the
paragraph in mine concerning it so sent for Mr. Rae[164] one of the
Presbyters in Edinburgh and told him I wished to see Mr. Rattrae and
desired he would go to him and acquaint him with my intention and make
an appointment for me which he agreed to do next mourning. He came to
me on the morrow and told me had missed him but would indeavour to find
him sometime that day upon which he left me and found him dinning with
his daughter Mrs. ---- so delayed it till next morning, but when he
went was informed by his daughter Mrs. Clark in whose house he lived
that he had been taken ill the night before of an Epidimical Distemper
that at that time raged almost all of over Europe of which he died in
three or four days illness, by which means that Packet still remains in
my Custody, never since having gott any directions about it. From that
time I have keept my Resolution of never having any more to do with
the Clergy, for when I was asked some few days after by Mr. Rae what I
thought they should do in their present situation, I told him I thought
they should draw up a full and distinct state of their [affairs]
without neglecting the least thing and send it to the King leaving him
to determine without any further representations, but shunned writting
or taking any Commissions about it, nor do I since know any of their
procedure none of them having ever spoke to me on the subject.
About this Time the Duke of P[erth] came from England and as L[ochie]l
and [I] had often Schemed together what we ourselves were able to
do in the present posture of affairs and seemed to agree in Opinion
that should the french disapoint us we were more able to restore the
King by our own strength during the absence of the Army than with the
Assistance of 10,000 men were our Troops once returned, for which
reason did the English fail to give the assurances to the french they
required, but we should gett the people at home to take it in hand
by themselves. With this View I had already wrote Mr. Edgar on that
Strain and now we agreed to sound the Duke of P[erth] on the same
Subject which we did and found him abundantly forward. He was then
going to the Country and Sir A[lexander] Mc[Donal]d[165] was with his
brother-in-law A[irl]y so desired the Duke would try him and some days
after had a letter from hime wherein he said that he had spoke to him
as was agreed and found him very keen that he said the sooner it was
done the better and in place of 700 men which his Uncle carried with
him in the year 1715 he would now bring 1200. At the same time when his
Grace was talking to us in Edinburgh on this subject he said the people
in that part of the Country where he had come from very honest and
that the Mayer and Aldermen had spoke to him in the strongest terms,
which he then told us, and desired I might acquaint the King of it, so
I desired his Grace would putt it in writting and that I should not
fail to transmit it to his Majesty; upon which he went to another room
and brought me a sheet of paper mostly write which I did not care to
transmitt in his own words but abridged it; however shall say no more
of it here as I will putt down the letter I wrote the King and another
to Mr. Edgar. I must only observe that I read the Duke’s memorial to my
L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r att his own house upon giving him some paper he had
putt in my custody att his leaving Scotland, at which time his Lordship
and I agreed to put it in the fire as the letter I had wrote and which
I att the same time read to my Lord contained the substance of it, this
I have frequently repented since, as his Grace’s memory did not seem to
serve him exactly to what he had wrote. In answer to his Majesty’s I
wrote the following, Dated July 5th, 1743:--
[Sidenote: Murray to the Chevalier]
SIR,--I had the honour of your Majesty’s commands some weeks
ago of the 11th of March. I communicated the paragraph of your
Majesty’s relating to the certainty of General Keith’s coming to
Scotland to the Duke of P[erth] and L[ochie]l who are equally
well satisfied with what your Majesty is pleased to say on that
subject. Your Majesty’s Declaration with regard to the Scotts
Vassals and the Liberty you are most graciously pleased to grant
of insinuating so much to them give L[ochie]l extream pleasure
being convinced it will tend greatly to promote your Majesty’s
interest. The Duke of P[erth] desired me to acquaint your Majesty
that the Mayer and Aldermen of York had freely opened their
minds to him on the Subject of the Restoration and gave him a
Commission humble to Represent their Loyalty and firm attachment
to your Majesty’s cause. They engage that upon hearing of your
Majesty’s aproach with a Sufficient Body to support them they
will raise 10,000 men in that County and have no doubt of an
equal Number from the Countys Adjacent. There are two gentlemen
one of them a present member the other was last parliament but
declined it these have the Sole management of the County and
did they appear would certainly be followed by every one in it.
His Grace had not the good fortune to see them they being at
London but left them his Compliments by some of their friends
who assured him they were ready upon your Majesty’s desire to
enter into any Scheme to promote your Majesty’s interest. His
Grace desired me likewise to inform your Majesty that he is fully
convinced and may almost affirm that upon shewing an order from
your Majesty to treat with them they will sign any declaration
or assurance of whatever Nature shall be thought most for your
Majesty’s interest and to have the Mayer and Aldermen, at least
those of them upon whose Secrecy they can the most depend to
do the like. In the Duke’s Memorandum to me he neglected the
two Gentlemen’s names. As the Election of their Mayer goes
by Rotation it falls next year upon a Whig which his grace
thinks can be of no consequence as none of that Kidney have any
Interest, in the town, but he was told that notwithstanding the
custom, if your Majesty desired it they would indeavour to have
another chosen. I shall incroatch no further upon your Majesty’s
time having wrote to Mr. Edgar but beg leave to subscribe myself
with the greatest Veneration and Duty your Majesty’s, etc.
Letter to Mr. Edgar, dated July 5th, 1743.
[Sidenote: Murray to Edgar]
Since I had the pleasure of receiving your last letter the Duke
of P[erth] returned from York after having gott a very possitive
and harsh Refusall from the Lady to whom he was making his
addresses, during his stay there he had some commissions from the
Mayer and Aldermen to the King with which I had the honour to
acquaint the King by the enclosed amongst others they begged he
might offer their humble Duty and assure him of their unalterable
Regard to his Interest. They intended to send his Highness the
Duke[166] the freedom of their toun in a Gold Box as the highest
mark of their regard for his Highness who does them the honour to
bear the Name of their Town but being afraid least a discovery
should be made by Workmen or others who would render them the
less usefull to his Majesty they must humbly beg his Highness
would look upon the Compliment as real and Honour them with his
Acceptance.
L[ochie]l and I spoke to the Duke upon the supposition we should
obtain no assistance from France how far he thought it would be
prudent at this juncture to undertake the King’s Restoration
ourselves. Upon his Grace’s approving of the scheme, I proposed
when he went to the Country he should talk to Sir A[lexander]
M[acdonal]d upon the same, which he accordingly did, and sent an
answer to L[ochie]l wherin he says that found him entirely of the
same Opinion, that he seemed to think there was a necessity for
it, and that it ought to be done as soon as possible and that
in place of 700 men his Uncle brought with him in the year 1715
he would engage to bring 1200. I could not fail to acquaint you
with his Opinion, he being the most reserved cautious man I ever
knew, and the least apt to say or do anything rashly, everybody
is of Opinion the Government designs by all methods to Ruin the
Highlands which to be sure makes the Gentlemen fond to have
something done before it be out of their power to be of service,
especially as there are some of them whose Estates are so low
such as G[lengar]ry C[lanranal]d A[p]p[i]n C[ap]p[oc]h that they
will be obliged either to sell their lands or conform to the
Government through necessity; and am very credibly[167] informed
that Ca[p]p[oc]h was this Winter at London on a Scheme of raising
an independent Company. Since Mr. Smith came to this place he
has insisted with Lo[chie]l to go over to see Lord Marshall who
he tells him has had several different accounts of the State of
the Highlands so that he is very anxious to talk to him upon
that head. L[ochie]l excuses himself from going but told me Mr.
Smith supposed his Lordship was informed of everything by the
King and that the State given in by Mr. Drummond was just he is
certain; but now things are much better and that Mr. Drummond
rather erred in making the number too small[168] being determined
to advance nothing but what he could answer for. I had a letter
lately from my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r wherein he seems to hint that
his Majesty’s friends in England are in a way of acting with more
vigour and unanimity than they have hitherto done. I hope they
are now become sensible of their weak and groundless prejudices
against Lord Semple (a Catalogue of which I sent you in my last)
as well as of the necessity there is to act Vigorously and
Resolutely for his Majesty’s Restoration. It would seem L[ord]
T[ra]q[uai]r and Mr. Drummond have not judged it fitt to send
my letter to L[ord] Marshall (a Copy of which I sent you in my
last) for I have never had the smallest hint of it from Mr. Smith
neither has L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r taken occasion to mention it in
any of his Letters to me. Upon Bishop Rattrae’s coming to town
I went immediately to the Country for the Cypher when I found
it did not in the least correspond to that Coll. Urquhart must
certainly have been mistaken. I nevertheless resolved to deliver
the letters att the same time showing him the paragraph in mine
relative to him and to tell him the cause of the mistake, but
this day I sent one of his Brethern to acquaint him that I would
wait on him in the afternoon, he was abroad and the next day
when I sent again found he was taken ill of a Pluirisy of which
he died two days after[169] which to be sure is a very great
misfortune and not the less so that Mr. Keith is now Senior
Bishop, what they are now doing or intend to do I don’t know I
have sent you the Cypher inclosed but retained the Letter till
further Orders.
We had great rejoicings some days ago on account of a Battle
said to be gained by the Allies in Germany,[170] but by latter
Accounts, the Case seems to have been that the Army of the
Allies had gott too far into the Country and finding a Scarcity
of provisions (especially amongst the English) they resolved to
return from whence they came when they were attacked by a body
of French to the number of 25,000 or thereabouts, some write
they intended to attack their rear and harrass them on their
march, others they proposed intercepting 12,000 Hannoverians
and Hessians that were on their march to join the Army, but
whatever was their Intention they attacked our foot. Whereupon a
very smart engagement ensued, wherein both partys seem to have
suffered severely. The French repassed the river and we continued
our march and are now gott near to frankfort where its said the
Emperor is and talks of a Suspension of Arms I wish too good a
peace may not ensue. You certainly cant help laughing when you
consider with what Vigour and Success we carry on our war with
Spain. Never was a poor Country in so miserable a Condition as
we are in att present, neither Money nor Trade nor Credit, nay
nor so much as the smallest degree of honour or Character left
us. The Duke of P[erth]’s Stay here was so short that I could
not gett him to explain his Scheme of Seizing Stirlling Castle,
but I wont neglect the first opportunity to have it from him. I
am Still obliged to continue the old Cannal of Correspondence
not being able while att London to find any Safe Conveyance from
thence, but I hope Lord T[ra]q[uai]r will have effectuated that
before his return; I have now write everything that occurrs to me
I wish may not already have tired you.--So with hearty prayers
for the familys wellfare and all friends with you and that we
may soon meet on a Solid and happy footing, I beg that you would
believe that I ever am, etc.
Dated _July 5th, 1743_.
_P.S._--I had almost neglected to tell you that while I was att
London I ordered a Countryman of ours to work Six pair of the
finest Silk-Stockens he could possibly make, which as they are
home manufactory and finest I believe were mad in the Island I
have ventured to send them by Mr. Smith to Rome hoping the Prince
will do his Country and me the honour to accept of them.
My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r having now been three months att London and we all
that time receiving no Material accounts of Success things looked as if
this Summer would be Spent as well as the former without any Resolution
taken of coming to Blows in the Autumn or Winter which made all those
of the concert very uneasy but particularly my Lord L[ova]t, so that he
seemed to give up all hopes of the Schemes ever succeeding and wrote
to L[ochie]l several Letters wherein he resolved to settle his affairs
and go to London where, after he had sollicited an appeal he intended
to lodge against Chisholm, he would then go over to France with his
son. L[ochie]l was so good as show me the most of his Letters and from
some things he said, but particularly a paragraph in one of them we had
reason to conjecture he proposed to end his days in a Religious house;
this we were the more easily induced to believe as his Lordship had now
lived to a great age during the most of which he had acted a part in
the world not looked upon by the Generality of Mankind in a favourable
light. We therefore agreed that L[ochie]l Should write him dissuading
him from his design but at the same time he seemed so positive that
it was thought Necessary to acquaint the King of it as his Majesty’s
orders appeared to us the only mean whereby to prevent his journey,
knowing that his leaving the Country would be of the worst Consequence
as there was not a man in that part of the Country capable to manage
it but himself and in general that his appearing publickly in Arms for
the King must be of great Service, for which Reasons the first Occasion
that occurred I wrote to the King dated September 5th 1743:
[Sidenote: Murray to the Chevalier]
SIR,--I had the honour to write to your majesty the 5th of July
last which I hope is come Safe. I have of late seen several
Letters from Lord L[ovat] to L[ochie]l wherein he Express great
Anxiety and impatience that things are not like to come to a
conclusion. I take it to be upon that account that he has settled
his affairs att home and is now taking leave of his friends with
a Resolution of going this Winter to London there to solicite
an appeal and from thence to France with his Son. Your Majesty
will see at first View all the inconveniencys that may attend
such a procedure more readily than I can express, he being the
only man in the Country capable to manage that part of the
Country alloted him, and indeed I am afraid from a paragraph in
one of his Letters that he has some thoughts of Ending his days
in a monastry Since he thinks he cannot do it in your Majestys
Service. Affairs abroad seem now to tend more and more to a War
with france which Should it happen will I hope putt a Stop to his
journey, but failing that I am apt to believe nothing will do
save your Majestys orders, etc.
To Mr. Edgar.
_September 5, 1743._
[Sidenote: Murray to Edgar]
SIR,--I gave you the trouble of a pretty long Letter the fifth
of July last, since which I have not had the pleasure of hearing
from you. Lord T[ra]q[uai]r is still att London but proposes to
be soon down here, which I heartily wish, some folks being vastly
anxious for his return expecting upon that Event to be intirely
satisfied as to what may be hoped for from the Kings friends in
England. Upon the Highland deserters being shott att London,[171]
which has greatly disobliged their Countrymen, I took it upon
me to acquaint some of the Gentlemen that it was his Majestys
pleasure they should endeavour to prevent as much as possible
any of their followers from inlisting in the Service of the
present Government. This I thought the more necessary as a great
many of them have been carried out of the Country for some years
past, the Dutch having gott several hundreds upon their last
Augmentation.[172] My Lord K[e]n[mur]e is returned from Portugall
perfectly recovered. I said some obliging things to him in his
Majestys Name of gaining the Cameronians (amongst whom he lived)
to his Majestys Interest. I am very sensible what a fickle Sett
of people they are and how difficult an undertaking of this kind
may prove. Yett as Sir Th[oma]s G[ord][o]n of E[arls]t[o]n,[173]
a leading man amongst them two years ago, spoke to the late Lord
of the precarious Situation of the present Government, and in
case of a Restoration begged his protection, this Lord seemed
the fitter person to learn his present Sentiments. Your Friend
Sir J[ames] S[tewar]t[174] who deservedly well liked by all his
acquaintances is to be married to Lord W[emy]ss eldest daughter,
a Match made by Lord E[lcho][175] who left this the beginning of
Summer and I understand, is now at Boulogne, so that I had no
opportunity to deliver the Compliments his Majesty and the Prince
honour him with. I beg you will believe me, etc.
Some time in the month of August the Laird of Mc[Leo]d[176] came
to Edinburgh and told L[ochie]l on his way here, who desired he
might see him, and that he had several Commissions to us, so
desired he would make an appointment with me. When L[ochie]l
spoke to me of it I agreed to ride out with him on the Saturday
to Peggie Vints where he proposed to dine and see a son of Lord
L[ovat]s who was then at the School of Preston,[177] but we were
both afraid from his saying that he had several Commissions
that his Lordship had been too open with him, contrary to the
engagement all these of the Concert had come under to one
another; for which reason we resolved to be very cautious
and determined, in case we found it as we suspected, to say
nothing of it to him. We according mett, dined in the Country
and adjurned to the Tavern in Edinburgh where we resolved to
give him leave to say or ask as few questions as possible and
took occasion to speak a good deal on the present miserable
Situation of the Country, and tell him that we thought him one
of the fittest Persons we knew to instigate the English to join
heartily for promoting the Kings interest, being both a highland
man and one of power in the Country; and at the same time told
him it was his Majestys pleasure that the Chiefs of the Clans
should allow none of their men to leave the Country. To which
he answered that he and Sir A[lexander] Mc[Donal]d had taken
care to let none of theirs inlist, and said a good deal of his
readiness to serve the King so soon as an occasion should offer,
and that he had already during his being att London made it his
business to incite and encourage the English to every thing that
cou’d conduce to his Majestys interest; and as to Lord L[ova]ts
commissions, they turned out only to inquiring about Lord
T[ra]q[uai]r and what news or good hopes he had. From this time
nothing passed worthy the noticeing, I had some compliments from
Lord L[ova]t in his letters to L[ochie]l wherein he acquainted
him with the success he had in a Circuit he made over the Country
and then gott a Letter or two from himself on these subjects and
desiring his Majesty might be acquainted with it and at the same
time saying he was resolved to continue at Home in expectation of
something satisfactory upon my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r’s return. Upon
this I wrote the following Letter to Mr. Edgar, dated October
28th, 1743.
[Sidenote: Murray to Edgar]
SIR,[178]--I has the pleasure of writing to you the fifth of
last moneth with one inclosed to his Majesty, which makes me give
you the trouble of this to acquaint you that upon L[ochie]ls
repeated Letters to Lord L[ovat] together with Copys of my Lord
T[ra]q[uai]rs from London which I sent him, he is determined not
to stir from home this Winter. I should be greatly to blame did I
neglect to inform you that his Lordship has been most assiduous
this Summer to promote his Majestys Interest in his district so
that I have great reason to believe that he is sure of all those
he engaged for. He seems to be in great spirits upon account of
his success in his Circuit he lately made over the Country when
he gained most of the Monroes,[179] a people as little to have
been expected as any in the Highlands. He keeps an open table by
which means he is become very popular, and I believe, generally
speaking, has more to say than any in that Country. L[ochie]l is
still here expecting every day Lord T[ra]q[uai]rs arrival etc.
His Lordship, to the best of my Remmembrance, came to Scotland
sometime in the moneth when L[ochie]l and I immediately mett with
him. He acquainted us that Mr. Drummond had left London a great
while before him and promised so soon as he gott to Paris that
the King of France and his ministers should be acquainted with
the favourable accounts he had to give of his Success and that
he would forthwith inform Lord T[ra]q[uai]r of every Resolution
that was taken. His Lordship likewise told us what had passed
during his Stay at London, which I shall not pretend to give
a particular detail of, having no authority to intermeddle
with, nor ever had, any particular concern in what regarded the
English; so shall leave it to his Lordship to give a particular
account of his Negotiations in that Country, if he shall think it
necessary. I shall only mention here that his Lordship informed
us that he had talk’d with the principal people of the Tory
party some of which were very timerous, others such as Lord
Bar[rymo]re very ready to join in any thing that could conduce to
forward the Restoration, and that he had frankly offered, when
they proposed a sum of Money to be ready to the Value of £12,000
which was scrupled at by some, to provide it himself. That Lord
O[rre]ry[180] I had made two several apointments with him and
Mr. Drummond, neither of which he keept, but Stept out of Town
without Seeing of them. But I must observe that from all I can
Remmember of the Story no particular Concert was formed nor was
their any appearance given the french of meeting with provisions,
Carriages and horses att their landing, as Mr. Amalet proposed at
Versails; for to the contrary when was spoke to who lived
in the neighbourhood of where they proposed to land, concerning
the providing of these several Necessary he said he had no Idea
that any thing had been so suddenly designed for the King, so
could make no promises. Mr. Butler, the Gentleman sent over by
the King of France to enquire into the Situation of the Country,
was introduced by his Lordship to the most of the people. He
knew and was sent to the Country to a meeting at Litchfield
Races there to meet with Lord B[arrymor]e, Sir W[atkin Williams]
W[ynn][181] where he was with about 80 or more gentlemen all of
them but one reckoned honest people, which to be sure gave a
good aspect to the party in general; but nevertheless I don’t
see he went away with such a satisfactory account as Mr. Amalet
seemed to require. He assured my Lord he had several Instructions
from the King himself, but I wish his principall Errand may not
have been to purchase horses with a View to the Kings equipage
for the insuing Campaign, he having bought to the value of 3 or
4000£. This reflection may seem harsh but I cannot reconcile
their bestowing that sum upon horses for which he said they had
no Occasion only by a way of blind and not allowing the prince
not above one half of it for a whole years expences, and I don’t
think it would be just to argue in opposition to it that they
then knew nothing of the Campaign his Majesty intended to make.
The french are rather too far sighted not to allow them to design
so short a while as some moneths before hand. In short from his
Lordships return till the moneth of february we had no Letters
from france. In the interim L[ochie]l went to the Highlands when
he acquainted Sir J[ames] C[ampbell] and Lord L[ova]t with all
yt had passed and that we soon expected the french would come to
a final determination one or tother. We spent the time greatly
shagerin’d, vex’d to have no Accounts of any kind considering
that Mr. Drummond promised at his leaving London in Company with
Mr. Butler to write over immediately. Att last we received two
letters, one inclosing another Copy, of which I shall insert Copy
of Mr. Drummonds Letter to the Earl of T[ra]q[uai]r, dated ...
* * * * *
After I had made this answer with the Consent and advice of the Duke of
P[erth] and was signed by them, the nixt day being Ash Wedensday[182]
his Grace resolved to leave the place being apprehensive that as the
newspapers were there very full of the french preparations he might
be suspected and seized and so not in his power to appear when any
thing came to be done. My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r, att whose Lodgings I had
the Honour to meet his Grace that mourning, was very much against
his leaving the place in such a hurry, and on that day especially. I
likewise took the Liberty to remonstrate to him a little against it but
all to no purpose and he accordingly sett out about Eleven O Clock and
went that night the Length of Dumblain. This was immediately looked
upon by the people of the Government with a very jealous Eye and the
more so that his Brother Lord J[oh]n had come to Scotland some little
time before upon a Scheme of raising a Scots Regiment for the french
Service, stayed only ten days or little more at Edinburgh and went from
that to the Highlands to solicite the Gentlemen there to be assisting
to him in making his Levies. It unluckily hapened for the Duke that
upon the back of Lord J[oh]ns going to the Country the Government began
to be alarmed with the Accounts of the Princes being come to france and
the intended invasion in his Majestys interest which made our little
Ministers conjecture that Lord J[oh]n had been sent over with the
accounts of it to the Highlands and consequently that the Duke had left
the town with an intention to foment an insurrection in the Country.
This was made no secret of, being publickly talked of immediately upon
the Duke disappearing two days, so after his leaving the town a servant
of his was dispatched to London with the Letter I had wrote to Mr.
Drummond their being no other means of conveiying one to him but by
express, we not having any settled Cannal of Correspondence from hence
there. This I think was about the 8th or 10th of february [1744]. My
Lord T[ra]q[uai]r stayed some days in town after, designedly to create
no suspicion.
In about a week or so after I went on a Sunday Evening to see Mr.
H[a]y[183][184] who, when I was talking in a ludicrous way of the
paragraph in the papers about the manner in which his Highness had left
Italy, he told me in a very serious way that it was no Joke and said
that the sooner I went to the Country the better as my living quietly
at home would give no suspicion to the Government, but if I stayed any
time in town he did not know what might happen, that upon his honour he
had not heard me mentioned, which perhaps was owing to my near Relation
with him, but that att that same time I was suspected to correspond
with Rome. I told him I intended to stay some days longer in Town and
would so soon as I had formerly proposed, that I had no cause of fear
and so would not run away, and as to their suspecting my corresponding
with Rome, that I laughed at but thanked him for his kind concern. I
was not at all sorry to find they were so alarmed and afraid, which to
me appeared a sure sign of their weakness, and indeed their fear for
some days after increased to the most abject pusilanimity. His saying
that he had not heard me mentioned was telling plainly that they had
been consulting of who were the persons first to be laid hands; and
I am apt to believe had the management of affairs been left to Lord
Arniston,[185] Sir John Inglis,[186] Commissioner Arthburthnet[187]
and the rest of the present Ministry there would have been little
lenity shown any Body they had the least reason to suspect. But
affairs were afterwards taken out of their hands and putt into these
of Justice Clerks,[188] who tho’ as Violent a Whig yet not so hott
and Violent a Man. I went next day, being Munday, in the morning to
wait of General Guest, who then Commanded in Chief in Scotland[189]
with a View to hear what a Notion or Idea he had of matters. He told
me that the Repeal of the Habeas Corpus Act was expected that night
by the Post, but added that, was it come, upon his honour he did not
know a man he suspected enough to lay up, which I was exceedingly
well pleased with. Also att the same time I could have marked out a
great many and the general seemed not in the least to be affraid and
laughed att the hurry and confusion the other folks were. I was taken
very ill that day after dinner and gave up thoughts of going to Mr.
Hunters of Poolmood’s Burrial[190] which was to be on the Thursday,
and I was desired out by the Widow on the tuesday, which evening about
six O Clock Mr. Mc[Douga]ll[191] brought me a Letter directed to the
Countess of T[ra]q[uai]r. As I was then expecting one every day from
Mr. Drummond, as he had promised in his last, I began to suspect a
little notwithstanding it had come by the Common Post, a very odd
method of Conveyance. In such a critical juncture I opened it when I
found a blank Cover and Still directed as before. This confirmed me
in my suspicion and under that I found a Letter for my Lord which I
immediately opened and tho’ partly in Cypher, could easily understand
that things were directly to be putt in execution. This struck me a
good deal as I said I would not go to the Country. However, I sent Mr.
Mc[Douga]ll with directions immediately to sent the Letter off to Lord
T[ra]q[uai]r and to desire D. C[ ]n[192] to come down as of no
design and tell me I might go to the Country next day if I pleased,
which he accordingly did and hyrred a Chaise, not being able to ride.
In the mean while Sir J. S[tewar]t came to see me, who I acquainted of
it and att the same time wrote a Letter to Lord K[enmu]re who I had
spoke to the Munday before, desiring him to meet me at T[ra]q[uai]r
the thursday night as likewise one to Mr. J[oh]n Mc[leo]d[193] telling
him I thought it would be fitt to send Sir J[ames] C[ampbe]lls son to
the Highlands, who his father designed should serve him therein being
assistant to raise the Country. I accordingly sett out next mourning
for the Country and the day following Lord T[ra]q[uai]r mett me at
Polmood and shewed me the Letter when decyphered which I shall here
give a Copy off, and att the same time a Letter he had received the
night before by express from Edinburgh telling him that their was
a Warrant out to apprehend him which determined his Lordship to go
immediately to the D[uke] of P[erth]. Upon which so soon as the Burrial
was over we came to my house, where I wrote a Letter to Lord K[enmu]re
desiring he would follow us next mourning to Hartrie[194] where we
intended to sleep that night and sent it Express to T[ra]q[uai]r with
other Letters of my Lords, expecting Lord K[enmo]re would be there that
night, but he nevertheless continued the whole time in Edinburgh. We
set out next day from Hartrie which was the fryday, that the french
fleet was dispersed and the Transports run a Shore,[195] and the night
after gott to Drummond Castle, from whence his Grace sent immediately
an express with the Copy of the last Letter we received to L[ochie]l.
We continued som weeks there always in Expectation to hear of a landing
and in the mean time heard that several informations was given in
against the Duke of Perth as having numbers of armed men about his
house which was absolutely false. At last a party of 150 foot and
30 Horse were sent from Stirling to make him Prisoner, but he had
intelligence of it and went out of the way.[196] All this time Lord
T[ra]q[uai]r was sculking about the Country having returned from the
jaunt he had made over the Highlands.
After staying in that Country till the beginning of Aprile, without
receiving any Accounts from abroad and giving up all hopes of a
Landing, I left my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r there and came to Stirlingshire
where I stayed about three weeks and so came to Edinburgh, and from
that went to the Country the 11th of May. In the beginning of June,
when Lord T[ra]q[uai]r returned, I went to wait of him, and being very
uneasy to think we had received no accounts from Abroad, I said if I
could afford the expence I would go over on pretence of seeing the Army
in flanders and so see the Prince myself and learn distinctly what
situation things were in. This his Lordship was well pleased with but
I did not say anything positively, but upon Reflexion by the Road, I
thought it was hard that people who had been for so long concerned in
the Kings affairs and putt to so great Charge about it with the hazard
of their Lives and fortunes should now be left in the dark as to every
thing. Wherefore I resolved to do it, and next day wrote a Letter to
my Lord telling him that if the Duke of P[erth] would give me a 100£
I would be att the rest of the expence myself and go over and in case
his Lordship approved of it, he would be so good as meet me at Peebles
on Saturday, which he did, and after talking with him I came home and
sett out the same night about O Clock and gott to Drummond [Castle]
next afternoon. The Duke immediately agreed to the thing and gave me
an order for the money. About this time came a letter from Lord Semple
to Lord T[ra]q[uai]r by way of an account of their precedure in the
Spring, which I went to T[ra]q[uai]r and assisted his Lordship to
decypher, but was so little to our satisfaction that my Lord still
thought my going over more necessary than before. About this time I
received a letter from St[uar]t of Ard[shie]ll,[197] telling me that
he would have come to the Country to wait of me but his dress made him
remarkable, being in Highland Cloaths, but as he had comed to Town
purposely to meet with me, he hoped I would give him a meeting, and yt
he had seen L[ochie]l lately. I went to town in a day or two after and
dined with him. His Errand was to know of me if I had gott any Accounts
lately, and what hopes I had. I did not think it att all proper to
let him know any thing of my having seen such a letter as Lord Semple
had wrote, nor indeed that any Accounts had come; for in that case he
would have expected something positive. But I put him off by telling
him I imagined the french were resolved to renew the Expedition soon
and so friends did not care to write least any discovery should ensue,
but could easily see that the Answer was not att all satisfactory. I
returned that same night to the Country, and during a few days that I
stayed, prepared for my journey.
N.B.--_This is a fragment of a letter written by Mr. Murray to the
Pretender soon after the miscarriage of the French Expedition._
[Sidenote: Murray to the Chevalier]
It was looked upon by some as certain, and thought necessary
by all, that Mr. Watson[198] should come over, as he was the
person who had gone through the whole Highlands and gott the
engagements of the Several Gentlemen at his first leaving
Scotland, and surely had any of them been so little as to flinch
from what they engaged to him, he was the natural and indeed
the only person that could have upbraided them into their Duty.
My Lord says he could trust to no conveyance, and so could not
soonner give us any information your Majestys friend is here,
upon Mr. D[rummond] not coming, expected immediately after the
Embargo was taken of in france that some one or other would
have been dispatched to our Coasts with an account of what had
passed, and what was to be hoped for, that so we might have
regulate our fortunes Conduct accordingly. The neglect of this,
Sir, greatly surprises your Majestys friends in generall, and
gives the Gentlemen in the concert a good deal of Umbrage, as
they thereby think themselves slighted and neglected, whereas,
they being the first promoters of the whole scheme, they humbly
think entitled them to have the most expidetious information.
His Lordship next supposes that we are fully satisfied of the
french sincerity, which indeed is entirely otherwise, especially
from the Reasons he assigns that it was owing to the commandants
neglect or disobedience to his Instructions. We never can bring
ourselves to believe that any man (especially a french subject)
grown old with an untainted and great Reputation, durst have
disobeyed what seems to have been the only Material part of his
Instructions to block up Portsmouth, and surely, if not for
this one Errand his Voyage to the Chunnel must rather do harm
than good, which was evidently seen by the Government being put
timeously upon their Guard. As to his next paragraph relating to
the frenches cautious delay purposely to see what Influence the
powers of the Court would have upon your Majestys friends here,
and that the above cautious delay was grating to the Prince;
no wonder indeed his Royal Highness had too penetrating an Eye
not to see that it would be impossible to recover this Time and
opportunity he was losing. But what really quite astonishes us
is his Lordships saying that from the light it was represented
in, their caution seemed to be well grounded. We cant pretend to
take their Reasons to [heart] as they are not told us, but we are
affraid they consist more in plausible pretences, dressed up with
a little french Rhetorick, than in strong and solid Arguments.
We are in this Climate generally accustomed to the plainer sort
of speach, and we cannot help thinking ourselves judges of it.
Did not the french Court know of Comns.?[199] Did they not know
that that Majority would pass all Bills that might seem their
Master? Did they not know that the repeal of the Habeas Corpus
act would naturally be the first step and that by that Repeal
they were enabled to take up every person they suspected? Did
they not know that the principal men in England, of your Majestys
friends, were in the house and that not one of them durst object
to any method that was proposed as their offering. Such would
have been an open declaration of their principles, and must
consequently have caused their confinement. Did they not know
that the English are a fickle sort of people, and that they had
a natural abhorence of the french nation, and thay could not
be ignorant that this was giving them time to frighten them by
the fear of a french Influence that State pretence and thereby
to make friends in the City of London. If they were Ignorant of
all these they ought surely to have been told, and we must be of
opinion that these as such Indisputable Reasons that no Sound
Arguments could be adduced to confute them, which, when rightly
observed, makes their Schemes of delaying it for a little time
appear vain and frivolous pretences and absolutely contradictory
to all Right Reason. We are convinced that his Royal Highness,
keeping so quiet has effectually deceived the Government, that it
is entirely owing to his own matchless address, and indeed upon
decyphering the Letter My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and I thought that we
was in the next line to have had orders to keep in readyness to
favour a discent to be made, upon the D[uke] of H[amilton] and
the Dutch troops going over; but to our unexpressible Surprise
he proposes new assurances to be given both from Scotland and
England. In the name of Wonder what can all this mean? Where
are the Grounds? Where the Reasons, where the necessity leading
to such a demand? The assurances from Scotland were thought
sufficient by the K[ing], by C[ardinal] F[leury] and by Mr.
Amalot. From the first moment the assurances carried over by Mr.
Butler last year from England were thought sufficient, otherwise
the french would not have carried the Expidition so far. If this
is the case (which we have all along been made believe) what is
the necessity for any Renewal of them? What a horrid and Gloomy
prospect must such a Scheme carry along with it, things have been
carried on for some years with great Secrecy and caution, tho’
with danger of Life and fortune to those concerned, and must they
now recommence such another tedious and dangerous Negotiation?
I am afraid, Sir, if your Majesty should find it necessary it
will be next to impossible, at lest my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r never
can take a hand doing any thing in England, he is already
strongly suspected and it wanted but little he was not taken up
some moneths ago. The express he sent to London with a Letter
to Watson[200] was seized, which was occasioned by one from him
which left us quite in the dark as to what assistance we were to
have, and that within 3 weeks of the Expidition, but not till he
had delivered his Packet; and had he not luckyly said he believed
it Related to a marriage which was then the talk of the town,
his Lordship had surely been arested. But if the English are so
well satisfied with the procedure of the french, and the open
discovery of any plot, why cant they find one amongst themselves
to do the Business? I shall be sorry to think they have only a
view to gain time till they see whither they are able to carry
on the War in spite of Brittain, and then tell us that the Zeal
shown for the present Government in the time of the Expidition
contradicts all the assurances we advanced to the contrary, which
will be the Result of their Cautious and well delay for a little
time. This is harsh, but other people have seen, and I have read
of france doing the like in other cases. As to the troops to
be landed in Scotland, suppose it to be impossible to converse
with all the concert on it att any time in two moneths, and all
present not to be done at all, yett I can take upon me to affirm
that they still continue in the same mind as to every Article.
3000 men landed, one half near Sir J[ames] Cam[pbe]ll to command
Argyle Shire, the other half near Inverness, a L[ochie]l may join
them to command the north, or if the one half can’t reach near
to Sir J[ames] C[ampbell], lett them be all landed together with
4 feild pieces, 15 or 20,000 Stand of Arms, Gones, Pistoles and
broad Swords, yett from the inquiry I have made I am satisfied
10,000 Guns or less, 10,000 Broad Swords and as many Pistoles
will sufficiently do the Business, as all the Isles are lately
Armed with Guns and most of them Swords, Likewise, as for the
Inland Country, they want Swords and Pistoles very much. It
gives us great uneasiness that my Lord M[arischal] should be so
unhappy as to fly in the face of every Scheme, if he himself
does not project. _Sed quos Deus vult perdere dementit prius_,
but we cannot help thinking oddnt, when the money was had to
pay Sir J[ames] Mr. Watson did not care to remit it. This to be
sure required no Conveyance, a Bill was sufficient. He knows the
miserable Situation he is in, and tho’ the rest of the Concert
are in no such Indigent Situation, yett their Circumstances are
not so opulent as to assist him. The Gentlemen in the Highlands
were so desirous to know if any accounts were come that Locheal
gave a Commission to St[ewart] of A[rdshiel] who came expressly
to meet with me and indeed I was so Anxious for the Situation of
your Majestys friends, that I resolved upon a journey abroad to
inform myself of every thing, upon the pretence of going to see
the Army to some who had a title to be a little more Curious upon
pretence of making more interest for a Company in the Dutch in
case of any new levies, so that it was an accident I either mett
with that Gentleman or saw my Lord S[emple] letter. He complained
heavily that we had no Accounts from abroad, and indeed I never
had more difficulty to excuse our friends. However, I told that
our having none looked well as it portended that the expidition
had surely suffered some short delay from the bad weather that
had happened at the time, and as it was soon to be resumed,
they thought it needless to send us any information in case of
discoveries, which nevertheless cou’d observe did not entirely
Satisfie him. My Lord T[raquair] desired me to assure your
Majesty that there is nothing he would not undertake which
might further your Majestys interest but that he cannot come
from his own house to Edinburgh without being suspected, which
renders it impossible for him to negotiate any thing in England,
and at the same time desires me to observe that he cannot
reconceal that part of my Lord S[emple’s] Letter, where he tells
him that nothing will be fixed with relation to the expidition
till he hear from him with his proposals of fresh assurances
from your Majestys friends here. In short, Sir, I must say that
this letter is of such a nature that I do not take it upon me to
intimate it to the Gentlemen in the Concert as in the present
Situation Your Majestys Wisdom, the inexpressible Character the
Prince has acquired as being of so brave and enterprising a
Spirit, together with their own Suspence and hopes are what keep
up their Spirits, but was I to make it knowen to them I am afraid
it would throw them into a fatal Despondency, so till I have your
Majestys orders am resolved to keep it private. Never was there
a people more anxiously concerned about a princes happiness and
welfare than this nation when she heard of Highness imbarkation,
nor do I believe Scotland ever made a more unanimous Appearance
than they would have done then, provided the Conditions promised
them had been performed, but we have been told here, how justly
I won’t say, that there was only 3000 Muskets designed for us
without any troops, indeed, we are able, at any time, to command
our own Country with Arms and officers, especially now when there
is only four Regiments of foot and two of Dragoons, and each of
these 100 Men draughted to flanders. I am sorry to be obliged
to trouble your Majesty with so long a paper, but I am hopefull
your Majesty will be of opinion our present Situation required
it especially after receiving the inclosed, nor do I fear your
Majestys being angry upon that account as I most humbly beg
leave to say that an honest and loyal Subject can never explain
himself too fully and Clearly to a wise Prince, and since the
Receipt of Lord S[emple] letter I am more fully resolved to make
my journey abroad as I think there is more Reason for full and
pointed explications on every Article, and if I don’t thereby
hurt your Majestys affairs of what at present I have no idea I
shall be quite indifferent as what may be the consequence with
regard to myself, being Void of all other Views but that of
promoting your Majestys Interest, which I shall ever endeavour
to do att all hazard. I most humbly beg this letter may not
be made known to my Lord S[emple] and Mr. W[atson][201] least
it unreasonably make differences amongst those concerned in
your Majestys affairs, but if sending them a Copy will in your
Majestys opinion be of any Service, I can with great Satisfaction
sacrifice the private Regard of any man to the trueth and to my
King and Country.
_This seems to be a Copy of a Letter which Mr. Murray wrote after his
return from France and Flanders in the Moneths of September or October,
1744, To the young Pretender, then in France._[202]
[Sidenote: Murray to Prince Charles]
SIR,--It gives me the most Concern I should have been so long
in this Country without having it in my power to acquaint your
Royal Highness with what has passed since I left France, except
in the short Letter I was necessitate to write from London under
Cover to Mr. Lumly or Maxwell.[203] I dont now remember whilst
being then able to find no other conveyance and since my Arrival
here, there has been no Occasion till the present tho’ I have
laid myself out to find one, as I might not so distinctly as I
incline, acquaint your Royal Highness of every thing by way of
letter. I have taken the Liberty to write in form of a journal
with opinions of the several Persons I have had occasion to talk
to.
I sett out from Senlis[204] on Wednesday morning and on Thursday
night came to Brussels. From thence I went next day to Termonde,
where I mett with 636, 616, 1614, 12, 30, 1392,[205] who I spoke
to as ordered by Mr. Burnet.[206] He seemed a little Timerous at
first, but nevertheless promised to do all in his power with his
Brother Officers, and to write Mr. Fisher[206] under the name
of Burnet subscribing himself Cuming. On the Saturday I went to
425, 1876, 1614,[207] in Company with Mr. 434, 1054, 1730,[208]
to whom I spoke all night and found him so frank as to give me
his word of honour that he would come over immediately upon my
writing to him that he would use his Interest with the 1495 of
his 598, 1614,[209] and go to Charleroy and talk with Some of
Coaliers[210] and promised likewise to Send me over a list of
the recruiting officers for this year, with a mark to those that
might be spoke to. From that came to Rotterdam on Saturday where
he informed me that there was nothing easier than to gett Arms of
all kinds by applying to any Jew att Amsterdam who would oblige
himself upon a penalty to give any number att whatever port in
Holland we desired, and that as this was done dayly, it would
create no Suspicion. There mett with 1389, 1051, C13,[211] to
whom I repeated what had passed from the time I left him, and
delivered him two letters from Mr. Burnet[206] with which he
seemed exceedingly well pleased. I had many conversations with
him on these Subjects, and upon the whole he was, and still is
of Opinion that the English will not be brought to enter upon
any Scheme without a foreign force, and that Mr. Burnet’s[212]
coming to Scotland without their concurrence must be of the
worse consequence, as from that quarter alone their did not
appear the least probability of Success; for which reason, if the
french do not putt in Execution the following Spring what they
proposed the passed, he proposes as the dernier Resort to make
an offer to the King of the Crown of Scotland upon the footing
of the Antient Allience with France; but of this I shall say
nothing, leaving to him to explain it himself, and as to raising
a Sum of money is of Opinion it will be very difficult, if at
all possible. On the friday Se-en night,[213] after leaving
Senlis I arrived att London and nixt morning went to wait of Mr.
Moore[214] but missed him, however in the evening I gott him at
home but found him quite a different man from what I had left
him, very reserved and did not offer to show me any letter he
had received during my Absence tho’ Martin[215] informed me he
had given him one the post before. I then talked to him a little
different of the frenches intentions, at least for this Winter
season, to which he answered he looked upon the King of France
as a man of honour, and that to be sure he would not give Mr.
Fisher[212] such promises if he did not seriously intend to serve
him. I endeavoured to show him from the then Situation of the
french officers that it was unreasonable to expect it, but all
to no purpose. Then I told him that Mr. Fisher desired Letters
so and so adressed should Morris,[216] this he said was not in
his power for he did not know the person in the City forwarded
them, but promised to speak with Martin, who was acquainted
with, and usually carried his Letters, who was acquainted with
him. I nixt spoke to him of raising a Sum of money to purchase
Arms as likewise a few thousand pounds for Mr. Burnets[217] Own
Use who was much pinched by the small allowance he had from
Mr. Adams.[218] He told me that was what he could say nothing
off, but that he knew their had been a Sum remitted to him last
Spring by the way of Amsterdam. I then asked him to suppose
the case that the french would do nothing, whether he imagined
Saville[219] would join heartily with Sanderson[220] to bring
about 407. Smith;[221] to which he answered as before, about the
money that he knew nothing about it and so would not give his
Opinion. Upon which I enjoined him upon Mr. Burnets[217] Name
to mention that to none but whom Mr. Bright[222] and he should
agree upon his Coming to Town, and desired to know how soon he
thought that should be, which he still answered as before. From
all which I could plainly see he had gott his Lesson from the
other side. What made this the more obvious to me, in talking of
raising money to purchase Arms, I told him it would be absolutely
necessary, for tho’ in Diepe[223] we had men and them very
willing to fight, yet we had no money, and Arms for not above
7000 if so many; A number far inferior to what I had before told
him would appear. Upon which he immediately indeavoured to catch
me by saying he hoped I had got no bad news from Doit[224] to
Occasion my Diminishing the number of Loyalists which obliged me
to explain the matter by telling him that in 1829, 1274, 1381,
1721,[225] a Gentleman [whose] following consisted perhaps of
800 had not arms for above one half and so of the rest, by which
means they all in general when spoke to, declared they were not
Armed. This, he no doubt did with Intent to find me out in a
Contradiction which he could not have failed to represent to his
friends on the other side by the first post, who would have
made their own use of it with Mr. Burnet.[226] Two days after,
I went again to wait of him and enquire if he had settled that
Correspondence as Mr. Fisher[226] desired, when he told me with
great indifference that he had never spoke of it, and that the
packets were to be stoped going any Longer from Dover to Calais,
so that their must be a new conveyance settled, but how that was
to be done he did not know. I then left him, and wrote the Short
Letter I before mentioned to Mr. Burnet.[226] Then sett out for
Doit, and on tuesday the 2d of October met with 1443, 1721, 530,
1489, 699, 1051, 1798,[227] a young Gentleman of a very large
fortune, who I acquainted in general with my having seen Mr.
Fisher[226] and what he proposed, upon which he very frankly
offered to raise a sum of Money provided the others who I told
off were to be applyed he would agree to it and that he would
stay some time longer than he proposed, having intended to go
to London, and is now in this place but of Opinion that nothing
can be done without either a foreign force or the concurrence
of Sidley.[228] Upon tuesday the ninth of October, I sent an
Express to Mr. Bright,[229] then at the Earl of Nidsdales, and
upon thursday morning he came to my house where I acquainted him
with everything I had done from my Arrival at London. He seemed
very much concerned that so many years and so much money had
been spent to no purpose, but as he was obliged to return early
nixt morning would not give his Opinion of the present footing
things were on till his return home. Upon the 16th, I went with
an intention to see Sir 1293, 43C, 1055, 1744, 1045, 1948, 1679,
1778,[230] and inform him fully of Mr. Burnets[226] resolutions,
but found he was in fife, and his family uncertain of his Return,
so proceeded to Edinburgh from whence I wrote the 18th of October
to Mr. Fergus,[231] begging he would meet me at Mr. Brights[229]
house about the 26th, and one inclosed to Mr. Dan,[232] desiring
him to come immediately. I soon received a letter informing me
that Mr. Dan was come, and desired to see me, but as at this time
my wife was taken very ill, I sent a servant that same night to
town desiring the favour of a visit from him in the Country,
which he declined, thinking it would look too suspicious as I
was so lately come home and he only two days in Town, so rather
choose to delay it for som little time. I likewise received a
letter from Mr. Fergus,[233] telling me he could not for some
weeks see me. I was now become very uneasy to think I had been
for above a moneth in the Country without being able to do any
thing, when luckily, about the of the moneth Mr. Bright[234]
called on me in his very home and promised to be in town 3 or 4
days after, which determined me to go nixt day, and that night
I mett with Mr. Bright (who had been called by express) and
Mr. Dan, when I read them a journal of what had passed from my
leaving Diepe the 7th of July, and acquainted them with Mr.
Burnets[235] Resolutions in case the french failed him. They were
both well pleased with the proposal of Sidly and Sanderson[236]
acting in conjuncion, but Equally against Mr. Fisher’s[235]
relying upon Sanderson alone. I nixt day gave Mr. Dan the Letter
designed for Nicolson,[237] which he delivered to him, and made
an apointment to meet with me the same night which he accordingly
did; but as he had drunk a little too much we differred having
any positive answer from him. I told Mr. Dan there was a
necessity for the other Letters being delivered immediately and
that I depended upon him to do it. Found, as he was then about
getting his Charter from the Duke of Argyle, and had given that
for the reason of his coming up, it was impossible for him to
Return without giving Suspicion. I for the second time had the
misfortune to miss Sir 1293, 43C, 1055, 1744, 1045, 948, 1679,
1778,[238] being gone to his house in the West, nor have I yett
been able to see him, as I have almost ever since been obliged to
Stay in this place. I left town munday 12 and returned thursday
the 15th, where Mr. Dan came to me before dinner and told me
that young Kinny[239] desired to speak with me, so I agreed to
meet him that Evening Att 4 o’Clock, where he informed me that
Lord Semple[240] and Mr. Drummond had refused to do Business
any longer, that they had sent John Drummond[241] to him att
Dunkirk to acquaint him that I had made Mr. Burnet[242] believe
they were not trusted by his friends, and that they had then a
prospect on the _Tapis_ but had given it up, and told him that
I had at the same time perswaded Mr. Fisher[243] to come ovir
with the intent to make himself 1357[244] and leave his father
att _Harfleur_,[245] which I take God to Witness I never since
mentioned to him as indeed it is one of the things in the world
most against my principles upon which alone I have always acted
in Mr. Ellis’s[246] affairs. Kinnys opinion of them, together
with what I told him, easily convinced him of the folly of their
Story.
Some few days after this Mr. Fergus[247] came to town and stayed
for near two weeks, he has procured the small Vessel by which
this comes, and will order it to and again so often as Occasion
shall offer. I had several conversations with him on the present
State of affairs, but shall confine them all to his Answer, we
shall he Subjoin with that of the rest, having gott them to putt
their several Opinions in writing. I shall there putt down Mr.
Fergus, Mr. Bright[248] and Mr. Dans[249] opinion with regard to
some of the Articles I was charged with in the memorandum. Which
notwithstanding they were (save Fergus) against Mr. Burnets[243]
coming over, at any rate to Doit,[250] I nevertheless insisted
upon it to show that I had not neglected any particular of my
orders, and first as to Mr. Brights[248] going to London he
proposes being there before the end of January, 2ndly The letters
wrote to the several persons for money should be delivered with
an Apology, that they could be wrote to in no other stile in
case they had miscarried, 3rdly, The place Mr. Burnet[243] was
to meet should be some small distance from Aberdeen, upon that
part of the Coast lying towards Dundee, and that we should here
be acquainted by one sent over a moneth before, of the day he
determined to sail, providing the weather favoured him, and the
moment he landed to send an express to Mr. Fergus,[249] and one
to Mr. Dan[247] with instructions what day they were to ...
[_Hiatus in MSS._]
4ly as to providing of Swords it is what they dayly do, but the
number to be had so small as not to be regarded. 5tly The making
of Hilts and Targets impossible to be done without a Discovery
and that a few days only is required to make the Targets so that
they can be provided without trouble. 6thly, As to a ship for
Arms, Mr. Fergus engaged to provide it.
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS WRITTEN BY ALEXANDER MACBEAN, A.M.
MINISTER OF INVERNESS
_Inverness, 10 Octr. 1746._
The Islands of Orkney and Shetland I know little about.[251]
The Shire of Caithness is inhabited chiefly by StClairs and Dunbars.
The Earl of Caithness is Chief of the StClairs who are by far more
numerous than the other. I know not the precise number of men they
can raise but I have heard that at the Battle of [252] fought by
them against the late Earl of Breadalbin, I think in the reign of King
William, they had about 1500 men Horse and Foot. But several gentlemen
of that name living in the Orknies would on such ocasion with their
men join their friends on the Continent. Mr. James Gilchrist, Minister
at Thurso,[253] happened to be walking with a gentleman in Summer 1744
who found a letter on the road which when opened was found to be writ
in Cypher by a gentleman of the name of StClair to a correspondent at
Edinburgh mentioning that Shuch and Shuch would be ready at a Call
each with his number of men plainly exprest; all the names were in
Cypher nor could I learn the precise number. Mr. Gilchrist could not
prevail with the gentleman to let him have the keeping of the letter,
however this discovery was useful as it put the Lords Sutherland and
Reay on their guard. ’Twas talked here in time of the Rebellion that
the StClairs would have joined the Pretender but that they durst not
pass through Lord Sutherland’s country[254] as his men were in arms
joined by the McKays, some of the ministers of Caithness can inform you
particularly about this and about Sir James Stewart of Burrows[255] who
lives in the Orknies.
_Dunbars of Caithness_
I could not as yet be informed how the Dunbars of Caithness behaved,
Sir William Dunbar of Hemprigs their Chief, is the principle man. He
was reckoned well affected to Church and State.
_McKays of Strathnavar_
Next to Caithness, Southward and on the Western coast, is Strathnavar
the country of Lord Reay, Chief of the McKays,[256] a zealous
Presbyterian and revolutioner; with all his Clan he can raise as near
as I can guess about 600 men. The part he acted last year is well
known. It will be always mentioned to his honour that by his zeal and
diligence he got the large Parish of Diurness divided into three and
Stipends made for each of them by a general Collection through Scotland
and his own liberal assistance though his estate be but 10,000£ scots
there is scarce a family in this country but has been brought to have
Family Worship, though that People was of old very rude and barbarous.
_Sutherland of Sutherland_
Next to Caithness, Southward on the East coast, is the Earl of
Sutherland’s country, Chief of the name of Sutherland. His Lordship’s
affection to our Constitution in Church and State is well known;[257]
he can raise ’twixt 1200 and 1500 men; his Estate is reckoned about
£3000 scots but somewhat under burden.
_McLeods of Assint_
As the Shires of Sutherland and Caithness make a Peninsula formed by
the Firth of Tain from the east Sea and an arm of the Western Ocean,
that I may describe the People and the Country more distinctly I will
travel along the Western Coast and then return Eastward.
Next to Lord Reay’s country on the south side of the Firth called
Edrachaolis and on the west coast is the country of Assint, belonging
of old to a branch of the McLeod Family. This country fell into the
hands of the McKenzies for debt in Charles the Second’s time.[258]
McLeod kept possession violently till Letters of Fire and Sword were
executed against him by the Earl of Seaforth. The Commons there are
chiefly McLeods. McLeod of Ginnies in east Ross is the heir male of
that family. He raised one of the independent Companies last year and
continued in the Government’s service till dismissed a few weeks ago.
His dwelling is about 30 miles east from Assint. After the battle of
Preston McDonald of Barisdale[259] with a few men went to that country
and recruited about 60 men, but the Lord Reay’s or Lord Sutherland’s
people--I’m not sure which--fell upon him and [recaptured] the men. He
and his company were obliged to take to their heels. This country is an
entire parish, and prodigious rough and mountainous but famous for good
pasture and good cattle. A few of the Earl of Cromarties family lived
here and were obliged to go with him to the Rebellion. Viz. McKenzie of
Ardloch.
_McLeods of Cogach_
To the south of Assint is the country of Cogach, a part of the parish
of Loch-Broom formerly belonging to another family of the McLeods.
[Margaret] McLeod of Cogach, the heiress of the family, was married
to George, the first Earl of Cromarty.[260] This Earl, who was an
antiquary, alleged that McLeod of Cogach was Chief of the whole clan,
and consequently he as their representative, in right of his wife,
procured the Title of Lord McLeod from Queen Anne as his secondary
title, and this country continued the property of the family till now.
Out of Cogach and some branches of his family in Loch-Broom together
with the few I have mentioned from Assint, the Earl of Cromarty raised
above 200 men for the late Rebellion. What number he had altogether
will be mentioned when I come to the East Coast where he dwelt.
_McKenzies of Loch-Broom_
Next to Cogach is Loch-Broom, belonging to several small Heritors of
the name of McKenzie. John McKenzie of Ardloch and James McKenzie of
Cepoch, the only Papists that I know in all that tract of ground except
the Lady Assint, bred their children Protestants.
Next is the Country of Gairloch, belonging mostly to McKenzies of
Gairloch.
_McKenzies of Applecross and Loch-Carran_
To the south of it is Applecross a new erection in the year 1720. And
next to it Loch-Carran. To this last place, the Earl of Seaforth,[261]
as we call him here, retired when the Rebels retreated North and
gathered 600 or 800 of his men about him by which he kept them in
readiness for any service proper for him to do and preserved them from
straggling companies of the Rebels who went about recruiting men. This
last is the property of the Earl.
_Mathesons and Murchisons of Loch Ailsh_
Next to the South is the country of Loch Ailsh the property of the
Seaforth Family. The McDonalds of Glengarry of old pretended right to
the country and had many battles and skirmishes with the McKenzies
about it. The last was a Sea-fight in Birlins and Boats, with long
poles, corn forks and Lochabyr axes, in which the McDonalds were
defeated, and Glengary with many of his company killed.[262] This
happened before the Reformation. Most of the Commons are Mathesons and
Murchisons but they join the McKenzies.
_McRaes of Kintail_
Next to the South is the Parish of Kintail and the Parish of
Muick[263] a new erection in the year 1726 taken from the old Parish
of Kintail. The whole country goes under the name of Kintail. The
bulk of the inhabitants are of the name of McRae, descended from the
Campbells,[264] but they follow the Seaforth Family. Here lies Glen
Shiel.
In all this tract of ground, viz., from Lord Reay’s country on the
north to Glenelg on the south, the people are but late converts to
Presbytery. The old Episcopal Incumbents having lived long, some of
them till the year 29, I could not find that any of them took the
oaths to the Government. The gentlemen are most Episcopal and they or
their predecessors were at Shirefmoor and Glen Sheil with the late
Seaforth.[265] But by the good disposition of the present Seaforth
to our happy establishment, they did not think fit to join in the
late Rebellion, excepting a few younger brothers who had nothing to
lose and are now prisoners in London. The first Presbyterian Minister
was planted in Assint in the year 1727 at Loch-Broom. He landed much
sooner, but though married to a native he was so miserable that he
could not live in the country.
After him Mr. James Smith, now Minister at Creich in Sutherland, was
ordained for the place by the Presbytery of Dingwall. The first night
he came to his Parish both the eyes were plucked out his horse as his
welcome to the country. Applecross, Kintail and Muick were not planted
till the year 1730; Loch Carran in the year 1725. Mr. John McKilikin
was ordained at Dingwall for the parish of Loch Ailsh a good time ago
and though he lived for several years, he never durst enter his parish,
and after his death, the Presbytery who went there to command the
people about filling the parish in the year 1721 or 1722, were made
prisoners in the house where they met, by men in women’s clothes, and
their faces blackened. A pledge was demanded of them that they should
never come to that country, which they refusing, they sent a Guard
of this black crew with each of them towards their respective homes.
But in the year 1727 a minister was planted there who got peaceable
possession. In all or most of these parishes the Sacrament of the
Supper has been lately administered and the Commons are already much
recovered from their blindness and bigotry, and some of the gentlemen.
[_The Long Island_][266]
In all this tract of ground there are no Papists but what I have
named. I know the country minutely, and ministers are tolerably well
accommodated in Stipend, Manse, and Glebe. I will speak of the number
of men Seaforth can raise when I come to the east side of the country
where his seat stands.
Opposite to the coast I have been describing is the Long Island. That
part of it to the North, called Lewis, belongs to the Seaforth Family.
It was formerly the property of McLeod of Lewis, now extinct.[267] The
People here are Protestants and do not dislike the present Clergy;
there were two new erections made here, Anno 1726, before the estate
of Seaforth was sold by the Government; so that this country is in a
tolerable state of reformation.
The next district of the Long Island is called Harris. The people
Protestants: it belongs to the Laird of McLeod. The next portion
southward is called North Uist. The people Protestants; Sir Alexander
[Macdonald] of Slate, Proprietor, South Uist belongs to McDonald of
Moidart, or the Captain of Clanranald, as they call him. The present
Clanranald lived here: he and his People are Papists, as is McNeil of
Barra,[268] and his People. In the Uists and Barra are one or two new
erections of late; but by the influence of the Gentry, the diligence
and insolence of the Priests, and the bigotry of the people, the
ministers had little success till now. Old Clanranald was not in arms
in the late Rebellion nor could many of his people in Uist get over to
the Continent, for the ships of war that cruised upon the coast.
[_The Macdonalds_]
As I have mentioned two families of the McDonalds, I will say
something of them in general. They would be a great Clan and next to
the Campbells in strength and number, if united under one head: but
the several families of them, viz.: Clanranald, the Slate family, the
Glengarry family, the Keppoch family, and even the Glencoe family, all
pretend to be the lineal heir of McDonald of the Isles, Earl of Ross,
who was forfeited in the time of James the Second, for joining with
the Duglases and others in the Great Rebellion that then happened; and
this division makes them less potent and formidable than otherwise
they would be.[269] I once made an abstract of the several Rebellions
and Insurrections of the McDonalds against the Kings of Scotland, and
especially against the Stuart Family; by which it was very evident
this people was seldom loyal to any King on the throne. If they could
find no Pretender, they would find some pretence or other for war and
plunder. But this paper I have lost.
[_Skye_]
The next Island to the South and East is Skye, the property of McDonald
of Slate, McLeod and McInnin,[270] The people Protestants, the Commons
and most of the Gentry better disposed than those in Seaforth’s
country, on the opposite continent. Here is a new erection or two made
Anno 1726. Egg, Rum, Muick and Canney, etc., are little Isles adjacent
to Sky; the inhabitants Popish. But about 30 years ago, McLean of Coll
is said to have converted a pragmatical, forward fellow, who misled the
rest, by insulting him in their presence, and on this the inhabitants
of that Island became Protestants.[271] These Isles were erected into a
Parish in Anno 1726.[272]
[_Glenelg and Knoydart_]
The next country southward on the continent is Glenelg, the property of
the Laird of McLeod. The people Protestants and honest, and generally
well disposed: here are Barracks built for two or three companies of
soldiers near the Strait that divides Sky from Glenelg: this country
is fertile in grass and corn. Here are two famous Danish Forts of dry
stone built very high which I have seen.
To the south an arm of the sea called Lochiurn, _i.e._, Helsloch[273]
runs up ’twixt this country and Cnoidart. This last is the property
of Glengarry, and the most mountainous, craggy, and coarse of all the
Highlands: the roads are so eminently bad that there is no thought of
riding in it, and in some places so steep and rocky, that they have
ropes of withs tied to trees to take hold of, lest passengers should
fall and break their bones. The people all Papists and mostly thieves.
’Tis a part of the parish of Glenelg, but they never give the minister
any trouble, except in collecting his Stipend. Here lived those famous
Cadets of Glengarrie’s family, Barisdale, and Scotos,[274] who had
almost the whole country in bondage, and the people their slaves.
[_Moidart and Arisaig_]
To the south of Knoidart lies Moidart and Arasag, the property of
Clanranald. The people Popish but not so thievish as in Knoidart.
Next it lies two great glens called Moroirs; the one of them belongs
to Glengarry and the other to McDonald, commonly called McDonald
of Moroir. The Inhabitants Popish. The two principal Cadets of
the Clanranald family are Kinloch Moidart and Moroir, and their
branches,[275] all Popish. These four last countries, viz., Moidart,
Arasag and the two Moroirs are in the parish of Ardnamurchan, and
they with Knoidart are commonly called the Highlands by the other
Highlanders. The people of Lochabyr, Glengarry, and Stratherrick
reckoning their own country level in comparison of these.
Next lies Ardnamurchan in which is the famous Lead Quarry, Strontian,
the property of Murray of Stanhope:[276] it belonged till of late to
Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochnell: and was taken about the time of the
Reformation by Sir Donald Campbell of Ardnamurchan, a natural son to
Calder, from McDonald the old Proprietor. The people are generally
Protestants, but with a mixture of Papists. Many of the inhabitants are
Camerons and McLachlans, and violently Episcopal.
[_Ardnamurchan, Morvern and Maclean’s Country_]
As I am now arrived at the Cape commonly called Ardnamurchan, I turn
back to the north east, where on the Sound of Mull lies the country of
Morven the property of the Duke of Argyle. The people Protestants; many
of them Camerons, McLachlans and McLeans: much inclined to Episcopacy,
and consequently Jacobites. There are few or no Papists: of old this
country belonged to the McLean family.
The next country on the north east and still on the Sound of Mull is
Kingairloch, the property of McLean of Kingairloch. He himself was not
in the Rebellion but I saw two or three of his brothers there. The
people Episcopal, and Jacobite.
Next, still north east, and on an arm of the sea lies Ardgour, the
property of McLean of Ardgour; his country lies ten or twelve miles
along the sea-coast till you come to the head of Locheil. He is a
well disposed old man, but as his estate is much out of his hand, his
influence was not great; the people Protestants. Here lived Ludovick
Cameron,[277] Uncle to Locheil, who brought out many of the inhabitants
to the Rebellion, especially the Camerons who lived here.
Having now travelled on the north side of the Sound of Mull as far
as the sea goes up, the last five miles of which is called Locheil,
I go back to the islands in the Sound, and then will come along the
south coast, and describe the countries inhabited by Rebels; I will
afterwards describe the rest of Argyle if you require it.
[_Lismore, Mull, Strathlachlan_]
The first island of any note is Lismore; a most fertile soil; all
founded on Limestone, and like garden ground, which the name of the
island imports. Here was the seat of the Bishop of the Isles: it lies
in the Sound opposite to Lorn and Appin; the people Protestants and
well disposed. It is but eight miles long and one broad, and is the
property of ten or twelve heritors. To the west hereof lies Mull, a
large island containing three Parishes, mostly the Property of the
Duke of Argyle; formerly the property of McLean of Dowart. McLean of
Lochbuie has still an estate here, of about 6000 Merks: the people
Protestants mostly and well affected; but from this island, Morvern
and Kingairloch there came about nine score McLeans to the Rebellion,
of whom returned but 38 as a McLean told me.[278] The islands of
Tyree, Coll, Jura, Colonsay, Islay, Gigha, etc. I omit as there were
no men from them in the Rebellion. Only before I come to the southeast
coast of the Sound of Mull, I must not omit a gentleman who rose with
his men from the heart of the country of Argyle, I mean the Laird of
McLachlan;[279] his small country called Strathlachlan lies to the
south of Inverary and on the south side of Lochfine. He is Chief of the
McLachlans, and had as I am informed, near 300 men in the Rebellion,
but of the number I am not quite sure; Mr. Alexr. Campbell, minister
of Inverary, must know.[280] His people of a long time profest to be
of our Communion, but one Mr. John McLachlan,[281] a most violent
Episcopal minister poisoned his Chief and the gentlemen of his name to
a strange degree, and indeed did more mischief among other clans than
any three priests I ever knew.
[_Appin and Glencoe_]
I now come as I promised to the coast on the south east side of the
Sound of Mull. The first dissaffected country is Appin, inhabited
by the Stuarts. The Laird of Appin[282] keeps quiet at home but the
gentlemen of his clan and his tenants were in the Rebellion. The
people here are Protestants, but strangely poisoned by the Nonjurant
Episcopal Clergy. Adjacent to Appin is Glencoe; a small place; McDonald
of Glencoe is Superior.[283] He can raise of his tenants and followers
100 men. He and his people the same as to religion as his neighbours of
Appin.
[_Lochiel’s Country_]
To the north east of Glencoe, an arm of the sea runs up from the Sound
of Mull called [Loch Leven], which I now cross to describe the country
of Mamore, inhabited by Camerons and belonging heritably to the Duke
of Gordon, but a good part of it feued off to Locheil. The people all
Protestants, but of the same kind with Appin and Glencoe. To the north
east of Mamore lies Fort-William and a small Glen called Glennevis,
above which stands the largest and the highest mountain in Scotland,
called Ben Nevis.
On the north side of the River Lochy lies the rest of Locheil’s estate,
viz., Locheil, Strathlochy, and Locharkaig. The first and second of
these, six miles long each; the last, twelve miles.
On the north side of the Loch of Arkaig (the south side being all wood
and desert) mostly inhabited by thieves, the minister of Killmaly
preaches to them once a quarter or twice at most, and then the half of
them cannot be present if they were willing to attend. In Winter the
snow and storm hinders, and in Summer they are scattered through the
hills with their cattle. The Camerons boast of their being Protestants,
and Locheil hindered his brother the priest[284] to preach among them,
when he told him he would bring them from that villainous habit of
thieving, if he would allow him to preach, and say Mass among them: his
answer was that the people of Glengarry, Knoidart, Arisag, etc., who
were profest Papists, were greater thieves than his people, and if he
would bring these to be honest and industrious, he would then consider
his proposal as to the Camerons, and till he would bring that good work
to a bearing he positively forbad him to middle with his people. But
Locheil and the gentlemen of his clan were great encouragers of the
Nonjurants and as far as they could they perverted the Commons.
[_Keppoch_]
The South of the River Lochy is the property of the Duke of Gordon for
6 miles benorth Fort William: inhabited mostly by Camerons. And then
begins the country of McDonald of Keppoch, partly the property of the
Duke of Gordon; and partly the Laird of M‘Intoshes, Keppoch having but
a small interest in it. Anno 1687 McIntosh wanting a great arrear of
rents of Keppoch, and getting no satisfaction, went to that country to
poynd their cattle, and brought in his train above 500 men. Keppoch,
with the assistance of Glencoe and others, his good friends, paid him
his rents by giving him battle,[285] killing great numbers of his men,
and taking himself prisoner, and getting such good conditions as he
pleased before he released him. The whole ended in a famous Highland
song, mocking McIntosh, and placing the true property of the country
in Keppoch, as worthier to possess it. Next year Keppoch and his men
came northward within 4 miles of Inverness, and sent a message to that
town, to find him and his men, money, clothes, and provisions; with a
threatening if they scrupled this, he would plunder the town. The town
sent out three or four of their Top Burghers to commune with him. These
he detained close prisoners, and sent another message demanding 4000
Merks in Specie, and a suit of their finest scarlet mounted with gold
for himself with a certification that if this was not done next day,
which happened to be the Sabbath, he would hang up their ambassadors,
and then plunder their town. Accordingly the town redeemed themselves
at the rate he was pleased to prescribe, and his fine and rich suit was
finished on Sunday. Then the Ambassadors were released after a severe
reprimand for their insolence in prescribing anything to him further
than to ask his pleasure.
Keppoch’s people and the Duke of Gordon’s tenants in the neighbourhood
are mostly Popish;[286] the greatest number of them were perverted in
the Reigns of Queen Anne and George the first. They deal pretty deep in
the thieving trade.
[_Glengarry_]
The next country to the north east is Glengarry, the people Papists and
better at thieving than the worst of the other tribes. Their gentlemen
found a way to put most of their neighbours under Black Mail which
raised them some hundreds of pounds Sterling, for several years back.
[_Abertarff and Stratherrick_]
The next country still eastward is Abertarff, mostly the property
of the Lovat Family: some of it feued out to Glengarry: all betwixt
Fort Augustus are Popish: the few villages of Abertarf, be-east the
Garrison, are inhabited by a mixture of Papists and Protestants: the
people not free from theft.
Here lies Lochness, the country on the South side is called
Stratherrick the property of the Lovat Family. The people Protestants:
they submitted to the Established Clergy for many years back. The
Commons went to the late Rebellion with great reluctance, and most
of them violently compelled. The first country on the north side
of the lake is called Glen Morrison, the property of Grant of Glen
Morrison.[287] The old man with his men were in the Rebellion: the
young Laird is an Ensign in Lord John Murray’s Regiment.[288] The
people a mixture of Papists and Protestants, much given to theft.
[_Urquhart and Glenmoriston_]
Forward to the north east is the country of Urquhart, belonging to the
Laird of Grant. Their neighbours, the McDonalds and Frasers, raised
most of the men and carried them off to the Rebellion.[289] These and
the Glen Morrison men after the Battle of Culloden surrendered to the
young Laird of Grant, and were brought by him to the Duke of Cumberland
to Inverness to deliver their arms; but by some mistake in the Report,
as if they were taken in arms rather than surrendered, they were made
prisoners and sent off by sea to England. The people are Protestants,
though none of the most civilized.
[_The Aird_]
Next is the country of the Aird belonging to Lord Lovat, and where his
house stood. The people Protestants, and of our Communion, save very
few.[290] The Commons here are an honest, civilized sort of people if
left to themselves.
[_Strathglass_]
Next, to the North, is the country of Strathglass, mostly inhabited by
Papists. I do not hear much of their thieving, though they suffer much
by the Glengarry thieves. This country belongs mostly to Chisholm of
Comar (whose men were in the Rebellion, though he himself was not)[291]
and partly to the Frasers.
[_Seaforth, Munro, and Cromartie’s Country_]
Next is Seaforth’s country, all along pretty low and level, till you
come to Ferrindonall, the country of the Munro’s; (the Highland part
of his estate, I described on the first sheet as it lies on the North
Sea). The Gentlemen and Commons of the McKenzies are Protestants save
very few, but very much devoted to the Nonjurant Episcopal Clergy. The
Seaforth family embraced the Reformation in the Minority of James the
sixth. Coline, then Earl, entertained the famous Mr. Robert Bruce[292]
at his house with great respect and esteem when he was banished to
Inverness and the country beyond it. I saw the subscription of Earl
George, brother to the said Colin, to an original copy of the Covenant
ingrossed on parchment, but he was afterward excommunicated by the
Church for breach of trust. I am not sure if this family turned Popish
before James the seventh’s time, but the then Earl, whose name was
Kenneth, was Popish, as was his son the late Earl. The present Earl was
very faithful to the Government all the time of the Rebellion.[293] The
Munros and Rosses, I say nothing of, as their good affection to Church
and State is well known.
Next is the Earl of Cromartie’s Estate. In the low country the people
well affected to our Constitution in Church and State; and very few of
his Low Country tenants went with their Lord to the Rebellion.
[_Mackintosh Country_]
Having in the first sheet described all be-north the broad Ferry of
Sutherland at which I have arrived, I come to McIntoshes country,
viz., Strathnairn, Strathdearn,[294] and Badenoch. The people are all
Protestants, not given to thieving, but strangely poisoned by the
Nonjurant Clergy. Their dissatisfaction has sufficiently appeared by
their rising with the Lady against the King, rather than with the
Laird, their Chief who was a captain in the King’s pay, yea, McIntoshes
own company, which he had newly levied, deserted from him and listed in
what was called the Lady’s Regiment.[295]
[_Strathspey, Strathavon and Glenlivat_]
The next country, Strathspey, the property and seat of the Laird of
Grant: this Clan raised a Regiment at the Revolution and were firm
to the interest of King William, but they suffered so much by the
depredations of the Camerons and McDonalds that they became rather too
cautious in time of the late Rebellion; the truth is they were ’twixt
two fires, Lord Lewis Gordon to the east, and McIntoshes, Camerons
and MacDonalds to the west, so that their country must have been
severely plundered if they had been more than Neuters.[296] Besides
the emulation ’twixt Grant and the President in former Elections for a
member of Parliament was said to have made the Grants too [cautious];
however their good affection to the Revolution Interest has not been
questioned, and they are firm Presbyterians. Theft is scarcely known
in this country, though they have been great sufferers by the thieving
clans to the West.
To the east of Strathspey is Strathdown[297] and Glenlivat mostly
the property of the Duke of Gordon: the people mostly Popish, also
the Enzie and Strathbogy, a mixture of Papists and Protestants. From
these countries Lord Lewis recruited the most of his men, and in their
neighbourhood is Braemar and Cromar the country of the Farquharsons:
the people Protestants, with a small mixture of Papists: the Gentlemen
much devoted to the Nonjurant Clergy. I am not particularly acquainted
with this country; therefore, though it be large and populous, I say
little about it.
I can say little of the country of Angus and Mearns, only I know
dissaffection prevails there: nor am I much known to the country
of the Duke of Atholl; the Stuarts and Robisons there are bigoted
Jacobites, as are some of the Murrays. And as little do I know of the
Drummonds and McGregors, but their Dissaffection is _Notour_. Therefore
I conclude this paper with two lists as near as I can guess of the
strength of the Dissaffected, and Well affected Clans in the Highlands
and North Country. Which Lists you have in another sheet of this date.
[_Caetera desunt_]
AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND WRITTEN BY
DANIEL MUNRO MINISTER OF TAIN
We had notice in this country of the Young Pretender’s arrival
in Lochaber, about the middle of August 1745. The friends of the
Government generally despised the Attempt, and the Jacobite party
showed then no open disposition to join him. It is said the first
notice of his arrival was sent by the Laird of McLeod to the Lord
President,[298] and that the President wrote insolently to Locheil
(at whose house the Young Pretender was said to be, dissuading him
from a Rising to Rebellion). Locheil was under great obligation to the
President, on account of the President’s endeavours to get him reponed
to his estate, which had been forfeited in the year 1715. The return
Locheil made was, that he had been long in search of an important paper
relating to that affair, which he now sent him enclosed: this is all he
wrote, and the paper enclosed was the Pretender’s Declaration.
The first Rising in this Country was under the Earl of Cromartie, the
Earl had waited on Sir John Cope at Inverness with others: he professed
a steady adherence to the Government, for though he had been bred a
Jacobite, yet he married young into a Whig family.[299] He had a post
and pension of the Government, and was universally thought a Government
Man in grant of interest, and was so looked upon in point of Principle,
having so often qualified to the Government. He and family joining the
Established Church and having educated his eldest son in Revolution
Principles.
The first step he took towards joining the Rebels (though it was not
so construed at the time) was declining to accept of a Commission
for his son Lord McLeod[300] to be Captain of one of the independent
companies, offered him by the Lord President. He pretended for so doing
a disobligement, being refused by the President the nomination of the
Subalterns of said companie. After this he was observed to associate
with Lord Lovat, and in the meantime Lord McLeod, his eldest son,
repaired to the Highlands of Lochbroom and Cogach, where his Lordship
has a considerable estate, vassalage, and superiority, being Heritable
Sherriff. Lord McLeod raised the men there; but it was yet pretended
this rising was for the defence of his house and person, as Lord Lovat
had raised his people and kept them about him under the same pretext.
Soon after the Battle of Preston, McDonald of Barisdale[301] came to
this country and was with my Lord openly at his house at Newtarbet,
which gave the first rise to any suspicion about the Earl, especially
as there was such preparation, as the making of Highland clothes,
providing of Arms, and ammunition: but to cover this, it was pretended
his Lordship intended a journey to Edinburgh, and must have a strong
guard. However early in November he openly declared himself, and went
from his house at Newtarbet to West Ross, where a part of his estate
lies, and was joined by his son Lord McLeod, with twixt two and three
hundred of his men, taken from Lochbroom and Cogach and off his Estate
in West Ross, having got none to follow him from his estate about
Newtarbet which is in East Ross, but about ten men who were his menial
servants and a young gentleman Roderick McCulloch of Glastalich,[302]
one of his vassals, and whose family and friends had no connection with
Jacobitism, and whom it is generally allowed the Earl decoyed into the
Rebellion. He then marched to the Lord Lovat’s house, where he was
joined by the master of Lovat, with 300 Frasers and both went to Perth.
Upon the Rebels coming North after their retreat from Stirling and
their arrival at Inverness, they were joined by the whole Posse of
the Frasers, who were formed into three Regiments under the command
of the Master of Lovat,[303] Fraser younger of Inverallachie,[304]
and Fraser of Foyers;[305] by the Chisholms,[306] all of them under
the command of two younger sons of their chief[307] the Chisholm of
Strathglass; by considerable numbers of the McKenzies reckoned about
400, besides the Earl of Cromartie’s own Regiment. These McKenzies
were of the Estates of Redcastle, Culcoy, Lentron, Applecross, Coul,
Fairburn, Gairloch, Balmaduthy and Allangrange. Under the leading of
McKenzie of Lentron, a younger brother to McKenzie of Fairburn[308] and
a brother to McKenzie of Culcoy formed into a regiment under McDonald
of Barasdale with some of the Banditti Highlanders formerly with him.
The Earl of Cromartie when Commander in Chief benorth Beullie affected
to be chief of the McKenzies. It is certain the men of the above estate
were actually in arms under him and I am well assured he threatened
Military Execution against McKenzie of Scatwell (a loyal family of that
name) if he did not give his men also, which he absolutely refused at
all hazards, and reckons himself happy his Lordship did not return
with the same power from Sutherland. It is also fact that when the
Rebels were exacting Cess and Levy money of all the estates of the
gentlemen in Ross in the most vigorous manner, the gentlemen of the
name of McKenzie whose men were in arms were excused from paying their
proportion of Levy money. The Rebels were joined by the McIntoshes
who had not joined formerly, by the McIlivraes and McBeans under the
command of McIlivrae of Dunmaglass,[309] commonly called the Ladie
McIntoshes Regiment,[310] as she was known to be extremely active in
raising them:[311] there were also a mixt multitude from Aberdeen
and Banffshire under the command of Lord Lewis Gordon and Mr. More of
Stonnywood.
The arts and methods by which the Jacobites endeavoured to raise
and spirit people into the Rebellion, and by which they were too
successful, were the spreading all sorts of false news to the
advantage of their own cause and party; particularly such as related
to a French landing, and a junction in England; the venting gross
misrepresentations and slanders against the King, Royal Family and
Administration; pretending intolerable grievances and confident
promises of relief from them: but above all, the indefeasible right of
the family of Stuarts, the native interest all Scots men had in them,
with the Pretender’s Declaration, were most commonly insisted upon, and
this was done with all possible zeal and address, by those Jacobites of
power and station who did not think it safe to risk their persons or
estates in the cause; though their brothers or sons or other relations
and tenants had joined openly. In this view we have been told the
Rebellion was a well conducted scheme not like that in the 1715; when
all the Jacobite Grandees took the field, but now when their common
men were only exposed, though the attempt should not succeed the same
Jacobite interest would still subsist.
As to characters all above mentioned whose relations or tenants had
joined were regular Jacobites, the Earl of Cromartie, Lord McLeod and
the Master of Lovat excepted.
As to the well affected: Mr. Harry Munro Younger of Foulis now Sir
Harry who had been newly nominated a Captain in the Lord Loudon’s
Regiment having speedily raised a company of Munroes to serve in
the said Regiment met Sir John Cope at the Water of Nairn and upon
their arrival at Inverness, Capt. George Munro of Culkairn,[312] Sir
Harry’s Uncle, waited on them, where it was concerted that the Munroes
should instantly take arms and join the King’s Troops, which was done
accordingly. Three Companies were raised under the Leading of Culkairn,
Hugh Munro of Teaninich and William Munro of Achany, and marched with
General Cope as his advanced guard to Aberdeen, where they stayed till
the Army took shipping. Sir Harrie and his company went along and were
at the Battle of Preston where they were taken prisoners with the other
Highland Companies there. At the same time Captain Alexander M‘Cay, son
to Lord Reay and Captain in Lord Loudon’s Regiment, raised a company
of McCays in Strathnavar and upon notice of General Cope’s arrival
at Inverness marched speedily to join him and missing the General at
Inverness followed him and being informed that Gordon of Glenbucket
was in arms for the Pretender, took boat upon the Murray Coast and
came up with the General at Aberdeen, was at the Battle of Preston and
taken prisoner, none of his men or the Monroes when prisoners would be
prevailed upon to enlist for the Pretender.[313]
Culkairn upon his march homeward from Aberdeen was apprised by a friend
from Banff that Glenbucket with 400 men waited to intercept him. He
made his best preparation and resolutely went on; when Glenbucket
thought proper to withdraw, which must have been owing to the known
bravery of Culkairn.
_Lord Loudon and the President_
Immediately after the Battle of Preston, the Earl of Loudon took post
for London, and without loss of time came down in a King’s Sloop to
Inverness, where he took upon him the Command for the North, and
acted always thereafter in concert with the President. The President
disposed of the independent companies for raising of which he had blank
commissions, in the following manner: A company to Captain Munro of
Culkairn, two companies to the Earl of Sutherland, two to my Lord Reay,
four companies to the Laird of McLeod, one company to Hugh McLeod of
Guineas, four companies to Sir Alexander McDonald whereof only two came
to Inverness, a company of Grants, two companies to the Lord Fortrose,
a company to the Master of Ross, and a company from Inverness,
commanded by Mr. McIntosh, late baillie here. The Munroes, Sutherlands,
McCays, and McLeods came to Inverness upon the first call: there was
difficulty in raising the McKenzie companies, though Lord Fortrose[314]
exerted himself all he could to get it done and showed abundance of
zeal for the Government. The best service he was able to do was
preventing a more general rising of his numerous Clan, in which he was
successful, there being only about 700 of them in Rebellion including
Cromartie’s Regiment. The Clan will at least amount to 1500.
As the Master of Ross was not in the country, the Laird of Inverchasley
bestirred himself much to raise a company of Rosses for the Master,
and a company of the Highlanders of the name of Ross were accordingly
raised; but Malcolm Ross, younger of Pitcalnie,[315] Ensign in Sir
Harrie Munroe’s Company of Loudon’s Regiment, and who had been taken
prisoner at the Battle of Preston, having come to the country upon
pretence of being on his parole, but in reality to serve the Rebel
interest, as sufficiently appeared afterwards, got the said company
dismissed in the following manner. Mr. Bailey, factor to the Lord Ross
in this country, ordered the company to attend at his house at Ardmore,
in order to be received by Mr. Ross of Inverchasley and others. The
night before the Day of the Review the said Pitcalnie lodged at the
house of Mr. Baillie (Mr. Baillie not being in the knowledge of his
design) and when the men appeared ready for the intended Review, Mr.
Ross younger, of Pitcalnie, ordered them to follow him, which they did,
and he lead them back to the Highlands. Mr. Ross of Inverchasley coming
up soon thereafter, and joined by Mr. Baillie went after them and
having come up with them, very seriously expostulated with Pitcalnie
for his conduct, and dealt earnestly with the men to return, and engage
in the intended service for the Government; which Pitcalnie refused
and the men also at that time (but they absolutely declined entering
to the Rebellion and when the Master of Ross came to the Country they
appeared for the Government), upon which Pitcalnie repaired to Lord
Lovat’s, openly joined the Rebels attended only by his servant, after
the President who is his grand uncle had been at the utmost pains to
reclaim him. He was debauched with the hopes of being made Laird of
Balnagowan, nor were his family formerly tainted with Jacobitism.
The President’s house of Culloden was attacked in October by a body
of Frasers, commanded by Fraser of Foyers, to the number of about 150
in the night time: they were repulsed and one of their number found
wounded in an adjacent wood next day, who was brought to the President;
and upon examination he discovered who were of the party. After which
the President ordered him to be carried to Inverness to be cared for by
a surgeon, gave him a piece of money and liberty after his cure to go
where he had a mind. Some time thereafter the Earl of Loudon marched
from Inverness with a body of 800 men, and apprehended Lord Lovat at
his house of Castledownie and carried him prisoner to Inverness, where
he was kept under a guard in a private house and in a few days found
means to make his escape.
My Lord Loudon by the junction of the independent companies and the
remains of his own Regiment, made up a body of about 2000 men at
Inverness. Lord Lewis Gordon, who had been an officer in the Fleet,
was at the same time very active in raising men for the Pretender in
Aberdeen and Banffshire, and the Earl of Loudon being informed by
intelligence from Aberdeen, and called upon by the friends of the
Government there, ordered seven of the Independent Companies, viz., the
four McLeod Companies commanded by the Laird of McLeod in person, the
Munro and Inverness Companies, and that commanded by Captain McLeod of
Guineas;[316] who accordingly marched for Aberdeen and were joined by
400 Grants at the Water of Spey who marched with them to Strathbogie
18 miles from Spey; where they again left them, and returned to their
own country. The Companies continued their march for Aberdeen, and
having upon the [23rd] day of December come to Inverury within 10
miles of Aboin, they were attacked in the night by Lord Lewis Gordon
and his party, who had been reinforced by some companies of Lord John
Drummond’s French Regiment sent for that end from the North. The
attack was sustained by the Laird of McLeod and Culkairn with great
bravery, who finding the superior number of the enemies, and then first
observing the French Reinforcement they had got, ordered a retreat,
which was managed with good advantage, having only seven private men
killed and a few taken prisoners, among whom was Mr. Gordon younger of
Ardoch, Culkairn’s Lieutenant. There was considerable execution done
upon the Rebels as our men had the favour of the houses, garden dykes,
etc., and the Rebels made no pursuit.[317]
The Master of Ross, having come by sea to Inverness, was joyfully
received by the loyal Clan of the Rosses, when he immediately repaired
to this country with the concurrence of the gentlemen of his name,
particularly the Laird of Inverchasley, he raised an independent
Company with which he joined Lord Loudon.
Upon the Young Pretender’s retreat Northward, Lord Loudon being
informed of his being at the House of Moy, the Laird of McIntosh’s
seat, within 8 miles of Inverness, he marched from Inverness in the
dead of the night with about 1200 men with a view to surprise the
Pretender, but as to the particulars of this attempt and how it came to
miscarry, it is referred to a more particular information.[318]
The Rebels being upon their march to Inverness both those who came the
low way by Aberdeen and those who came by the Highland Road with the
Young Pretender; the Earl of Loudon furnished the Castle of Inverness,
which Major Grant commanded,[319] with a company of Red Coats, with
stores of provisions, and added two independent Companies, the Grants
and that commanded by the Master of Ross, and by the defences he made
about the town he seemed disposed to maintain Inverness against the
Rebels: but upon their approach and considering their numbers and that
the place was not tenable, he made a well conducted retreat over the
Ferry of Kissack towards Ross-shire. When the retreat was a-making the
Rebels carried a field piece to the shore below Inverness and having
planted it upon a rising ground within flood mark, they discharged
it several times, at the Boats on their passage, without doing any
execution, though the bullets lighted very near the Boats, particularly
that in which was Lord Loudon which was the last that passed, and one
of them among the men drawn up on the other side after their landing.
The Rebels immediately took possession of Inverness, and laid siege
to the Castle, which was surrendered the third day; but as to the
particulars of this sort of siege you are referred to the proceeding of
the Court Martial which condemned and cashiered the Governor.
Before Lord Loudon left Inverness, and upon the approach of the Rebels,
he called upon the Lord Sutherland, Lord Reay and the Master of Ross,
to get up to Inverness all the men they could make. Whereupon my Lord
Sutherland marched in person at the head of 400 men. The Master having
called upon the Laird of Inverchasley and his other friends, four
companies of Rosses were ready and upon their march to Inverness their
advanced party met Loudon immediately as he landed in Ross. They were
astonished to find the Master of Ross their leader had been pent up in
the Castle of Inverness, however they waited Lord Loudon his orders:
some of them he advised home, to others he gave arms and pay, and they
were with him in Sutherland. My Lord Sutherland by Loudon’s orders
retreated to his own country, his four hundred men last mentioned,
continued under arms. The McCays, by reason of the distance of their
country, would not come up with Lord Loudon, till they found him
retreated to Sutherland where they joined him.
The day after Loudon’s retreat from Inverness, he marched down
from East Ross where he continued for three or four days: and upon
intelligence that a strong body of the Rebels under the Earl of
Cromartie, Commander in chief benorth Beully had come to West Ross
and were upon their way to attack him. He with the Lord President and
several gentlemen who had taken flight from Murray to Ross, and all
the men under his command (excepting the two McKenzie Companies who
dispersed themselves immediately after the retreat from Inverness
and not one of them having followed him) he retreated to Sutherland
with a resolution to guard the Passes to that country against the
Rebels. Several gentlemen of this country, particularly Inverchasley
and ministers who had been so active in raising men to join Loudon,
thought fit to repair at the same time to Sutherland. Lord Fortrose
left his troup at Brahan and took flight to the Highlands of his own
country,[320] where he remained with a body of his men about him till
after the Battle of Culloden.
The Earl of Loudon when he got into Sutherland posted his men along the
Firth of Tain which divides Sutherland from Ross: from Dornoch to Lairg
the difference of ten miles.
The remains of Loudon’s Regiment being about 200 were posted at
Dornoch: the McCays being 300 at the Muckle Ferry, three miles above
Dornoch: the two McDonald Companies at Pulrossie, a mile above the
Ferry: the Inverness Company at Spengadale, two miles above the
McDonalds: the Munroes at Criech, two miles above Spengadale: McLeod
of Guineas his Company at the Bonar, a mile above Criech: the Laird of
McLeod with his 400 men at the Pass of Invershin, three miles above the
Bonar; and the Sutherlands to the number of 600 at Lairg and thereabout.
TAYNE, _Feb. 13, 1747_.
MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION IN 1745 AND 1746, SO FAR AS IT CONCERNED THE
COUNTIES OF ABERDEEN AND BANFF
_Gordon of Glenbucket rises_
The first man in these countys that rose in this rebellion, was John
Gordon, Elder of Glenbucket. Immediately on the Young Pretender’s
landing, he went to the Highlands to meet him and returned directly
with a Commission as Major-General and some money to raise men, and he
soon got together about 300 mostly from Strathdawn[321] and Glenlivet
and some too from Strathboggy, all parts of the Duke of Gordon’s Estate.
_Is assisted by Skeleter in Strathdon_
His son-in-law, Mr. Forbes of Skeleter,[322] also brought him some of
this Corps from Strathdon, a country belonging mostly to gentlemen
of that name, formerly vassals of the Earl of Mar, now of the Lord
Braco.[323] In consequence of this vassalage most of this country had
been engaged in the Rebellion in the 1715, and formed a very good body
of men, and as their new Superior, Lord Braco, had not yet acquired
great authority over them and Mr. Forbes of New (a family all along
well affected to the Government)[324] was abroad, being an officer in
the army, the Rebels flattered themselves that by Skeleter’s means the
rising at this time would be no less considerable; but in this they
were greatly disappointed. For Mr. Leith of Glenkindy, who had lately
come to that neighbourhood, being a very firm friend of the Government,
and Mr. Forbes of Inverernan (whose predecessor in the 1715 was known
by the name of Black Jock) much contrary to the Rebels’ expectation,
declaring the same way; and Mr. Lumsden, minister of Towey, who had
a small estate in that country, managing the whole with a great deal
of address, as he was entirely well-acquainted with all their tempers
and situations, Skeleter found his measures so effectually traversed,
that he had difficulty enough in raising his own Tenants. Mr. Gordon
of Avochy, Glenbucket’s Nephew, a very resolute, active lad, assisted
him considerably in his Levys about Strathboggy, where he had a small
estate. He, Glenbucket, had also two sons joined him, but the eldest
having drunk himself blind could not attempt to march along and was of
little use to him at home: the other, too, was but an insignificant
creature.
Glenbucket was at Strathboggy when General Cope came to Aberdeen,[325]
where the Jacobites gave out that his numbers were at least triple
of what they were in reality, and there was so great apprehension of
his surprizing the town, and the Magazines there, provided for the
Army, that the General thought proper to order most of his Highland
companies to march from Old Meldrum in the midst of the night and
take possession of Aberdeen. Why General Cope was so many days at
Aberdeen before he embarked, why he refused the most expeditious way
of embarking his troops which was proposed by the Magistrates, of
bringing about their Fish Boats from John’s Haven, and as well as
using the Torry and Foothy[326] boats which would have gained him a
day at least (as the Transports when the Soldiers came not out to them
in boats, behoved to come up to the harbour with one tide, and go out
with another) let those that know the reasons, give them. Meantime
his dallying gave several of his men an opportunity of deserting to
Strathboggy.
_Glenbucket declines Fighting the Munroes_
When the 200 Munroes under Culkairn who had accompanied General Cope
to Aberdeen were returning from thence, there were great apprehensions
lest Glenbucket, who was superior to them in numbers, should have
intercepted them and cut them off; but Culkairn himself was under no
dread, as his men were good and better armed than Glenbucket’s, and
therefore marched on very briskly the way of Banff. Glenbucket had gone
down to that country on an expedition for horses and arms, and was in
Banff that very day the Monroes came there, but, not choosing to wait
their coming up, he sheered off the way to Strathboggy.
Soon after this he had a call from the Young Pretender to hasten up,
and accordingly marched South, keeping the westerly roads, and not
coming near the towns of Aberdeen or the low parts of the country, but
did not join the main Army of the Rebels, till after the Battle of
Preston.
_Glenbucket’s Character_
Glenbucket was a man very singular in his way, and is perhaps the only
instance of a Gentleman of a low country family and education, that
both could and would so thoroughly conform himself to the Highland
Spirit and manners, as to be able to procure a following among them
without a Highland estate or any of the attachments of Chieftainry. He
always discovered a great deal of personal courage and particularly
behaved well in the 1715 when he commanded some men raised by the
Duke of Gordon, in that Rebellion, and after that time kept up a
great intercourse with the Highland Chiefs, which was much increased
by the marriage of one of his daughters to one of them, McDonald of
Glengarry, and it is generally believed he was very serviceable to the
court of Rome, in keeping up their correspondence with the Chiefs of
the Clans, and was certainly once and again of late years over at that
court, when his Low Country friends believed him to be all the while
in the Highlands. He had sold the estate of Glenbucket, from whence
he has his designation, a good while ago, and at the breaking out of
this Rebellion, had not a foot of property, and yet those creatures
in Strathdawn and Glenlivet were so attached to him that a number of
them rose voluntarily with him. He was however by this time so old and
infirm that he could not mount his horse, but behoved to be lifted into
his saddle, notwithstanding of which the old spirit still remained in
him.
_More of Stonnywood_
Very soon after the Young Pretender landed, More of Stonnywood[327]
prepared to join him, at first very privately, as his estate lay
within three miles of Aberdeen, where all in appearance was for the
Government. This gentleman very early imbibed the Jacobite principles
and was entirely educated in that way; his fortune also was greatly
embarrassed, so that his going off was no great surprise. He was a
man of little note or interest and of no great genius, but yet by his
activity, diligence, and application, and his thorough acquaintance
with the circumstances of Town and Country, he was very serviceable to
the Rebels in those parts. He slipped away at first alone, and came
up with his Pretended Prince, as he was about to enter Edinburgh,
and having immediately got a Commission to raise men, he left them
before the Battle of Preston, and had the assurance to enter the
town of Aberdeen supported by a couple of broken merchants and York
Street Cadys[328] all in white cockades, and to enlist men for the
Pretender. The well affected people in town seemed only to make a
jest of Stonnywood and his procession, and the magistrates found it
convenient to overlook it, since any ill-usage of him might have been
severly revenged by a very small party, for as Cope had carried off the
Town’s Arms lest the Rebels should have seized them, a very few armed
men might have come and plundered the whole town; but from this small
beginning thus neglected, the Rebels very soon became masters of the
place in reality and so continued till the army arrived under His Royal
Highness.
_Farquharson of Monaltry rises at the head of Dea_
Much about the same time Mr. Farquharson of Monaltry,[329] age 35,
a gentleman of no great estate, Nephew and factor to the Laird of
Invercauld, began to move at the head of Dea. This gentleman was
educated in Revolution principles, but was unhappily seduced and
debauched into the Jacobite scheme by the Duke of Perth, who both
the times that he was obliged to conceal himself from the Government
made that country his retreat,[330] and Mr. Farquharson, being a
sweet-tempered, agreeable lad, was his chief companion in his exile.
As Invercauld gave Monaltry no countenance in his rebellion, but
immediately turned him out of his Factory, he was not at first very
successful in his levys, but as Farquharson of Balmurral,[331] Gordon
of Blelack and some others, all of small estates, rose some time after
from that country, there were at length a good many men brought from
thence.
_Hamilton and Tulloch in Strathboggy_
John Hamilton, Factor to the Duke of Gordon for the lands about
Strathboggy, and afterwards Governor of Carlisle,[332] resolved also
very early to join this Rebellion, and being a very haughty man would
not act under Glenbucket, but set up on his own footing, and this
stopped both their progress for a while, as their misunderstanding made
them counteract one another. However Hamilton, being much assisted
by one David Tulloch, a considerable tenant of the Duke’s,[333] soon
got together 100 Men, thirty of whom he mounted on gentlemen’s horses
which he seized through the County. Hamilton undoubtedly was a noted
Jacobite, but reckoned too selfish to meddle in such undertakings, so
that the reason of his commencing adventurer was generally imagined
to be owing to the disorder of his affairs, which indeed was not
apprehended till this step brought it to light. He marched from
Strathboggy to Inverury the Monday after the Battle of Preston, where
he obliged the Magistrates to attend while the Pretender’s Manifesto
was being read over the Cross, and next day using the same ceremony as
he marched through Kintore, he came to Aberdeen just as the Council
were about electing their Magistrates, which he immediately stopped
unless they’d take their oaths to the Pretender (so that the Town
wanted Magistrates all the time of the Rebellion), and forced the
then Provost and some of the Bailies to attend the reading of their
Manifestos over the Cross which was done by Sheriff Depute Petry,[334]
he pretending at that time to be forced to it, though he afterwards
joined them openly, and then when the Provost refused to join in their
disloyal healths Hamilton poured a glass of wine down his throat, and
all along behaved very insolently, but happily for Aberdeen he soon
marched south with his corps.
_Lord Pitsligo moves in Buchan_
The unhappy Battle of Preston soon put several in motion who till
then were quiet. The Lord Pitsligo[335] who had also been engaged in
the Rebellion in the 1715, and had received both his life and fortune
from the Government, still retained his old affection for that cause,
and never qualified to the present Government. He was justly esteemed
a polite and learned gentleman, and of great integrity and honour in
private life, but entirely enthusiastic on the Jacobite principles.
As the Young Pretender had wrote letters soon after his landing to
most of those whom he thought would favour his design, Lord Pitsligo
was not neglected; and though he was now old and might have had merit
enough from the party for former services, yet he could not withstand
this address, but immediately began to stir and rouse the friends of
the Cause. In his letters on that subject he usually called the young
Pretender by the name of the Amiable young Stranger. It was not however
imagined that in such an infirm state, as he then was, he would have
thought of undergoing the fatigues of a Winter Campaign, especially
as he had a very small estate, and no Vassalages or Following to his
Family, and so could not in that way make any considerable accession
to the Party. But now that the family of Marischall was out of the
country, and the Earl of Kintore, the next representative of that
family, was in the interest of the Government, the gentlemen of Buchan
who were friends of the cause and used formerly to follow Marischall,
immediately had their eyes fixed on Lord Pitsligo to head them. But
all these that appeared in Buchan would not probably have been of
consideration enough to have determined him, if soon after Preston,
a set of gentlemen in Boyne and Enzie[336] set agog by this victory
had not made this an express condition to their going out, that Lord
Pitsligo should go as their head. It was generally believed that
this condition was insisted on by one or two of them who had been
rash enough to be always speaking of their going out if they had an
opportunity, and now that it came to the push, repented of it and
thought still of getting off and some honour, by offering to go only
if Lord Pitsligo went at their head, which they reckoned themselves
sure one of his age never would; and if he did not they might then
pretend they had no confidence in any attempt of this kind for which
Lord Pitsligo would not venture all. But if this was their view they
were disappointed in it, for the rest of these gentlemen consenting to
join them in making the same proposal to Lord Pitsligo, he accepted of
it and so there was no retracting. The gentlemen who from this country
joined his Lordship, or who were in concert with them, were Sir William
Gordon of Park, Gordon of Carnusy, Gordon of Cupbairdy, Mr. Hay,
Younger of Ranas, Forbes of Brucehill, Gordon of Glastirrum, Abernethy,
brother to Mayen, and several other gentlemen of lesser note. Carnusy
and Cupbairdy’s journey was a great surprise. The latter had no manner
of tincture that way, but being a rambling young lad was determined
mostly by comradeship and something too by the high regard he had for
Lord Pitsligo. Carnusy was esteemed a wise, solid man and some one not
at all wedded to Kingscraft. But as many debts of his never heard of
formerly are appearing, this somewhat unravels the mystery.
_Joined by Buchan Gentlemen, and Aberdeen’s etc._
Immediately on Lord Pitsligo’s resolution being known there appeared
also to join him, Sir William Dunbar of Durn, from Boyne, Mr. Gordon of
Hallhead and Mr. Mercer, gentlemen of considerable note that resided
usually in the town of Aberdeen: Mr. Gordon of Mill of Kinkardine, Mr.
Petrie, Sheriff Depute, Mr. Sandilands and several gentlemen of the
lower class from that place; from Buchan, Mr. More of Lonmay,[337]
Factor to the Countess of Errol,[338] Cuming, younger, of Pitully,
Gordon younger, of Logie, Cuming of Kinninmuth, Ogilvie of Achirris,
(all gentlemen of considerable estates), Thomson elder and younger of
Fachfield, Turner younger of Turnerhall, Fraser brother to Inveralachy
and some others of less note; also from the country about Aberdeen,
Mr. Irvin of Drum, two sons of Menzies of Pitfodels, [Charles] More
brother to Stonnywood, etc. But none of these gentlemen raised any
number of men, but all rendevous’d at Aberdeen on horseback, with
their servants, and made a pretty enough appearance. Mr. Sandilands
only raised a Company of Foot which joined them there, as also did two
companies raised by Stonnywood, the one commanded by himself, and the
other by his brother; the whole not amounting to 200 men. These did
indeed march south with Lord Pitsligo, but were afterwards incorporated
in the Duke of Perth’s second Battalion. Lord Pitsligo and his friends
were but short time in Aberdeen, but while they stayed, conducted with
great discretion.
_Rebels favoured by Commons_
Hitherto the Rebellion was favoured by almost all the common people.
The promise of freeing them from the Malt Tax had a surprising
influence upon them, this being a tax the Farmers are especially
sensible of, as they themselves pay out the money in the first instance
being all Maltsters, at least for their own use. The Rebels therefore
hitherto behaving civilly, listing only volunteers, paying freely,
taking but some few good horses and arms as they met with them, and
freeing the country people from the eternal dread they were under of
the Malt Gaugers, were looked on by them as the deliverers of their
country.
_Why no Opposition made by the Friends of the Government_
It may at first seem surprising that no steps were taken in two such
countys by the friends of the Government to stop this procedure.
But let it be considered that after Preston people were really in a
consternation for some time, and nobody knew (as the intelligence from
the south, meeting with so many interruptions, was very uncertain) how
soon the Government might be in a situation to force the Rebels from
Edinburgh so that they might have had leisure enough to have sent north
Detachments and destroyed all that would attempt to disturb their
friends.
Besides it was requisite to have a man of rank and quality at the head
of such a thing (as the Government thought not fit to give anybody
the authority of a Lord Lieutenant) to give a proper weight to it.
But such was the situation of the Nobility of these countys, that no
such thing could have been expected of any of them except the Earl of
Aberdeen, whose undoubted attachment to the Government as well as his
large estate and high rank might indeed have made him very serviceable
had he thought it prudent to have tried to raise the friends of the
Government.[339] The Duke of Gordon, had it not been prevented by his
indisposition, might have been of great use not only in keeping these
Counties quiet, but even in suppressing the Rebellion altogether. The
Earl of Findlater’s[340] sickly constitution quite disabled him, and
though the Earl of Kintore[341] had had a greater relish for military
matters than he has, yet the incumbrances on his fortune would have
been a drawback on him. The Lord Forbes[342] had by no means an Estate
suited to his ability though he had inclined to appear. The Lord
Salton[343] had no weight in the county, and the Lord Braco[344] had
a great estate, yet the newness of his family would have marred any
project of his forming.
_Gentry_
Had the gentry that did not engage been all hearty, they might indeed
have come together without any of the nobility’s appearing to head
them, but undoubtedly a third of them were dissaffected though they
were wise enough not to embark in so desperate an enterprise; and of
those that were not so, many were selfish, many were careless who
governed, and many were timid and fearful, so that the few who were
resolute had not sufficient strength nor influence to make a stand.
The most remarkable of these in Buchan and Fortmartine[345] were Lord
Strichen, Mr. Maitland of Pitrichy, Mr. Forbes of Shevis, Mr. Garden
of Troup and Mr. Buchan of Achmacoy. On Don side, Mr. Middleton of
Seaton, Mr. Patan, Grandam, Sir Arthur Forbes, Mr. Burnet of Kemnay,
Sir Archibald Grant and Mr. Leith of Glenkindy. In Garrioch, Mr. Horn
of Westhall, Mr. Leith of Freefield, Sir Alexander Reed of Barra and
Mr. Forbes of Blackfoord. On Deeside, the family of Leys[346] with
Mr. Duff of Premnay. (_N.B._ a great part of Deeside is in the shire
of Mearns.) As to the towns, Banff and the Seaport towns betwixt it
and Aberdeen were mostly all dissaffected. Full two-thirds of the two
towns of Aberdeen were very well-affected to the Government. All the
Magistrates, or rather those who had been such, before Hamilton came to
town, and all the old Provosts and Bailies (which makes a considerable
number of the principal merchants), and both the colleges behaved in
an exemplary, steady manner. The Clergy of the Church of Scotland were
to a man firm in the interest of the Government in these counties and
indeed everywhere else, and neither force nor flattery could alter
them. The Rebels at the beginning were at great pains to coax them,
and to see if possible to make the face of a party among them, and
would have been excessively fond of the least compliance, had it been
only the not praying for the King by name, however minutely he should
have been described otherways, well-knowing that if any would go into
a different way from their brethren in any thing however trifling at
first, that difference might be blown up to make a more considerable
opposition. They had particularly hopes of the young Clergy, as they
had used to keep company with them more freely in times of peace,
and not carry with so much reserve as their elder brethren, and so
they thought they should have much influence with them. But they
were excessively baulked when they saw them maintain with vigour and
zeal those principles of liberty which formerly they thought they
spoke of only for amusement, when they saw them at such extraordinary
pains to raise worthy sentiments in the people, and sparing neither
purse nor persons in the service of the Government as far as they had
opportunity; and by how much they expected more friendship from them
than from the old folks, so much the more were they incensed against
them than against the others from whom they expected nothing.
_Synod meets_
The Synod met as usual in October in Old Meldrum, and though in the
1715 they would venture to do nothing, but immediately adjourned,
yet now amidst no less danger they acted with much more vigour. They
ordered a very dutiful and warm address to his Majesty which was
afterwards very highly resented by the Jacobites, not only as it
showed the loyalty of the Clergy, but confuted the lies published by
the Rebels in their Edinburgh _Courant_, that the whole gentlemen
in the county except four had engaged in the Rebellion, whereas the
Clergy thought themselves obliged not only to vindicate the county in
general, but particularly to do justice to the gentlemen of the Church
of Scotland, by asserting that few or none of them had engaged in
this wicked Rebellion. And indeed some gentlemen then in London owned
themselves very happy in this Address, that came very seasonably, and
had a very good effect, not only in taking off the bad impressions
the friends of the Government had of these counties, but also in
discouraging the Jacobites by undeceiving them of the vain expectations
they had from there. The Synod also had a public diet for Prayer to
Almighty God to put a speedy stop to the Rebellion, which had a good
effect not only on such of the laiety as were near enough to be present
at it, but also tended to confirm and spirit up several that only heard
of it. They also resolved, that whereas some ministers in their public
prayers used formerly to think his Majesty sufficiently distinguished
from the Pretender by calling him our Protestant Sovereign or some
such other appellation, but as the omitting to name him expressly even
though thus characterised was looked on as a compliance by the Rebels,
who deluded many of the people with a story of their pretended Prince
being a Protestant, that therefore all in time coming should pray for
him by name, as they would be answerable. They also appointed that
Presbyteries should meet often, and members be sent as correspondents
betwixt neighbouring Presbyteries that they might advise with one
another at this critical time and act with the greatest harmony. All
this was punctually executed.
_Nonjurant Clergy_
There were but two Clergy of the Church of England in all these
Counties who were qualified to the Government, both at Aberdeen,
but here was a very considerable number of that persuasion who were
Nonjurants, which is to be sure the same thing with avowed Jacobites,
and though most of them had the address to keep themselves free from
open acts of Rebellion yet they were excessively instrumental by
every sly act to poison the people and debauch them to rebellion, and
accordingly all their hearers, almost without exception, were rank
Jacobites, and the being so, was by them esteemed so very essential
to salvation, that even before the Rebellion they have been known to
refuse to admit some of their hearers to the Communion not only if by
going to a Presbyterian Church, but even if by going to a qualified
meeting of the Church of England they had heard King George prayed for,
unless they solemnly professed their repentance for this crime. After
the Rebellion broke out, several of them turned so insolent as to pray
for the Pretender by name. All of this persuasion as they all along had
a most unaccountable enmity against the Church of Scotland, so they
failed not to show it with a deal of rancour during the Rebellion, to
all of that persuasion.
_Papists_
It was but natural to expect that the Papists should favour the
Rebellion to their utmost, but they are but inconsiderable in these
Counties. Their meetings were quite barefaced, the Pretender openly
prayed for, and a very great and good understanding there was betwixt
the Nonjurants and them, so that Seaton, a priest, and Law, a Nonjurant
minister,[347] were very commonly joined together among Lord Lewis
Gordon’s council, who was made Governor of these counties by the
Pretender. The Papists however generally had the cunning to be rather
more tolerable in conversation with the friends of the Government than
the Nonjurants were.
_Lord Lewis Gordon joins the Rebels_
Before the Rebels marched from Edinburgh to England they very wisely
thought of means of retaining these counties under their subjection,
while they should be marching south and of having reinforcements from
thence ready for them against any emergence. For this purpose they
wheedled over to their party Lord Lewis Gordon,[348] a younger brother
to his Grace the Duke of Gordon, imagining that the very name of one
so nearly connected to the Duke would have a great influence on the
tenants and dependants of that family, and they well knew that His
Grace’s indisposition at that time would prevent any effectual measures
being taken to stop this procedure. Lord Lewis was a Lieutenant in the
Fleet, and had unhappily come down at that time to visit his Mother,
the Duchess Dowager, who stayed near Edinburgh.[349] There he met
so many old friends and acquaintances engaged in the Rebellion, who
laid all oars in the water to gain him; and this indeed was no hard
matter to a forward young lad like him, especially as he was to have a
Feather in his cap, and to be made Lord Lieutenant of Aberdeenshire and
Governor of the Towns of Aberdeen and Banff, with power of disposing of
all places in them. Along with him is set down More of Lonmay, More of
Stonnywood, Gordon of Avachy and Sheriff Petrie to assist him in his
Government and Levys. There were also a number of Towns Burgesses named
as a Council with them for the Town of Aberdeen and to manage under him
in his absence but they all refused to accept; on which Mr. Moir of
Lonmay was made Deputy Governor of Aberdeen, much indeed against his
own inclination. He was a sensible man, but turned out very positive
and arbitrary in his Government, which he had frequent opportunities of
showing as Lord Lewis did not reside much at Aberdeen, and when he did,
was always much advised by Lonmay. Mr. Bairde of Achmeden[350] was at
the same time made Depute Governor of Banff. This gentleman had shown
his affection to the cause so far as to wait for the Young Pretender
at Edinburgh with his white cockade, but it seems was not so far
militarily disposed as to think of marching with them into England, but
having a considerable estate in Banffshire, they thought he might be of
service to them in this sphere; but though he at first accepted of this
commission, yet he seldom if ever acted in consequence of it, and very
rarely made any public appearance.
_Men Raised by Force_
The Lord Lieutenant began with his recruiting about Strathboggy, but as
the waifest kind of people had mostly gone off in the first Levys, this
was not so successful as he expected. Nay, on his first coming there,
his summonses to his brother’s tenants to rise were so slighted, and
volunteers so backward, that he was obliged to write to Blelack[351]
and some of the gentlemen of Deeside who had a number of men with them,
begging of them for God’s sake to send him a command of their men that
he might not be affronted. How soon he got these, then he went to work
quartering on the tenants about Strathboggy till they either rose or
furnished men according to the proportions he had settled. But this was
tedious, as he had but a small party to quarter with, and therefore
he soon took a more expeditious way, threatening to burn the houses
and farmyards of such as stood out. This soon had the desired effect,
for the burning a single house or farm stack in a Parish terrified the
whole, so that they would quickly send in their proportion, and by this
means, with the few that joined as volunteers, he raised near 300 men
called the Strathboggy Battalion in the country thereabouts. The same
method of military execution (a discipline till then unknown in these
counties) was used in most of the high parts of the shire for forcing
out men, especially on Deeside, where a great many were raised in
this manner. Stonnywood however found people enough about the town of
Aberdeen and places adjacent without force, to form another corps for
Lord Lewis called the Aberdeen Battallion consisting of about 200 men,
which with the Strathboggy Batallion formed what was properly Lord
Lewis’ own Regiment; Avachy being Lieutenant of the latter; Stonnywood
of the former.
_Auchengaul raises a Company_
About the same time Crichton of Auchengaul, a Popish gentleman of a
very small estate, but representative of the Viscount Frendraught,
raised a company and joined Lord Lewis. There were also several little
people in Banffshire and Buchan, etc., who raised a few men each, and
joined the Lord Lieutenant and all got commissions of one kind or
other, which was by no means hard to be obtained. And thus the whole
of this second Levy in the Counties of Aberdeen and Banff, under Lord
Lewis would have amounted to near 800 men.
_Comparison with 1715_
As the above is a view of the whole course of the Rebels from these
Counties, it may not be amiss to compare it with what it was in the
1715, from which it will be evident that for all the noise they made
about their strength in these parts it was nothing now in comparison
with what it was then.
In the 1715 they were supported by most of the Nobility. The Duke
of Gordon (then Marquis of Huntly), the Earls of Mar, Marischall,
Panmure, and Kintore, and the Lords Fraser and Pitsligo, who had all
great estates, connections and dependencies in these Counties, raised
their whole force and exerted themselves to the utmost in favour of
the Rebellion. Whereas now Lord Pitsligo was the only nobleman that
joined them unless Lord Lewis be reckoned. As to the landed gentry the
difference is full as considerable. Though the most be from Banffshire
and Buchan, yet even there they are not one fourth of what they were
in the 1715. Not one gentleman from Fortmartine unless Mr. Smith of
Menie be to be reckoned, who indeed appeared with them at Edinburgh,
but left them or they entered England. Not one gentleman that resided
in Garrioch,[352] though in the 1715 most of them were concerned.
Only five on Deeside from the head to the foot. And though there were
several gentlemen of small estates on Deeside, yet all of them put
together were not equal to the Laird of Invercauld who engaged in
the former Rebellion. The Commons must always bear Proportion to the
interests of the Gentry engaged, and though indeed this rule failed in
so far at this time as that considerable numbers were raised from the
estates of the Duke of Gordon, Earl of Aboyne, and Laird of Invercauld,
where the Rebels had properly no interest, yet as almost none of the
gentlemen that went with Lord Pitsligo raised so much as the men on
their own estates, this will in good measure balance the other. There
were several merchants of note appeared from the towns in the 1715, but
now none but a few smugglers, and a very few tradesmen.
As the Rebels had thus a considerable number of men in these Counties,
they next fell to work to raise money for their maintenance. And first
of all they resolved to levy the Cess that was due for the current
year, and all arrears, and accordingly the Lord Lieutenant named a
collector, and without further intimation ordered partys to quarter
for it. As it was soon moving from one house to another in the towns
and country about them, as the quartering money was very exorbitant,
their partys numerous and costly to maintain, and the Cess being levied
only according to the valued rent, and not being anything considerable
in comparison of the real rent and few being willing to bear the
stress any time for a small sum, it was quickly levied in the towns
of Aberdeen and from the adjacent estates. But in the country it
necessarily took up longer time so that they never got parties sent
to some estates that were most out of the way, and some gentlemen,
particularly Mr. Burnet, Kemnay, and Mr. Horn, Westhall, bore the
stress with great firmness and wearied them out of it at this time, as
indeed Mr. Horn at length did altogether.
_The French Land_
In the month of December there arrived six transports at Peterhead,
Aberdeen, Stonehaven, and Montrose with Lord John Drummond’s Regiment
on board and the Piquets from the Irish Brigade in the French Service;
all under the command of Lord John Drummond.[353] This greatly elevated
the Rebels, was magnified hugely to their friends in other places, and
looked upon by them all as the certain prelude of a great invasion
from France. The two Lord Drummonds[354] and the Lord Lieutenant had
an interview at Aberdeen, the great result of which, seemed to be the
forging a letter from Lord Martial commanding his friends to join Lord
John Drummond (_vid._ printed Copy) and a Proclamation in which his
Lordship, also to show him how well he was acquainted to the French
Government, threatens to punish those who did not join him according
to their intentions. The letter from Lord Martial was soon suspected
to be forged, from its being altered while a-printing, and from the
style of it, it being very unlike Lord Martial to speak of Commanding
his Friends, but after Culloden it was put out of doubt by one Mr.
Halyburton, who had been sent from France by Lord Martial, how soon he
knew of it, to disclaim the thing entirely, to let Lord John know how
much he took it amiss, and to warn his friends not to be seduced by
it.[355] The Rebels were on the other Speyside before this gentleman
reached them, and how soon he informed Lord John of his errand, he was
either closely confined or then discharged on the severest penalty
from speaking of it, so that it was but little known, till the Flight,
when he acquainted several gentlemen of it, who after that made it no
secret. The French that landed at Peterhead, Aberdeen, and Stonehaven,
stayed not above a week or so to refresh themselves, but marched south
to the Camp at Perth.
_Levy Money_
The Cess went but a short way to answer their demands, next therefore
they resolved to demand what was called Levy Money, or Militia money;
accordingly Stonnywood by order of the Lord Lieutenant wrote Circular
letters to the several gentlemen or their factors, demanding an able
bodied man sufficiently accoutred in the Highland Dress[356] for each
£100 Scots of valued rent, or then £5 Sterling to raise one. The man
was but a pretext, it was the money they wanted. This indeed would
have amounted to a very considerable sum; no less than about £12,000
Sterling for the County of Aberdeen alone, which will be 5_s._ Ster.
in the pound off the real rack’d rent, which exorbitant demand would
at any time have been very hard upon Lairds and Tenants but after two
bad crops and so many other losses, was indeed more than they could
bear. However these reasons availed nothing to the Lord Lieutenant, or
his Depute (who was by no means ignorant of the state of the counties)
but to work they went, how soon they had got in most of the Cess, to
quarter for it. This began at length to open the eyes of many of the
people, who had been formerly cheated by promises of freedom from
taxes, especially the Malt Tax, but now they saw how delusive these
were, and this not a little confirmed the few who had all along wished
well to the Government. Even the selfish among the gentry who professed
not to care who reigned, were not now quite so indifferent, and even
many secret Jacobites were disgusted.
_Lord Loudon Invited_
The friends of the Government seeing no end of this oppression, while
the Rebels were their masters, sent several messages to the President
and Lord Loudon[357] to send some men to their relief. They were
especially instant from the town of Aberdeen, this being the seat of
their Government, and consequently most exposed to their tyranny,
which was so great that the usual freedom of conversation was entirely
banished, at least none could promise how long they could call anything
their own, and even already they were speaking of imposing a Loan,
how soon the Militia money was levied. But their keenness to obtain
relief and to persuade Lord Loudon to undertake it, probably made them
represent the strength of the Rebels as more insignificant than it
really was, which no doubt has been one reason why the party sent was
not more numerous.
_Burning Order_
The Levy money coming in but slowly, for all the stress of quartering,
which stress alone induced some to pay it, but some few that were
such hearty friends as to need only the pretence of force, the Lord
Lieutenant grew quite impatient and issued what was called the Fire
Ordinance (vid. _Gent. Mag._ for January 1746, p. 29th).[358] Party’s
were sent to several Districts of the country, with orders to quarter
on the gentlemen’s houses (not on the tenants’ as usual) and if
against such a time the money was not payed, to begin with burning the
gentleman’s house and Planting, then the tenants’ houses and cornyards
and so on through the district. But notwithstanding of these dreadful
threatenings, none but some very timourous people paid, till they
should at least see what would be the consequences of the Northern aid
which now began to be spoke of and pretty confidently expected.
_Old Aberdeen Distressed_
As the old town of Aberdeen had in proportion to such a place
discovered a more than ordinary zeal for the Government so that the
Rebel Governors distinguished it accordingly by a demand of £215
Ster. of Levy money, a very great sum for so small a village, and by
beginning with them these new methods of raising it. They impudently
proposed it among the Whigs without ever regarding whether or not they
had any property in Lands or houses and particularly the Masters of
the Kings College had their small stipends very severely cessed. But
when they could not even thus get their full demand answered, Lonmay
ordered about £40 Ster. of it to be taken from the Poor’s Box and from
some small funds that belonged to an hospital for poor widows and some
other such charitable funds. Large parties were quartered through the
town in the gentlemen’s houses for several days, but even this severe
stress not proving effectual, intimation was made by Tuke of Drum, that
if the money was not paid against a certain hour the Town was to be
burnt. This indeed alarmed them and the gentlemen were forced to seem
in so far to comply as to beg only delays till the money should be got,
and this they had the art to obtain from time to time for two or three
days, till at length they had pretty certain information that McLeod
and Culcairn’s men were come the length of Banff and Strathboggy, on
which most of the gentlemen of note in the place, slipped out of town
or concealed themselves, without paying a farthing, and leaving the
Rebels to do with the town what they pleased. But as they too were
sensible by this time of the enemy’s approach they would not venture on
such a severity till they should see the event.
_McLeod Marches_
As for McLeod’s March (vid. _Gents. Mag._, Jan. 1746, p. 23). It
was Gordon of Avachy and Gordon of Aberlour that opposed them at
the passage of the Spey, but they quickly retreated. They had the
Strathboggy Batallion under their command and had been quartering
for Cess and Levy money about Strathboggy and Banff. They marched
to Aberdeen the day appointed for the Public Fast by his Majesty,
December 17th, which however was very punctually observed even where
they passed and in general was so both by Clergy and people both in
town and country, though the Clergy indeed did meet with some insults
in a few places. Immediately on McLeod’s passing the Spey, the Rebels
called in all their Quartering parties, and the Deeside men to the town
of Aberdeen and sent expresses to their friends in Angus and Mearns to
send them assistance.
The McLeods joined the two companies under Culkairn,[359] at Inverury,
upon Saturday, December 20th, the whole body being 700 men complete.
400 of those under McLeod were quartered in the town of Inverury,
the rest of that name and Culkairn’s two companies were cantonned in
farmers’ houses along the Ury to the north west of the town, many of
them more than a mile and a half’s distance though there was no worldly
necessity for this, as the town of Inverury contained two regiments of
the Duke’s army for some weeks without a man of them going a stone cast
from it. Against night the Rebel Reinforcements were come to Aberdeen
consisting of about 150 of the French Picquets who had remained at
Montrose and more than 200 Angus and Mearns Militia, so that there
would have been in whole about 1200 men at Aberdeen. All the Saturday
the Rebels were exceeding careful to prevent any intelligence coming
to the McLeods, securing as far as possible all the Avenues coming
from the town, and sending out scouts to scour between Kintore and
Inverury to the very water-side, these seized Mr. Bartlet an Aberdeen
writer who had come along with McLeod and had ventured to Kintore (2
miles from Inverury), where also Mr. Dingwall, an Aberdeen merchant and
some others coming with intelligence from Aberdeen were snapt up and
carried in prisoners. The McLeods had immediate notice of this, but
Culcairn (by whom McLeod was directed as he himself did not pretend to
understand military matters) could not be prevailed on to allow any
men to come over and drive them off, no doubt fearing as they were
strangers in the country lest they should be surprised. But as by this
means at length all intelligence stopt, this proved their ruin in the
end. Whereas by keeping some advance guards, or at least sending out
patroles now and then, for a mile or two, they might indeed possibly
have lost a man or two in Rencountres with the enemy’s parties, and
possibly the reverse might have happened, but still they’d have secured
the main chance and prevented the whole being surprised. However by
this conduct though frequently things of considerable importance were
known at Kintore, it was impossible to send the intelligence the
remaining two miles. Nevertheless Sir Archibald Grant[360] who had come
over the hill from the south, without touching at Aberdeen, and was
certainly informed on his way that a reinforcement of French would that
night be in town, fell on a way late that night to let McLeod know so
much, and this intelligence probably prevented their marching to attack
the Rebels the next morning, till they should know their situation more
exactly. There was no body more alert or serviceable in getting exact
intelligence to the Rebels than Stonnywood, as he knew the country
and the people exactly, and as his estate lay betwixt Aberdeen and
Inverury, he had all his tenants employed on the same service, so that
on Saturday night they had perfect intelligence of everything that
concerned the McLeods.
_Volunteers_
There were some Aberdeen gentlemen who had been either driven from town
by the tyranny of the Rebels, or they had been sent on messages to the
President, that came all along from Inverness as Volunteers in this
expedition: among these were Mr. Forbes of Echt, Mr. Logie a merchant,
and Mr. Thomson, General Superviser of Excise, which last gentleman
especially was exceeding serviceable both on this, and several other
occasions to the Government. The number of volunteers was increased
at Inverury by Mr. Maitland, Pitrichy, Mr. Forbes of Shieves, Forbes
of Echt, Mr. Chalmers, the now Principal of the King’s College, Mr.
Gordon, Professor of Humanity in the College, some merchants and
tradesmen, several students of Divinity and Philosophy and Prentices
from both towns of Aberdeen, and many more would have come if it had
not been the difficulty of getting out of town. But as McLeod had no
spare arms, and the volunteers could get nothing but pistols they
proved of no service. Mr. Horn, of Westhall, by promises of great
rewards and encouragement, had got his tenants to engage to follow him
and join the McLeods, and as he foresaw he could not get fire-arms,
had caused make a number of spears with iron heads, for them. But when
it came to the push, they all drew back, their hearts failed them and
they refused to rise. On which, on Monday he was sending an Express
to McLeod for a party to force them out, but his express met them
retreating.
_A Detachment sent out_
On Sunday McLeod was prevailed on to send a large detachment of his
own company over the water for three miles, which had a very happy
effect, driving off all the enemy’s Scouts and facilitating their
intelligence, so that they met with no less than three persons from
town that had come out in disguises and by byeways who brought letters
giving an exact account of the enemy’s numbers and situation, which
people otherways would all have been intercepted by their Scouts. This
so entirely convinced the Lieutenant that commanded the detachment,
of the necessity either of constant patroles, or then of an advance
Guard at Kintore, that he had everything settled for one or other,
never doubting but his representation would prevail, but there was no
convincing Culkairn, so that next day there came not a man over the
water at all.
_The Enemy Alarmed_
The Enemy’s Scouts on being thus driven off, having seen the party but
imperfectly, alarmed their friends in town with an account that the
whole of the McLeods were marching to attack them, on which they drew
together, but were soon undeceived. The same night after it was dark
they convened their men and marched three miles out of town, as if to
surprise the enemy, but whether it was only a feint to see if their
men would stand by them, or if it was owing to any wrong notion that
the McLeods were apprised of them, they returned to town again without
doing anything.
_Rebels’ Artifice_
This day too, they had tried a strategem to raise a mutiny among the
McLeods by bribing a tenant’s son of McLeod’s (who had been staying
with a Nonjurant Minister, teaching his children Latin and so had
imbibed all the Jacobite notions) to go to Inverury and see to persuade
the men that they were engaged in an unjust cause, that their enemies
were very numerous and powerful, and that Lord Loudon had purposely
sent them up to be cut off in a strange country. As this fellow had
their language, was their namesake and countryman, they readily
listened to him and it was taking among them like lightening, till the
fellow was found out and apprehended, but the impression still stuck to
them, till McLeod drew them all out, and very particularly showed them
the roguery.
_The Rebels march_
On Monday the 23rd, about 9 of clock in the morning, the Rebels marched
from Aberdeen, in order to surprise the McLeods in two columns. The
main body being about 900 was commanded by Lord Lewis (though one Major
Cuthbert,[361] a French Officer, did all the business), crossed the
Bridge of Don, and took a round about and indirect road on the North
side of the Don. The other column consisting of their Strathboggy
Battallion, and commanded by Major Gordon, a French Officer, and
Avachy, took the high road on the south side of the river. As they had
all along guarded the avenues from the town very carefully, they did
it now so effectually that there was no possibility of sending any
intelligence of their march, till they were actually gone. When they
were marching they all along kept advance parties before their main
bodies came in sight, so that when they were observed, these parties
prevented any persons getting past with information. As the body that
marched the high road had by far the nearest way, they halted and
concealed themselves in the Church and church-yard of Kinellar about
three miles from Inverury, till the corps on the other side were
suitably advanced, and meantime had their advanced party concealed in
some houses in a low part of the road near Kintore.
This party seized the minister of Kintore, who had got some confused
notice of their march, and going out for more certain intelligence,
and observing nothing on the road, had come that length where he was
made prisoner, as also at the very same time were no less than three
people with intelligence of the Rebels’ march from the town, who had
got out when their Guards were taken off, and escaped the main body by
byeways, till being so near Inverury they had (to shorten the way) come
in there to the high road, never doubting but they’d have met with some
of the McLeods advanced parties to protect them, as those had done that
came out the former day. The column that marched on the north side of
Don had Scouts concealed among Planting of the Earl of Kintore’s on a
rising ground that overlooked Inverury, and though some while before
the enemy came up they were observed going backwards and forwards
from the Park, and pointed out to McLeod and Culkairn as looking very
suspicious, yet by some fatality they neglected to send up and see what
they were doing. Immediately as they marched, the minister of Rayne,
who happened to be in town, rode out by the Deeside Road, the only one
left unguarded, to see if it was possible this way to get before them;
but this was so greatly about, and the road when he came to cross the
country so excessively bad that the firing was begun or he reached
Kintore. So that the first intelligence they got of them was the Main
Body being observed by their sentry, marching down by the Earl of
Kintore’s parks within a quarter of a mile of Inverury.
_McLeods draw out_
McLeod, Culkairn, and all the officers with the few men they had in
town got together very resolutely, and all of them discovered a great
deal of courage on this occasion, nay, to think at all of standing
against such superior numbers bespoke no little bravery. And indeed
had they thought of sending down a party to line the Church yard of
Inverury, and had others rightly posted on a little hull, called the
Bass, both which were within a pistol shot of the Boat and Ford of Ury
where the Main body behoved to pass, and also on the Ford of Don where
Avachy, etc., passed, they certainly had done great execution among
them in their passages, and if they had not stopped them altogether,
would at least have retarded them till the men that were canton’d at a
distance had got up to their assistance, for the Rebels had no cannon,
but two old rusty ones they had taken from ships, which got not up
till long after the skirmish was over, and though they had, would not
probably have done great execution. But the confusion and surprise of
the McLeods at the unexpected coming of the enemy made them neglect all
these advantages, and stand on the Rigs on the east side at the south
end of the town, at almost an equal distance from the Foords of Don
and Ury, but at so great a distance as to be able to do execution at
neither; and their standing here too was probably not a little owing
to their then discovering the other body of the enemy coming upon
the other side of Don, which made them irresolute how to dispose of
themselves till so many of the Rebels crossed the Ury as put it out
of their power to stop their passage there. It was also a vast loss
to these Highlanders, who were none of them disciplined, that they
had only firelocks and bayonets, and wanted their darling weapon, the
Broadsword, which is always their chief confidence.
_Rebels pass the Foords_
The van of the Rebels’ main body consisted of the French and some
picked men and was lead only by Major Cuthbert, these with all the
gentlemen, the volunteers, and some of the common men crossed the
Ury, very alertly, and as they passed, drew up behind the Bass, and
the Churchyard. But many of their common men ran off and skulked by
dike-sides till the action was over and could neither be brought out by
threats nor entreaties till then. Major Gordon and Avachy with about 50
or 60 of their men crossed the Don very briskly, and behaved well, but
the rest of the Corps took shelter among the Broom, till they saw the
event.
The action began near an hour after sunset with a clear moonshine, by
some passing shots from some ten or twelve of the McLeods who advanced
so far, some to the one Foord and some to the other, and fired on the
enemy as they were passing and killed two or three men in the water,
and immediately retired. The Body that crossed Ury moved up first to
attack, but were received with two or three fires from the McLeods,
which they returned indeed two for one, but both were at too great a
distance to do great execution. But as the party from Don was by this
time coming to attack them in flanks, and as the French were advancing
with a close regular fire and like to bear very hard on them, the
McLeods found themselves unable to stand this shock, and accordingly
gave way; yet not so but that a party of them loaded their pieces
retiring, and finding some of their men, especially the wounded, like
to fall in the enemy’s hands, they wheeled about before they were
half way up the town, and made another fire, but immediately ran
off. On this the French advanced through the town with an incessant
street fire, and the rest divided themselves and went firing up each
side of it, being too by this time joined by most of their skulking
companions. After this, as some of the McLeods were running off on
the stubble ground on the North end of the town, some person gave a
cry that McLeod was taken, on which they turned about again and made
another fire but immediately marched off. The Rebels meanwhile being
at a considerable distance and not observing them so exactly going
off, but seeing a ridge with a few furrows in it, amidst a great deal
of unploughed stubble ground, and taking it by the moonlight for a
row of men, they fired once or twice into it very successfully. And
thus in whole the firing continued for more than twenty minutes. The
companies of McLeods and Monroes that were cantonn’d out of the town,
had unluckily no Officers with them; these happened to be with McLeod
in Inverury, and went out to engage along with the men that were there
(which by the bye as there were thirty of them on guard, and many
straggling through the country seeking provisions did not much exceed
three hundred), these therefore having no body to draw them together,
ran up different ways on hearing the firing till they met some of their
friends flying, or were informed of the event, and then they ran off.
But had their officers been with them to bring them together, and lead
them up in a body to meet their friends at the north end of the town
and support them, they very possibly might have turned the scale in
their favours.
_Loss on both sides_
The Rebels for a while concealed their loss, but ’tis now generally
allowed they had at least ten or twelve killed, several of these
French, but all common men. It is indeed generally believed that one
of them was a French Officer, as he was put in a grave by himself with
several Popish Ceremonies, though not certain. But the Rebels still
refuse that it was an Officer. They had also a good many wounded, among
whom was Mr Gordon of Birkenbuss, a gentleman of a small estate, very
dangerously.
The McLeods again had only five killed dead on the spot, which was well
known, as their bodies were left exposed for some days or they allowed
them to be buried. One also died of his wounds in the retreat, as did
another that was taken prisoner, but they were all common men. About
thirty were taken prisoners (many of which were wounded) including ten
or twelve Humlys (Colones)[362] that they had picked up. Among the
prisoners were Mr. Gordon, Ardvach, Lieutenant of Culkairn’s Company,
Mr. Chalmers, Principal of the King’s College, and Mr. Forbes of Echt;
McLeod’s own piper, McGrimman,[363] happened also to be taken, and
the piper is always looked on as a person of importance in a Highland
Chief’s retinue, but McGrimman especially was a respectable person
being esteemed the best piper in the Highlands, having had most of the
Clan pipers as his scholars, and being looked on by them as a kind of
chief, and the veneration they had for him appeared when he was carried
prisoner to their army at Stirling, for it is said not a Highland piper
would play a tune till McGrimman was allowed to be on his parole, and
he himself behaved with so much state that he would play to none of
them till their prince himself desired him. Mr. Maitland, Pitrichy,
escaped to Keithhall, the house of the Earl of Kintore, the night of
the engagement, where he concealed himself all next day, but unluckily
venturing to show himself to Petry, the Sherriff Depute, who intruded
himself that night on the Earl, and Mr. Maitland, and he squabbling
over drink, Petry not only in violation of the laws of hospitality, and
of many obligations he was under to the Earl of Kintore, but also of
his own promise to the contrary, basely went off next morning and sent
a party of the Rebels who seized him.
_The Rebels do not venture to pursue_
The McLeods passed the Ury about a quarter of a mile from the town and
refreshed themselves at Rayne and Strathboggy, but stopped not a night
till they got over Spey, where McLeod waited the coming up of such of
his men as had gone other roads, and continued guarding the passes for
some while after. But the Rebels were so apprehensive what might be the
consequences when for ought they knew, they were joined by the Monroes,
etc., that they would not venture to pursue them over the Ury. McLeod
lost most of his baggage, but the greater part came not into the Rebels
custody but was secreted and pilfered by the townsfolks.
_Mr. Horn stress’d_
As the Rebels were informed of Mr. Horn’s design of joining the
McLeods, they were exceeding keen in their resentment against him, and
immediately sent a party to seize him, but he luckily had gone out of
the way. The party lived a good while at his house at free quarters and
made very free with everything, demanding the arms he had made, and
the Cess Levy money, but Mr. Horn had left positive orders though they
should burn the house to give them neither, and as their Officers had
by this time got pretty certain information that their affairs were
wrong in England and their Prince retreating, they did not choose in
these circumstances to do such a shocking thing. And it was certainly
a lucky thing that they got this intelligence to calm them after the
flush of their Inverury victory, or then the Fire Order had undoubtedly
been put in execution in these counties.
_Quartering for Levy Money_
The towns of Aberdeen having now no relief were obliged to pay
their Quota of Levy money, that of the New town amounted to about
£500 Sterling. A party of the Clan Chattan (Mclntoshes, Shaws and
McGilavrys) under McGilavry of Dunmaglass, being now come up from
Dundee to support their friends in Aberdeen in case of a straight,
these for the greater terror were employed as far as possible for
quartering in the gentlemen’s houses in the country for the Levy money.
But the Rebels finding it would take longer time to get people forced
to give the whole of their exorbitant demands than they could bestow,
as they foresaw that in a week or so they must march to reinforce their
friends in the South, they were therefore willing to compound the
matter and take half in hand, and a bill for the other half payable at
Candlemass, and in this way they gathered in a good deal of money. But
still there were several gentlemen stood out for a good while under all
the hardships they imposed, especially Mr. Leith of Freefield (whom
they also kept a while Prisoner), Mr. Patan of Grandsam, and Mr. Burnet
of Kemnay. Mr. Burnet’s zeal for our constitution, and the endeavours
he used to awaken the British spirit among his neighbours, had rendered
him excessively obnoxious to the Rebels, they hunted him for some weeks
from place to place, to seize him, but he at length got to Edinburgh,
where he was obliged to stay till his Royal Highness marched for
Aberdeen.
_Rebels called up_
The resolute delays of some few gentlemen, and the great number they
had to quarter upon, made it impracticable for the Rebels to collect
their Levy money from much more than one half of these counties, before
they were called up and obliged to march and reinforce their friends
in the South, so that almost all Buchan, and most of the more remote
estates in both Banff and Aberdeenshire escaped at this time.
_Elsick’s Men, and McGregors come to Aberdeen_
Soon after Lord Lewis marched up with the whole of the Rebels from
this country, there arrived a Spanish ship at Peterhead with arms and
money, which brought a party of Elsick’s[364] men from the Mearns to
possess Aberdeen and bring up this loading; but they being looked on
as weak, a party of the McGregors joined them. None of these parties
however ventured to the country but only while they were bringing up
their cargo from Peterhead. Lord Lewis had been abundantly arbitrary in
his Government, Horses and Arms had been everywhere seized throughout
the counties, under the pretence of searching for arms; in houses both
in town and country many things had been pilfered with impunity, and
he himself treated everybody with a great deal of insolence, but all
this was but a jest in comparison with these McGregors. They went to
people’s houses through the town and always behaved so very rudely as
to make them forced to give them money to go away. They would stop
gentlemen on the streets openly, and either take their silver buckles
and buttons from them, or oblige them to give so much to redeem them.
Without the least provocation they would beat and abuse people; and
whenever they took it into their heads to enquire about any gentlemen’s
principles they met with, they came up with their broadswords drawn and
asked what King they were for? If they hesitated the least in answering
‘King James,’ they were sure of a slap, and never got away till they
sat down on their knees and swore to the Pretender, and cursed King
George in any terms the ruffians pleased. But happily they soon went
off with the arms and left Elsick’s men only to guard the town. These
continued mostly till the retreat of their army and behaved pretty
civilly; indeed though they had inclined to do otherwise, yet the
town’s people not being under so much restraint as formerly, began to
show themselves so keenly, that they made them glad to be peaceable,
for fear of their being mobbed.
_Rebels retreat from Stirling_
The whole Rebel Army, except the Clans that went the Highland road
with their Prince, passed through Aberdeenshire on their retreat from
Stirling. They marched in two columns (the clans making a third), Lord
Lewis Gordon’s men, the Deeside men, Glenbucket’s men and some other
body’s forming one column and marching in the high road to Strathboggy.
The rest of their army formed another column and marched with such
baggages as they had got off from Stirling, or the Clans had left them,
through the town of Aberdeen. They were commanded by Lord George Murray
and consisted mostly of the Athole Brigade, French, Lord Ogilvies
men,[365] Cromarty’s, Kilmarnock’s, Kelly’s,[366] Elsick’s, Lifeguards,
Hussars, and all their other Lowland Corps. They stayed but short while
in Aberdeen and so had not great opportunity of doing much mischief,
though they seemed not at all averse to do it. For the ill situation
of their affairs and their marching in such cold stormy weather, put
them in a great fret. They threatened dreadful things against they
should return Conquerors, particularly against the Clergy of the
Church of Scotland, on which subject none was more violent than Lord
John Drummond, who once and again proposed the hanging of some of them
for examples; and indeed the Clergy were so sensible of their danger,
that if the Duke had been obliged to retreat again, most of them had
resolved to prepare to leave the country. They divided at Aberdeen and
marched to Spey, some by Old Meldrum and Banff and some by Inverury and
Strathboggy. At Speyside they all joined and met there with the other
column. There was a good deal of pilfering by their stragglers in this
march, but when the country people had the resolution to oppose them,
they behaved very cowardly. The minister of Clate[367] in particular
and a few of his parishioners unarmed, took the guns and bayonets from
two Strathboggy men who fired on the people for finding fault with
their robbing a dyeing woman of her bedclothes.
_Hussars and Stonnywood’s men left in Aberdeen_
Stonnywood’s men though they had marched so far in the Highroad, yet
came off from the rest of their corps and marched down by Deeside to
Aberdeen, where they remained after the main body had left it, along
with the Hussars under one Colonel Baggot,[368] a French Officer, and
a very rough sort of man and so exceeding well fitted to command the
Banditti of which that Corps was composed, and to distress a country.
The Lord Lieutenant was along with their Prince, so Lonmay, the Depute
Governor, had the chief direction, though both he and Stonnywood
pretended that most of the extravagant things done by the Hussars,
was owing to Baggot. They immediately fell to work to collect the
remains of the Levy money. And now they had a new contrivance to force
it. These fellows, the Hussars, went galloping about, and seized the
gentlemen that were refractory, or their factor, or then the principal
tenants, if none of the former could be found, and brought them in
prisoners to Stonnywood and Baggot, the last of whom was sure to use
them very roughly. But most of the gentlemen absconded, and some of the
few they got stood out against all their bad usage, as particularly Mr.
Innes, Factor to the Earl of Kintore. The Tenants which they seized had
not the money to give so they were obliged at length to let them go
and made but very little of this method. The Hussars were vastly rude
and expensive wherever they went, and failed not to pick up any horses
as they come along that were remaining. But for all their roughness,
people that would venture to stand their ground, would sometimes get
the better of them. One instance of which was at New Dear when two of
them armed with pistols were taking a gentleman’s horse and money, the
minister of the place[369] being only with the gentleman, and both of
them only with staves in their hands; the minister first knocked down
one of the fellows and the gentleman the other, and disarmed them both
and set them off.
_Some of Fitzjames Dragoons land_
The Saturday before his Royal Highness came to town, a French ship
landed some of the Dragoons of Fitzjames’ Regiment at Aberdeen with
their riding furniture.[370] There had come afore about the same time
another French ship with the money for the Pretender’s use, but the
Master thought it dangerous to land it at Aberdeen as the Duke was
so near, and so sailed about for Peterhead where it was received by
Lonmay.[371] Fitzjames’ Dragoons marched off next day, as did also
Stonnywood and his men with the Hussars, and thus the town of Aberdeen
at length got free of the Rebel Government, after it had been about
five months subject to it.
_Duke of Cumberland comes to Aberdeen_
The Tuesday thereafter General Bland arrived in town with the van of
the Army under the Duke of Cumberland, and his Royal Highness on the
Thursday thereafter. The Burgesses lined the streets all the way from
the Duke’s entry into the town to his lodgings. He was immediately
waited on by the nobility and gentry of town and county, and next day
by the Colleges and Clergy who had assembled in a Synod _pro re nata_
and had all the honour to kiss his hand. Mr. Osborne, Principal of the
Marischal College, made a short congratulary speech to his Highness
in name of the colleges, as did Mr. Theodore Gordon, Moderator of the
Synod in name of the Clergy, and both had gracious returns.
_More of Fitzjames’ Dragoons land in Buchan_
Soon after this another of the Transports with Fitzjames’ Dragoons
having got information on the coast, of the Duke’s being at Aberdeen,
landed in Buchan[372] and then very narrowly escaped from the Duke’s
Picquets who were ordered out to intercept them.
_Lord Ancrum[373] marches to Curgaff_
As to Lord Ancrum’s expedition to Curgaff, a house belonging to
Forbes of Skeleter in Strathdon (vid. _London Gazette_, March 11th),
Glenbucket was then with a few men within a few miles of Strathdon. But
his numbers were greatly magnified, and his being actually at hand was
so artfully insinuated to a minister’s wife in the neighbourhood, that
with the honestest intention in the world, she gave a false alarm which
made his Lordship in such a hurry that though he destroyed the powder,
yet he only scattered the ball, broke a few of the arms, and carried
off a very few, the rest falling all into the hands of the country
people. And yet one might imagine that, as his dragoons were not to
gallop off and leave the Foot, there had been no miss in making them
dismount and walk for a few miles and loading their horses with the
Arms, till they should come to some place where country horses might
have been got.
_Bland[374] at Old Meldrum_
When part of the army under General Bland advanced to Old Meldrum,
Barrels and Price’s under Lieutenant Rich[375] lay at Inverury which
is on the ordinary Post Road to Strathboggy (where about 3000 of the
Rebels under Roy Stuart were with the Hussars) and about 100 Grants
that came to escort their Laird to Aberdeen[376] formed an advance
guard on this road, as the Campbells did from Old Meldrum, where they
were very alert and watchful, so that the Rebels never once offered to
disturb either the Generals or Lieut. Rich’s Quarters. And indeed if
they had, all possible care was taken to give them a warm reception.
There was a bridge of boats thrown over the Ury on the road from
Inverury to Old Meldrum, and a Guard midway betwixt the two Garrisons
who could observe a blaze in the night time at either of them or
anything happening extraordinary, and by a blaze could give information
of it to the other, and the Light Horse, too, were quartered betwixt so
as to form a line of communication.
_Rebels attempt to surprise the Grants_
The night before General Bland marched for Strathboggy, the Grants
came first to the Kirk Town of Clate, which is about six miles south
of Strathboggy and off from the high road to Aberdeen. As there were
many disaffected people thereabouts, the Rebels at Huntly had notice
of it that night, though it was late before they came there, and they
immediately formed a scheme of surprising him next morning. But Grant,
suspecting such a thing might be done, wisely advanced a mile further
the same night to Castle Forbes, a house belonging to Lord Forbes, and
by the strength of its old walls alone not easily to be taken without
cannon, so that next morning when the Rebels under Roy Stuart missed
them at Clate, they returned without meddling with the Castle.
_Bland marches to Huntly_
Meantime General Bland had kept his orders for marching that morning
so very closely that the Rebels had not got the least intelligence
of it. The two corps from Inverury and Old Meldrum met at Rayne, and
had it not been for a small accident, had intercepted the Rebels who
were on the Clate Expedition and got to Strathboggy before them. For
they, dreaming of no such thing, breakfasted very leisurely at Clate
and stopped also at a public house betwixt it and Huntly. There was
an exceeding great fog on the Hill of the Foudline, so that some
senseless, idle people that were running up before the army, imagined
that a plough that was going in the midst among some houses on the side
of the hill, was a party of men; on which they gave the alarm that
the Rebels were at hand, this was immediately forwarded by the liger
Ladys[377] with a deal of consternation, so that some people of better
sense gave credit to it and came up to the General with this false
alarm. Whatever might be in it, he judged it safest for the men to halt
and form, while proper persons were sent up to see what the matter was,
who soon found out the mistake. But this trifle occasioned a stop for
near half an hour or three quarters, and the Rebels were scarce so long
in Strathboggy before the General came there.
The Enemy knew nothing of them till they came within sight of
Strathboggy. They had but just come there, and ordered dinner, but
they thought proper to leave it in a great hurry on Bland’s approach.
Their Hussars and some gentlemen on horseback brought up the rear.
Among these last, was Hunter of Burnside,[378] who for a good way kept
within speech of the party under Major Crawford and the volunteers that
pursued them; but managed his horse with so much dexterity, turning
so oft and so nimbly, that they could not aim at him rightly; at
length one of the Campbells shot so near him as made him start aside
and gallop off, and as the forces took him for Roy Stuart, this gave
occasion to the story of that gentleman being either killed or wounded.
The soldiers were incensed, and not unjustly with a notion that
Strathboggy was extremely disaffected: coming in to it therefore under
this impression after a long march in a bitter bad rainy day, it was no
surprise that they used some freedom with a few peoples houses, who,
conscious of their own demerit, had locked their doors and run off,
leaving nobody to care for the soldiers that were to quarter in them.
_Captain Campbell surprised at Keith[379]_
Next day the General sent up seventy Campbells, and 30 Light Horse to
Keith, a little town six miles from Huntly, and half way betwixt it
and Fochabers where the Rebels had retired. One Alexander Campbell,
a Lieutenant, had the command, who had been all along very alert
on the advanced guard and had met with no check, though oft in as
dangerous a situation, but next night had the misfortune to have his
party surprised. This was chiefly owing to the dissaffection of the
inhabitants, who conducted the Rebels at dead of night, not by any
set road, but through the fields so as not to meet with the Patroles,
and then having fetched a compass about, and entering the town on the
south, by the way from Huntly, were mistaken by the Sentrys, to whose
calls they answered in a friendly way, for a reinforcement they had
some expectation of. The Guard was conveniently posted in the Church
and church yard which was very fencible, and the Lieutenant, who had
not thrown off his clothes, on the first alarm ran out and fought his
way into them, and behaved very gallantly with his guard for a while.
But the rest of his men, being mostly all taken asleep, and having
himself received several wounds, he was at last obliged to surrender.
The enemy suffered considerably, but carried off their slain, so that
their numbers were not known. The Lieutenant was left a while with only
one Sentry to guard him, on which he very resolutely grappled with him,
disarmed him and got off; but being retarded by his wounds he was soon
retaken and then they hashed him miserably and left him for dead; yet
he afterwards recovered.
_Popish and Nonjurant Meetings destroyed_
His Royal Highness on coming to Aberdeen immediately stopped all the
Nonjurant Ministers, and soon after ordered their Meeting Houses and
the Mass Houses to be destroyed, which was accordingly executed both
in town and country as the Army marched along, and indeed none were
surprised at this piece of discipline, as these houses were not only
illegal, but had in fact proved such Nurseries of Rebellion. The
Priests had mostly gone off, and such as could be got were seized and
confined, but neither ministers nor people of the Nonjurants met with
any other disturbance unless they were otherways concerned in the
Rebellion. The Army also had orders to seize the Corn, Horses, and
cattle and Arms belonging to those in the Rebellion, but to touch none
of their other effects, and the generality of the Rebels had foreseen
this and either sold or sent off these things, so that there were
but few that suffered much in this way. If any parties of soldiers
used further freedom in these houses, which was not oft, the Duke,
on complaint made, not only obliged the Officers to be at pains to
recover the plundered effects from the soldiers, but generally gave a
compliment himself to make up the loss; as particularly to Mrs. Gordon,
Cupbairdy,[380] he ordered £100 Sterling. His protections were easily
obtained till a piece of the Rebels extravagance not only made this
more difficult, but also obliged his Royal Highness to recall some
protections he had granted, and gave up some houses to be plundered.
_Cullon House plundered by the Rebels_
The Earl of Findlater was at Aberdeen attending his Royal Highness,
when his factor gave him notice that the Rebels who were thereabouts
had intimated, that if the Cess and Levy money for his Lordships
Estate was not paid against such a day, his house at Cullon would
peremptorily be plundered. This intimation the Earl showed to his
Royal Highness, who ordered him in return to certify them that if they
took such a step, it would oblige him to alter his conduct, recall his
protections and give up their houses to be plundered. Notwithstanding
this threat, the Rebels actually pillaged Cullon House[381] at the
time appointed, and his Royal Highness was in consequence obliged to
withdraw his protections from Lady Gordon of Park,[380] and Lady Dunbar
of Durn,[380] for their houses; and indeed the last of these suffered
considerably, but most of the effects were carried off from Park that
were of any value.
_Thornton Disgusted_
The famous Squire Thornton[382] who had raised the Yorkshire Company,
his Lieutenant Mr. Crofts, and Ensign Mr. Symson, Minister at Fala (who
had been both taken prisoners at Falkirk), had come as volunteers with
the Army to Aberdeen, though they had never met with very civil usage
from the regular officers who seemed not at all to affect volunteers.
When Pultney’s Regiment was ordered from Old Meldrum to Buchan on a
command one day, these gentlemen who declined no fatigue, and had
usually joined that corps, marched along. But coming the first night
to a little village called Ellon, the Quarter Master would not assign
Quarters to the volunteers as Officers, and none of the Officers
would give orders for it, which and some other things of this kind
effectually disgusted them, so that they immediately left the army
and returned home. His Royal Highness in order to preserve the town
of Aberdeen from any surprise after he should leave it caused fortify
Gordon’s Hospital and placed a garrison in it under Captain Crosby, and
in honour of the Duke it was called Fort Cumberland.
_Duke marches from Aberdeen on Foot_
When the Duke marched from Aberdeen[383] he endeared himself
exceedingly to the soldiers (if it was possible to increase their
affection for him) by walking most of the way with them on foot,
generally using one of the soldiers Tenttrees for a staff and never
going a yard out of the way for a bridge or any burn they met with, but
wading through at the nearest.
On a long march of near 20 miles from Old Meldrum to Banff the
following little accident much delighted the spectators. A soldiers
wife carrying a young child, grew quite faint and entreated her
husband, who was near with the Duke, to carry the child for a little
way; the fellow said he could not as he was burdened with his arms. The
Duke overheard, took the soldier’s gun and carried it himself for some
way and ordered him to ease the poor woman of the child for a while.
_Rebels not expecting his March_
The Duke being stopped so long at Aberdeen, made his march at length
as great a surprise on the Rebels as if he had not halted a day, for
by this time they were grown very secure. The Duke of Perth, Lord John
Drummond, Roy Stuart, etc., were all lodged in the minister’s house
of Speymouth, and had more than 2000 men along with them. They were
sitting very securely after breakfast, when a country man came over
the River in great haste and told them that the Enzie was all in a
‘vermine of Red Quites.’[384] But they were so averse to believe it,
that when they ran to an eminence and observed them at a great distance
they swore it was only muck heaps: the man said it might be so, but he
never saw Muck heaps moving before. And after they were convinced it
was a body of men, still they would only have it to be some of Bland’s
parties, till their Hussars, whom they had sent over to reconnoitre,
returned and assured them the whole Army under his Royal Highness was
coming up.
_Duke crosses the Spey_
As to the Duke’s passing the Spey (vid. _London Gazette_, April
19th):--The Soldiers had got a notion that all on the other side Spey
were rank Rebels, and so immediately seized a number of the sheep
and other cattle as soon as they got over. But as the case was quite
otherways and the people of that Parish had been longing for the Army
as their deliverers, on the minister’s representing this, and what
had happened, to his Royal Highness, he immediately ordered all to be
restored that could be got unkilled, and gave the minister £50 Ster.
to divide among the people for their loss, and if that did not do it
directed him to demand whatever would, and it should be ordered. His
Royal Highness took up his quarters in the minister’s, where the Duke
of Perth, etc., had been but a few hours before.
_Aberdeen Militia_
Immediately after the Duke’s leaving Aberdeen the two towns raised
several companies of Militia to prevent their meeting with disturbance
from any flying parties. His Royal Highness named their Officers and
gave them authority to act. He also named twelve Governors to have the
direction of the N. Town, till they should be allowed to choose regular
Magistrates. There was also a proposal for raising a County Militia,
but the Duke’s victory at Culloden made it to be dropped as useless.
_Ancrum, Commander in Chief_
The Earl of Ancrum came to Aberdeen soon after the defeat of the Rebels
as Commander in chief between Tey and Spey. Mark Kerr’s Dragoons
were along the coast, Fleeming’s Regiment at Aberdeen, and garrisons
detached from it to several places on Deeside, and Loudon’s under Major
McKenzie at Strathboggy, with garrisons at Glenbucket, etc.
_Houses burnt and plundered_
Parties were immediately sent out through the country in search of
Rebels, with orders also to plunder and burn their houses.[385] This
severe order was not at all agreeable to Friends of the Government,
who could in no shape relish Military execution, especially after the
enemy was so effectually subdued. But it was not universally executed;
most of the Rebel Gentlemen’s houses on Deeside were plundered, and
some burnt, but these last were houses of little value and really no
considerable loss to the proprietors. There was very little plundered
in Buchan, some things only picked up by the soldiers in their searches
unknown to the Officers. No Gentlemen’s houses were burnt, and only
one or two farmers’ by a worthless fellow not concerned with the army,
who by mighty pretences of zeal, had been employed by Ancrum to go
with five or six of Loudon’s Regiment, in quest of Rebels. There were
no houses burnt or plundered in or about the towns of Aberdeen; but a
Tenant’s house in the land of Stonnywood, who had been very insolent.
Glenbucket’s house was burnt in Strathdawn, as were also a tenant’s
house or two about Strathboggy.
_Order for Arms_
Lord Ancrum’s orders for bringing in of arms were very extraordinary,
and indeed cannot be better exposed than by giving them and Lord
Loudon’s in the same place, vid. _Scots Mag._ for July, p. 339.[386]
_Ill Conduct of the Soldiers_
Most of the Officers of Fleeming’s Regiment were but young men, and
did not at all behave in an agreeable manner. They seemed too much to
look on the Army as a community of separate interests from that of the
Nation, and it was the common axiom of those even in highest command in
Aberdeen, that no laws but the Military were to be regarded. They took
it in their heads to despise all in civil capacity, and especially as
much as possible to thwart the Governors of the town in every thing.
They had no manner of confidence either in the gentlemen of town or
country, not even in those who had merited so well for their zeal for
the Establishment; such as Mr. Middleton of Seaton, Mr. Burnet of
Kemnay, etc., nay, some of them were on many occasions ill used by
them. The Clergy of the Church of Scotland, for as much as they courted
and applauded them in time of danger, were now their common subject for
ridicule; and a deal of spleen was shown against them, that it should
be thought they had in the least merited well of their country, and
thus should have a title to some regard as well as the Military, and
not the least pendicle of the Army, a Commissary of foraging Clerks,
etc., but would have more regard paid to their representative than any
Clergyman.
_People Disgusted_
Such was the injudicious conduct of the Lord Ancrum and most of
the officers of this Corps, which soon raised great disgust and
heartburning. The Officers only, associated with one another, were
seldom troubled with any advice from anybody of consequence acquainted
with the country; or if they were, were sure to slight it. This
gave infinite satisfaction to the Jacobites who rejoiced in these
dissensions. It was this mutual disgust which on the one hand provoked
the soldiers in so riotous a manner to break almost the whole windows
in the town for not being illuminated on the first of August,[387] when
the towns people had no reason to think Illuminations would be expected
of them; and on the other hand provoked the townsfolks to resent it
so highly, for had there been a good understanding betwixt the Corps
and them, such an outrage would probably not have been committed, or
if some illegal things had been done they’d as probably have been
overlooked, or at least easily atoned for.
Immediately after this, Ancrum was removed and Lord Sempile[388]
succeeded him.
A TRUE ACCOUNT OF MR. JOHN DANIEL’S PROGRESS WITH PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD
IN THE YEARS 1745 AND 1746 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF
_The manuscript preserved at Drummond Castle from which this Narrative
is printed bears the following docquet:_--
This is to certify, that I believe the aforegoing Narrative to
be a correct Copy of the Original, written by my late Friend,
Captain John Daniel, which I have frequently seen and read,
and conversed with him, on the subject of its contents: more
particularly as to the facts of the Duke of Perth’s death, on his
passage from Scotland to France, on board the ship in which the
said Captain Daniel was also a passenger. To which conversations,
I can conscientiously depose if required.
Witness my hand at Exmouth Devon. This 25th day of September 1830.
R. B. GIBSON.
Signed in the presence of
HERBERT MENDS GIBSON,
Atty. at Law.
[NOTE.--The notes in this narrative which are indicated by
asterisks are written on the Drummond Castle manuscript in a
later hand.]
A TRUE ACCOUNT OF MR. JOHN DANIEL’S PROGRESS WITH PRINCE CHARLES
As Fortune, or rather Providence, has screened, conducted and brought
me safe out of so many miseries and dangers; gratitude obliges me to
be ever-thankful to that Omniscient Power, by whose particular bounty
and goodness I now live, and survive a Cause, which, though it be now
a little sunk, will, I doubt not, one day or other, rise again, and
shine forth in its true colours, make its Hero famous to after-ages,
and the Actors esteemed and their memory venerable. But since it is not
permitted to pry into futurity, we may at least take a retrospective
view of our own or others’ actions, and draw from them what may amuse,
instruct or benefit human Society, and by that means fulfill in some
measure the end for which we were sent into this world. Conceiving
it therefore to be the best method of shewing my gratitude to Divine
Providence, I shall give a short but true account of what happened
to me during the time I had the honour of being a soldier under the
banner of a most beloved Prince; hoping that the indulgent reader,
whom curiosity may induce to peruse the following pages, will pardon
the simplicity and ruggedness of my style, which, I am afraid, will be
the more strikingly conspicuous, as, in order to preserve the thread
of my History unbroken, I have occasionally been obliged to interweave
with my narrative some extracts from the Memoirs of another, whose
excellence totally eclipses my humble attempt.
The lessons of loyalty, which had been instilled into me from my infant
years, had made a deep and indelible impression upon my mind; and as I
advanced towards maturity, and my reasoning faculties were developed,
I became so firmly convinced of the solidity of the principles which
I had been taught, that, when arrived at the age of Twenty-two, I
resolved never to deviate from them, but to act to the best of my
power the part of a good and faithful subject, notwithstanding the
customs of an unhappy kingdom to the contrary. Nor was it long before
an opportunity presented itself of proving my fidelity to my lawful
Sovereign; viz., when the Prince entered triumphantly into Lancashire
on the 24th of November 1745,[389] attended by about four thousand
armed men. The first time I saw this loyal army was betwixt Lancaster
and Garstang; the brave Prince marching on foot at their head like a
Cyrus or a Trojan Hero, drawing admiration and love from all those who
beheld him, raising their long-dejected hearts, and solacing their
minds with the happy prospect of another Golden Age. Struck with this
charming sight and seeming invitation ‘_Leave your nets and follow
me_,’ I felt a paternal ardor pervade my veins, and having before my
eyes the admonition ‘_Serve God and then your King_,’ I immediately
became one of his followers. How, and in what manner, I am now going to
relate.
The brave and illustrious Duke of Perth (whose merits it would require
the pen of an angel properly to celebrate, being a true epitomé of all
that is good) halting to refresh himself at a Public-House upon the
road, where with some friends of mine I then happened to be; His Grace,
being truly zealous in the cause, asked of them the disposition of the
place and people. They replied, that they believed it to be much in
the Prince’s favour. After some conversation on one thing and another,
the Duke did me the honour to invite me to join; which request being
nowise contrary to my inclination, I immediately answered His Grace,
that I was exceeding willing to do anything that lay in my power for
promoting the Prince’s interests, in any situation he might judge most
proper. Upon this, the Duke honoured me with a most sincere promise
of his particular patronage; and not a little proud I was of acquiring
such a friend on my first joining the Prince’s army, in which I had not
before a single acquaintance. After some questions, the Duke desired me
to get in readiness and to meet him on horse-back at Garstang; which
in about two or three hours I accordingly did. The army being then in
full march for Preston, the Duke desired me to go with forty men round
that part of the country which I best knew; which forty men being
accordingly put under my command, I went to Eccleston and Singleton in
the Fyld Country, where I delivered some commissions, and caused the
King to be proclaimed, the bailiffs, constables and burgesses of the
place attending at the ceremony. I dispersed several of the Prince’s
Manifestoes; and Exhortations were made, in order to shew the people
the misery and oppressions of tyranny and usurpation, which like oxen
yoked down to the plough, they seem to labour under; and calling upon
them to rise up and, like lions to shake off the infamous yoke which
too long had galled the necks of free-born Englishmen;--to assert
their liberties honourably both before God and Man, and to prove to
the world, that they remained true English hearts, equal to their
fore-fathers’, who once had given laws to foreign States;--to exert
their liberties under a Prince, who was come for their sakes, and for
their sakes only, and with their concurrence would make them most
happy. But alas! notwithstanding all our proposals and exhortations,
few of them consented to join the Prince’s army. Therefore, having
assembled those who did come in, orders were given for them to give
up all their arms; which being reluctantly complied with, search was
made in several houses, where we found a few; and amongst the rest we
entered the house of an honest Quaker, whom I had seen about ten days
before at a Public-house, where he accidentally came in whilst I was
there, bringing with him a gun and a pair of pistols, which he had
bought. Calling for his pot of ale, he began to harangue the host and
the others present, telling what an honest man the Justice of the
Parish said he was, and that he could keep all the Papists quiet. And
with these, said he (meaning the pistols) I can bid defiance to half
a hundred of Rebels. I then heard him with great pleasure, thinking I
should have the satisfaction of trying the honest Quaker’s courage;
which accordingly happened. For, meeting with him at his own house, I
demanded of him, if he had any arms. Not knowing me directly, he said
he had none, and that he was not a man of blood. Vexed at this evasive
answer, I replied: ‘Hark thee, my honest friend, since nothing but an
action with thy own weapons will get thy arms from thee, rememberest
thou in such a place to have boasted much of thy courage, with a gun
and a pair of pistols?’ At which being much struck and hanging down
his head he seemed greatly terrified. ‘How now,’ said I, ‘honest
Friend, thou that wast so lately so pot-valiant, where now is thy
boasted courage?’ ‘Pardon me,’ he then said, ‘I humbly beg, and I shall
most willingly deliver up the arms; for I have done much amiss.’ I
accordingly took the arms from him, and went off, much pleased with the
adventure.
All these things being now effected, on the days after I had first
seen His Grace the Duke of Perth, we began our march for Preston; and
on the road, passing by a house of a person, who had in the year 1715
been the chief cause of my Father’s misfortune, I turned my horse in
order to have hanged the man and certainly would have done it, had not
maturer thoughts intervened, and stopt my revengeful rage. Continuing
our journey, we arrived at Preston about 2 o’clock in the afternoon,
having with us 39 English Recruits, whom I presented to His Grace the
Duke of Perth, giving him an account of what had passed. At first
he seemed to be somewhat concerned; but, recollecting himself, he
afterwards welcomed me back, and said, he doubted not soon to see a
great joining, and desired me to come to him the next day--for the Army
halted two days at Preston. So, taking leave, I went to see some of my
friends in the Town; and, amongst the rest, to acquaint my Father with
what I had done. He approved much of it, and gave me very salutary
advice, telling me always to have the love and fear of God before me,
and never to deviate from my duty, but to act to the best in my power
the part of a brave soldier, and never to deject but comfort all those
I found in misery. He then said to me, that as the infirmities of old
age no longer permitted him to espouse so good a cause, in which he had
once been actively engaged, he would continually invoke the Almighty
for our success and preservation. So kissing me, he gave me his kind
benediction: and with the viaticum in my pocket I took leave of the
tenderest of Fathers and best of Parents.
It being now the day on which the army marched from Preston, I waited,
according to appointment, on the Duke of Perth, who told me, if I
pleased, he would give me a Captain’s Commission in his Regiment; or,
as one Mr. Gorogan[390] was to have a Colonel’s Commission over the
English, that I should have a Company under him, and command the men I
brought with me to Preston. The latter offer I accepted; and on being
recommended to the Colonel by the Duke, I was made Captain; and Captain
Larrey,[391] now living at St. Omers, was the other Captain, with 3 or
4 more. So we with the army began our march for Wiggan, where we were
joined by a few more Loyalists. Having lain all night at Wiggan, we
marched the next day for Manchester. The ringing of the Bells, and the
great rejoicings and salutations with which we were welcomed, gave us
mighty expectations. But too true is the saying: _Parturiunt Montes,
nascetur ridiculus mus_.
Word was immediately brought to the Prince, that a number of men were
at his service; and to please and content the Town, it was thought
necessary, that what men were raised at Manchester--vizt., the
English Regiment--should be called the Manchester Regiment, and all
inferior Officers displaced as not being sufficiently Manchesterfied.
However, regarding how matters went, I observed a little Man, by
name Morgan,[392] deputed by the Prince with orders to inspect and
commission new Candidates, come into the room appointed for that
purpose, and after salutations made, take his place at the head of the
Table, with the Blackguard Dog[393] at his elbow, whether coming there
by orders or impudence, I know not. Mr. Morgan began to tell the reason
of his being sent, saying, that His Royal Highness was highly charmed
at the report he had heard of the great number of Manchester men who
were to join his standard; and assured them all of his particular
protection, and of his willingness to grant them every favour in his
power. This Declaration gave great joy to all present.
A dispute then arose concerning the making of a new Colonel:[394]
but taking a dislike at some of their proceedings, I gave up all
pretentions to anything amongst them, and joined Lord Elcho’s
Guards;[395] so the place was vacant. The rest however were called
upon to be Regimental Captains, and so on, according as the aforesaid
pursuivant of Mr. Morgan notified: for, on demand who was to be the
first Captain, all, conscious of each other’s merit, were silent;
till he, with a face of assurance, named such a man, for he had great
interest; after him, another, for he could raise a great number of men;
and after him another, for he had great merit and power; till all the
Captain’s Commissions were disposed of according to his direction; and
then, looking about him, he said of the rest, it was hang choice which
was pitched upon first.
The Manchester Officers, being now formed, agreed to petition the
Prince to stay another day there; which he agreed to in the expectation
of raising a great number of men. I was as credulous as they: but was
much surprised to see the next day those men whom I had brought from
behind Preston, and on the road thence to that place, enrolled for the
most part in the Manchester Regiment, and thus _Manchesterised_, if it
may be said so: and much troubled I was to see many of those men who
had followed me, had been paid out of my own pocket and been under my
care till our arrival in Manchester, disposed of, nay taken away from
me in that manner.
_Quos Ego--sed motos praestat componere fluctus._
However, being willing to be as useful as possible to the cause, I
acquiesced in whatever they thought proper. The Prince, tho’ again
requested to stay, being weary of delay to no purpose, ordered the
following day the army to make a short march, and gave leave to the
Manchester Regiment to stay a day longer to get more recruits, on
promise to march up to the army the day after: which we did; but our
stay was not productive of much benefit.
The Comand of the Army, which till then had been the Duke of Perth’s,
was at this time given to Lord George Murray.[396] The real cause of
this change I cannot pretend to divine: all I can say, is that the
received opinion amongst us was that Lord George being looked upon as
a man, whose name would bear a greater sway in England, especially
amongst loyal Protestants, and help to efface the prejudice and notion
of Popery and arbitrary Power, which some, though vainly imagined were
rushing in like a torrent upon them; it was just proper to place the
chief command in him: and the Duke of Perth, for the good of his King
and Country, most readily resigned, shewing himself willing to promote
the cause in any station, and giving a notable example of a brave
warrior, willing to command and willing to obey. Whether there was any
other secret reason, I must leave it for time to unfold.
The Army being now arrived at Congleton in Cheshire, nothing particular
happened there, except that a patrol took one Captain Wier, a famous
spy,[397] with seven dragoons, who were feasting at a house some
distance off. This Wier was by birth a Scotchman, and had been
employed in many villanies, and having served the Court not only as
a spy upon us, but amongst other foreign Powers, had been promoted
for his diligence in this business. He was conducted back with us
to Carlisle--how unfortunate for us, that he was not put to death,
considering what he has since done!--but his life was saved through
the innate clemency of the Prince, though he merited the worst of
punishments.
On the first of December we departed from Macclesfield, in order to
march to Leek; where we staid all night, and marched the next day for
Derby. All that morning it was rumored amongst us, that we should have
an engagement as the enemy’s army was said to be lying about five
or six miles from us at Newcastle and Stone in Staffordshire. So we
marched in the best order we could to receive them: and about eleven
o’Clock, having espied a party at some distance on the mountains, we
drew up in order of battle, and stood so for some time, and would have
fought them: but perceiving it was a false alarm, we continued on our
route to Derby, where we arrived somewhat late and fatigued. But two
days’ repose sufficiently refreshed us.
Derby is a large and handsome town. The heads of it were much terrified
at our entrance, many of them having made large subscriptions to
Government; and therefore had quitted their houses with the utmost
precipitation. It fell to my lot to be quartered in one of them, vizt.,
one Mr. Chambers. Coming in with my billet, I asked if I could lodge
there. The Steward immediately replied that I could--adding ‘And any
thing we can do for you, shall be done: only pity us in our situation,
which is most deplorable.’ At this wondering much what he meant, I told
him to be of good courage--that neither I nor any of us were come to
hurt him or any one. Having thus abated the horrid notion they had of
us, which was only capable of being conceived too hard for expression,
being so very strange; he conducted me to the Housekeeper, who was
also in tears. She was somewhat seized with horror at the sight,
though my countenance was none of the roughest: but soon collected
herself and made the same answer with the utmost feminine tenderness,
putting themselves and the whole house under my mercy. I truly was much
surprised, for anything of this kind was quite new to me: however,
after pulling off my riding-coat and boots she conducted me into a fine
room; where, at entering, I perceived a number of jewels and watches
lying confusedly up and down, and many things else in the utmost
confusion. I demanded, to whom they belonged, and what was the reason
of their being so carelessly laid up. The housekeeper then began to
tell me the whole affair--‘Sir,’ said she, ‘Mr. Chambers, the master of
this house, no enemy to you, has retired with his lady and family into
the country,’ ‘Why so?’ said I. ‘Not conscious,’ replied she, ‘of any
thing particular against you, but out of fear of what the Highlanders
might do against him.’ She then begged, that I would have compassion
on them, and be their protector; which, after some short discourse,
I promised, telling them, that what was consistent with reason, and
a countryman, they should always find in me. I then ordered all the
things that lay so confusedly thrown about, to be locked up, assuring
them, that nothing should be touched or broke open, unless with
authority. So for two days I ruled master there, and, I hope they will
generously acknowledge, much to their content and satisfaction in that
situation of affairs--having preserved the Young Lady’s jewels from the
hand of rapine, and hindered the house from being damaged.
A rumor was here spread amongst us, that _Cumberland Will_ and
Ligonier[398] intended to give us battle; which I believe would have
happened, if we had marched a day or two more towards London. Every one
prepared himself to act in the best manner the valiant Soldier. But the
Prince’s Council judged it more proper to retire back into Scotland
without risking a battle, and there to await the arrival of foreign
Succors. How far they acted amiss or well in this, I know not: but a
great alteration was afterwards seen amongst us. The brave Prince at
that out of a generous ardour and Love to his country, wished he had
been twenty feet under ground! but, notwithstanding all this, a march
back was agreed upon, after we had halted two days at Derby. Here I
cannot pass by an accident that happened somewhat ominous--though
I am none of the most credulous--but thence we may date our first
misfortune. Great numbers of People and Ladies (who had come from
afar to see the Prince), crowding into his room, overturned a table,
which in falling overturned and broke the Royal Standard--soon after
our return was agreed upon--so I leave the reader to judge and make
his reflexions on this. It would seem certain at least that Providence
miraculously concurs, while such and such things are carried on. Thus,
when Moses held up his hands, Joshua prevailed; but when through
weariness he in the least relaxed the Israelites had the worst of
it. So perhaps it was, that our enterprise was not vigorously enough
pursued: and remarkable it certainly was, that the Royal Standard
should be broken immediately after our return was resolved upon.
The third day being come, our march was proclaimed; and we began our
return,[399] wondering what it could forebode. About this time we
heard of Lord John Drummond’s Regiment having landed in Scotland, and
that more troops were daily expected from France. Some few afterwards
came, but the whole, including the said Regiment, did not exceed Five
Hundred effective men--too small an assistance in the then state of
our affairs![400] Soon after their arrival, Lord Lewis Gordon, being
joined by the foresaid regiment, defeated Lord Loudon at Inverury, so
completely dispersing his army, that it was rendered ineffective during
the remainder of the campaign.[401] This happened very luckily for us;
for if Lord Loudon had not met with a check, he would probably have
been able to collect a strong army to cut off our retreat, or at least
give us a very warm reception on our return to Scotland. This news
therefore gave us great comfort; and we courageously continued our
march to join the above mentioned troops (in number one thousand men)
by the same road we travelled before. The English Army, being informed
of our retreat, immediately pursued us; but we found the saying to
be very true ‘_A good pair of heels is worth two pair of hands_.’
Diverting it was, to hear those bells, which before had rung for us,
turn to ring for them; we sometimes going out at one end of a town,
whilst they were coming in at the other: and no less odd it was, to
see the Magistrates who had canted when the Prince was amongst them,
immediately after taking an opposite side, and cursing and detesting
those whom they had just before saluted with a Judas-kiss.
The Enemy, finding that they could not come up with us, resolved,
though very ungenerously to their own party, to endeavour to raise
the inhabitants of the towns through which we had to pass against us,
by spreading false reports, that the Prince’s Army had been entirely
defeated, and that nothing remained for them but to exert themselves
like good subjects, and to suffer none of the fugitives to escape. This
report was believed in many of the towns: great rejoicings were made,
and every man thought himself capable of knocking out a Rebel’s brains
with a club or a staff. Then you might see heroic valour displayed
among cocks that never crowed but among hens upon their own dunghill.
But the malicious expectations of our enemies were disappointed; and
what they had contrived for our ruin redounded much to our profit.
Notwithstanding the mildness of the Prince during the march of his army
through England, and though he had suffered no one to be oppressed, we
heard betwixt Derby and Manchester, that the latter town had made great
rejoicing, and had raised some men to stop us: but we soon made these
mighty heroes tremble, and the town pay for their rash determination
for entering regularly and triumphantly, we shewed them we were not the
people they took us for, and convinced them, that our situation was not
so bad as had been falsely reported.
Every one therefore, vexed to the very heart at being so deceived,
began to lay upon the mob the fault of what had happened, and the Mob
on the Heads of the Place, so that discord and confusion arose among
them. The Piper, however was well paid for their dancing; for it cost
them five thousand pounds Sterling--scarcely a sufficient atonement
for their malice.[402] Here I cannot pass by mentioning a barbarous
deed perpetrated before we came to Manchester which shewed the innate
cruelty of our enemies on the one hand, and our clemency on the other.
A young English lad, who had joined the Prince, being somewhat before
the army, had through weariness laid himself down to rest under a
hedge, and fallen fast asleep. He was soon perceived by a woman and
her boy: and this cruel fiend immediately determined to murder him as
he lay sleeping like a lamb, conscious of no harm; she accordingly
with the assistance of her son cut the poor young man’s throat. The
army coming up soon after, we espied the mangled body in that shocking
condition; and on searching the next house adjacent, we found a young
boy in bed much besmeared with blood, and trembling, who confessed the
fact, and said that his mother was the chief author of it. They were
both taken into custody, and a report of the whole made to the Prince:
but he was against their being put to death, so that by a wonderful
clemency they escaped the just reward of their crime.
We halted two days at Manchester, and on the third marched for Wiggan.
When going out of the town, a gun was fired at the Prince by a villain,
who, mistaking him, shot at a Mr. Sullivan, and luckily missed him.
Search was made for him, but in vain--and no great matter for any thing
he would have suffered from us; for many exercised their malice merely
on account of the known goodness and clemency of the Prince, which
however they would not have dared to do, if he had permitted a little
more severity in punishing them. The Army irritated by the frequent
instances of the enemy’s malice began to behave with less forbearance.
And now few there were, who would go on foot, if they could ride; and
mighty taking, stealing, and pressing of horses there was amongst us,
for none of us was ever sure of keeping his own. Diverting it was to
see the Highlanders now mounted without either breeches, saddle, or
anything else but the bare back of the horse to ride on; and for their
bridle, only a straw rope. In this manner we marched out of England,
many a good horse being brought in to give us a lift.
During our march to Wiggan, and thence to Preston, nothing particular
happened; only the enemy continued to pursue us, yet we made no more
haste on that account. I met upon the road my old patron the Duke of
Perth; who asking me how I did, and how I liked the service. I told
him ‘Very well!’ He then inquired ‘How I could bear the thought of
going into Scotland’--and I immediately replied That I had ever been
curious to see that kingdom, and was proud of benefiting the cause,
or occasion that was offered. His Grace was pleased to promise, that
he would recommend me to the Colonel, who, he doubted not, would be a
father to me; as it accordingly fell out. Marching on to Preston, we
halted there two days; and on the third in the morning, immediately
after we had quitted the town, the enemy took possession of it. On
our arrival at Lancaster in the evening, I was recommended to Colonel
Elphinstone, afterwards Lord Balmerino,[403] who commanded the second
troop of the Prince’s Life Guards. Having equipped myself for that
purpose when in Preston, I rode on somewhat before the Army, to be
in readiness at Lancaster: but on the road, nine miles distant from
that place, alighting from my horse to refresh myself at a Public
house, and leaving my horse two or three minutes at the door; he was
immediately taken away by some of the soldiers, and I entirely lost
him. Vexed I was to be served so; and having nine miles to walk in my
boots sorely harrassed me. However, fortifying myself with patience,
and premeditating revenge, I at last, though somewhat late got up to
Lancaster: and now being in great anxiety for a horse, being the next
day to have the honour of riding in the Guards, I resolved to wait an
hour or two till my servant Dick, a Yorkshire-Man, came up, and to
make use of his horse, till such time as I could get another. But his
arrival brought me little satisfaction; for, after he had refreshed
himself, and I had told him the misfortune that had happened to me, he
went out, and wrote me a few lines to the following purport:--
‘DEAR MASTER,--I am truly sorry for your misfortune but I do not
much like the Army’s behaviour; neither can I think of going into
Scotland, and you know a Yorkshire-man coming home without a
horse is laughed at. Therefore not doubting but you can provide
yourself better than with this, I beg leave to be your Humble
Servant _Dick_, promising to rejoin you, when I see you in these
parts again.’
He left these lines with the landlord of the house to give me; which he
did about an hour after.
So, being served a true Yorkshire trick, I lost both man and horse.
I bethought myself of applying to one Mr. Grant,[404] Colonel of the
Artillery, thinking there might be a spare horse. When I had informed
him of what had happened, he promised that he would endeavour to
provide me with a horse the next morning, till he could buy or get
another; which kindness of his was very seasonable. But going down
the Castle-Hill, where the Artillery lay, I espied two Highlanders
stealing a horse, and breaking down a pair of barn-doors. When they
saw me advancing towards them, one of them went, and the other stood
guard. Now I thought this a good opportunity to provide myself: So I
went boldly in, and inquired whether Captain McDonald’s Horse were
not there; the man answered he knew not; at which taking courage, and
going up to the horse, I demanded whose that was. He made me the same
answer. ‘Friend,’ said I, ‘if you do not, I do,’ and I immediately
took the horse, well pleased, that I had got a _Titt for Tatt_ (as
the Lancashire saying is). So returning to my lodgings with my prize,
I repaired to wait upon Colonel Elphinstone, who received me very
graciously, having been spoken to before by the Duke of Perth. He
welcomed me among them, assured me of all that was kind and civil in
his power, and then invited me to sup with him. After thanking him,
I accepted his kind invitation; and when I took my leave of him he
renewed his promises of kindness, and desired me to be in readiness to
mount next morning at his quarters.
At this time the Yorkshire Hunters[405] endeavoured to shew themselves
against us, but little to their honour. This was a regiment composed
of the Yorkshire Gentlemen, many of whom mounted themselves and their
servants on the best light horses they had, and gave themselves the
fore-said name. As we were marching into Lancaster, these Hunters
attacked some of our Light Horse in the rear: but finding they had
caught Tartars, they quickly retreated; and being pursued, some of
them were taken prisoners--so that _Yorkshire seemed to be put upon
Yorkshire_.
About this time the Prince’s Council resolved to despatch some one
with orders to Lord Lewis Gordon and Lord John Drummond, and the rest
of the Prince’s adherents who were in arms, to meet us at Carlisle;
and for this purpose the Duke of Perth set out attended by about
One-hundred Light-Horse. When they arrived at Kendal, the inhabitants
of that place, seeing them come in great haste, judged they were flying
from the battle and endeavouring to make their escape, assembled in a
tumultuous manner, and, after insulting them, at last fired upon them
out of the windows--and at going out of the town, a ball was fired at
the Duke of Perth in his Chaise, who, looking out courageously, noticed
the place it came from. Though the ball happily missed the Duke it shot
Captain Cameron’s horse. Being now out of the town, we resolved boldly
to re-enter it, and quell that insulting mob. So, marching back, they
took the man who fired the fore-said ball, and killed two or three:
yet this villain escaped with only a few blows from the gentleman
whose horse he had killed; though certainly he would have been put to
death, had not the Duke interceded for him. The town of Kendal being
thus appeased, we continued our route: but hearing that the Militia of
_Pe[n]r[i]th_ and other places, thinking our Army had been cut off,
had risen, and were, in conjunction with the Hessians who had landed
thereabouts,[406] intercepting the road they thought they were to pass;
the Duke resolved to pass by another in order to miss them. But his
guide, instead of shewing the right way, conducted them upon the enemy;
so that ascending the summit of the hill, they perceived their danger,
being within gun-shot of a great body of both horse and foot, which
unexpected sight struck a great panic amongst the Duke’s party. The
Duke was for fighting his way through them: but Colonel Bagott,[407]
Colonel of the Hussars, was of another opinion, and he being seconded
by some others, a retreat was agreed upon. The enemy immediately
dispatched some of their Light-horse in pursuit of them: but the Duke’s
party retiring in good order, kept their pursuers, notwithstanding all
their firing, at a good distance; and after being pursued five or six
miles, returned upon them with such vigour, that they took three or
four prisoners, rescued the Duke’s baggage, which had just before been
seized, and made them retire faster than they had come. Finding it
however in vain to pursue his enterprise, the Duke rejoined the Army.
We having staid all night at Lancaster, I went, according to
appointment, to wait upon my Colonel, who, being mounted at the head
of his troops, placed me in his corps. We were ordered that day to
march in the rear of the army; and, as we left the town, the enemy
immediately took possession of it, and followed us some little way
out, so that we did not directly know their intention. But, finding
they soon returned, we marched on (nothing particular happening) to
Kendal where we halted all night and made the town pay for its past
behaviour. We then continued our retreat in exceeding bad weather and
roads to Carlisle: but by the severity of the season we were obliged
to make a shorter march than we intended, and halt all night at a
village called Shap, where we suffered very much on account of the bad
accommodation it afforded. However staying there all night we assembled
together early next morning. Some few of us got that night to Carlisle.
But I cannot pass by an affair that happened at Clifton which was as
follows:--The enemy’s advanced Guard, commanded by General Honeywood,
having got somewhat before us, planted himself in ambush near the road
we were to march, and from behind the hedges expected, as the army
approached to cut them off; but there the biter was bit: for though we
came unknowingly upon them, we had the good fortune to receive their
attack in good order, killed and drowned many of them, and put the rest
to flight: General Honeywood himself narrowly escaped, having lost his
arm, and severely wounded. This brave action was chiefly owing to the
courage of the McPhersons, commanded by Clued McPherson,[408] their
Chief, who behaved most gallantly on this occasion; and most pleasing
it was, to see the champions come into Carlisle, loaded with the spoils
of their enemies.[409]
The whole army being now in Carlisle, our thoughts lay for some time
suspended in order to act for the best; for we supposed that the enemy
would come and give us battle. I cannot say that we somewhat waited
them, but finding they did not, it was judged proper after two days’
stay and deliberation, to continue our march farther North, and to
leave at Carlisle the few English who were with the army and about
three hundred Scots. But of this proceeding I can say nothing farther,
leaving to the world to judge as they think proper. The English then
were about two hundred men; for many had quitted and returned home
being unwilling to go to Scotland. Now some there are, who censure the
Prince for leaving them at Carlisle, thinking it was out of disregard
and a desire of being rid of them: but if they will pry a little more
narrowly into the affair they will find, that it was the desire of
Mr. Townley Colonel of the English who not only petitioned the Prince
in his own name, but in the name of all the officers of the Regiment,
to be left there, though the latter never assented to or desired it,
many of them wishing to undergo the same fate as their Royal Master.
However on Mr. Townley’s coming back and telling them that it was the
Prince’s pleasure that they should remain at Carlisle, they all, taking
it as coming from the Prince, most willingly acquiesced, shewing true
English bravery in any situation to obey:--and now, seeing themselves
deprived of the satisfaction of following him they so greatly loved,
they resolved to accompany him still in their hearts--all that was in
their power. They shewed a true generosity in disposing of all that was
not of immediate use to them, viz., their horses and riding-equipage,
to all who stood in need; and though I seemed somewhat picqued at them
in the beginning of this Narrative, I must ingenuously own, that they
were a set of brave men; and though it is often objected to them, that
they were not of an extraordinary rank, yet they behaved so as to make
those of a nobler birth blush; for, from the time they had the honour
of joining the Prince’s standard, they never sought pay either for
themselves or their men, honourably maintaining and supporting the
Regiment themselves:--Unhappy Gentlemen! They merited a much better
fate than what was awaiting them![410]
Every thing being now in readiness, we began our march, in order
(alas! as it happened) to bid adieu to Old England for ever! On the
22nd of December 1745[411] (being the Prince’s birthday) about four
o’Clock in the afternoon, we crossed the river Esk, which separates the
two kingdoms. The deepness and rapidity of the river, joined to the
obscurity of the night, made it most terrible: but the good Prince,
here, in particular, animated the men; and how noble was it to see
these Champions, who had refused him nothing now marching breast-deep,
one supporting another, till wonderfully we all passed safe. The Duke
of Perth here signalized himself much by his goodness; for, crossing
the river several times on horseback, he took behind him several of the
common Soldiers, whose strength was not sufficient to bear up against
the current. Nor was the Prince wanting in giving a notable specimen of
his generosity and condescension to his subjects, in imitation of the
Great Alexander, who, in his expedition into Persia, suffered a poor
Soldier, much fatigued, to repose himself in the king’s chair, which
till then it had been death for anyone but himself to sit in. So the
Prince I think, imitates, or fully equals, this great hero in point of
affability to his men; for, taking on horseback a common soldier behind
him, he carried him over the water, giving us all a great example
of goodness and courage to follow him. But at this river I narrowly
escaped drowning; for in crossing it, and being near the middle of the
stream I perceived two women (tho’ never an army was known with so few)
rolling down it and in imminent danger of perishing if I did not guide
my horse in order to stop them: and I had like to have paid dearly for
it, for coming against me, they laid hold of me in such a manner, that
I was not able to dismount; and being so beset by the two women, and my
horse, who was none of the biggest, going down the stream with me, I
gave myself up for lost. I did not, however, lose courage and conduct
in managing my horse as well as I could; and perceiving a man mounted
upon a very high horse wading where I was swimming, I called to him
for assistance. He seeing me in that piteous case, came immediately,
and rescued me from the imminent danger I was in of perishing, and
freed me also with a great deal of difficulty from my two companions:
but how I got quit of them or out of the water, I remained an entire
stranger; being come to the other side, I was immediately seized with
a great panic and trembling from the fright of the danger I had so
narrowly escaped, and in this state I continued for three or four hours
notwithstanding all the efforts I could make against it. That night
however, being, as I said, on the other side, somewhat before the
rest, I saw them come almost half round together with my deliverer, to
whom I did not fail to pay my most hearty thanks, as the poor women did
to me.
But here let us stop and take a short View of the Army’s behaviour
whilst in England. It may be said, and is allowed even by the judgment
of our enemies, that never such an army could be expected to behave
as they did, giving the greatest marks of generosity to our enemies,
paying for what they had, and revenging or oppressing few or none; and
shewing to the World, that a noble design rather than either malice,
rapine or plundering, was at the bottom of our proceedings. But as I
may perhaps be suspected of partiality towards them, I shall refer
the Reader to what was acknowledged by one of our greatest enemies,
viz., one Parson Bissett in Aberdeen,[412] who was one of the heads
of the Presbytery, and much esteemed by his own party for his morals
and great talents as a preacher. This Gentleman, mounting the pulpit,
soon after we had left Aberdeen, and while Cumberland’s Army was there,
began his Sermon with a comparison betwixt us and those then in town,
saying: ‘When the Prince, as they call him, was here,[413] I made it my
business night and day to inspect their conduct, and observe their most
minute actions; and instead of finding subjects of complaint, I found
much to the contrary, and drew honey whence I thought it was not to be
extracted. I heard what they said and did; and I heard of no robbery,
of no ill towards the people: but since these men are come amongst
us, what is the secret that is not revealed? What is holy, that is not
polluted? What’s forbid, that’s not transgressed? and in fine, where is
God or Man obeyed? Here, cursing and blaspheming; there Drunkenness,
Whoredom and Debauchery are carried on in full career, and reign with
unlimited sway.’ So, going on in this strain, he concluded by telling
his auditors, that it was a shame to be out-done by us; that, in
punishment for their sins, nothing less than the curse of God could
fall upon them, and make instruments of us to punish them.
But now I shall return again to the river Esk. Having wonderfully got
safe over, we marched all that night through excessively bad roads,
all of us being very wet and cold, without any refreshment, except
what we had before we left Carlisle, till ten o’Clock the next day,
when we arrived at Dumfries; and extraordinary it was to see the Army,
notwithstanding all their fatigue, come in as merry and gay as if they
had only marched that morning. At our entrance into the Town, we saw
the great rejoicing that had been made for our defeat, the candles
being still in the windows, and the bonfires unextinguished. And now it
was, that being in Scotland, my Colonel began to shew me great civility
upon account of my being an Englishman, and so did afterwards several
of the gentlemen of that country; for seeing me amongst them, they
thought they could scarce do enough for me, especially my Colonel, who,
for fear of my being any time badly quartered, ordered that I should
always be lodged _chez lui_. So that from that time I had ordinarily
his quarters, and sometimes a part of his bed, when there happened to
be no other, so that I had every reason to be satisfied with my lot,
having such resource of comfort in all my difficulties.
After we had halted two days at Dumfries, and made them pay for
their past behaviour,[414] we marched on for Hamilton; and here the
Prince, attended by a few of his gentlemen, went to take the diversion
of shooting in the Park; in which he behaved to the admiration and
surprise of all present, killing or hitting every thing he shot at,
so that, without flattery, he was looked upon to be the best marksman
in the army. After we had staid some time at Hamilton, we continued
our march to one of the prittiest (but most whiggish) towns in all
Scotland, viz., Glasgow. Here we arrived on the 25th of December,
1745, much to their confusion, and halted six or seven days.[415] That
Town had given, when the Prince marched for England, five thousand
pounds for its good behaviour, and paid us now as much over again
for breaking the same, rebelling against us, and raising the Militia
in our absence. So we taught them more wit, how to break their words
another time. The Army having been here provided with cloathing and
other necessaries, of which they were very much in want, the Prince
resolved to make a general inspection and review of them. Accordingly
orders were issued one morning for that purpose, for us all to repair
to a place at a little distance from the Town. So we marched out with
drums beating, colours flying, bag-pipes playing, and all the marks
of a triumphant army to the appointed ground, attended by multitudes
of people, who had come from all parts to see us, and especially the
ladies, who before were much against us, were now, charmed at the sight
of the Prince, become most loyal;[416] and many afterwards, when they
could not testify it to us by their good offices, did it in imitation
in their hearts. I am somewhat at a loss to give a description of the
Prince at this Review. No object could be more charming, no personage
more taking, no deportment more agreeable, than his at that time was,
for, being well mounted and princely attired,[417] having, too, great
endowments both of body and mind, he appeared to bear a sway above
any comparison with the heroes of the last ages, and the majesty and
grandeur he seemed to display most noble and divine. The Army being now
drawn up in all form, and every one putting himself out for the best,
the Prince rode through the ranks, greatly encouraging and delighting
all who saw him. After the Review we returned again to Glasgow; and
about this time the unhappy news reached us, that Carlisle was invested
by Cumberland, who, having got up cannon from Whitehaven, was in a fair
way of taking it.
It being now judged proper to continue our march for Stirling, we
quitted Glasgow in a handsome manner, and soon sat down before that
town, which we took after two or three days’ cannonading, and then
began the siege of the Castle, having just received a few pieces of
Cannon from France, which would have been sufficient, as many are
pleased to say, if our Engineer, viz., one Mirabell,[418] a Frenchman
by birth, had been good for any thing: but erecting our batteries
in an improper place against the Castle, we spent three weeks’
labour in vain; during which time news arrived from Carlisle, by Mr.
Brown,[419] who was left Lieutenant Colonel by the Prince, and one Mr.
Maxwell,[420] who made their escape over the wall while the Articles of
Capitulation were signing. These gentlemen acquainted us, that, after
Cumberland had lain six or seven weeks before the town, and heralds
had been frequently sent in to summons it to surrender, Mr. Hamilton,
Governor of the Castle had at last resolved to obey them but whether
with a true fear or promise of his life, is disputed. Certain however
it is, that he employed that villainous Wier, whom I have mentioned
before (being left a prisoner at Carlisle) with secret Messages to and
from the enemy; and instead of hanging him, invited him daily to his
own table. How far this conduct was good, I leave the world to judge.
Mr. Townley, Governor of the Town, being informed that the resolution
to capitulate was taken, endeavoured, seconded by his whole corps,
officers and soldiers, to oppose him: but finding no means effective
to hinder the place from being given up, he was obliged to send, by
Hamilton’s direction, articles of Capitulation to Cumberland, who
returned for answer That the Town and Castle should be surrendered
at discretion, and that the Officers and Soldiers should be at his
Father’s Mercy, with whom he promised to intercede for their safety.
How sincerely he behaved in this, is sufficiently known:[421] and when
I reflect upon this, I think I may say I have good fortune, in leaving
that unhappy town and regiment, that I was not on some gallows or other
made a partaker also of his clemency! This news was at first hard to
be believed amongst us: but it appearing but too true, the Prince was
exceedingly troubled, and lamented much the loss of his subjects,
especially the English, who were to be made sacrifices of; and also did
generally the whole army, many of them wishing they had been there, nay
even to be made victims of to Cumberland’s fury!
We had now scarce got well into the siege of the Castle, before news
came, on the other hand, that General Hawley was advancing towards us
with about eleven or twelve thousand men. The Prince’s Army at this
time amounted to about eight thousand effective men, having been joined
by Lord John Drummond’s Regiment, and Lord Lewis Gordon’s, of whom I
have spoken before, and some few others. So, seeing we must inevitably
fight we endeavoured to prepare ourselves in the best manner for that
purpose. The enemy, we heard, were now come to Falkirk, which was only
eight or ten miles distant from us. We waited two days in expectation
of their coming on to attack us: but finding that they continued at
Falkirk, we on the third morning, leaving a sufficient force for the
siege of Stirling, boldly marched out in quest of them. And here it was
the soldiers shewed the greatest alacrity; the foot marching with such
celerity as kept the horse on a full trot, so that by two o’Clock in
the afternoon we came up with them, notwithstanding we almost marched
round them, in order to have the wind somewhat favourable for us. And
now the day, from being an exceeding fine one, became on a sudden
obscure; the sun which till then shone upon us, was now as it were
eclipsed, and all the elements in confusion, so that the heavens seemed
to fulminate their anger down upon us, by the impetuous storm of hail,
wind and rain, that fell just at the time of the engagement. The enemy
at this time scarcely knew any thing of our march towards them till
it had been almost too late; as they lay in an entire security and
defiance of us, thinking it not worth their while to take the necessary
precaution of having spies out, as other prudent Generals would have
done, notwithstanding the contempt they might have had for us. We now
roused them out of their lethargy, being just upon them at their going
to dinner. Cursing their bad fortune, they immediately mounted and
turned out of their camp, somewhat in confusion to meet us, which they
did at a short distance from it, though not to our disadvantage.
Their cavalry was in front of their left wing, unsupported with foot;
and their infantry in the right, unsupported by horse: but the day
being so excessively bad, hindered their cannon from coming up, so
that we were upon an equal footing with them in that respect, we
bringing none with us. We were about four hundred light Horse ordered
to face the enemy’s dragoons, being fronted and supported by a strong
line of _McDonells_; and our foot, with the Prince, against their
foot. Here I must acknowledge, that when I saw this moving cloud of
horse, regularly disciplined, in full trott upon us down the summit, I
doubted not but that they would have ridden over us without opposition
(I mean the front line) and bear us down without difficulty in their
impetuous progress: but I soon found myself mistaken; for immediately
upon our bearing upon them in order to meet them, there blew such a
storm of wind and hail, which was before on our side, and now turned
miraculously, as we turned, on our backs; and notwithstanding that
almost disabled us to bear up against them, it so harrassed the enemy,
that cursing and blaspheming was made the dying-speech of many of them.
And now kind Heaven seemed to declare for us.
The brave front-line of _McDonells_ suffered the enemy to come within
ten or twelve paces of them before firing. Nobly altogether presented,
and sent their benediction upon them, so that in the third part of a
minute that rapid and impetuous torrent, which seemed in rolling to
lay all waste before it, was now checked and stemmed in such a manner,
that it was made to retake its course faster than it had proceeded.
Upon seeing this, we immediately seconded our work with a hearty huzza,
victory now declaring for us. But on the Prince’s wing it remained
somewhat more obstinate: yet soon after they returned the same, having
happily finished their affair with scarce the loss of forty men, and
we had only one wounded. We now pursued them sharply for about sixty
paces, and fetched down a good many of them: but unfortunately being
ordered to halt, when a little further pursued would have finished
our affair, we let an opportunity slip out of our hands, which never
afterwards presented itself again. This piece of conduct belonged
chiefly to Lord George Murray,[422] who would not permit the army to
pursue any farther. So being ordered to halt, we modestly bid our
enemies retire, and as it were tell them to come better provided
another time. Here I could say something more: but I cannot at present;
therefore I’ll say nothing, leaving it to Midwife Time to say it for
me, and contenting myself with halting with the army.
And now after four or five hours’ halt, we heard, that we might go, if
we pleased, and take possession of the town. So the army was ordered
immediately to enter the town, and about eighteen of us Guards, who
were present, to go about three miles off, and take fifty-four of the
enemy prisoners. When we arrived at the house, where they had got
together they shut the door against us. We therefore surrounded the
house, and summoned them immediately to surrender:--which they refusing
at first to do, we fired into the house--and they immediately gave
themselves up to our mercy. So, after taking them and fifty-four stand
of arms, we conducted them Prisoners into Falkirk that night. And
here it was, that I happened to perform an action which gave me great
comfort afterward in my distress.--A fine young boy, who was somewhat
out of order, being found in the house after all was almost done, was
espied by some of our party, who bringing him out asked who would take
care of him. I told them to give him to me, which they immediately did.
The young boy, being now in my possession, says to me: ‘I hope Your
Honour will not kill me.’ Upon which, being a little surprised at what
he said, I asked him, ‘Have you not well merited it?’ ‘If I may be
permitted to speak to Your Honour,’ replied he, ‘I own I am taken in
an unhappy affair, which neither malice nor inclination drew me into.
But the Head of the Country, notwithstanding I was the only child of my
aged parents, insisted, under great penalties, on my coming in to join
him; so that I beg you will pity me in my condition: but if it must be
that I die this night, pray! tell me what death you think it will be?’
Upon which, not knowing what to think or what to say, I was somewhat
at a loss: his telling me of his aged parents, and his simplicity
touched me much: and how far I may be censured for my after-conduct, I
know not; but those who think I did amiss, I hope, will pardon me, as
being then but a young warrior. True, such a thing, I know, ought not
to have been publicly done; yet, when an opportunity presented itself
of doing an Act of Mercy without harm to the Cause, I am convinced
that this my behaviour will, with all generous minds, escape reproof.
The young boy continuing his lamentations, I told him to be of good
courage, for death was not so imminent as he expected; at which he
seemed to respire new vigor and life: And after some questions asked,
and promises made of his ever being grateful and upon his telling me,
that his home was not above fourteen miles from thence, I asked him, if
he could privately slip away thither. He replied, such a favor would be
too great for him to presume to request: So telling him to do it if he
could, I discharged him, ordering him to be a support to his poor aged
parents.
And now by this time we had almost conducted our prisoners to Falkirk;
and, after delivering them, we went thoroughly wet and cold, to repose
ourselves a little while on straw, and some in the open fields or air,
all places being by this time entirely filled, so that it was then
impossible to find any resource or ease for our excessive hunger, wet
and cold. So resting a few hours in that condition, they soon after
appeared; and when light, we went to see the field of the slain; and
number being made of them, we found near seven hundred of the enemy
slain, and about fifty of ours, which were immediately interred. But
this cheap-bought victory, you will say, merited a better exit! The
most distinguished among the slain were Colonel Whitney and Sir Robert
Monro, who was heard much to blaspheme during the engagement, and as
a punishment for which, his tongue was miraculously cut asunder by
a sword, that struck him directly across the mouth. His brother, a
physician, was likewise killed at his side.[423] There were likewise
found slain, some Presbyterian Parsons,[424] who, fired with holy zeal,
had quitted their Bibles and took their swords. It was said, that one
of these Parsons, seeing the danger he was in of losing his life as a
Soldier, had recourse to his dignity, supposing that would be a cloak
to save him. ‘Spare my life,’ said he to a Highlander, who was on the
point of taking it, ‘for I am a Minister of My Master Jesus Christ!’
To which the other ingeniously replied: ‘If you are a good one, your
Master has need of you; if not, it’s fitting that you go and take your
punishment elsewhere!’--which dilemma was immediately solved by the
Highlander’s sword. Another Minister, seeing the case his Brother was
in, and being in a fair way to share the same fate, begged his life
of another Highlander for Prince Charles’s sake, by which means he
preserved what he would otherwise inevitably have lost.
We now took possession of the enemy’s baggage, camp, and eight pieces
of cannon; which they had not time to carry off--besides a few
prisoners, the chief of whom was Major Lockhart, who, after having his
life given him, and his liberty upon his parole of honour, afterwards
spurned against gratitude itself, by not only being heinously perjured,
but more than ordinarily thirsty of those prisoners’ blood who just
before had spared his life.[425]
We had now about one-hundred prisoners, one of whom seeing his
situation and ours, said with a grave countenance to his companion: ‘By
my soul, Dick, if Prince Charles goes on in this way, Prince Frederick
will never be King George!’ But of the five or six thousand men that
went with the Prince to the field of battle, scarce three thousand
returned back with him, for many of them, having loaded themselves with
booty, returned up to the hills. It was now a great loss to us, that
we had neither fort or other secure place to keep our prisoners in, so
that, if it were not merely out of mercy, it was to no purpose to take
prisoners, being without the means of keeping them.
And now being come again to Stirling, the enemy being fled to
Edinburgh, and finding the siege of the Castle went on but slowly
the spirit of the army began much to change. Factions, grudges, and
private interest were now judged proper to be exercised, so that the
Prince was in a mortifying situation, seeing himself deserted by half
his army, and the others mightily turned. But as it is not for me to
say more than what relates to myself, I shall only mention the grudge
I have often dearly paid for--that exercised against my Colonel,
who, on the death of his brother had lately succeeded to the title
of Lord Balmerino. And here it may be proper to give some account of
the character of this brave man, which though sufficiently known, his
praises cannot enough be sung. He was a man of a noble personage, of
approved loyalty, and had the courage of a lion. He possessed a mind
and genius well ornamented with both natural and acquired parts, being
versed in most languages. He could recite whole pages of Horace, Ovid,
and Virgil at his age of fifty-eight, as perfectly as a school-boy of
sixteen, so that his memory for his years was wonderful, the more so
for its not being in the least impaired by his hard drinking--his sole
and predominant passion, which if he had a little more restrained, he
would have shone with the same lustre in the army as he afterwards did
on the scaffold. However, whilst with the Prince, he was never failing
with his duty; and proud he was of having something, wherein he could
shew his loyalty and obedience to his Master.
But what was the cause of the quarrel betwixt him and Lord George
Murray, I know not; as Lord Balmerino did not ever directly inform us
why he was treated after that manner: only I remember, His Lordship,
when he saw himself so apparently ill-used, frequently addressed his
corps as follows. ‘Come let us do as we are ordered! It is in vain to
dispute; a time will come when I shall see all these things righted,
and that too at Lord George’s cost or mine. But at present he is my
superior, and we must obey as we tender the good of the Prince.’ With
such soothing expressions has he often accosted us, when some were
mutinying. And certainly he suffered a great deal from Lord George,
for, to my knowledge, we have been ordered twenty or thirty miles,
harassed and fatigued, and a courier sent after us, ordering us
immediately to return without halting--saying it was my Lord George
Murray’s orders.[426] And now a harder time than ever came upon us,
for I can safely say and prove, that from the time of Falkirk Affair
to the Battle of Culloden, notwithstanding the fatigue of the day, I
scarce slept three nights out of seven in bed.
And now having been some time before Stirling Castle, news arrived
from Edinburgh, that Cumberland was come thither with an intention to
rally General Hawley’s army and attack us again. As our number had
been so much diminished by the desertion of those who after the battle
of Falkirk had gone home loaded with plunder; it was judged expedient
for us to retire higher into the country, where we were sure of being
joined by some more forces. Accordingly we had orders to proceed on
our march; and on the morning on which we began it, the Prince to St.
Ringin,[427] distant about half a mile from Stirling, to give the
necessary directions for quitting the town and raising the siege;
which being done, we retired again, and when at a short distance,
we were surprized with a hideous noise just behind us; and upon the
Prince’s sending back to inquire what it was, it was found to be a
church blown up, just upon the place where a few minutes before we had
been standing. This church had been converted into a magazine for our
gun-powder, which by some accident had been set on fire, and several
of the town’s-people and of our soldiers were killed by the explosion.
However, continuing our march, we arrived that night at _Crieff_ a
little town in the Highlands; and the Prince lodged at Drummond Castle,
the residence of the illustrious Duke of Perth, which was only a short
distance from the said town. And now it was judged proper for the army
to separate; accordingly the Prince went the Highland way with the
Highlanders and prisoners for Inverness; and the Horse and Lowland
Regiments the Low-Country Road by the Sea-Coast, which was much
longer, so that it was three or four weeks before we again formed a
junction.
And now we marched from Crieff to Perth, a large fine town; from Perth
to Cowpar-in-Angus; from Cowpar to Glams; from Glams to Forfar; and
so on to Montrose. The reason why I am so short in mentioning these
places, is, I have little to say; we passing them quickly, and nothing
extraordinary happening. But at Montrose we halted a few days. It is a
fine loyal seaport town and looked upon as I was told there, to produce
men of the greatest wisdom in Scotland. Having staid three days there,
we were a little surprised at the sight of ships of war, that appeared
a little distance off the Coast: and the rumor being that Cumberland
was pretty nigh us, we began to apprehend lest they should land and
intercept our passage; to prevent which, we marched with all haste out
of the town, the foot going out the third day at night, and the rest
following early the next morning except the Hussars who remained some
days longer to watch the enemy’s motions.
Some of my readers may be curious to know what sort of men these
Hussars were. A set of braver fellows it would be very hard to find;
many of them having mounted themselves on horses which they had taken
from the enemy. Their Commander[428] also was a wise, courageous
virtuous man, and behaved himself in his station to the admiration of
all, regulating his corps with such order as to make our enemies and
the country, even fifty miles distant from us, have more fear of them
than almost the whole army. In fine, he was of infinite service to
the Prince, as also were his horse; for their conduct was daring, and
their courage was steeled, and few of them there were, who would have
scrupled to go, if possible to hell’s gates to fetch away the keys.
Soon after our departure from Montrose, we arrived at Aberdeen, where
we staid two or three days; and notwithstanding our being in the town
the Presbyterian Ministers ceased not to preach and pray publicly
against us. And here it was that I happened to be bedfellow to my
Colonel, Lord Balmerino in the same bed where Cumberland afterwards
lay, it being in one of the Chief Provosts’ houses.
When we marched out of Aberdeen, it blew, snowed, hailed, and froze to
such a degree, that few Pictures ever represented Winter, with all its
icicles about it, better than many of us did that day; for here men
were covered with icicles hanging at their eyebrows and beards; and an
entire coldness seizing all their limbs, it may be wondered at how so
many could bear up against the storm, a severe contrary wind driving
snow and little cutting hail bitterly down upon our faces, in such a
manner that it was impossible to see ten yards before us. And very
easy it now was to lose our companions; the road being bad and leading
over large commons, and the paths being immediately filled up with
drifted snow. However, we continued marching on till about three in the
afternoon, when my horse overcome by the inclemency of the weather,
fairly gave it up and would carry me no farther: and now by a little
halt I quickly lost my Company, and was obliged to alight and lead
my horse leg-deep in snow; being upon a wide common, as it appeared
to me, not having seen all that day’s march scarce a house, tree or
barn. I now expected every moment to perish, as I was quite benumbed
and all covered over with snow, and my horse refused to follow me. At
last, unable to proceed any farther, I sunk down, quite exhausted, upon
the snow. In this dreadful situation, I luckily recollected a little
bottle of spirits, which had been given me by the Provost’s Lady; and
accordingly tried to put my frozen hand into my riding-coat pocket
to take it out. On taking a draught of the liquor, I soon found that
never repose to the wearied traveller, never meat to a most ravenous
hunger, never drink to a most burning thirst, could be more refreshing
or agreeable than this was to me; and I should have finished my bottle,
if a reflection had not come into my head about my poor horse, which
seemed to be in as bad a situation as myself, being one of a delicate
and tender breed. Knowing that he could drink beer, I resolved to make
an experiment whether he would partake of the contents of my bottle. So
pouring the remainder of the liquor into the crown of my hat, which I
had pressed low down for the purpose, and dissolving some snow in it,
in order to mitigate the spirits, I gave it my poor horse to drink:
which to my great surprise and pleasure, he did, his mouth, I believe,
being so cold that he did not know what he drank. However, now finding
ourselves to respire as it were new life and vigor, we endeavoured to
proceed, and after three quarters of an hour, being almost upon the
relapse again, we stumbled upon a house, and following the walls of it
came to the door, where entering together with my horse, I surprized
the poor people who were sitting at the fire. But they, seeing the
condition I was in, received me with a great deal of good-nature, and
permitted my horse to stand in the house till he was well rubbed, and
then led him to a little place for him to lie in, giving him hay and
corn as he wanted. After I had taken off my riding-coat and boots and
well warmed and refreshed myself, I heard of two more (who had been in
almost as bad a situation as myself except that their horses continued
to carry them), who were come to the next house adjacent. So going out
to see them, I found them to be two old acquaintances, vizt., one Mr.
Maxwell, and Mr. Ball, an English Gentleman, who, after some chat,
concluded, that two more harassing marches, than that over the Esk and
the present, could scarcely be imagined. Accommodating ourselves as
well as we could for that night, being obliged to lie with our horses,
we departed early next morning for Old Meldrum, which place most of the
army had reached before us.
From Old Meldrum we marched the next day for Banff, a little pretty
agreeable town. About this time we heard, that the Highlanders,
who were with the Prince, had broke down the barracks of _Riven of
Badenoch_ (which were a great eye-sore to them, having been built to
keep them in order), and having taken the Sergeant and eleven more
prisoners, were in full march for Inverness, distant thence only
twenty-four miles. And now, after a short stay at Banff, we marched
for Cullen; and by this time we heard that the Prince had made himself
master of the Lord President’s House, and after some little resistance
forced the soldiers in the town of Inverness to retire into the Castle,
which, after a regular siege, likewise soon surrendered at discretion.
About 200 men were taken prisoners here, and several officers, the
principal of whom were the Governor and the Master of Ross. This rapid
success of the Prince gave us great courage. So, marching from Cullen,
through Fochabers, over the River Spey, Elgin, Forres and Nairn, towns
only ten miles distant from each other, we came to be greedy spectators
of our dear Prince again, and what he with his brave Highlanders had
effected. And now, to second our victorious arms, we were joined
by several more of the Clans and Chiefs, and the brave Amazon Lady
McIntosh,[429] Seaforth and others coming in, or causing their Clans to
come in, and many who had left us at Falkirk rejoining their colours,
greatly reinforced the army. When in this flourishing condition, it
pleased the Prince to make a visit to the Duke of Gordon’s, whither
all the Guards were ordered to attend him; and in going a curious fine
standard with this motto ‘_Britons, strike home!_’ that was taken at
Falkirk from Gardiner’s Dragoons, was honourably conferred upon me
by the Prince at the head of the whole Troop; and I had the honor of
carrying it ever after. Having passed Nairn, Forres, Elgin, and the
river Spey, just at the other side under Fochabers, we came to the
Duke’s seat.[430] What reception the Prince had, or what passed there
I know not: but after a short stay we attended our Royal Master back
again to Inverness. But as soon as we arrived there, we had orders
to conduct some of the chief officers, who had lately been taken
prisoners to Forres, and after leaving them there (they being upon
their parole of honor) to go to Cullen to inspect all affairs there on
that side of the country, and to observe the motions of the enemy who
lay at Aberdeen. While at Cullen, where we were continually upon the
watch by our patrolling parties, we heard that Colonel Grant, a good
French Officer, had with his Artillery taken Fort Augustus, and made
the garrison prisoners; that a part of Fitz-James’ Horse had landed
and joined the Prince;[431] and that Lord George Murray had blocked
up seven hundred men in the Castle of Blair, when he behaved with a
great deal of conduct and policy, for, he appeared before the Castle
with only a few men, having hid most of the Highlanders with him in an
adjacent wood. The garrison being thus deceived made a sally upon him
with about three hundred men; but he immediately drew his party out
of the wood and surrounded them, upon seeing which, they immediately
surrendered.[432] So, sending them prisoners to Inverness he persevered
in the siege of the Castle: but the approach of the Hessians soon
obliged him to raise it and leave four hundred men remaining in the
Castle.
At this time President Forbes together with Lord Loudon, were
endeavouring to confederate and knit together what forces they could:
but to prevent their doing much mischief, a party of the brave
McDonalds, with some few others, were detached under the Command of the
Duke of Perth, who soon dispersed this rising power, and obliged its
heads, viz., Lord Loudon and the President to save themselves in boats.
Some of my readers may be curious to know who this President was, and
what interest he had. He may truly be styled the Oracle of his Country,
for many resorted to him for advice; and had he been as great a friend
as he was an implacable enemy, James would in all probability have
swayed the English sceptre; for by his interest, cunning and persuasion
he brought over his own party, together with Sir Alexander McDonald
and several others, who before were just sworn in to the Prince’s
interest.[433] So, I say, had he been as firm a friend as he was an
implacable enemy, we should have seen, instead of the four thousand men
who marched into England, an army of Eighteen or twenty thousand men.
About this time we heard, that the officers who were prisoners upon
their parole of honour had broken it, and escaped to the enemy’s
army, all of them except the Master of Ross and one or two more.[434]
But what will the world say, to see these officers, whom no tie of
religion, gratitude or honour could bind, protected and cherished by
their own party--nay sent against us, to endeavour to destroy those who
before had saved them!
And now we heard, that the Advanced Guard of the enemy was approaching
us, and were got up to Strathbogie. We who were also of the advanced
Guard, upon receiving this intelligence, quitted Cullen, and retreated
to Fochabers, where a considerable body of our men were endeavouring
to make a resistance at the River Spey, and had for that purpose built
barracks, and made all necessary preparations, in case the passage
of the river had been attempted. But finding their army lay quiet at
Aberdeen, and that their advanced party in Strathbogie only made now
and then some little excursions towards us as far as Keith, we, though
at first we were very diligent and alert, we relaxed in our vigilance,
nay fell asleep and at last into a lethargy, in which we unhappily
continued till awakened by the foul affair of Culloden, which merits an
epithet bitterer than I can give.
About this time an advanced party under the command of Major Glascow
went out at night, and hearing that some of the enemy were at
Keith,[435] surrounded that place, and having taken most of them
prisoners, with their arms and equipage, returned the next day with
great honour to Spey-side, where Lord John Drummond and Lord Ogilvy
commanded.
As we lay hereabouts a considerable time, assessments were made
upon the country for our support, and among others upon the Earl of
Findlater’s Estate, who on our arrival had taken wing and joined
Cumberland Will. The Earl’s Steward, being threatened with military
executions, if he refused to comply with our demands (which were always
seconded by such threats, though seldom put in practice) begged leave
to write to his Master for instructions how to act. Upon this the Earl,
having consulted with Cumberland, sent a Letter addressed _To the Man
they call Lord John Drummond_, telling his Lordship, that if he or any
other person should pretend to exercise any military authority over any
thing belonging to him, there were Rebels’ houses enough, on which his
Master Cumberland promised him he should have his revenge. This Letter
excited a great deal of indignation among us; and was the cause of what
afterwards happened to his house;--for several of our party, without
any order being given, and indeed without the Prince’s being in the
then situation of his affairs, able to restrain their fury, ransacked
it, and carried away several articles of value, but without setting
fire to it, or wantonly destroying anything merely for destroying’s
sake.[436]
At last news arrived that the enemy had left Aberdeen, and were
marching against us.[437] This intelligence gave great satisfaction
to many of us, who were in a manner tired out of our lives. Yet
notwithstanding the approach of the enemy, all the Prince’s endeavours
to collect his whole army, were ineffectual; for many under pretence
of cultivating their lands, or promising to come up soon enough, went,
staid, and came as they thought proper.
And now finding the enemy advanced pretty fast both by water and land,
the fleet bringing up their provisions and wearied soldiers; frequent
patrols were sent out by us in order to observe their motions. Here
I had the honour of commanding the last patrolling party that ever
crossed the Spey for the Prince’s cause. Lord John Drummond (Commander
at the Spey) having ordered me with ten others to patrol all night
towards the enemy, we began our work about seven o’Clock and continued
it till about five the next morning, being then eight miles from
Fochabers and two from the enemy; when we took a man with a Letter
from one of Cumberland’s Secretaries to the Duchess of Gordon,[438]
desiring her to employ all her interest among her vassals in getting
down provisions and getting together what forces she could, as the
Duke of Cumberland intended to pass the river that day. Having secured
the Messenger and Letter, we continued our route, till we came up in a
manner to where they were encamped; for as they lay upon the declivity
of a hill, and had no guards on the top, we were able to approach
very near to them unperceived. But finding them drawn out in order of
battle, after seeing all we could see, and some bravadoes and huzzas,
we retired with all speed, leaving them to wonder what we meant. We
soon reached Fochabers (on the Spey) where I found Lord John Drummond.
Having given him the Letter taken from the Duke of Cumberland’s
Messenger and informed him of the situation I had found the enemy in,
I retired to repose myself a little while. When fast asleep, a servant
came in to tell me that the enemy was in the town, and that it was
too late to think of escaping, almost all of our party having already
passed the river. However, starting up in great confusion, I resolved
to risk all rather than fall into their hands, and mounting my horse
escaped by a back road. I had no sooner crossed the river than I was
ordered to join a party of about eighty horse who were to remain behind
on the banks of the Spey to observe the motions of the enemy; whilst
the foot, amounting to about two thousand men, marched for Inverness,
where the Prince then lay with the greatest part of his army. Finding
that the enemy after a short halt at the Spey side, began to cross the
river, we likewise retired and followed our foot, to inform them of
the enemy’s being in full pursuit of us. This intelligence made our
men pass through Elgin, without halting, and straight on that night
to Forres, which was ten miles farther; and, after some stay there,
to Nairn, out of which we were next morning driven; the whole English
Army entering the town at one end, whilst we marched out at the other,
and continuing to pursue us sharply for three or four hours. And here
it was His Grace the Duke of Perth and Colonel O’Sullivan[439] gained
immortal honour by their bravery and conduct in bringing us off in
good order from under the very nose of the enemy; for notwithstanding
all their firing upon our rear, and though we were much inferior in
numbers, we lost not one man.
Soon after their desisting from pursuing us, we received orders to
halt, and encamp upon that very place, where the fatal battle of
Culloden was afterwards fought. Having accordingly encamped as well
as we could on the heath that grew upon the common, which served us
both for bedding and fuel, the cold being very severe, we were soon
after joined by the Prince and several of his Clans. Finding that
the enemy did not pursue us we rested ourselves all that night upon
the Common, and early next morning drew out in battle-array. But
that day being Cumberland’s birthday,[440] and the enemy shewing no
intention to attack us on it, we reposed ourselves again, though still
keeping ourselves in readiness, upon the place where we had rested
the preceding night; a biscuit being given to us for our refreshment.
In that situation we remained, till the brave Prince came amongst
us in the dusk of the evening, with the full resolution of going to
attack them that night in their camp, distant only seven miles. Orders
were accordingly given to that effect, which were obeyed with the
greatest pleasure and alacrity by the whole army. We began our March
about seven o’Clock leaving great fires burning in our camp: but by
some strange infatuation or misfortune the road was not rightly taken,
either through the ignorance or treachery of Lord George Murray’s
guide. This still remains doubtful, but this I can say, that with the
little knowledge I had of the country I could have conducted them much
better and sooner. After we had marched till about three o’Clock in
the morning, over double the ground that was necessary, we at last
came pretty nigh the enemy’s camp: and when we were supposing to
surround them, and for that purpose in some measure drawing out; my
Lord George Murray began to be missing; notwithstanding the Prince’s
Aides-de-Camp in riding from rank to rank, and asking, for God’s sake!
what has become of His Lordship, and telling that the Prince was in
the utmost perplexity for want of him. In that situation did we remain
a considerable time, till, day breaking fast in upon us, we heard
that Lord George Murray was gone off with most of the Clans. Where
he had been all that considerable time, or what was his intention in
it, I leave Time to prove. Now, after we had stood some time on the
brink of entering their camp, the Prince, on receiving the unwelcome
news of Lord George Murray’s going off with the greatest part of the
army, was under the necessity of ordering us likewise, much to our
dissatisfaction, to march back again to our Camp. In this manner did
that noble and well-concerted scheme fall to ruin--and not only to
ruin, but in such a manner as to ruin us, who before had hopes of
ruining the enemy. But O! for Madness! what can one think, or what can
one say here![441]
The enemy at our departure, being fully awakened and seeing the
jeopardy they had been in, judged rightly, it was their time now to
pursue us in the unhappy situation we were then in, being harassed,
hungry and starved and fatigued, almost to the greatest extremity. We
had no sooner reached our camp again, than news came of the enemy’s
being in full march towards us, and of their intention to attack us.
This disagreeable intelligence vexed us much in our present situation,
the more so, as of the twelve thousand men, who were actually in arms
and in the pay of the Prince, not above Four thousand were now with him
many going every moment, notwithstanding his orders to the contrary,
to Inverness, and to woods and houses adjacent, in order to repose and
rest themselves after their late excessive fatigue. Many of these were
so far from rejoining us, that they were taken asleep by the enemy
after the battle. Those, however, who staid, put the best face on
the affair they could, and all of us presently appeared surprizingly
courageous, who only seemed to survive and animated by the spirit
of loyalty and love for our dear Prince. But now why we resolved to
fight, or why we did not retire to Inverness, and keep that town till
we were fully joined, which might have been easily done, or even at
last, if judged proper, avoided fighting and make another expedition
into England in spite of them,--I may say it was Fortune’s will;--for,
contrary to the Prince’s inclination, Lord George Murray insisted on
standing and fighting them that day: and as for what he said of our
wanting provisions, it is most certain, though we did that day, we
might have retired to Inverness and found there a sufficiency of meat
for two or three days. However, the Prince, notwithstanding his great
inclination to avoid fighting, was at last obliged to give way to the
importunity of Lord George Murray, who even used terms very cutting
in case of refusal; and was also for fighting His Grace the Duke of
Perth--but this may be said for him, he doubted not but the same Hand
that had supported and miraculously conducted the Prince hitherto
would infallibly continue to support him, and make him a glorious
Conqueror.[442]
I shall now proceed to give account in what manner we were ranged in
battle-array. The brave McDonalds, who till then had led the van,
and behaved at all times with great courage and bravery, were now
displaced, and made to give way, at the pleasure of Lord George Murray,
to the Athol men, whom he commanded. The rest of the front line was
composed of Highlanders: the second, of Lowlanders and French, with
four pieces of cannon at each wing: and in the rear was the Prince
attended by all the horse, and some foot. In this manner were we drawn
up--four thousand men to fight eleven thousand. The enemy being by
this time in full view, we began to huzza and bravado them in their
march upon us, who were extended from right to left in battle-array, it
being upon a common. But, notwithstanding all our repeated shouts, we
could not induce them to return one: on the contrary, they continued
proceeding, like a deep sullen river; while the Prince’s army might be
compared to a streamlet running among stones, whose noise sufficiently
shewed its shallowness. The Prince, the Duke of Perth, the Earl of
Kilmarnock, Lord Ogilvy, and several other Highland and Lowland Chiefs,
rode from rank to rank, animating and encouraging the soldiers by
well-adapted harangues.
The battle being now begun, the whole fury of the enemy’s Artillery
seemed to be directed against us in the rear; as if they had noticed
where the Prince was. By the first cannon shot, his servant, scarcely
thirty yards behind him, was killed; which made some about the Prince
desire, that he would be pleased to retire a little off: but this he
refused to do, till seeing the imminent danger from the number of balls
that fell about him, he was by the earnest entreaties of his friends
forced to retire a little, attended only by Lord Balmerino’s corps.
Frequent looks and turns the Prince made, to see how his men behaved:
but alas! our hopes were very slender, from the continual fire of
musketry that was kept up upon them from right to left. We had not
proceeded far, when I was ordered back, lest the sight of my standard
going off, might induce others to follow. In returning, various
thoughts passed my soul, and filled by turns my breast with grief for
quitting my dear Prince, now hopes of victory, then fear of losing--the
miserable situation the poor loyalists would again be reduced to--and
what we had to expect if we left the field alive: these thoughts, I
say, strangely wrought upon me, till, coming to the place I was on
before, and seeing it covered with the dead bodies of many of the
Hussars who at the time of our leaving had occupied it, I pressed on,
resolving to kill or be killed. Some few accompanied my standard, but
soon left it. At this time, many of ours from right to left were giving
way and soon the battle appeared to be irretrievably lost. The enemy,
after we had almost passed the two ranks, flanking and galling us with
their continual fire, forced us at last back, broke our first line, and
attacked the second, where the French troops were stationed. I happened
then to be there, and after receiving a slight grazing ball on my left
arm, met with Lord John Drummond, who, seeing me, desired I would come
off with him, telling me all was over and shewing me his regiment, just
by him, surrounded. Being quickly joined by about forty more horse, we
left the field of battle in a body, though pursued and fired upon for
some time. When we arrived at the foot of the hills, some of us took
one way, and some another: I, however, with about six more, continued
with Lord John Drummond; and it was with some difficulty we passed the
rapid torrents and frozen roads, till one o’Clock that night, when we
came to a little village at the foot of a great mountain, which we had
just crossed. Here we alighted, and some went to one house and some to
another. None of these cottages having the conveniences to take in our
horses, who wanted refreshment as well as we, many of them perished at
the doors. I happened to be in one of the most miserable huts I had
ever met with during my whole life; the people were starving to death
with hunger. However, having laid myself down on the floor to rest
myself after having been almost thirty hours on horse-back; the people
came crying about me and speaking a language I did not understand,
which made my case still more unpleasant. But by good luck, a soldier
soon after came in, who could speak both to them and me, and brought
with him some meal, which was very acceptable, as I was almost starving
with hunger. Of this meal we made at that time a very agreeable dish,
by mixing it very thick with cold water, for we could get no warm:
and so betwixt eating and drinking we refreshed ourselves, till four
o’Clock in the morning; when Lord John Drummond and the rest of us
began our march, we knew not whither, through places it would be in
vain to describe; for we saw neither house, barn, tree, or beast nor
any beaten road, being commonly mid-leg deep in snow, till five o’Clock
that afternoon; when we found ourselves near a village called _Privana
a Badanich_,[443] the barracks of which, as I mentioned before, the
Prince had destroyed. Being now, to our surprize, almost upon it, we
consulted amongst ourselves how we might best get intelligence from
it; for, as it lay on the road from Inverness twenty-four miles we
apprehended the enemy might be there. But fortunately a soldier coming
out told us, that the village was occupied by the Prince’s men. This
intelligence gave us great pleasure; and having accordingly entered
the place, we found a great many of the Prince’s adherents, the chief
of whom was Lord George Murray and the Duke of Perth; but we heard no
news where the poor Prince was. At first we had great hopes of rallying
again: but they soon vanished, orders coming for every one to make the
best of his way he could. So some went one way, some another: those
who had French Commissions surrendered; and their example was followed
by my Colonel, Lord Balmerino, tho’ he had none. Many went for the
mountains, all being uncertain what to do or whither to go.
In this perplexity I resolved to steer my course through the
mountainous country, notwithstanding the advice of many to the
contrary, who told me, it would be impossible for me to escape, and
begged I would go and surrender, assuring me, that if I attempted the
mountains, I should inevitably perish in them. But reflecting, how
nigh suffering my Father had been in the year 1715, taking Courage and
Patience for my guides, I resolved to enterprize a journey through
a Country that few of my Nation had ever passed before. So, folding
up my Standard, whose Motto was _Britons! strike home!_ I put it in
my Riding-coat pocket, in hopes it might be of use another day, and
began my journey, in company with three others, for the Highlands.
Having discharged our horses, after a long day’s journey, we came to a
house situated on Garvie-more, twelve miles from any other, where we
met with many of our party, who had arrived there before us. However,
putting up in the best manner with what little we could obtain, we set
forward for Fort Augustus: but on the road, a misfortune happened,
that disconcerted all our plans; for a man who carried our provisions
of Oatmeal, fallen a little behind, by accident met with some of the
Brigade Picquets, who robbed him of our meal and two riding-coats. This
unexpected loss obliged us to separate soon afterwards, being too many
to subsist in this wild tract of country, if we had kept together.
However, having got betwixt Fort Augustus and Fort William, we struck
up into the country to the right, and passed several large mountains in
Lochiel’s Country, where we staid three days, because we heard, that
the brave Prince was nigh us, and to take leave of one another, the
necessaries of life being exceedingly scarce, from the great number of
people wandering over the hills as well as we. I here went to wait upon
the Duke of Perth, who was at the house of Doctor Cameron, Lochiel’s
Brother: but being told by two sentinels at the door, that His Grace
was indisposed, I returned without seeing him. It was now reported,
that an English spy had been at Doctor Cameron’s house which obliged
me in all haste to quit that place; for certain it is, had I staid
there any longer, and the Highlanders supposed me to be the spy, they
would have made away with me. I therefore left my companions and set
forward to Lochaber, the wildest country I ever was in. And now it
was that I began to be truly miserable, and to endure hardships which
I had thought it impossible for human nature to support, for in that
most hideous place I was deprived of every thing that could give me
comfort: true it is, I found some few inhabitants; but in language food
and customs quite different from what I had ever seen before. In this
place I was forced to stay several days, on account of the prodigious
quantity of snow that fell upon the mountains, and hindered me from
discerning or making any road. During my stay, I by good fortune got
a pound of black bread to live upon. The snow somewhat melting I set
forward again from Lochaber towards the sea-shore. On the road I
was overtaken by about forty women, half-starved to death who were
wandering up and down for safety. Some of them, who spoke English,
told me, they had been driven out of their houses by the soldiers who
were sent out from Fort William to ravage burn and plunder all before
them and now it was that the most heart-rending scenes of misery began
to present themselves; for many of these poor creatures with children
in their arms, lay extended in the clefts of the rocks half covered
with snow, dead, and a-dying in the most piteous manner. With these
companions of misery, and daily meeting with more I passed some days.
I now learned, that many of the unfortunate adherents of the Prince
had been famished to death on the hills and I expected it would soon
be my turn, for I began to be almost unable to proceed, my shoes being
worn out, and the sharp rocks wounding my feet. However, I encouraged
myself with the thought that my pursuers would have the same difficulty
to climb the rocks as I had; and on the twentieth day[444] after our
defeat at Culloden I came to the sea, in Clan-Ronald’s Country; the
view of which was most agreeable to me, though even then I saw no
prospect of escaping. Getting a little refreshment from the people who
dwelt on the sea-shore, I began as it were to revive again, having been
almost starved to death with hunger and cold; for I had been obliged
to lie down for whole nights under the shelves of rocks, and was for
two or three days together without eating at all, as nothing could
be obtained either for love or money. Though I was fat and strong at
the battle of Culloden, I was now quite emaciated and reduced to so
miserable a state, that, if I had had another day to walk, I am sure
I must have died; for I was not only starved with hunger and cold,
but frightfully covered with vermin, which bit me all over my body so
that there remained not one whole place in my skin. This, joined with
the pain in my torn feet, made me often think that Job could not be
in a more piteous condition. Yet as he had God for his comforter, so
had I; for the justness of the cause I was suffering for, gave me
great courage, and supported me much: and though I saw daily enmities
exercised against me, it was a great satisfaction to me, to think,
that, during the time I had the honour of being a soldier under the
banner of our dear Prince, I could not accuse myself of one act that a
Christian might blush at.
Being somewhat recovered by the particular care of a worthy Gentleman
(whose kindness I had the satisfaction in a little time to return by an
agreeable meeting with him at Paris), I began to inquire, if it were
possible from island to island to make my escape out of the country;
for could I have sold myself at that time as a slave into Turkey, I
would have done it. My host told me, that it was impossible, as all the
boats had been destroyed by Cumberland’s order. However, one morning,
being in that perplexity of thought how to get off, and fearing every
moment the landing of soldiers to destroy the country--news was brought
us that two French ships had come into the Lough just by--which
mightily raised our hopes, that either a restoration of the Prince’s
affairs were at hand, or that we should escape to France. So, running
down to see and hear what we could we found them to be ships destined
for the Prince’s service, having on board a great quantity of arms and
ammunition, with five barrels of gold, pretty large and nearly one-yard
long--which before our late fatal disasters might have been of great
use.[445]
Notice being sent all about the Mountains, as far as time would permit;
several, who lay despairing, came down to the sea-shore, and among
the rest, my old patron the Duke of Perth, Lord John his brother; Sir
Thomas Sheridan, Secretary Murray, Mr. John Hay, and Doctor Cameron.
These being assembled together, judged it proper though no one knew
where the Prince was (many thinking he was gone off for France) to have
the money and arms brought on shore; which was done on the evening
after. Going securely to sleep that night expecting to sail for France
the next day, we were surprised by the noise of cannon, which awakened
us about three o’Clock in the morning; and getting up to see what the
matter was, we had for our comfort the disagreeable news and sight of
three English ships, that were come from Fort William to attack the
French, whose appearance on the coast they had noticed, it seems. This
sight displeased us very much: however, fighting was the resolution of
us all. The two French Frigates (viz., the _Mars_ and the _Bellona_),
being pretty strong, and having a sufficient quantity of men, cannon,
and ball, resolved to make head against the three English vessels, of
which one was the _Baltimore_,[446] that name being written upon her
rudder, which was carried off by a cannon-ball. The place they fought
in, was a creek of rocks, which held the French (the English coming
down upon them) as it were penn’d up, having the land on their back and
both sides. However it was easy for them to hold communications with
us on shore, who were four hundred armed men or more; so that had they
been obliged to abandon their Ships, they might have saved themselves
on shore. The Crews of the two ships amounting to nearly eleven hundred
men, might, with the assistance of the Highlanders, have made an
effectual resistance to the English, if they had attempted to invade
us. The battle furiously beginning at three o’Clock in the morning, it
remained doubtful till four in the afternoon, who would be victors. Nor
was it a small pleasure to us to see those combatants engaged, and the
skill of the French, whose fire seldom missed the English; for many
of us being upon the rock as it were hung over these ships, in such a
manner that they could not hurt us with either cannon or musketry; we
could discern how matters went, and few balls were fired but we might
see whether they hit or missed, which latter the English frequently
did. During the engagement, the Highlanders were busied in carrying the
arms, money, and powder off from the sea-shore; which service they
performed with amazing resolution, many a cannon ball being fired,
in order to hinder them, by the largest of the English ships. Few
Highlanders there were but what had a cask of brandy hid privately in
the hills, with which some of them got merry before night. At last we
had the satisfaction to see the English hoist their sails, leave the
French, and sail to the main ocean. The French repaired their ships as
fast as possible, and endeavoured to make what haste out they could,
lest the English should return with a greater force.
All being over and hopes reviving again; one who had been in the Guards
with me, came and told me, he had found a barrel of money, and that he
would get me as much of it as I pleased. To this proposal I replied,
That I had no manner of use for it, for, if I should be so fortunate
as to escape into France, I had friends enough there, who would take
care of me; and that if I died or were taken, it would be of no service
to me. Moreover if the Prince should rally again, how shocking it
would be to have to reproach ourselves with being a hindrance to our
dear Prince’s designs. On hearing this reply, he, being of a temper
exceedingly rude, began to repent of informing me of it; and seemed
resolved to take some, and let the rest be embezzled away; for as
far as I could learn he had hidden it in a place unknown to any one
but whether in the confusion when everything was carried off, he had
stopped it, or carried it away, elsewhere, I know not, for he would not
tell me. But strange, you will say, must have been the confusion when
a barrel of gold fell into his hands, and no one the wiser. However,
I determined to quitt my hands and conscience of it; and much search
being made for it at this time, I went and told one Mr. Harrison, a
Priest,[447] about it, and what such a man intended to do, and beg
that he would keep an eye on him: but he, being a little before me,
overheard me, and turning back knocked me down with a stick, and
swore, that he would kill me the first opportunity. But the Priest,
taking my part endeavoured to pacify him, desiring him to desist from
thoughts of the money, and shew him where it was. The man, however,
remained obstinate, and said he was resolved to have some of it, since
the Prince’s affairs seemed now desperate; alleging that his Father
and himself had been ruined for loyalty. They then both agreed to go
together; but what afterward passed, I know not.
Recovering myself from the fall he gave, I went towards the ships,
in order to get on board that night, and in going I was so happy as
to meet with the Duke of Perth, who, seeing me in a most piteous
condition, called me to him, and, after embracing me, and giving me
most agreeable consolations, said: ‘Dear Mr. Daniel, I am truly sorry
for you; but I assure you that you shall go along with me, and if we
are so fortunate as to get to France, depend upon it, that I shall
always be your friend.’ In reply I begged His Grace not to be in pain
about me; for the loss of me was only the loss of my life, not having
one dependant upon me; and assured him that I was truly resigned to
God’s holy will; and thanking His Grace for his kindness and concern
for me, wished we might be so happy as to reach France. And now, after
we had staid some time upon the sea-shore, waiting for the boats, three
were sent to fetch us; but we were obliged to wade breast-deep into the
sea, before we could get on board of them. While we were lying on the
shore--the Duke, poor man! wrapped up in a blanket!--a Highlander by
accident let the snuff of his tobacco-pipe fall into a barrel of gun
powder; which blowing up, with a great number of stones about it, one
of them flew so near my ear, that I could not hear at all for three
hours after. This explosion alarmed us at first, as we supposed the
English had returned to attack the French ships again: but happily no
other mischief was done, except that the Highlander lost his life.
The boat the Duke was in, put off immediately; and another coming
took me in, with many more, and carried us to the _Bellona_, where
we remained at anchor till two o’Clock the next morning, when we
sailed for France.[448] The chief of those in our ship were Sir Thomas
Sheridan;[449] Mr. Sheridan, his nephew;[450] and Mr. Hay.[451] We
were twenty-five days in sailing to France, and met with no opposition
during our voyage. I was exceedingly seasick, and having no pockets,
and every one thinking I should die, I gave a purse of money to Mr.
John Hay’s servant, telling him, if I died, to keep it; and if I
survived to carry it for me to France; which he carefully did for
me. In the ship I was in, there raged a contagious distemper, which
carried off sixty-seven in twenty-five days: and about the tenth
day of our voyage, I saw the body of my friend and patron the Duke
of Perth, thrown over-board; which afflicting sight, joined with my
violent sickness, I expected would have put an end to my life. But what
I thought would have killed me, perhaps contributed to save my life
in that pestiferous ship; as my continual vomiting may have hindered
any thing noxious from taking any effect upon me. But what is very
surprising, for twenty-two days I had not one call of nature, which
I affirm upon honour. And now after all my adventures dangers and
fatigues, I at the end of twenty-five landed in France, where, to my
satisfaction, I have lived since, in the expectation daily of seeing
what I have ever wished to see.
_Postscript_
Having now finished my Narrative, I hope the truth of what I have
written will make up for the faults that may be found in it, and that
the candid Reader will find matter of admiration and esteem in the
behaviour and actions of one so dear, whom I had once the honour to
serve. I shall conclude with
_Fuimus Troies, et erimus iterum._
Trojans we have been, and will again
to the satisfaction of all good men!
NEIL MACEACHAIN’S NARRATIVE OF THE WANDERINGS OF PRINCE CHARLES IN THE
HEBRIDES
The misfortunate battle of Colloden being fought upon the 16th of
April, 1746, his royal highness seeing that the day was irrecoverably
lost, concluded that his only business was to endeavour the saving of
himself out of the hands of his enemies: whereupon, having retired to
a neighbouring eminence, hard by the place of action, accompanied by
a few of Fitz-James’s horse, there, having made a little stop, not
knowing whither to direct his course when luckily one Edmond Burk,
the servant of one Alexander MacLeod,[452] son of Mr. John MacLeod,
of Muiravine Side, rod accidentally by them, thinking to find his
master among them, whom he had not seen since the beginning of the
battles. His master (who happened to be there present with the prince),
knowing him to be very well acquaint with all the different rods of
the highlands, ordered him to lead them the safest and surest road to
Glengarry. Whereupon the prince, accompanied by Master O’Sulivan,[453]
Mr. Allan MacDowell,[454] priest, and the said Alexander MacLeod,
marched westward, and arrived that night about eight o’clock to
Thomas Gortlickshorge,[455] a gentleman of the name of Fraser, in
Stratharagaig,[456] where he met, as it was said, with my Lord Lovat,
and supt with him there that night.
After supper the prince reckoning it dangerous to stay so very near the
enemy, the first night, we resolved to continue his journey towards
Glengarry; about break of day, finding himself quite fatigued and
worn out for want of rest, he consulted with his fellow-travellers,
whither he might repair with most safety to take some hours repose.
They all concluded that the Castel of Invergary was the surest and
safest place for that purpose, and a great conveniency of concealment,
and (that he) might repose himself without any fear (there) till such
time as he and his party should take further resolutions. Being then
prevailed upon by these reasons, he immediately repaired thither, where
he was received by Glengarry with the greatest pleasure.[457] When he
sufficiently refreshed himself he took a resolution to proceed still
further, fearing to stay long in one place. He departed that same day
from Glengarry, being the 17th in the evening, and continued his route
towards Lochaber, and came that night to Donald Cameron, of Glenpean’s
house, where he passed the remaining part of the night.
Next day being the 18th, he set out for the Braes of Moror, and arrived
in the evening at Angus Mack Eachan’s[458] house, son to Alexander
McEachan, of Domondrack. He was so much fatigued that night, that he
could neither eat nor drink, and required the help of a man to support
him to his bed. The next day, being the 19th, he ventured to pass the
whole day in a wood near the house, in order to recruit more strength
for a night walk; and accordingly when it was late, he set out for
Arasack, where he arrived about six in the morning, and went straight
to Angus MacDonald’s house in Borrodale, where he quartered, after his
landing, till he marched out of the country.[459] At his arrival here,
he found a great many Mack Donalds assembled together, who had lately
escaped out of the battle of Colloden--gentlemen of both Glengarry’s
and Clanranald’s families. During the eight days he stayed in that
country, he had daily conferences with young Clanranald, Colonel
MacDonald of Barisdale, and several others of both families, treating
which was the safest place, and surest method for his concealment.
After they had satisfied him as to that, they protested, and assured
him he should have nothing to fear, that they would stand by him if
he only would stay among them to the last man. With this he seemed
to be very much satisfied, till Mr. O’Neil[460] and O’Sulivan,[461]
by the advice of Mr. Allan MacDonald, and one Donald MacLeod, of
Galtrigil,[462] perswaded him in a private council, to quite that
country for good, and all; and as there was no appearance of succeeding
further, and that they lost all hopes of gaining the point they once
undertook, it was better to run for the Lewis, where Donald promised
to procure a ship for them as far as the Orkneys, and there, he
assured them to find a ship to transport them to France. The prince
being prevailed upon by these convincing reasons, ordered a ten-oar
boat belonging to Angus MacDonald of Borodale, to be seized upon, and
without any further consultation, he put to sea about six o’clock at
night, accompanied only by these persons who were the authors of the
new scheme, without acquainting any body of any such design,[463] till
they were seen fairly under sail of the coast.
This night’s voyage was like to cost them dire; for they were not long
at sea when there came on such a terrible roaring of thunder, preceed’d
by such dreadfull flashes of lightning, accompanied with a prodigious
poure of rain, so that the whole elements seemed to rebel against them,
and threatened to send them every moment to eternity; the wind, which
continued to blow fair the whole night, coming about to the north,
quite contrary to their course, about twelve o’clock at night, made
them despair of continuing their intended voyage any further, and so
[they] prepared for death, as being sure to be shattered upon the rocks
of the nearest shore. Amidst all these dangers he appeared intrepide,
and offered his service to Donald MacDonald and Donald MacLeod, seeing
they were the only two that was of any service in the boat, whilst all
the rest was oblidged to give it up, stiffened and benumbed with cold.
They continued in that agony the whole night, ’till about break of day,
when Rory MacDonald, who stood at the helm all the time, discerning
Benbicula in south-west, where he knew to be one of the best harbours
on that coast, and the wind blowing astern of them, he piloted them
into the harbour of Roshiness, within five long miles of Clanranald’s
house, which being Sunday, and the 29th of Aprile.[464]
They were no sooner landed but they were seen by a herd of
Clanranald’s who stayed in the place always to take care of his
master’s cattle, and seeing a number of men finely clad, and fully
armed, supposing them to be an enemy, he immediately made off, with
a nimble pair of heels, and carried the news of what he had seen to
his master, as he was at dinner with Mr. John MacAuley,[465] Neil
MacDonald,[466] and several other gentlemen. Clanranald, moved by this
unexpected surprise, before he resolved upon any thing, sent Donald
MacDonald to know the certainty of what the herd had told him. Master
MacAulay, who was parish minister in the country, to satisfie his own
curiosity sent one of his auditors to learn what they were, from whence
they came, and where they were bound for. This fellow, pretending to
have been sent thither by Clanranald, upon a report of a boat’s being
land’d there, and to examine what they were, learned it was the prince
who designed to make for the Lewis in order to make his escape, who
came back and told the minister the same. The minister judging that he
could not meet with a better opportunity to show his zeal and affection
for the government, despatched a courier that same day away to the
Herris, with a letter to his father, who was minister there,[467]
charging him to write immediately upon receipt of his letter, to Mr.
Colin MacKenzie, established minister at Stornoway,[468] informing him
of the same, and ordering him to settle all measures with Seaforth’s
factor there to apprehend the prince at his first landing.
Donald MacDonald, who was sent by Clanranald to learn the strength of
the enemy, as it was believed, having returned, acquainted him of the
matter of fact, assuring, he spoke to Mr. Allen MacDonald, who ordered
him to tell Clanranald to come and see him, as he designed to go off
that night. Whereupon Clan and Neil MacDonald went privately out of the
town, and took their way straight to Roshiness, where they found the
prince, in the house with Mr. O’Sulvan, O’Neil, Mr. Allen MacDonald,
and Donald MacLeod. The prince received him very kindly, after having
communicated to him his design he took leave of him, and put to sea
again that night, with the same persons that accompanied him thither.
The heavens proved more favourable to them that night than the former,
having met with no danger or opposition, and at daybreak they came in
to Loch Maddy, in north-west, where they skulk’d the whole day, being
the 30th, seeing they durst not venter to sea in the daytime, for fear
to be discovered by the several men of war that guarded the coast at
that time. They set out from Loch Maddy about six o’clock, which was
the ordinary hour they always departed, and landed in Scalpa, in the
Herris, early next morning, being the 1st of May.[469]
Before they came near a house they took borrow’d names and employments.
Master O’Sulvan took that of Captain Sinclair, the prince called
himself William Sinclair, the captain’s son, O’Neill changed his
name into Neilson, and mate Master Allen named himself Dalrumple,
and Rosman, and Donald MacLeod, master of the boat y^t brought them
thither, and swore the crew to attest the same.
After this ceremony was over, they came to Donald Campbell’s house,
who was the most sponsable gentleman in that part of the country, but
an enemy by his name, and a downright hypocrite in his heart;[470] and
being asked by their landlord what they were, they told him they were
sea-fareing men from the Orkneys, who being homeward bound from Irland,
lost their ship near the Mull of Kintyre, and most of their crew, and
were thereupon forced to freight their present boat and crew from Mull,
as fare as the Lewis, where they hop’t to find a vessel to transport
them safe home to their own country. The next day, being the 2nd of
May, they sent Donald MacLeod away to Stornaway before them to have
a ship ready freighted, and to get intelligence how the people stood
affected, and to send them word accordingly; which project would have
had the intended success, were it not for the imprudence of Donald, and
MacAulay’s malicious letter.
As soon as he was arrived at Stornaway he set about putting his
commission in execution, and discharged himself so well of that duty,
that he got a ship freighted that same evening, and wrote back to the
prince, who remained still at Scalpa, to repair thither as soon as
possible, but unwarily having gone to drink a bottle with the captain
of the ship, reposing too much trust in him, he disclosed to him all
the secret, whereupon the captain told him, if he should load the
ship with gold he would not employ her for that purpose: Having said
this, he went and published in all the streets of the town that the
pretender (as he called him) was to come to town privately next night,
and if Mr. MacLeod had not escaped out of the town he had certainly
been apprehend’d that night. The prince, who knew nothing of what was
passing before him, he set out upon the 3 of May for Stornaway afoot,
leaving orders with his crew to return home to the mainland and restore
the boat to the owner. That day he suffered a vast deal of cold and
fatigue, the day being so extreme bad; Donald MacLeod mett him about a
quarter of an mile without the town, and told him it was dangerous for
him to venter into it by reason they all got notice of his approach,
and were in an uproar all under arms, and that all this was the effect
of Mr. MacAulay’s letter.
The prince, raging with anger and fear, retired that night to my Lady
Kildin’s house,[471] which lay about half a mile off without the town,
and there he passed the remaining part of the night, notwithstanding
that a great manny of the mob made a dreadful noise about the house a
great part of the night. Having held a consultation with the lady what
was properest to be done, she told him that his only safety consisted
in returning to Benbicula again, under Clanranald’s protection, since
his project in coming thither misgave. In order thereunto, she procured
them a boat to cross Loch Stornaway, which was a nearer cut to return
to Scalpa; where he left his boat and crew, having taken leave of the
worthy lady, he set out about four o’clock in the morning, crossed the
Loch, and arrived back at Donald Campbell’s house, that night, which
was the 4th of May.[472] He was no sooner arrived but he found all the
crew was gone except two, upon account the country people threatened to
apprehend them.
The prince fearing to make a stay in any man’s house, who found out
what he really was, and reckoning it impracticable to find as many
men as would manage his own boat so soon as he would require [them],
especially in the heart of an enemy’s country, he bought a small boat
from Donald Campbell, whom it was said he bribed by giving him a sum
of mony for to hold his tongue, and disown that he knew what he was.
It seemed very difficult for them now to get safe into Benbicula, by
reason the chanel was pestered with the English navy, sent there a
purpose to hinder the prince or any of his party to make their escape.
He set out upon the 5th from Scalpa, and rowed along the coast the
whole night; as they passed the mouth of the Finnasvay bay, they
observed a ship in the harbour which they belived to be the _Baltimore_
sloop of war, Thomas How Captain, a brother to my Lord How in Irland,
and being seen from aboard the _Baltimore_ she immediately sent off
one of her long boats in pursuit of them, and chased them the whole
night; about 5 aclock in the morning she came up pretty close to them,
the prince terrefied at the approach of the enemy begg’d of the rowers
to pull away strongly for fear to fall a sacrifice in the hands of
these ravenous wolves, whereupon they ran in upon a ridge of rocks they
observed betwixt them and the land, and there sculked close by one of
the rocks to observe what course the _Baltimore_ was to take next,
while all of a sudden they saw her change her course, not able to find
them out. Despairing of success she returned to her harbour.
The prince and his party, taking fresh courage, being free from danger
that day, they determined as it was near day to draw nearer the
land, and sculk there, ’till it was late, that the men might refresh
themselves, for the fatigue of the ensueing night; they approached to
the shore, and found it to be a desert island, about two leagues from
the continent of the Herris, where they found no living creature. They
were turned of provisions so short that a lippie of gradan oatmeal[473]
was all that remained to them to satiate their hungry appetites, which
some of the men took, put some water about it with a little salt, and
fell a eating of it. The prince seeing them eat it as hearty as if it
had been better cheer, ask’d them whither it tasted better than it
look’t, they answered if he would only try it, he would be as well
pleased with it as what they were, whereupon, calling for a little of
it, he eat it as contentedly as the most delicate dish that ever was
served upon his table, saying at the same time that it tasted pretty
well, considering the ugly appearance it made. It was not long after,
when Providence cast more plenty in their way, for one of the crew,
who was more curious than the rest, having gone to take a view of the
island, found in the farther end of it abundance of cod and ling, half
a barrel of salt and a pot. Although they were starving the whole day
for hunger, yet they durst not make a fire, by reason they thought it
dangerous to raise a smock upon the island, lest being seen from the
continent it might discover them. When it grew dark the prince ordered
the crew to carry some of the fish to the boat, when not a man, either
simple or gentle obeyed him,[474] he himself went in a passion, and
carried half a dozen of them in his arms, and threw them in the boat,
saying since they were all so gentle and scroupelous, that he would
take the sin upon himself, and show them the exemple; the whole crew
dash’d and confused, would have load’d the boat if he permitted them.
Now being about six o’clock, they put to sea, and landed in Benbicula
the next day, a little after sunrise, in the very same harbour which
they left some days before the 6th of May.
He set his foot no sooner ashore[475] but he sent an express for
Clanranald, who came next night, having taken none with him but Neil
MacDonald, who was there with him before. Upon Clanranald’s arrival, he
seemed quite easie and told him that Providence had sent him under his
protection, where he hoped to be sheltered, and that he was to throw
himself in his hands to dispose of him as he thought fit. Clanranald
assured him he had nothing to fear, and that he would find a place for
his concealment, where none should have the least opportunity to see
him, but such as he should employ to carry to him whatever he wanted.
After he had sufficiently refreshed himself for some days, it was
thought dangerous to make any longer stay at Roshiness, because being
a place much frequented by boats from the neighbouring countrys, they
would be soon discovered; for this reason, he was conducted from
thence to Bareness, about three miles from Roshiness, where he had
the conveniency of a little hutt of a house that was in the place,
the entry of which was so very narrow, that he was forced to fall
upon his knees, and creep in upon his belly, as often as he entered.
This habitation not pleasing him, he begged of Clanranald to send him
into some Christian place wherein he could have more room, and use
more freedom and ease, for in that monstrous hole he could never have
satisfaction, which he said the devil had left because he had not room
enough in it.
The next day being the 10th of May, it was determined to send him to
Corrodall, a little pleasant glen in South-West,[476] belonging to Neil
MacDonald, where there was two country-houses, and conveniency enough
for his concealment. Neil was appointed for to conduct him thither,
whom he desired to remain still with him. About eleven aclock at
night, they set out with Neil, who was their faithful guide, towards
Corrodale, where they arrived next day about six in the afternoon;
when they came near the house, Neil left him under a rock while he
went in to see if there were no strangers there; and finding none
but Ranald, his brother,[477] who had come thither the day before by
Neil’s own orders, he presently returned where he left the prince, and
conducted him to the house.[478] He seemed extraordinary well pleased
with the house, which he swore look’t like a palace in comparison of
the abominable hole they had lately left. He sat upon a seat of green
turf that was made up for him that same evening, and after taking a
refreshment of gradan bread-and-cheese, and goats milk, upon which he
fed very hearty, he desired his feet to be washed, being extreme dirty,
and very much galled by his night walk; after which he smok’t a pipe of
tobacco and went to bed, which being heather and green rushes, he slept
soundly ’till twelve next day.
During this stay at Corrodale, which was five weeks,[479] his ordinary
conversation was talking of the army, and of the battle of Colloden,
and the highland chieftains whose lamentable case he deplored very
much. One day as he was taking a walk in the morning with Neil
MacDonald only, the subject of their discourse was describing to Neil
the battle of Colloden, wherein he said his horse was shot under him;
for (says he) as I was riding up to the right wing, my horse began to
kick, at which I was much surprised, being very quiet, and peaceable
formerly, and looking narrowly to him to see what was the matter with
him, I observed the blood gushing out of his side. Oh! oh! says I
(speaking of the horse), if this be the story with you, you have no
less than reason to be uneasie, whereupon I was oblidged to dismount
and take another. Then the conversation rowlled upon the order of the
battle, and how he was forced to condescend to give the right hand to
the Atholl-men and others, which he knew to be the MacDonald’s right,
meerly by the perswation of my Lord George Murray, and several others,
but however he did a great deal of justice and honour to the Mack
Donalds, by assuring Neil they were the last that abandoned the field;
and, moreover, that they would have had certainly been cut all to
pieces, had not the pickets come to their relief, to whom he said, they
owe an eternal obligation.
He blamed always my Lord George as being the only instrument in
loseing the battle, and altho’ that he, the morning before the action,
used all his rhetorick, and eloquence against fighting, yet my Lord
George outreasoned him, ’till at last he yielded for fear to raise a
dissension among the army, all which he attributed to his infidelity,
roguery, and treachery.[480] He always flattered himself that the
highlanders were still upon foot to hinder the enemy from harrassing
their countrys, and conceived great hopes that they would be able to
stand it out, ’till they got a relief from France. He was so fond
to know what was passing among them, that he sent his boat twice to
Mudort[481] for intelligence, and hearing of a skirmish betwixt Cluny
MacPherson and a party of the elector’s troops in Badanack, of which
Cluny had the better, it gave him no small joy: he had notice given him
likewise that Borrisdale, upon whose courage and conduct he lay a great
stress, was at the head of about three thousand men in Glenkuaak.[482]
All these, and manny such like stories kept him still in top spirits,
together with the expectation of a French landing in England, where
he perswaded himself the Duke of York was landed at the head of ten
thousand French, and assured those who durst not contradict him of the
same.
It gave him a great deal of pleasure to look to the ships that passed
in the Chanel every day, which he flattered himself to be French,
though they were really some of the English fleet sent thither to
guard the coast, and hinder any of the Highlanders to escape, and
would have Neil to go and pilot to some harbour that they might not
be lost. It was wonderfull how he preserved his health all the time,
notwithstanding all the fatigue and troubles he underwent and the bad
usage he met with very often; for I have not seen him one hour sick all
the time I have had the honour to accompany him, save only eight days
he was troubled with a flux, which kept him very busie while it lasted;
he had always a good appetite, and could eat any meat that came in his
way, as well as those who was accustomed to it from their infancy. He
took care to warm his stomach every morning with a hearty bumper of
brandy, of which he always drank a vast deal; for he was seen to drink
a whole bottle of a day without being in the least concerned.
He took a vast delight, when it was a good day, to sit up a stone that
was before the door of the house, with his face turned towards the sun;
and when he was desired to move from thence fearing to get a headache,
he ordered them to pack about their business, that he knew himself what
was good for him, better than they could describe, that the sun did him
all the good in the world. Notwithstanding his melancholy fits, yet
at other times he was so hearty and merry, that he danced for a whole
hour together, having no other musick but some highland reel which
he whistled away as he tripped along. It happened one day as he was
walking along the coast with Neil and the rest of the gentlemen, being
an excessive hot day, they spied a number of young whales approaching
pretty near the shore, and observing them to make straight for the
rock whereon they sat down, he sent immediately for his fusee, and as
they came within his reach he fired at them; and being informed some
time before that Neil was an incomparable good swimmer, he ordered him
to strip and hall ashore the whale, which he swore he had shot dead.
Neil, in obedience to his orders and to humour him, began to strip very
slowly till he saw the whale which had received no hurt out of sight.
During his stay at Corrodale, Clanranald paid him several visits, as
also all the gentlemen of the country, who sent him presents of all
they possessed. As he now despared of any assistance from abroad, and
wishing to be out of the Highlands, he thought of setting about getting
a ship to transport himself out of the kingdom. In order thereunto, he
sent off Mr. O’Neil and Captain Donald MacDonald, Clanranald’s son,
who joined him at his return from the Lewis, in order to go to France,
thinking to get passage from the Lewis privately, to either Sweden or
Denmark, from whence they were to pass into France.
Having received fifty guineas each to defray their charges, they set
out for the Herris, where they were no sooner arrived but O’Neil, who
was there with the prince before, was immediately known, and if he
had not made his escape back to Benbicula, he had been apprehended
without going any further, whereupon he returned to the prince, who did
not care much for him ever after. Captain MacDonald, who pursued his
journey towards the Lewis, met with the same fate at Stornaway, there,
having found his uncle, Alexander MacLeod,[483] he carried him with him
to his own house, where he lay concealed for a long time after, and
returned to the prince no more.
The enemy, who was not idle all this time to inform themselves about
him, got sufficient intelligence that he was in Wist, disposed of
themselves so that it seemed impracticable for him to escape. That
he might lose no time, he sent Neil as minister plenipotentiary to
Boystile,[484] to treat with him to procure a boat for him, and
sufficient hands for to manage it, in case of accidence--for now he
was to attempt to gain the mainland, seeing there was no safety for
him in Wist. Boystile, who did not go near him all the time for fear
of suspicion, sent him back word with Neil, that he himself would come
in person and consult with him what was properest to be done. Boystile
came next day, and was received by the prince with open arms, and
found some of the gentlemen of the country who came to see him the day
before, of whose number was Hugh Macdonald, of Ballissher, from North
Wist,[485] who was ready to sacrifice his life and fortune for the
prince’s safety (I say), Boystile at his arrival found all these lying
in their bed, very much disordered by the foregoing night’s carouse,
while his royal highness was the only one who was able to take care of
the rest, in heaping them with plaids, and at the same time merrily
sung the _De Profundis_ for the rest of their souls.[486]
Neil, who was straggling every day about the neighbouring towns for
intelligence, and who never missed to come in seasonable time with what
news he gathered among the people, arrived, as the Prince, Boystile,
and the other gentlemen were very busie and very hearty taking their
bottle. It was always the prince’s custom whenever Neil returned from
any expedition, to learn from him privately what news he brought
before it was made public. Neil told him that two hundred of the Sky
militia, head’d by Hugh Macdonald, of Armidale,[487] and Alexander
MacLeod of Ullish,[488] was landed at Barra, who was sent thither by
my Lord Lowdian. Campbell, and MacLeod, having had an information that
the prince was sculking in that country, and that these gentlemen’s
orders were, after a diligent search made in Barra, to pass into South
Wist, and to stay there guarding the coasts and foords in the country
’till they were reinforced by a greater number, and, moreover, that
Captain Ferguson[489] was ordered to the Lewis for the same purpose,
Captain MacKenzie to the Herris, and the _Baltimore_ to cruize upon
the coast of Wist, so that it seemed next to a miracle to have been
able to escape. The prince, who always appeared very gay and cheerful,
notwithstanding his crosses and misfortunes, was very much dejected at
this news; which Boystile observing, begged of him to be in no ways
uneasie, that the danger was not so great as what he apprehended, and
that he, despite of all the search of the enemy, would procure a place
for him where he would not be exposed to the least danger till such
time as a more favourable opportunity offered for making his escape;
and fearing least the enemy might surprise them, being now three days
in the country, Boystile took leave of him in order to prevent their
coming so suddenly till he got time to fit into some other place.
Neil fearing the fickleness and the inconstancy of the common people,
who might perhaps be perverted from their fidelity to discover him
to his enemies, in hopes of a great reward, did not think proper to
stay there any longer; whereupon, having got into their boat, which
they always had nigh them, they set out about eleven o’clock at night,
without acquainting any body of their design, except those who were
partakers of it, and took the retreat towards Benbicula, and landed
about break of day in Fuyia,[490] a desert island, about three miles
from Roshiness, where they sculked for eight days.
During their stay in this solitude, he kept a private correspondence
with Boystile about leaving the country, as it appeared impossible for
him to conceal himself any longer from those cursed villains who left
not a stone unturned to find him out. Boystyle, who used all endeavours
to effect his design to get him safely conveyed to the mainland, lost
no time to provide whatever necessaries their voyage required; when
unluckily he himself was taken prisoner and carried away on board the
_Baltimore_, so that that design perished, and came to nothing.
Upon the news of Boystile’s being made prisoner[491] he expressed a
great deal of regret for him, saying it was a great pity he should
fall into the hands of such ruffians, who would have no regard for his
merit, for really he was the honestest man (said he) I met with since
my stay in the isles. While he stayed upon the island he went about
the shore once or twice a day, to see if he could find out which was
the most commodious hole or cave for hiding him in case some of the
men of war that kept the channel still came to land any men. There he
had occasion to see the Lady Clanranald, who came from Roshiness to
have the honour of seeing him before he left the country, and carried
along with her to him some of what necessaries he wanted: he received
her very kindly, made much of her, and thanked her for her generosity,
telling her next day at parting that he would not forget soon what
kindness he met with in the country. They had plenty of bread and other
meats during their retreat in that Patmos, but before the eight days
was expired they were obliged to leave the hole to another party of the
MacLeods who landed upon the island from Skay.
After being chased from thence they had no other resource but to return
towards the south end of the country, upon hearing that the Skay
militia had departed from Boystile’s house two days before, and were
upon their march towards Benbicula, where they flattered themselves
infallibly sure to find him. About eight o’clock at night, upon the
12th of July, they put to sea from Lochaskivay, and rowed the whole
night along the coast, and as the day began to dawn Neil advised them
to land in Lochskiport, and to stay there ’till it was late; but the
prince, who was eager to be as far on that day as possibly he could,
would not condescend, and so continued their voyage the whole day.
About five in the afternoon they landed at Corrodale, where they
refreshed themselves ’till it was ten, and arrived next morning at
sunrise at the mouth of Lochynort, in South-Wist; they had not so much
as one mouthful to eat that night of any kind, and having made up a
tent of the oars and sail of the boat, he laid himself down upon a kind
of a heather bed that was made for him, while Neil stood sentry upon
the rock before the tent door the whole night, after he had placed two
of the crew whom he could trust most to about a mile off as an advanced
guard.
When it was near day he asked Neil whether it was possible to find any
meat, who told him it was impracticable, by reason the nearest town lay
five miles off, whereupon he roused up the rest, and got into the boat
and rowed to Stialay, a small island near the entry of Loch Boystile,
within three long miles of Boystile’s house, being the 14th of July
in the evening. They were no sooner landed and the tent made, than
Neil posted off immediately to Boystile’s house for provisions; when
he arrived, he found all the family in bed, and having knocked them
up, he acquainted Boystile’s daughter who came first to the door with
the princes being upon the Island of Stialay, where he had but very
ill accommodation. She ran into the room where her stepmother[492] was
in bed, bringing Neil along with her, who told the lady the miserable
condition his royal highness was in, she got up in the greatest hurry,
and sent off what was readiest to relieve them in the mean time, ’till
such time she could get more prepared against the next night. Neil
returned, charging the lady at parting, to learn what was passing among
the enemy, and to inform them accordingly.
At his arrival he found the boat ashore waiting him, and having passed
to the island, the prince met him at his landing, and asked of him if
he got any meat. Neil told him that he brought some fresh butter and
cheese and a few bottles of brandy. ‘Come, come,’ said he, ‘give me
one of the bottles and a piece of the bread, for I was never so hungry
since I was born’; which being given him, he took two or three hearty
pulls of it before he came near the rest, which gave him so good an
appetite, that he eat that night more than ever he was seen to eat at
three ordinary meals, and all the rest did proportionably. After supper
he called for the brandy-bottles, and drank the king’s and the duke’s
healths; which done, he wrapt himself in his plaid, laid down, and
slept away the remaining part of the night very soundly.
Next morning there was a consultation held concerning the course they
were to take from thence. Some were of opinion that they should venter
to run for the continent in the small boat they had, of which the
prince himself approved very much, saying he would rather drown than
fall into the hands of those profligate fellows who were in pursuit of
him. Others were of opinion that the safest step they could take was,
to make for some one of the Southren Isles of Barra, and the rather
because the first party who came after him to the country landed first
in that island, and it seemed very probable that they would not return
there again. They all agreed to this last proposal, and that no time
might be lost, they prepared every thing to set off next day, if the
weather favoured them. This project came to nothing as well as the
former, for the Lady Boystile sent an express that same afternoon, that
one Captain Scott[493] was landed at Barra from Fort William, with a
detachment of regular troops, in order to join the Skay militia in
South-Wist, and that they intended, according as she was informed, to
be at her house by ten o’clock next day, which she would inform him of,
if possible, whatever happened.
This news put them in a greater consternation than ever, which obliged
them to cross over to the other side of Loch Boystile that night for
the more security. Next day about break of day, the prince sent off
Rory MacDonald to learn whither Scott was arrived, and to bring back
word what was passing among them. Rory returned at eight o’clock, and
told the prince that the lady, her daughter, and all the servants,
were tied neck and heel in one house, in order to extort a confession
from them of the prince’s being in the country; while her seller and
all her most valuable effects were left to the mercy of the ungenerous
soldiers, who were busie in carrying the plunder to their boats. The
news of the ladies ill-treatment struck such a terror into the minds of
the timorous crew, that they immediately sunk the boat, and abandoned
the prince and the few gentlemen who accompanied him. In this desperate
condition there was no remedy to be thought upon, but to dismiss the
few gentlemen that accompanied till then, and retire to the mountains;
whereupon having left every body to shift for himself (of whose number
was O’Sullivan, who was left under a rock with the best part of the
prince’s baggage), the prince, with Neil and MacO’Neil,[494] made for
the top of the nearest hill, that from thence they might have a better
view of their enemies motion, and take further resolution how they were
to dispose of themselves next.[495]
I forgot to tell that when Captain Scott landed in South-Wist, Hugh
MacDonald,[496] who lay in Benbicula then with his party, sent one of
the country gentlemen in whom he could repose a great deal of trust,
to tell the prince privately that, as it seemed now impossible for him
to conceal himself any longer in the country, if he would venter to be
advised by him, though an enemy in appearance yet a sure friend in his
heart, he would fall upon a scheme to convoy him to the Isle of Skay,
where he was sure to be protected by Lady Margaret MacDonald.[497] The
scheme was this: to send his stepdaughter, Miss Florence MacDonald, to
Sleet, to live with her mother ’till the enemy was out of Wist. The
prince at the same time was ordered to dress in woman’s close, that he
might pass for her servant-maid, and Neil was appointed to take care
of both. The scheme pleased the prince mightely, and he seemed very
impatient to see it put in execution.
But to return to the top of the hill, the prince with Neil and Mr.
O’Neil remained there the whole day. About sunset the prince told Neil
that he entrusted himself in his hands, and that his life and safety
depended upon him, Neil answered that the charge was more than what his
life was worth; but yet, with God’s assistance that he would find means
to preserve him from all danger till every thing was got ready to leave
the country. After this they took a refreshment of bread-and-cheese,
and set out towards the north end of the country, every body carrying
his own share of the baggage, the prince carried his own few shirts,
O’Neill carried his own linnen, and Neil carried the provision, his own
gun and sword, and the prince’s fusee and one of his holsters, while
the other hung upon his own belt. As they were going on, the prince
clapt Neil’s shoulder, often telling him if ever it was their good
fortune to get free of their present troubles, he would make him live
easie all his days for the fatigue of that night. Neil was informed
some days before, that Miss Flora lived with her brother in a glen
near Locheynort, where they had all their cattle a grazing at that
time, and which happened to be very near the rod they were to pass that
night.[498]
When the prince was informed of it, he would needs go to see her, and
tell her of the message he had from her stepfather. When they were
near the little house where she was asleep, for her brother was not at
home, Neil left the prince and O’Neil at a little distance off,’till
he went in and wakened her; she got scarcely on the half of her close,
when the prince, with his baggage upon his back, was at the door, and
saluted her very kindly; after which she brought to him a part of the
best cheer she had, among the rest was a large bowl full of creme, of
which he took two or three hearty go-downs, and his fellow-travellers
swallowed the rest.
He discovered to her her stepfather’s proposal, and ask’t whether she
was willing to run the risque. She joyfully accepted of the offer
without the least hesitation, and that no time might be lost, she was
ordered immediately away to Benbicula to consult with her step-father
and the Lady Clanranald, to get every thing in readiness as soon as
possible, and to send them word back again next day how all was going
on with them. Having taken leave of Miss Flora, they pursued their
journey, and about sunrise they arrived upon the side of a hill three
miles from Corrodale, where they sate down under a rock in order to
take some rest. The prince, as he took no victuals the night before,
complained of hunger, and ask’t of Neil if he had any thing to eat;
Neil gave him a piece of bread-and-cheese that Miss MacDonald had given
him the night before. After he eat of it very heartily, he laid himself
down and slept, while Neil stood sentry upon him all the time; when he
and O’Neil was sufficiently rested, he ordered Neil to take some rest,
and sent O’Neil to mount guard in his turn.
When it was drawn late, the prince ask’t Neil if there was any
possibility of getting any supper; Neil told him he would find enough,
and leaving the prince and O’Neil under the same rock, he went and
bought abundance of such cheer as the neighbourhood could afford. The
prince was prodigious impatient the whole afternoon for Miss Flora’s
answer, and despairing to hear a word from her that night, he sent off
Neil, at eight o’clock at night, to Benbicula, with strict orders to
be back next day at four in the afternoon, under pain of gaining his
displeasure for ever. Neil, notwithstanding the fatigue and the length
of the journey (which was thirty miles backward and forward), willingly
condescended.
When he arrived at the fourds which seperates Benbicula from South
Wist,[499] he found them all guard’d by the Skay militia, who had
placed sentries within a gun shot of each other from east to west;
their consigne was to let pass no person whatsoever until he was
examined first by the captain of the guard; by this means Neil was
stopped, and was kept prisoner there till next morning, when it was
low water Neil was sent away to the captain of the guard on the other
side, who happened to be Hugh MacDonald; when Neil went in he found
Miss MacDonald, who was stopped in the same manner by another party
of the MacLeods, who had the guard two nights before, with some other
gentlemen at breakfast with Mr. MacDonald. Neil call’d miss aside,
and ask’t if every thing was ready, she told him as it was put out of
her power to go on the length of the Lady Clanranald, that nothing
was as yet done, but that she was going off within half an hour after
to consult with the lady, and designed to go to Roshiness, both of
them, that same afternoon, and carry along with them whatever clothes
or provisions was requisite for the voyage, and she begg’d of Neil
to make all the hast possible to return to the prince, and, without
losing one moment of time, to make the best of his way to Rosshiness,
where he would be sure to find them without fail.
Neil posted off immediately, and arrived at the prince at the hour he
had appointed, and found him under the same rock where he had left him;
he no sooner saw Neil come in sight than he ran to meet him, and took
him by the hand asking what news he had from Miss Flora; Neil told him
what orders he had from the lady (as he called Miss Flora), after which
they set out for Roshiness. The greatest difficulty for this journey
was to find a boat to go by sea, as it was impossible to venture by
land, because, as I have already told, all the fourds were guarded by
the MacLeods; but God, who always provided whatever he had occasion
for, removed this difficulty also, for when they arrived at the side of
Lochskiport, there they found four country people who had come there
some days before to fish, with a small yawl.
Neil knew them immediately, and agreed with them for to ferry him
and two other gentlemen that were with him over to Fouay, where they
expected to meet with Ranald MacDonald (called Walpole);[500] but
when they landed upon the island they found no living soul of either
man or beast upon it; being, at this time, clear daylight, they could
not bring the boat no further, for fear to be seen from the land,
wherefore they ordered the boat men to land them on the nearest rock
of Benbicula, that from thence they might go afoot to Roshiness, which
done, Neil payed the boatmen and sent them away home.
The prince sate down upon the rock where they had land’d, and, being
quite overcome for want of rest, he fell asleep, and so did O’Neil;
during the time they slept Neil thought proper to take a walk round
about for fear that any body should come upon them at any unawares;
but he had not gone ten yards from them, when he observed an arm of
the sea come in betwixt him and the rest of the land, which formed an
island; he returned immediately and informed the prince, who started
up like a mad man and walked to the end of the island at such a rate
as if he had a mind to fly over to the other side, but his career was
soon stopped; whereupon he fell a scoulding Neil as if it had been his
fault, and the curse rascals (meaning the boatmen) who land’d them
upon that desert island designedly that he might starve with hunger
and cold, in short, there was no pacifying him till, at last, Neil
told him to comfort himself, that he would sweem over to the other
side and would bring a boat in half an hour’s time, from that moment
he never gave Neil one minute’s rest, till, to please him, he began to
strip, notwithstanding that it rained most prodigiously, when luckily
Neil observed a rock appearing in the middle of the sound, and begg’d
of the prince to allow him a little more time, that it seem’d very
probable at low water they could pass over with dry feet without being
obliged to hazard his life by sweeming, which was to be the ultimate
resource, which happened accordingly, for in less than three quarters
of an hour’s time, they passed over without wetting the soles of their
shoes.[501]
The prince seem’d as well pleased when he got out of that labyrinth as
if he was landed in France; he was so cold (for the rain pierced to his
very skin) that he trembled, the moor being so plain that there was
not the least bush, eminence, or hill to cover him from the weather,
and he was so hungry that he was not able to walk, having eaten not
a mouthful of any kind since the evening before. In this deplorable
condition it was hard to determine how to behave, but as there was no
time to be lost, despite of rain and weather, he continued his journey
for Roshiness, where he expected to find the ladies before him that
night. When they had walkt about a quarter of a mile, they lighted
accidentally upon two sheelings, where two of Clanranald’s tennants
stay’d, who, seeing them coming, came to meet them. Neil, to prevent
their coming too nigh, stept on and met them; they enquired what were
these other two that came along with him.
Neil satisfied their curiosity by telling them they were poor Irish
gentlemen, who made their escape from Culloden, and run to the country
for shelter, and that it was an act of charity if they had any kind of
eatables to give them some refreshment, for that they had not tasted
meat for eight-and-forty hours before, whereupon the honest fellows
order’d them to go in; the door of the hut was so low and narrow, that
the prince was obliged to creep upon his belly. There they feasted
splendidly upon such cheer as there was to be had, which was mostly
milk kind; being thus sufficiently refreshed they went off, and as
Neil was not thoroughly acquainted in that rod, he brought one of the
fellows with him for a guide to whom he gave half a guinea for his
pains. When they were within three miles of Roshiness, being at that
time five in the afternoon, they laid down in a lock side among high
heather, which was all the shelter they had from the rain.
There they past the remaining part of the day, the prince shivering
with cold all the time. When it was late, they set out for Rosshiness,
the night turned so dark that they could not see three yards before
them, and the rain was so vehement, with the wind blowing directly in
their teeth, that they could scarcely look where to set their foot;
besides the rod was so very bad, that the prince, despite of what care
Neil and O’Neil could take of him, fell at almost every step in some
ditch or mire, where, very often, he lost his shoes, which gave Neil
a vast deal of trouble and pains before he could fish them up again,
being sometimes obliged to put his hand to the very shoulder in the
puddle for them.
After having surmounted all these troubles and difficulties, they at
last arrived in the long wished for harbour. When they came near the
house, Neil left the prince and O’Neil about a cannon-shot off, while
he himself went in to see whether the ladies were come; but finding
none but the man who took care of the house in bed with his wife, who
told him that twenty of the Skay militia who landed there two days
before, were in a tent about a quarter of a mile of the house, he
returned to the prince with that dismal news, which so enraged him,
that he was like to tear his clothes in pieces, not knowing where to
run for safety, the enemy being every where.
The guide, though he did not understand the language they spoke, yet
understood the confusion they were in, told them there was one of
Clanranald’s boomen[502] not far off, into whose house they might go
with safety till they came to a further resolution. They immediately
betook themselves thither, and I leave the reader to judge what a bonny
figure they made when they came to examine themselves before light, all
bespattered with dirt and mud, after the foregoing night’s walk. There
he resolved to return Neil to Nuntown[503] to inform Miss MacDonald
that he was arrived, and to hasten her to come without any longer delay.
Neil, who foresaw clearly the danger he would be exposed to, if he
was left with a man who knew not one step of the country, or where to
retire to in case of necessity, absolutely denied to part with the
prince upon any account, and so Mr. O’Neill was obliged to go upon
that expedition; who was mighty well pleased to be entrusted with that
embassy, not so much to further the prince’s affairs, as to be in
company with Miss Flora, for whom he professed a great deal of kindness
at that time. About break of day, the Booman’s wife told Neil that
it was dangerous for them to stay in the house any longer because the
militia were wont to come every morning to buy milk, whereupon Neil and
his pupil went and lodged under a rock pretty near the shore, where the
Booman sent one of his derry maids to give them notice from time to
time, what was passing among their neighbour enemies.
It is almost inexpressible what torment the prince suffered under that
unhappy rock which had neither height nor bredth to cover him from
the rain which poured down upon him so thick as if all the windows of
heaven had broke open, and, to compleat his tortures, there lay such a
swarm of mitches upon his face and hands as would have made any other
but himself fall into despair, which, notwithstanding his incomparable
patience, made him utter such hideous cries and complaints as would
have rent the rocks with compassion.
Neil, who stood all this time aside him, could be of no more service
to him than to let run to the ground the rain which stagnated in the
lurks of the plaid wherein he lay wrapt. In this miserable condition he
continued for about three hours, till their faithful scoote came for
the last time, and told them they might return to the house, for that
the militia was gone; Neil helped him to his feet, and they marched
away to the house, where the good derrymaid took care to make a roozing
fire for their coming. He was no sooner entered but Neil stripped him
of all his clothes from top to toe, and hung rops round the house to
dry them on; he sate down in his shirt at the fireside as merry and
hearty as if he was in the best room at Whitehall.
After he had warmed himself, he desired Neil to ask the wife if she had
any eatables. She said that she had nothing except a chapin of milk she
kept for her bairns, which Neil desired her to warm in a pot, and when
it was hot to froth it up with the machine made for that purpose. When
all was ready, the wife placed the pot before the prince and Neil, and
gave them two horn spoons as coarse as ever was made use of, the prince
ask’t Neil what it was, who told it was fresh creme, he not doubting
but it was really so, and at the same time believing it to be solid,
pushed his hand to the very wrist in the scalded milk, which made him
draw back his hand in the greatest hurry, all full of wrath, and dropt
his spoon in the pot. Neil had all the difficulty imaginable to keep
his gravity, to hear him curse the wife and her pot a hundred times,
calling her a vile witch for (says he) she contrived it a purpose that
we might burn ourselves. Neil, seeing him altogether out of humour,
in order to pacify him, told he would take a stick and labour her to
an inch of her life with it, and immediately ran to an oar of the
boat that was lying before him to knock out her brains. The prince,
believing him to be serious, begged of him not to touch her, for, if he
came to do her any hurt, she would certainly run off and bring a party
upon them.
After this repas, the prince inclined to sleep a little, as he rested
none the night before; but to get a bed for him was the question--in
short, there was no better shift than to take the leaf of the door,
and lay it down upon the floor, and spread an old ragged sail over
it, which Neil found in the house; there he slept some hours wrapt in
his wet plaid. The guide, who went with O’Neil the night before to
Clanranald’s house, returned towards evening, who brought along with
him a rosted fowl, and a couples of bottles of wine, and a letter from
O’Neil to the prince, the contents of which I could not find out,
though it’s very probable he excused himself for not returning, under
pretence to hasten all matters for leaving the country. The prince
supp’t very heartily upon what the lady had sent him, and afterwards
slept soundly upon a heather bed, which Neil made for him.
Next morning the prince wrote a letter to O’Neil by the same post that
brought the former, desiring him to come to him that night; but O’Neil
contented himself to return him an answer by the same bearer, telling
him he could not come by reason that he waited Miss McDonald and the
Lady Clanranald, who was to come next day without fail.
The prince waited that day in the house of Roshiness. Next morning Neil
carried him to a hill half way betwixt Roshiness and Nuntown;[504]
there they lay till the evening, when they returned to their former
quarters.
The prince seemed very uneasie that night that neither Mac O’Neil nor
the ladys did not come according to promise; but the truth is, thay
could not really come sooner, as they were busie night and day to get
his dress made for the prince, and whatever other things he might have
occasion for. The next day Rory McDonald, and one John McDonald, who
were to be two of our crew, arrived in the morning, and told that both
boat and crew were ready whenever he pleased.
Whereupon Neil carried the prince to the same hill where they had
sculked the day before, and leaving him in the hands of the two
McDonalds before mentioned, posted off himself to hurry the ladys
from Nuntown, and sent off O’Neil directly to the place where he left
the prince when himself went with the Lady Clan, Miss Flora McDonald,
Clanranald’s daughter, and Mr. McDonald of Milltown, Miss Flora’s
brother, about another rod, where they were to have the conveniency of
a boat to Roshiness.
The prince, who arrived first, welcomed them ashore, and handed the
Lady Clan to the house, while O’Neil took care of Miss Flora. There
they passed some hours very hearty and merry till supper was served,
which was scarce began, when one of Clanranald’s herds came with the
news that General Campbell[505] was landing his men within three
miles of them. The supper thus ended, which was hardly begun--all run
to their boat in the greatest confusion, every one carrying with him
whatever part of the baggage came first to his hand, without either
regard to sex or quality, they crossed Lochisguiway,[506] and, about
five in the morning, landed on the other side, where they ended the
supper.
About eight a servant came to the Lady Clanranald to acquaint her that
General Campbell, with a party of his men, were at her house, and
wanted that she should be there before twelve of the clock otherwise
that her house should suffer for all. Here the lady and her daughter
took leave of the prince and went off. Great was the debate betwixt
Miss Flora and O’Neil upon this occasion, who insisted strongly to
leave the country with the prince; but Miss McDonald would never
condescend, because he being a stranger, and consequently did not speak
the language of the country, would readily be taken notice of by the
common sort, and so took leave of the prince and Miss, made the best of
his way to South Wist along with Milltown.
The company being gone, the prince, stript of his own cloaths, was
dressed by Miss Flora in his new attire, but could not keep his hands
from adjusting his head dress, which he cursed a thousand times.
There they lay till the evening, waiting impatiently for the night to
set off. Here they were alarmed by five wherries, the same, as they
supposed, that landed the Campbells the night before in Benbicula,
supposing, by taking this precaution, to keep the prince from making
his escape. But their fears were soon over; for the wherries sailed
by to the southward without ever stopping. After sunset they got into
their boat, which was managed by the following persons--Rory McDonald,
John McDonald, John McMurich, Duncan Campbell, and Rory McDonald of
Glengary family; the prince passed for Miss McDonald’s maid, and Neil
McDonald in the quality of a servant.[507]
The weather proving calm in the beginning of the night, they rowed away
at a good rate; but, about twelve, there blew a gale of westerly wind,
which eased the Rowers not little, but at the same time there came on
such thick mist as robbed them of the sight of all lands; great was
the debate among the boatmen upon this occasion, some asserted that
they lost their course, while others maintained the contrary, till
their dispute end’d at last to cease rowing till day would decide their
error. In the morning, the weather being quite clear, they rowed along
the coast of Sky, but the wind, shifting about to the north, blew at
nine o’clock so strong in their teeth, that for an hour and a half it
was impossible to discern whether they made any way or not.
The prince, who, all this time, was not in the least discouraged,
encouraged them to row still better, saying that he would relieve him
that was most fatigued. The poor men, almost ready to breathe out their
last, at length made the point of Watersay on the north corner of the
Isle of Sky, where, having got into a cliff in a rock, they rested
themselves for an hour, and at the same time revived their drooping
spirits with a plentiful repas of bread and butter, while the water
that fell from the top of the rock furnished them drink.
This gave them fresh vigour for to undertake the remaining part of
their labour, the weather being quite calm again, they rowed round the
point close by the land. They had not gone far on the other side, when
they spyed two centrys upon shore, one of whom approached nearer, and
ordered them to put to, but they rowed the faster; which he observing,
advanced as far as the sea would permitt him, bad them put to, a
second time in a more threatning manner, and seeing them like not to
obey, he cocked his piece, which he thought to fire upon them, but, as
Providence ordered it, she misgave, and so he was disappointed. The
other who look’d on all this time, made to heels to a neighbouring
village, about a cannon shot off, to acquaint their officer (if there
was any) of what had happened.
The boatmen, justly judging what he was going about, made them now row
for dear blood. They very soon saw the event of their conjectures, for
a body of about fifteen men, full armed, marched straight from the
village to the rock, where their centry was post’d, and if they had the
presence of mind to launch out one of their boats (of which they had
two close by them) we must have been inevitably taken.
The prince by this time was sensible of his error in not allowing
the men at parting from Uist to have any arms in the boat, which if
they had had, were fully resolved to fight it out to the last man,
notwithstanding the inequality of numbers. The enemy seeing it quite
out of their power to execute their design in coming thither, as we
got fairly out of their reach, took a walk along the shore, without
giving the prince or crew any uneasiness, further than to gaze at them
till they landed in Kilbride in Troterniss within a cannon shot of Sir
Alexander McDonald’s house,[508] twelve miles from the place where we
saw the enemy.
In the neighbourhood of this place was another party of the Sky
militia, who was post’d there to examine all boats that came from the
isles, as they were pretty well assured that the prince was there at
that time. Miss and Neil having kept the prince in the boat as well as
they could, went to the house, leaving strict orders with the boatmen
not to stir from it till they came back, or some word from them, and
in case their curiosity led any body thither, who might perhaps take
the liberty to ask who was the person kept in the boat, to answer Miss
McDonald’s maid, and to curse her for a lazy jade, what was she good
for, since she did not attend her Mrs.
When they were come near the house, they were informed by a servant
that Sir Alexander was gone for Fort Augustus some days before to
wait upon Cumberland, and that there was no company with the lady but
two gentlemen, to wit, McDonald of Kingsbourg,[509] and Lieutenant
McLeod,[510] commander of the party before mentioned, and one Mrs.
McDonald who came the day before from North Wist, and who was so
strictly examined by the party upon the point of Waternish (taking her
to be the prince in disguise), that she was at all the pains imaginable
to keep off the soldiers’ hands from examining her person too closely,
which must have been the Prince’s fate had he fallen into their hands.
Miss Flora having met with one Miss McDonald, Lady Margarate’s
gentlewoman, sent her to acquaint her lady that she wanted to speak
to her, who came back and carried Miss Flora to the lady’s apartment,
where she told all the circumstances of the prince’s escape from
the isles, and that she must harbour him as he came now under her
protection.
The lady, in the greatest perplexity, was at a loss how to behave
upon this occasion, for her hurry and impatience hindred her to fall
upon proper means to get the prince conveyed privately to the house,
especially at such an improper hour as eleven o’clock of the day.
Whereupon she sent for Kingsborough, to whom she disclosed the whole
secret. Kingsborough, without being in the least discomposed, explained
to her the danger the prince and her would be exposed to if she
insisted to have him brought to her house, where she was to entertain
one of the king’s officers that day, who could not miss to see and take
notice of the person in disguise, as well as every body else about the
town.
Having got the lady at last to yield, though with great reluctancy, he
ordered Neil to return to the prince, and to carry him to the back of
a hill, a long mile from the house of Mungstot, and there to wait till
he came to join them, and ordered that some light clothes should be
packt in the form of a bundle, for the prince to carry on his back, as
if it had been some of Miss Flora’s baggage, which done, they set out
for the hill, but they had not gone far, when tiring of his burden,
which he carried very awkwardly, threw it from him, leaving it for Neil
to carry, or leave, as he should think fit. It was in vain that Neil
insisted he would take it again, but he would never condescend, saying
that he had carried it long enough.
When they came to the place of meeting they sate down upon the side of
a hillock, where they wait’d for Kingsborough. The prince, who was a
long time silent and very pensive, ask’d Neil whether he had carried
his case of knives from the boat; Neil, who did not miss them till
then, answered he had not; ‘Then,’ said the prince, ‘you must return
and look for them.’--‘Shall I for the sakes of all the knives in the
universe leave you here all alone?’ reply’d Neil.--‘There will be
no fears of me,’ said he, ‘do you what you are ordered, for I must
absolutely have it, so no more words.’ Neil still opposed, but in vain;
seeing him at last quite out of humour, and ready to fly in a passion,
went leaving him there within a gun shot of the high rod, without a
soul along with him.
When Neil returned he found Kingsborough with him taking a glass of
wine, which Lady Margarate MacDonald had sent by Kingsborough, together
with some few biscuits of which he ate a little, and gave the rest
to Neil to keep for him till another occasion. About an hour before
sunset they set off for Kingsborough, where they were to be that night.
Miss Flora, who staid for dinner at Mungstot, that she might not be
suspected by Lieut. MacLeod, followed a horseback at some distance, and
was mightily diverted to hear several of the country people with whom
she fell in upon the road, as they returned from the meeting house at
Mungstot, it being Sunday, make their remarks upon the behaviour of
Betty Burk, her maid, which name the prince borrowed when he left the
Isle of Wist.
Neil, who walked a little behind the prince, and Kingsborough, hearing
the subject the fellows were upon, went slower till they came up and
joined him, but they, notwithstanding, continued to speak with the same
freedom as before, of the impudence and assurance of Miss Burk, who was
not ashamed to walk and keep company with Kingsborough, and was no less
vexed than surprised how he took so much notice of her, when he never
minded her mistress, who was so near at hand. Betty, very easie of what
would be said of her, went on always at such a rate, that she very
often got a piece before her fellow travellers, which gave occasion to
some of the fellows to cry out, ‘Curse the wretch do you observe, sir
(meaning Neil), what terrible steps she takes, how manly she walks, how
carelessly she carries her dress,’ and a hundred such like expressions,
which they repeated over and over again.
But what they most took notice of all was, when Kingsborough and his
companion was come to a rivulet about knee deep, which crossed the
high rod, to see Burk take up her petty coats so high when she entred
the water. The poor fellows were quite confounded at this last sight,
which made them rail out against Burk, calling her all the names in the
world, and ask’t of Neil if he was acquainted with her. Neil told them
that he knew nothing about her further than to hear she was an Irish
girl who met with Miss MacDonald in Wist, and uppon a report of her
being a famous spinister of lint, engaged her for her mother’s use.
The honest people soon after departed with Neil and Miss Flora, and
made for their different homes full of astonish----
[_Manuscript ends abruptly._]
A SHORT NARRATIVE OF THE CONDUCT OF LUDOVICK GRANT OF GRANT DURING THE
REBELLION
NOTE.--Many of the letters enclosed by Ludovick Grant as
appendixes to his narrative are printed in Sir William Fraser’s
_Chiefs of Grant_. With a few exceptions these have not been
reprinted here, but a reference is given to where they may be
found in the second volume of the _Chiefs of Grant_, and a brief
abstract is given of the more important letters. The letters
referred to by Ludovick Grant which are not given by Sir William
Fraser are here printed in full.
A SHORT NARRATIVE OF MR. GRANT’S CONDUCT DURING THE REBELLION
The first advice that Mr. Grant got that any invasion or insurrection
was intended was by a letter from Mr. Craigie, at that time his
Majesty’s Advocate,[511] of date 5th August 1745 (Appen. No. 1st),[512]
which came to his hands at his House of Grange-Hill in the low Country
of Murray on Saturday 10th, and next day he had an account, that the
young Pretender with some forces had actually landed and heard various
and different Reports of their numbers.
Thereupon Sir James Grant and Mr. Grant went Monday the 12th to Castle
Grant. Their country was all the time disarmed by authority of an Act
of Parliament, nor durst they appear in arms otherwise than as Directed
by the Statute, without Rendering themselves obnoxious to the Law, and
att the Mercy of the proper officers, to whom the Execution of it was
Committed. And they could not but observe, that his Majesty’s Advocate,
however well satisfied he was of their zeal, yet makes no insinuation
of their raising their Friends and Clan in arms: on the contrary says
in Generall that at London they have no good opinion of this Country,
and Desires no more of Mr. Grant, than to have a sharp look out, and
send him Intelligence how matters go. For these Reasons Mr. Grant
contented himself with calling together the Gentlemen in that country
and causing enquire what arms could be found, should there be occasion
for using them--
And he was the more confirmed in this opinion by advices he had that
Lord President was returned to Culloden and had had Interviews with
Severalls of his Friends, Chiefs and other Clans, yet he sent no
message, nor made any insinuation to Mr. Grant that it was proper for
him to appear in arms.
August 24th Mr. Grant Received another Letter from Lord Advocate, dated
the 20th (App. No. 2)[513] in answer to one that Mr. Grant wrote the
15th with such Intelligence as he had then got of the Rebells. In that
Letter he acquaints Mr. Grant that the Troops were in full march from
Stirling which he hoped would be soon in Mr. Grant’s Neighbourhood;
but he gives no authority nor advice to Mr. Grant to arm his Father’s
clan unless that was intended by the Dark and ambiguous words that
follow, viz. Which with the Assistance of His Majesty’s Friends it is
hoped will restore quiet to the Country. But Mr. Grant was and still is
persuaded that had such been my Lord Advocates meaning his Lordship who
well knew the Law, and had reason to know in fact that the country was
not half armed, would have expressed it in very different and plainer
Terms.
Next Day after the Receipt of this letter Mr. Grant having got advice
that Sir John Cope with the army under his Command were already past
Tay Bridge[514] wrote to Sir John The Letter (App. No. 3),[515] which
he sent by one of his friends Robert Grant, now Ensign and Adjutant
in Loudouns Regiment, whom he also Informed what number of arms were,
according to the Reports made to Mr. Grant, found in the Country, and
what number of men could be raised on short warning to the end that if
Sir John should Demand any Assistance, that Gentleman might be able to
inform him what he could expect.
This Gentleman instead of finding Sir John about Delnacardoch or to the
southward of it, as Mr. Grant hoped he should, found him at Ruthven
of Badenoch,[516] and Returned to Mr. Grant Monday the 26th at night
without any other answer to his Letter than a verball message that Sir
John thanked him for it. He further Informed Mr. Grant that Sir John,
instead of going in quest of the Rebells, was marching to Inverness
to avoid them and that next night he was to encamp in the head of
Strathspey.
About this time Mr. Grant had advice that the Person called Duke of
Perth was in Braemar raising the Highlanders in that country, that the
Mackintoshes and M‘Phersons were all in concert with the Rebells[517]
that their plan was that they, and even the Pretender and the
Highlanders with him, were to march down through Strathspey, and join
Perth, and march through Strathaven, Glenlivet, and into Aberdeenshire
and so Southward before Sir John Cope, raising all the men in the
Country through which they marched. This obliged Mr. Grant to set about
raising his Friends as fast as possible for Defence of his own country,
which upon Sir John’s marching to Inverness behoved to be quite naked
and exposed to them, and Deprived him of the Honour of waiting on Sir
John as he intended to have done, when he was encamped in the head of
Strathspey; However as Sir John was quite a stranger to the country,
and there were some Dangerous passes in it he sent three of the
Gentlemen of the country to wait on him and with orders to raise 40 or
50 of the men nearest to these grounds to serve him as Guides and give
him Intelligence and with them to patrole in the Neighbouring Hills,
not only all Nights but till the Army was quite clear of these Passes,
and out of any kind of Danger from the Rebells; While Mr. Grant at the
same time was gathering his Friends and cantoning them in the proper
passes, to prevent if possible the Rebells entering his country, they
having the very next day or second day after Sir John past made a march
with six or seven hundred men, that pointed as if that had been their
Design.
Mr. Grant therefore could not help being greatly surprised with
accounts he had a few days after from Lord Lyon[518] by his letter
without date (App. No. 4),[519] ‘that Sir John Cope complained that
tho’ Mr. Grant in his letter wrote him, that he and his people were
ready to join and assist him, yet by some fatall advice, he woud
neither join him with one man, nor go near him, and that if he had been
joined but with one hundred or two from each of the Highland Chiftains,
that he was told by the ministry would join him, he would have done
their Business; but instead of that not one man has joined him of which
he has acquainted the Ministry.’
Lord Lyon must undoubtedly have misunderstood Sir John. A Coppy of Mr.
Grants Letter to him is subjoined (App. No. 3). He had no call nor the
least Insinuation from Sir John to join him, nor did he know that the
Ministry expected, or had authorised either him or any other Chiftain
of a Clan to raise men in arms to join him.
But it seemed still more surprising that tho’ Sir John had not called
for any assistance from Mr. Grant when he was on his march north,
yet after the Army was at Inverness, and out of all Danger from
the Rebells, Lord Lyon still prest Mr. Grants marching his men to
join Sir John at Inverness, and which advice was enforced by Major
Grant,[520] Governour of Fort George, who came on purpose on that
account to Castle Grant: But as the M‘Phersons and M‘Intoshes were
then Rising and Glenbucket was in Strathaven and Glenlivet committing
the Greatest outrages, even burning Houses to force out the Men, such
a measure must, without doing the smallest service to the Government,
have Involved his own Country of Strathspey in absolute ruin. Yet Mr.
Grant agreed with Major Grant, that if Sir John was to march directly
in quest of the Rebells, he would join him with all the men he could
possibly raise, tho’ he could not agree to leave his own Country
Exposed, to join Sir John if he was to march where there were no
Rebells to be attacked.
Upon the Intelligence that Mr. Grant had of Glenbucket levying men in
Strathaven, and the outrages committed there, particularly a letter
from his sister Mrs. Grant of Ballindalloch, dated September 5 (App.
No. 5),[521] He sent about two or three hundred men to Strathaven and
upon their approach Glenbucket retired from that country whereof Mr.
Grant acquainted Sir John Cope, then on his way to Aberdeen by a letter
about the 10th September (App. No. 6).[522]
Mr. Grant got a Message from Lord President, Sept. 14th, Desiring an
Interview, and as neither of them in the then situation of the Country
could be absent a night from his own House, Mr. Grant met him Monday
17th at a place apointed, when the Lord President acquainted him, that
he the Lord President was impowered by the Government to raise some
Company’s, That therefore he made offer of the first of them to him,
and that he Mr. Grant should have the naming of all the Oficiers of
that Company. Mr. Grant answered, that since he the Lord President
proposed it, he would take the Company but could not name the Officers
till he returned home, least by naming some, he might Disoblige others,
but at the same time, gave his opinion that the raising some Companys
would not do the service, and that it would be necessary to raise the
whole of the Clans, that were Friends to the Government.
Upon Mr. Grants return to his own House, He and all the Gentlemen
in the Country had got Information that the Lord President got the
Disposall of Twenty Companys, he found them greatly Disobliged that
only one of them was to be given to their Clan, which they thought very
far short of the proportion they bore to the other Northern Clans,
that were the avowed and constant Friends of his Majestys Government,
and looked on it as a slight intended to them and that either it was
intended, that no more of them but that company should be employed in
the service, or if they were that it must be att their own expense
while the other Favourite Clanns were to be payed by the Government.
And for these Reasons Mr. Grant found greater Difficulty in naming
the officers than he could foresee before he knew the number of the
Companys to be raised. That if the measure of raising Companys were
still insisted on that Mr. Grant rather than hurt the service would
accept of four or even of three of them; But a smaller number would
not employ the principal Gentlemen of the Clan nor satisfy any of them
where so many companys were to be Disposed of.
Lord Deskfoord[523] was therefore prevailed with to go to Culloden to
explain these things to Lord President and at the same time to assure
him, that the whole Clan should on all occasions be ready to act in
the Governments service, only that it would be necessary to give them
pay during the Time that they should be employed, because Mr. Grant’s
private Fortune could not bear so great an expence.
Lord Deskfoord at his return reported the Lord President’s answer, That
he was trusted with the Disposal of Twenty Companys, yet at the same
time all possible economy was enjoined, That he could not therefore at
first exceed one Company to any one Clan, That he knew the value and
Importance in that country of the Family of Grant, and had for that
reason offered the first to Mr. Grant, and should he refuse it others
might follow his Example, and thereby the whole sceme miscarry. And
whether it was the best measure that might have been proposed yet it
being the only one that the Government had yet proposed for employing
their friends in the north, a miscarriage might be of bade consequence.
That he therefore hoped that where so much was at stake Mr. Grant would
come over small Difficultys, and if in the future Distribution of these
Companys due regard was not had to the Family of Grant That Mr. Grant
would have reason to Complain.
Upon Consideration of this answer Mr. Grant satisfied his Friends,
and with their approbation accepted of the Company offered, whereof
he acquainted Lord President by his letter September 22d (App. No.
7),[524] and therein named the officers. And Lord President by his
answer, Sept 24th, (App. No. 8),[525] Confirmed what Lord Deskfoord had
reported of the Communing Between them, Approved the nomination Mr.
Grant had made of Officers, and desired that the men might be ready at
a call, because he Daily expected arms and money.
September 28th Lord President wrote to Mr. Grant, (App. No. 9),[526]
the Different accounts he had got of the Battle of Preston, and after
Expressing his apprehension of the effects it might have in that
country ‘Suggests That Mr. Grant should have all his people Alert that
they might be able to do such service as the exegence might require,
which would help to cause their Neighbours Consider.’
This was the first letter that Mr. Grant received from any Person
intrusted by the Government that Directly proposed the raising his Men,
other than the Company already mentioned and having received advices
about the same time that the Farquharsons in Aberdeenshire were rising,
and that the M‘Phersons were to march through Strathspey to join them,
he furthwith rised all the men that he could Find any Kind of Arms for,
and got together about seven hundred. The M‘Phersons did accordingly
about two days after march near the Borders between Badenoch and
Strathspey; but upon Mr. Grants marching up to meet them, they retired
to Ruthven, and from thence to Cluny M‘Phersons house. But Mr. Grant
having got Intelligence, that the M‘Intoshes were in Motion, he keeped
his Men together for eight Days ’till he had certain notice that they
had not moved.[527]
Mr. Grant had sent him by his Baillie in Urquhart Twelve miles
benorth Inverness a Letter to the Baillie from Angus M‘Donald son to
Glengarry,[528] Dated September the 30th, ordering the Tenants in that
Country to Join his Standart (as he called it) and threatening in case
of Disobedience to burn the Country, and was afterwards advised by the
Baillie by a letter of October 8th that he had been prevented by the
said Angus M‘Donald from Marching into Strathspey as Mr. Grant had
ordered him with such of the Tenants as were willing to follow him, and
that the Country would be ruined in ten Days. These Letters Mr. Grant
answered October 6th and 10th, exhorting them to continue stadefast to
the Government, ordering the Baillie to bring the Men to Strathspey,
and engaging himself to repair all the Damage the Rebells should do
them if they complyed with his order (App. No. 10, 11, 12, 13).[529]
Mr. Grant received a Letter from Lord Loudoun, October 11th (App.
No. 14th),[530] acquainting him of his arival to command the Troops
with one from Lord President, October 12th, Desiring him to bring the
Company together, and to have them ready to march at a Call, and as
many men as Mr. Grant could arm to have them ready on any Exigency if
they were called out and adds ‘Ways and Means shall be fallen on to
subsist them’ (App. No. 15),[531] and October 16th (App. No. 16),[532]
Mr. Grant assures Lord Loudoun that he would exert himself to do
everything in his power for his Majestys service under his Lordships
Direction and Advice, acquaints him of his having sent a party to
Banffshire to stop levying cess for the Pretender (which effectually
did at that time), and gives him notice that the Company was ready at a
Call.
October 22d and 23d Mr. Grant received from John Grant his Chamberlain
or Steward in Urquhart Two letters, Dated 21st and 22d October (App.
No. 17 and 18),[533] Aquainting him that Glengarry’s son, M‘Donald of
Barrisdale, Glenmoriston and the Master of Lovat, were come to force
out his Tenents in Urquhart, and threatned to carrie away their whole
Cattle, if they did not Join. That upon the Chamberlains assuring them,
that Mr. Grant would make good all their Damages The Tenants absolutely
refused to Join and resolved to oppose the M‘Donalds, should they
attempt to carry off their Cattle, tho they were not able to resist
both them and the Frasers, and aquainting him also of a Dispute between
the Master of Lovat and Barrisdale which of them had the best title to
these Tenents. The Master insisting that he had the best right to them
except such of them as were of the name of M‘Donald whom he willingly
yielded to Barrisdale, and that this Dispute had superseded the
execution of their Threatnings Till it should be decided by Lord Lovat.
That Mr. Grant looked upon this as of the utmost immportance to the
Government, that the King’s Faithfull subjects who were Determined even
at the hazard of their lives and the whole of their little Fortunes to
persevere in their Loyalty, should not suffer to be Dragged against
their wills into the Rebellion and that too within Twelve miles of
Inverness. He was at the same time aware, That Lord Loudoun who
had then got no more than one of the new Companys the Monroes, not
having yet called for the Grants, had not a force sufficient to leave
Inverness, and to march against such Numbers as might be brought to
oppose him, and as Urquhart is Distant about fourty miles from Castle
Grant, There was no time to Deliberate, or to receive Lord Loudon’s
Directions. Mr. Grant therefore forthwith assembled his friends to
the number of betwixt six and seven Hundred tho many of them were
ill armed, and Marched for Inverness in his way to Urquhart having
Recommended to Lord Deskfoord to give notice of his March and the
Design of it by Express to the Earl of Loudoun and Lord President, and
to begg that Lord Loudoun would order Quarters to be provided for the
men at Inverness. But upon Saturday the 26th James Grant of Dell one of
the Tenants in Urquhart met Mr. Grant upon his march with Accounts that
the Rebells had Left Urquhart, and marched Northward to the country of
Assint, and Mr. Grant thought himself Lucky that they had done so; for
about the same Time The answer to Lord Deskfoords Letter signed by both
Lord Loudoun and Lord President Dated October 26th (App. No. 19)[534]
was brought him by Express ‘Wishing that Mr. Grant had Communicated to
them his Design, before he set out with such numbers, which might have
the effect to begin Horseplay before they were sufficiently prepared.’
And upon Receipt of this Letter Mr. Grant Dismissed his men except
about 100 that he constantly Keept partly about his House and partly in
some proper passes or Inlets to his Country.
November 3d Mr. Grant got a Letter from Lord Lewis Gordon in the
Pretender’s name (App. No. 20),[535] Desiring Mr. Grants allowance
at least his connivance to raise men. Mr. Grant would not see the
Messenger and ordered such a verbal answer to be given him as his
Message Deserved, but being at the same Time Informed of Lord Lewis’s
practices in Strathavin and of his Designs on Kincardine,[536] an
Estate upon Speyside belonging to the Duke of Gordon, Mr. Grant
raised about 200 men more and marched them to Abernethy lying betwixt
Strathaven and Kincardine, and thereby not only prevented Lord Lewis
from forcing out any men in Kincardine, but also obliged him to retreat
from Strathavin, and give over for that time his recruiting there.
November 7th Mr. Grant Received a Letter from Lord Loudoun, Dated Nov.
5 (App. No. 21),[537] commending the Company of Grants that had been
sent to him, and if Mr. Grant should need any assistance against Lord
Lewis Gordon, promising all he could give him and at the same time
got a letter from the President of the same Date, (App. No. 22),[538]
and to the same effect. And in this Letter he for the first time made
an offer to Mr. Grant of another Company and desired him to name the
officers.
By this Time the Gentlemen in Strathspey heard it Reported that the
Laird of M‘Leod was to have no less than four companys, and began to
complain that Mr. Grant had accepted of even one Company; Therefore
instead of giving an answer in writing Mr. Grant chose to go to
Inverness about November 10th and found that about 400 M‘Leods were
already come to the neighbourhood of Inverness tho’ it was then said
that 200 were to be employed and the rest to return Home.
Mr. Grant told Lord Loudoun and Lord President, that all his Friends
were in perfect good Humour, and readie to venture their Lives and
Fortunes in the service, and that it was of the outmost consequence to
him to preserve that good spirit among them. That he found great Danger
of Creating Jealousys and Animositys among them by raising the first
Company, tho’ there would have been no Danger nor Difficulty in raising
four or five. But as the Country was now in Great Ferment the Danger
of Disobligeing many Gentlemen of his name would now be much greater
should he accept of another Company, and thereby have the naming of
the officers and no more. However upon their continuing to urge it
Mr. Grant agreed to take it to consideration till he should return to
Strathspey, and converse with the Gentlemen of the Country about it.
After Returning to Strathspey the Gentlemen had got certain accounts
that M‘Leod had got four Companys, besides another to be given to his
cousin M‘Leod of Genzies, and therefore cou’d not be persuaded to agree
to Mr. Grants accepting of only one which they thought a very partial
Distribution, and Mr. Grant by his Letter 29th November, whereof
(_vide_ the Coppy App. No. 23d),[539] aquainting the Lord Loudoun of
their Resolutions; ‘but at the same time asured his Lordship that the
whole body of the clan should be ready upon a few days notice to go
upon any Duty under his Lordships eye or Command, that his Lordship
should think for his Majesty’s service.’
In the same letter Mr. Grant after aquainting Lord Loudoun of the
Great outrages the Rebells were committing in the shires of Banff
and Aberdeen and noticing of what Importance it would be to relieve
these Countys, and especially the Town of Aberdeen, from so grievous
oppression, beggs to have his Lordships commands and promises in five
Days after Receiving his Lordships Orders to march with five or Six
Hundred men to Aberdeen to restore the peace of those parts. Mr. Grant
now felt the disadvantage of having accepted even of one Company; the
want of 100 good men and of 100 broadswords and Pistols that he had at
Lord Loudouns desire furnished them must have been a considerable loss
in such an Expedition, however he thought himself strong enough without
them for any body of the Rebells that he heard was in Aberdeenshire
but as he could not forsee whether they might not be reinforced from
Perth, therefore in that letter he also suggests that in case of any
Reinforcements being sent from Perth to Aberdeen, it might be proper to
send Captain Grants Company to his assistance, and hoped that in his
absence Lord Loudoun would Protect his Country.
Lord Loudoun however did not think proper to give Mr. Grant these
orders (and very likely he Judged better than Mr. Grant) for by his
answer, December 2d (App. No. 24),[540] he aquaints Mr. Grant of an
Expedition he was going upon, which would take him a few days. After
which he proposed to march along the Coast for the Relief of that
country, where, if it should prove necessary, he would expect and begg
Mr. Grant’s assistance.
Earl of Findlater and Mr. Grant had repeated advices from Banffshire,
particularly from the Earl of Findlaters Chamberlain and Mr. Grant of
Auchynanie[541] of the oppressive demands made on the people of that
country of men and Money, and Military Execution threatned, in case of
Refusal and that December 10th was fixed for commencing such military
Execution att Keith. Lord Findlater had thereupon, December 9th, wrote
to Lord Loudoun and in his absence to Lord President begging relief and
Mr. Grant had given assurance to Auchynanie of Assistance how soon
such violences should be begun, and December 11th at night he had a
letter from Auchynanie of that days date, that they were already begun,
and Lord Findater had one from his Chamberlain[542] much to the same
purpose (_vid._ App. No. 25, 26, 27).[543] No Return was come from
Lord Loudoun or the President, and there was ground from their former
Letters to presume, that Lord Loudoun was then upon another Expedition,
and immediate relief seemed to be absolutely necessary. Mr. Grant
thought therefore that he might be justly blamed by the Government as
well as by his Friends in that Country should he stay tamely at home,
waiting for orders from Lord Loudoun, and suffer them in the meantime
to be ruined. Therefore he brought together 5 or 600 men and with them
marched, December 12th, from Castle Grant, whereof he then acquainted
Lord Loudoun by Express (App. No. 28th),[544] ‘That he proposed to be
next night at Keith and endeavour to come up with Lord Lewis Gordons
party, wherever they were, and that he would continue in that country
with a force sufficient to keep the peace until he should receive his
Lordships further Directions.’
The weather was so excessive bad and rainy that Mr. Grant by Mid Day
of Saturday, the 14th, had got no further than Auflunkart within four
miles of Keith, where he got Intelligence that upon notice of his March
the Rebells had left Keith and gone to Fochabers. Mr. Grant therefore
halted there that day to refresh his men and clean their arms, and
there he received a Letter from Lord Findlater of December 13th (App.
No. 29),[545] covering Lord Presidents answer to his Lordship, Dated
December 11th (App. No. 30),[546] which came to Castle Grant only the
13th. In that Letter he Informs Lord Findlater that on the 10th five or
six hundred men had marched from Inverness towards Aberdeen by Elgin
for the Relief of these Countys. That they were quickly to be followed
by Lord Loudoun with as many more if needfull, and by a further force
if it shall be wanted.
At the same time he had some accounts that Lord Loudoun was come to
Murray, and that the Rebells had brought the boats on Spey to the East
or Fochabers side of the River; Wherefore Mr. Grant sent a party of an
hundred men who secured the boat of Bridge[547] which is two miles
further up the River and by Express aquainted Sir Harry Innes[548]
at Elgin of what he had done, and Desired him to ask whether Lord
Loudoun had any Commands for him, and that night he cantoned his men at
Auflunkart Mulbain and adjacent villages.
Next morning Sir Harrie Innes came to him with a Letter from M‘Leod
(App. No. 31),[549] Expressing ‘his joy at the news of the Grants being
there, and aquainting him that he was at Elgin to attempt to pass Spey
to assist in Protecting that country. That he heard the passage was
to be Disputed, and that the Rebells had gathered all the boats at
Bogg[550] to the East side, and that he was perswaded that Mr. Grants
moving that way would Disperse them, and open that passage, which
otherwise might be hazardous.’ (_Vide_ Mr. Grants answer, App. No.
32.)[551]
Upon Receipt of this letter Mr. Grant marched towards Fochabers, but
when he came within Two Miles of it, accounts were brought him, that on
his approach the Rebells retired from it through the Enzie. Mr. Grant
apprehending that they might have gone to Cullen, and taken Possession
of Lord Findlaters House Detached a Party thither who took possession
of it and the Town and prevented a party of the Rebells that had been
sent thither for that purpose, and sent some gentlemen to wait of
M‘Leod who passed the River without any opposition, and Mr. Grant again
that night billetted his men, much in the same place they were the
night before.
The Gentlemen sent to M‘Leod Brought Mr. Grant word, that he was to
remain that night at Fochabers, and to march the next day the 16th
to Cullen, wherefore Mr. Grant marched next day to Keith, and after
Quartering his men and placing advance Guards some miles further
towards Strathboggie, where he heard the main body of the Rebells was,
he went himself to Cullen to assist the Deputy Sheriffs in accomodating
M‘Leod and his men. For which purpose Mr. Grant had got a Commission of
Sheriff Depute from Lord Findlater, and on the 17th returned back to
Keith.
Mr. Grant aquainted M‘Leod of the Letter he had wrote to Lord Loudoun,
and of his purpose to remain at Keith till further orders; but M‘Leod
was very earnest with him to go forward, and was of opinion that he
would receive orders to do so.
Upon Mr. Grants Return to Keith a Messenger brought him a Letter from
Lord Lewis Gordon with a printed Declaration by Lord John Drummond
and a printed Letter signed Marshall (App. No. 33).[552] These papers
joined with what M‘Leod had said Determined Mr. Grant to go at
least to Strathboggie, and therefore returned a verbal answer by the
Messenger who brought the Letter, ‘That if Lord Lewis with his men
would be at Strathbogie, next Day at 12 o’clock Mr. Grant and his men
should there give them the answer, which he was Determined should
be proclaimed over the Cross and affixed upon it.’ He immediately
aquainted M‘Leod by Express of his Design and that night got his
answer (App. No. 34),[553] with a letter from Captain Monro of
Culcairne from Fochabers.
December 18th Mr. Grant marched to Strathboggie and upon his approach
the Rebells fled, and there he made the Proclamation (App. No. 35)[554]
and affixed it upon the most publick places and provided quarters for
the Two Companys that Culcairn was bringing, fully Determined if he
was not countermanded to proceed forward in Aberdeenshire as far as
he could do any service to the Government, or give any assistance to
M‘Leod, when on the 19th he received a letter from Lord Loudoun and
another from Lord Deskfoord, both dated at Inverness December 14th
(App. No. 36, 37),[555][556] which pretty plainly apeared to Mr. Grant
to be a Rebuke tho’ in very modest and polite terms for his undertaking
that Expedition without orders and that Lord Loudoun, as he thought
he had provided sufficiently for that service without Mr. Grant, he
wished him rather to return than to proceed further, tho’ he wou’d give
him no orders because he had given him none to go there. He therefore
Resolved to return to Keith of which he aquainted Culcairne then at
Strathboggie, as he did also M‘Leod by express, _vid._ his Letter with
M‘Leods answer--(App. No. 38, 39).[557][558]
Mr. Grant therefore Immediately returned to Strathspey but that as he
apprehended that when M‘Leod was gone forward some small partys of
the Rebells (whereof he had heard of severalls that could be formed
in one Days time) might give Disturbance to the Country, he ventured
even without orders to leave a party of 60 men at his house in Mulbain
within Two miles of Fochabers, of which however he acquainted Lord
Loudoun after his return to Castle Grant by a Letter, December 24th
(App. No. 40),[559] wherein he renewed his offer of Employing his whole
Clan, wherever Lord Loudoun should think they could be of any service
to the Government, and that small party happened afterwards to be of
good use after the Unlucky Disaster that happened to M‘Leods party at
Inverury by securing the boats upon Spey to make good their Retreat.
December 25th Mr. Grant received a letter from Sir Harrie Innes dated
24th December (App. No. 41),[560] with an Account of the Disaster at
Inverury,[561] and that M‘Leod was come to Elgin and by his orders
Desiring Mr. Grant to have his men ready to oppose Lord Lewis Gordon,
and at least to secure the boats upon Spey, and Sir Harry presses
Mr. Grant to march his men the length of Rothes to the Protection
of Murray, and December 29th he received Two letters one from the
Magistrates of Elgin and another from Sir Harrie Innes, Dated December
28th, aquainting him that M‘Leod had marched to Forres and that by
their Intelligence they Expected Lord Lewis Gordon with 500 men, and
therefore begging Mr. Grant to come to protect them. Mr. Grant so far
comply’d as to secure the Boats; but after the two reproofs he already
got he did not think that he could be Justified if he should march his
men a third time, without orders from Lord Loudoun, who surely could
best judge when it was proper to employ his men. Therefore he wrote to
the Magistrates his opinion, that Lord Lewis would not venture to Cross
Spey while Lord Loudoun was so near him and he Mr. Grant above him, but
that he could not promise to march any body of men but in concert with
and by the Direction of Lord Loudoun (App. 42),[562] and he could not
help being pleased that he had given such an answer when afterwards he
Received another letter from Sir Harry Innes wrote that same night,
December 28th (App. No. 43),[563] and Lord Loudouns Letter, December
30th (App. No. 44),[564] in answer to Mr. Grants to him of the 24,
wherein he writes Mr. Grant, that he could not yet undertake any new
operation; But that how soon he should find it proper to undertake any
thing of moment towards the East, he should aquaint Mr. Grant in order
to Concert together the most effectual way of Doing it.
January 9th, 1746, Mr. Grant wrote to my Lord Loudoun by James Grant
his Chamberlain of Strathspey (App. No. 45),[565] concerning some new
attempts that were made to force his Tenents of Urquhart into the
Rebellion. The reason of sending his Chamberlain was that he might
explain to my Lord the particulars and receive his Lordships orders
which he was directed to obey, and in that Letter after giving him some
further Intelligence Mr. Grant writes as follows:--
‘I think it my Duty to take nottice to your Lordship that the Rebells
are exerting themselves in every corner of the North to encrease their
army. I therefore think it absolutely necessary that all the Friends
of the Government should use their utmost efforts to Disconcert and
Disperse them. I had a meeting yesterday with all the Gentlemen of this
Country and I can assure your Lordship we wait only your Lordships
order and Directions, and there is nothing in our power but we will do
upon this Important occasion for the service of our King and Country. I
wish it were possible to Assist us with some arms; and money to be sure
would be also necessary; But give me leave to assure your Lordship,
that the last Farthing I or any of my Friends have, or that our credit
can procure us, shall be employed in supporting of our men upon any
expedition your Lordship shall Direct us to undertake for this glorious
Cause we are all Ingaged in. I wish to God your Lordship and the Lord
President would think of some measure of conveening the whole body of
the Kings Friends in the North, and I would gladely hope we would form
such a body as would in a Great Measure disconcert, and strike a Damp
upon the army of the Rebells in the South and effectually put a stop
to any further Junctions they may Expect benorth Stirling. And at the
same time surely we might prevent their being Masters of so much of
this North Coast as also hinder many of the Kings Subjects from being
opprest by the exorbitant sums of Money the Rebells are at present
Levying.’
January 17th Mr. Grant received Lord Loudouns Answer, Dated Jany 16
(App. No. 46),[566] approving indeed Mr. Grants sceme, but that he
could not in the present Situation undertake it, till he had got a
return to Letters he had sent for Instructions, and a little more
certainty of the motions of the Rebells, and that how soon Instructions
should arive, he should aquaint Mr. Grant and consult with him.
After this nothing Material happened in the North till the Retreat of
the Rebells from Stirling and upon the first Intelligence of their
coming to Blair[567] Mr. Grant again conveened his men to the number
of above Six Hundred tho’ very ill armed whom he stationed in the
properest manner he could either for Joining Lord Loudon (who he
supposed would probably come to his assistance) to attack the Rebells
at the passes in the entrance into the Country, or if Lord Loudoun
should not come to his Assistance, and that the Rebells should be too
numerous for him to engage alone, so as to retire but keep in a body
and prevent as far as possible their Destroying the Country or forcing
away any of his men.
About February 8th Mr. Grant received a letter from Lord Loudoun,
dated 7th (App. No. 47),[568] with what accounts he had of the Rebells
motions, and of their Designs on that Country, which he did not seem
to think they would soon attempt, and recommends to Mr. Grant first to
employ people to get Intelligence, ‘And in the next place I hope you
will have your people alert that we may Act by Concert and support one
another which I asure you I will to the outmost.’
Mr. Grant obeyed both these Orders with all the Exactness that he
was Capable of. Sunday, 19th February, he sent by his Chamberlain of
Strathspey the Intelligence (App. No. 48),[569] wherein he begged
some arms if any could be spared, and Tuesday, February 11th, sent
two Expresses with Intelligence (_vide_ App. No. 49),[570] that the
Rebells were come the length of Ruthven.
February 12th Mr. Grant received Letters from Lord Loudoun and the
President of the 11th with accounts that the arms were landed, That Mr.
Grants Clan was well armed, yet in the Distribution Lord Loudoun would
reserve as many as he could for him.
They seemed to think Mr. Grant in no Danger of being Disturbed by the
Rebells, and mention their Readiness to receive the Rebells and support
Mr. Grant (App. No. 50, 51).[571]
February 13th, Mr. Grant sent Lord Loudoun further Intelligence of
the Rebells Motions and numbers, beggs to have if possible 400 guns,
for that his people were extremely ill armed, tho’ to Deceive the
Rebells he behoved to give out the contrary. And the 14th he sent more
Intelligence to the Governor of Fort George to be communicated to
Lord Loudoun and still Demanding Arms (App. No. 52),[572] and still
further on the 15th (App. No. 53),[573] when the Rebells were come
into Strath Spey, the length of Avymore, and were that night to be at
Inverlaidnan.[574] Lord Loudouns Letter of February 15th (App. No.
54),[575] which was the last he had from him while att Inverness came
to hand Monday, 16th, telling that if the Rebells should come he hoped
to give them a Warm Reception. That as he was threatened with being
attacked he could not spare a party to carry arms to Mr. Grant, but
that if Mr. Grant would send Down 300 men he would provide them as well
as he could.
After the 15th Mr. Grant durst not send any Letters to Lord Loudoun,
but both the 16th and Munday the 17th (the Day that Inverness was
taken)[576] he sent two Expresses each day with accounts of the Rebells
motions. And even after Lord Loudoun was gone to Ross, Mr. Grant found
means of conveying to him an account of His Royal Highness the Duke
marching Northward from Perth, and by the same Conveyance got a Return
signed by Lord Loudoun and the President, which he transmitted to Sir
Everard Falconer.[577]
Mr. Grant was made to believe that his Royall Highness was Immediately
following in Pursuit of the Highlanders, and therefore kept his men
together in order to join the army till Sunday 23rd February that he
received a letter from Mr. Murray, secretary to the Pretender (which
at present is fallen by hand), Reproaching him for assisting the
Government, and for the further offers of assistance made by his Father
Sir James Grant which the Rebells had Discovered by Letters sent Mr.
Grant by Express by Lord Justice Clerk whom they had Intercepted, and
therefore ordering him Betwixt a Day limited to send to Inverness all
the arms in the Country with hostages who were named in the Letter for
the peaceable Behaviour of the Clan.
Mr. Grant at this time had Intelligence, that the Macphersons, some
of the Athol men and the Menzies were in a body in Badenoch above him
that Glenbucket with about 300 men were in Strathaven and Glenlivet and
that another party was Marching by Murray to enter Strathspey by the
Lower end of it; He was Informed that the Duke was still at Perth. He
was not an equal Match for all these partys alone, and could not hope
for assistance from any Quarter. Therefore he had no Choice but that
of either being Besieged in his own House or making good his retreat
to the army. The House could not hold out long, and therefore the
other was resolved on, and he chose rather to force his way against
Glenbucket, than to venture by Ruthven where the M‘Donalds by Joining
the M‘Phersons had it in their power to intercept them.
Monday 24th Feby. Lord Findlater and Mr. Grant and their Ladys set out
for Strathaven escorted by between 5 and 600 men, and the Better to
encourage them to leave their Houses, he proposed to give them his Bond
to repair all the Dammage that the Rebells should do them; But the men
said that they relied upon his word without any Bond.
Upon Mr. Grants marching his men Glenbucket retired from Strathaven
into the low Country, and at Strathaven an Express sent by Lord Justice
Clark (but who had been taken prisoner by Glenbucket and set at liberty
on his retiring) came to him and brought him the news that the Duke
was come to Aberdeen.[578] Mr. Grant thereupon directed his course
thither, and when he came to Newe, three miles from the house of Forbes
of Skellater one of the Rebells, finding himself out of Danger of any
Great body of Rebells sent home his men to take care of their Cattle
and houses, taking with him only 150 for an escort to Aberdeen, and
ordered that all the men in the Country should be ready on the first
call to come to Join him.
These 150 Mr. Grant marched to Kintore and left them there and March
1st went himself to attend His Royall Highness to Aberdeen; and
remained there till the 9th that he was ordered to Inverury, where
his men then were, and from thence to proceed slowly to Strathspey,
so as to serve as an advanced Guard to the Troops in their march to
Strathbogg, and in that March before he reached Castle Forbes[579]
had the Disagreeable news of a Ridiculous and Scandalous Treaty
of Neutrality (as it was called) that five Gentlemen of his name
had signed to the Rebells which he transmitted to Aberdeen to be
communicated to his Royall Highness. As this was done in his Absence
and was in his opinion the greatest affront that could have been done
him, none living can look upon it with Greater Indignation than he
does, notwithstanding of what all these gentlemen say to alleviate
it, which is, That finding their country threatened to be Burnt,
and no appearance of Immediate Relief, They consulted together on
the properest measure to Divert their Ruin, and it was agreed on as
the most prudent measure to endeavour to gain Time by treating with
the Rebells untill the Army would come up, and for that end to send
three of them as Deputys for the Rest, that when these three came to
Inverness they were forthwith made prisoners and keept there upon their
paroles, and the Rebells insisted that other two gentlemen should
likewise come before concluding any Treaty. That by these means they
got the matter Delayed for some Days, and when at last a written paper
was presented to them to sign promising upon their Honours that neither
they nor their Dependents should bear arms against them, They all
absolutely refused to sign it, until they were Threatened to be thrown
into Dungeons, and Lord George Murray with a party of Two Thousand men
and some Cannon ordered to Strathspey to burn and Destroy the Country
and then they signed it, believing that in the Strictest Honour, they
could not be Bound to perform a promise Extorted from them in such
circumstances. That it was Twelve days after their first confinement
before this parole was signed and some time Before the dukes passing
Spey.[580] Three of the five were allowed to return home, and how
soon Mr. Grant got home to Castle Grant, which was before the Battle
of Culloden, These three joined him and were very active in bringing
together the men.
This is a plain and genuine narrative of Mr. Grants conduct from the
beginning of the late wicked Rebellion until he went to Aberdeen. The
part he acted afterwards is already sufficiently known to His Royall
Highness the Duke, and Mr. Grant wants not any other Justification,
whereas the former part being acted in a corner of the Highlands could
not be so generally Known.
The naked Facts are stated without any observations upon them, which
will naturally enough arise to any Person into whose hands this may
come. And no Facts are stated but such as are either sufficiently
proved by the writings in the Appendix or can be proved beyond
Contradiction and no part of another persons conduct mentioned except
in so far as it was necessarly Connected with his.
And it is hoped it does appear that nothing was ommitted on Mr. Grants
part that he could Devise for supporting the Government or Distressing
the Rebells. He did not indeed know what were Lord Loudouns or Lord
Presidents Instructions or powers, nor was it fit that he should know
them; But by that means perhaps it was that sometimes he undertook
Expeditions and projected scemes that these Gentlemen possibly, yea
probably, for good Reasons Judged not to be expedient or seasonable,
but however that may be an argument of his want of skill, or of his too
great forwardness, but surely it can be none of his want of Zeal to his
Most Gracious Sovereign and our present Happy Constitution.
THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT, MINISTER OF URQUHART; AND OF ALEXANDER
GRANT OF SHEUGLY IN URQUHART, AND JAMES GRANT, HIS SON
INFORMATION for MR. JOHN GRANT, Minister of the Gospel at URQUHART
We hear that Mr. John Grant is charged w^{th} reading and explaining
to his Congregation and Parishioners in Irish the Pretenders Manifesto
from the Pulpit and in other places. This is as false as the Charge
is Malicious. I thank God for it I was never reckoned a Bedlamite or
a madman, and truly if this Charge were well founded I think that all
the Punishment that the Law can conflict [_sic_] is but to little. How
soon ever I had certain information that the Pretenders son was landed
I wrote a letter to Lochaber to Mr. John Stewart for intelligence as
it was reported the Rebel Army was to besiege Fortaugustus[581] and
Inverness. This I did in presence of the Laird of Grants Baillie. I
gave a Copy of the return to my letter to the Baillie that he might let
the Governor of Inverness and the Laird of Grant see it. The Baillie
told me that the Governor own’d that piece of Intelligence to be of
vast consequence to the North and that the Laird of Grant was likewise
informed of it--the letter inform’d that they were to march directly
south.
In Nov^r when the M‘Donalds and Frasers came to the country in order
to raise the men I preach’d publickly ag^{st} it and exhorted my
congregation to live peaceably.
This rais’d the Wrath of most of my Parishioners who were in the
Rebellion ag^{st} me insomuch that I was daily insulted even by the
meanest of the Parish particularly towards the close of Dec^r last I
was after sermon attacted by above 20 men and threatned to be drowned
in a Loch near by for my praying for his Majesty King George. I and
some other gentlemen went to a woman in Distress. Immediately there
came into the House 2 fellows with drawn durks to kill me and were
it not for some Gentlemen then present I wou’d have suffered for the
stroak that was leveld at me cutt an Iron Crook. I was the object of
the M‘Donald’s hatred because of my attachment to the present happy
Establishment, in so much that in Feb^y last when the M‘Donalds to the
number of 400 or 500 men came to the Country my house was attacked by 8
or 9 of them; they first rapp’d at the doors and windows and then they
were to set fire to the house were it not that the Gentlemen with whom
they lodged and whose house was close by mine hindered it for fear of
his own house.
My wife spoke to them next day they swore that they wou’d knock me
down with butts of their Guns because they’d scorn to give me a
better death. My wife was so frighten’d that she sicken’d abhorted
and was verie like to have lost her life being confined for 6 weeks
to her Bed. I was then obliged to give up preaching. After I was for
2 Sabbaths without preaching my Parishioners cry’d out ag^{st} me for
their wanting of sermon, then I ventured to preach and prayed for his
Majesty King George. But the second Sunday I preached I was mobb’d
in the Churchyard and had my Cloaths torn. A fellow who was for some
time my officer and whom I turn’d off for his having gone to the North
after the Rebels proclaimed publickly in the Churchyard that I should
no more pray for King George and that I should have no stipend pay’d
me this year, which last hold but to true for I did not receive 40s.
of the last years stipends as yet. I was then a 2^d time obliged to
give up preaching as I had not the Protection of the Law. The Sunday
immediately before the Battle of Culloden I was attacted by 4 of the
Rebels and very rudely dealt by for my Praying for King George and for
having given up preaching they swore that if I would not preach next
Sunday and pray for the Pretenders son whom they call’d Prince Charles,
They or some of their Corps would attend and shoot me thro’ the head.
But blessed be God their power was soon broken and I then preach’d
and pray’d w^{th}out distraction or fear. Towards the beginning of May
when Mr. Grant of Grant had with his men left the country of Urquhart
and gone to Inverness with the People of Glenmoriston and Urquhart
who had surrendered Mr. John Grant was surpris’d to hear of Alex^r
Grant of Sheugly and his son’s confinement at Inverness. Mr. Grant
of Grant wrote to his Bailie to acquaint me to repair to Inverness
without loss of time as he had particular business with me in relation
to the surrenderers in the Parish of Urquhart. Accordingly I went to
Inverness without delay and waited of Mr. Grant, was by him keept for 6
or 7 days living still in the Town on my own Charges without any other
business but giving the Characters of the Men who had surrendered in
Urquhart. Mr. Grant likewise challeng’d me for asserting Alex^r Grant
of Sheugly and his son as peaceable subjects and told me that he would
put me on my marrow bones for that sometime. After I answer’d Mr.
Grant that I attested nothing but what I was conscious was truth; this
Conference happen’d in Mr. Grant of Grant’s room on the 9^{th} of May.
Sunday thereafter, being the 11^{th} of May, Mr. Grant of Grant sent
a Gentleman of his name to my Quarters desiring that I shou’d repair
to his Room immediately. I was not within in the meantime but how
soon I got notice of it I immediately went to Grants Lodgings where I
was made prisoner. I was surprised at this as I suffered in my Person
and Means for my attachment to the Government. But upon Reflection my
surprise soon evanish’d. I have been minister at Urquhart for near 6
years without legal Gleib, Manse or any of those advantages which the
Law allows. I several times apply’d to Mr. Grant of Grant as Patron
and principal Heritor in the Parish for redress either by giving me a
piece of Land which my Predecessors allways had in farm by the Lairds
of Grant or then by consenting to my having Legal Gleib and Manse as
the Law directs I was put off with fair promises but no performance.
I could not live with any comfort as I was situated, Mr. Grant having
settled a Brother-in-Law of his Bailie’s in the Kitching w^{ch}
my Predecessors had and all the other houses of the Town excepting
one brocken house. This neighbour I got was Bankrupt and his wife
a notorious scold. Last year I wrote to Mr. Grant to grant me my
conveniences for my own money otherwise to excuse me to ask for them
in a legal manner. When Mr. Grant received this letter he rampaged,
burnt my Letter, and swore revenge ag^{st} me; besides there is near
two years stipends due me out of Mr. Grant’s Estate in Urquhart w^{ch}
w^{th} some mony he has of my Fathers per Bond and to w^{ch} I am
expressly provided in the Bond makes a pretty good sum and as Mr. Grant
likes money very well this is a verie easie Method of paying his debt
and being revenged of me at the same time. As the above are all matters
of fact I know no other reason for my suffering and confinement to the
present Royal Family or that I might be of use to the Government in
something which might be very disagreeable both to Mr. Grant and his
Bailie.
(Signed) JOHN GRANTT.
_Castle Street, Sixth July 1746._
MINUTE of the PRESBYTERY of ABERTARFF
_At Fort Augustus, 13th June 1746._
The Presbytry of Abertarph being met and Constitute It was represented
that the Rev^d Mr. John Grant, minister of the Gospel at Urquhart, and
member of this Judicatory, had been sometime ago laid under arrest on
suspicion of being disaffected to the present happy establishment, and
the Presbytery being deeply affected to think that any of their number
should give the least umbrage to any mortal on that important subject
took Mr. Grant’s past conduct with regard to Government under their
most serious deliberation, and upon the whole find Cause to certify
that (abstracting from the present Charge brought against him, to which
they are entire Strangers, having no immediate Access to enquire into
it by reason of the great disturbances here) he still behav’d himself
among them as became a minister of the Gospel, discovering upon every
occasion his Inviolable Attachment and Loyalty to his Majesty’s person
and Government. Given in name presence and at appointment of Presbytry,
date and place forsaid by
THOM. FRAZER, Mod^r.
MINUTE of the PRESBYTERY of ABERNETHY
_At Abernethy the 5th Day of July 1746._
The Presbytery of Abernethy, taking to their Consideration That the
Reverend Mr. John Grant minister of the Gospel at Urquhart had been
taken up and shipped off for London upon a Suspicion of treasonable
practices during this wicked and unnaturall rebellion, Could not but
in Justice to Mr. Grant’s Character Certifie of him as follows. First,
That he was born in the Bounds of this Presbytery of Honest parents
who professed the Protestant Religion according to the Principles
of the Established Church of Scotland and he had his Education in
this way. 2^{dly} That as Mr. Grant very early in his younger years
thought of applying himself to the Work of the Ministry he attended
the Colleges of Philosophy and Divinity and brought from the several
Professors sufficient Testimonials of his diligence and progress in his
studies as well as of his morall Character so that this Presbytery had
Encouragement to enter him upon Trials and upon finding him qualified
Did Licence him to preach of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. 3^{dly} That,
after he was licenced he continued in the Bounds of this Presbytery for
the space of some years and both in his publick Discourses and private
Conversation discovered the firmest attachment to His Majesty King
George his Person and Government. And had the same Principles and views
with respect to Government that all the Members of this Judicatory
have particularly That the Security of our Religion and Liberty is
inseperably connected with the stability of our Most Gracious Sovereign
King George his Throne and the Succession of his Royall Line. And since
Mr. Grant removed from our Bounds and was ordained Minister at Urquhart
in the neighbouring Presbytery of Abertarph, which will be about
six years agoe he has continued in the strictest friendship and most
intimate Correspondence with the most of our Members and still they
found that neither his Principles nor practices were anyways Derogatory
from what he had early imbibed, publickly owned, and all along
practised while among them. And from the Report of some of our Members
who have been in the Parish of Urquhart since Mr. Grant was carryed of
It is notour and well known there that several Attacks were made on Mr.
Grants Life during the Rebellion for his Attachment to the Government
and his continuing in his duty to pray for His Majesty King George and
the Royall Family.
At one time a Man who had the Rank of an Officer in the Rebellious
Mob threatned on a Sabbath Day immediately after Divine Worship to
seize him, carry him to a Loch in the neighbourhood, and Drown him
there, and gott about thirty or fourty of the same Gang to Join in
the Undertaking. At anoy^r time two Ruffians broke into a Company
where Mr. Grant was, attacked him with drawn Durks untill hindered by
those who were present. Again on a Sabbath day immediatly as he came
out from Sermon some of the Rebells Wives and others fell upon him,
tore his Cloaths and abused him so that with great Difficulty he was
rescued from them and gott into his own house. Another party of the
same wicked Crew threatned publickly to burn his House and Family,
when they got their opportunity. Therefore from our Knowledge of Mr.
Grant’s Principles, our through Acquaintance of him, together with the
Notouriety of thes facts with respect to his Usage by the Rebells,
we cannot but hope that he is entirely innocent of any charge of
Dissloyalty can be brought agst. him, and we are apt to presume that
some invidious person or persons have given in an Information against
him which tho’ false in fact may either kill him by Confinement as he
is of a tender Constitution or ruin his circumstances by the Expense of
such a Process, by either of q^{ch} they will sufficientlie gratifie
y^r malicious views. And we are fully satisfied that if there is the
least of misconduct chargeable on Mr. Grant it must have been entirely
owing to Inadvertency and oversight and not the effect of Principle or
Design. Given Day and Date above in name in presence and by appointment
of the Presbytery of Abernethy, and signed by
PAT GRANT, Mod^r.
The EXAMINATION of JOHN GRANT, minister of URQUHART near Inverness
Westminster to Wit.
Being asked where he was at the time that the Rebellion first of
all broke out, he saith, that he was at his own Parish at Urquhart
aforesaid, where he continued from the Beginning to the end of the said
Rebellion without stirring from thence to the distance of 10 miles.
Being asked whether or no the Laird of Grant ever made him, the Exam^t,
privy to any Intention which he the Lord of Grant had of raising his
men for the Service of the Government, or ever sent for him to any
consultation about what measures were proper to be taken by the Grants
upon occasion of the Rebellion, he saith, that he was not either privy
to the Intentions of the said Laird of Grant, or was he ever sent for
to any place by the said Laird of Grant to give his advice or opinion
what was proper to be done about raising the Grants: He Saith, he
remembers that upon the breaking out of the Rebellion the Laird of
Grants Baillie who was at Urqhart where the Exam^t also was told the
Exam^t privately that the Laird of Grant was not determined, and would
not determine what to do, till he saw how matters were likely to turn
out or that effect and whoever should first attack his, the Laird of
Grants country whether but in general it was [_sic_]
[_sic_] Rebels or the Kings Forces He the Laird of Grant w^d raise
his men against them.
was told to the People of Urqhart that it was the said Laird’s desire
that the People should live peaceably. This was upon the first
appearance of the Rebellion when the Gentlemen in the Grant’s country
sent to the Laird of Grant to desire his assistance and advice, as they
were threatned with Fire and Sword by Lochiel, unless they would rise
and join the Pretender’s Son, and he saith that the Baillie aforesaid
told the Exam^t sometime afterwards privately the Laird would not be
averse to some part of his Clan’s joining the Pretenders son Privately
in order to save the Country. Being asked whether he was one of those
who opposed the Laird of Grant’s accepting the Company which was
first offer’d by the Lord President to the said Laird for raising the
Grants for the Government, he saith he was not, nor was he privy to or
advised with concerning the said company. He saith, that sometime in
November last a Party of the MacDonalds and Fraziers came to Urqhart
under the command of M‘Donald of Barrisdale and the Master of Lovat,
the whole amounting to about 4 or 500 men: that M‘Donald and the Master
of Lovat lodged at the Exam^{ts} house two or three Days at that time,
and the reason of which was, that the Exam^{ts} wife was related to
the Master of Lovat’s Family: that the Master of Lovat and another
person of the name of Frazer applied to the Exam^t to be Chaplain to
them, and promised to give him six and eight pence a day, if he would
consent thereto, to which the Exam^t answer’d, that if they would go to
Inverness to serve his Majesty King George, he would be their chaplain
with all his heart for one third of the money that he reproached them
for having taken up arms for a Popish Pretender, and shew’d them the
consequences of such Behaviour. That the Master of Lovat said, he was
acted upon, and as he was engaged so far, must go on still further:
That, whether they applied to him to be chaplain in Joke or Earnest, he
cannot say, tho’ he is well satisfied that they both knew the Exam^t
to be in a very different way of thinking from them: that, neither of
them used the Exam^t ill, or insulted him upon account of his being
steady to the Government: but that some of their men quarrelled with
the Exam^t on account of his having preached against the Rebellion, and
dissuaded them from it in the strongest terms he could use, and on
account of his having prayed publickly in the Church for His Majesty,
and told the Exam^t that it became him not to preach and pray in that
manner. He saith, that during the time the said Party was at Urquhart,
he made it his Business to declaim against the Rebellion, and whenever
he heard of any People who had an Intention to join the Rebels, he
went to them and used the most prevailing arguments he could to turn
them from their Design: that MacDonald and the Master of Lovat having
soon found that the Exam^t was determined not to engage with them,
did not open themselves to him about their Intentions at all: that he
several times was in Danger of his Life from MacDonalds upon account of
the aversion he constantly express’d upon all occasions in public and
private against their undertakings.
He saith, that after the said Party of the Macdonalds and Fraziers had
quitted Urquhart, other Partys of the Rebels were continually passing
and repassing thro’ the said County: that the Exam^t persevered in his
Endeavours to dissuade them from their engagements, and was very often
in Danger of his Life upon that account; that about the latter end of
the Month of February last the General Rendezvous of the Rebel army was
about a mile from his house, that there was a general cry thro’ all the
said Army that the Exam^t was not to be tolerated in the daring manner
in which he acted for the Government: that he received several notices
that his House should be plunder’d and burnt unless he desisted:
that his Life was also several times threatned; that the Highlanders
publickly declared that he deserved no other kind of Death than to be
beaten in Pieces with the Butt Ends of their Guns: and upon the 21^{st}
and 22^d of February he expected nothing but Death from them.
Being asked, whether he received or conveyed any Letters to or from
any Persons concerned in the Rebellion to or from any People concerned
in the same, he saith, he never was directly or indirectly concerned
in any thing of that sort, nor was he ever directly or indirectly the
Instrument of receiving or conveying any verbal messages to or from
any of the Persons concerned in the said Rebellion to or from their
accomplices.
Being asked, whether he ever willingly gave any Harbour or Protection
or assistance of any kind whatever to the Rebels; he saith, he never
did, on the contrary he saith, that he took all the methods he could
to prevent their receiving any Party where had or could exert his
Influence.
Being asked whether he was Privy to the Neutrality which was signed by
some of the Grants for the Rest whilst the Duke was at Aberdeen, he
saith, that he was not Privy to it in any shape nor any ways assisting
or advising in it.
Being asked whether if the Laird of Grant had exerted himself to the
utmost for the Government he might not have been of great service to
it, He saith, that his opinion is that if the Laird of Grant had been
so disposed he might have been of great service.
He saith, that he was informed by the Factor of the Earl of Stair, that
Glenmorrison told him, the said Factor, that he Glenmorrison went out
to assist the Pretender’s son with a Party of the Grants by the Laird
of Grant’s advice.
He saith, that with relation to the 84 Grants, who surrendered at
Inverness, they were indeed engaged to surrender before the Exam^t saw
them, but he strengthened and confirmed them in their Resolution.
He saith, that he never assisted the Rebels in any shape whatever;
never was privy to any of their Schemes or Plots: never served them
in any manner; but on the contrary opposed them, preached against the
Rebellion constantly, and constantly prayed for King George, to the
daily hazard of his life for several months: that he was so well known
and remarked for opposing them to the utmost, that he was the object
of their Hatred, and that it is next to a miracle that he was not
sacrificed to their Resentment.
JOHN GRANTT.
_Whitehall, 14 Aug. 1746._
Taken before me, THOS. WAITE.
INFORMATION for ALEXANDER GRANT of SHEUGLY and JAMES GRANT his son
As to the Case of Mr. Grant of Shewgly, It’s informed That he is
impeached with a Correspondence w^{th} the Pretenders Son. This is
absolutely false in itself, as he never corresponded with him in word
or write in his life, but upon the Pretenders son arrival in Arisake
how soon he set up his Fathers Standart that he wrote circular letters
to all the countrys in the Highlands desiring to assist and join him
with all the men they could agains a preceese day, among which there
was a letter sent to the Country of Urquhart directed for the s^d
Alex^r Grant and the rest of the Gentlemen of Urquhart with one other
to the Laird of Grant himself. The very next morning after receiving
the letter they chapterly conveened in order to consider of the proper
use to be made therof, and what was thought upon was: immediately to
send that Letter with the other letter to Mr. Grant younger of Grant
by the Baillie of Urquhart to make the legal use thereof as he thought
proper; All this accordingly was done with that very breath and the
Baillie went accordingly. This letter was keeped by Mr. Grant till such
time as the said Alex Grant was made prisoner at Inverness and then
gave it to the Duke of Cumberlands Secretary.
As also its informed that the said Alex Grant was assisting in sending
men from the Country of Urquhart to join the Rebels. This is also false
and injurious as it can be made plainly appear, that the s^d Alex^r
Grant at three several times did turn back some of the Gentlemen of the
Country w^{th} a considerable body of men who marched bag and baggage
under full arms six miles from their habitation, and that by the s^d
Alex Grants persuasion, tho the Country was very oft harased and
threatened w^{th} destruction, prevailed withal to stay at home till
some time in February last that a Regiment of the Macdonalds came to
the Country to force the men, or otherways under-go utter destruction
by burning the country and destroying their heal effects, which to
prevent the most of the Gentlemen with three or four score men went
alongs, and with all the persuasion in the said Alex Grants power could
not get them prevailed upon to stay.
And further to testifie the s^d Alex^r Grant his sincere endeavours
to assist the Government. Mr. Grant younger of Grant w^{th} five or
six hundred of his men having come to the Country of Urquhart some
time after the Battle of Culloden, in order to get the Grants of
Glenmoriston and Urquhart to surrender, Mr. Grant did put upon him the
said Alex. Grant in the strongest manner to concur and assist to get
his purpose effectual, which the s^d Alex Grant accordingly went about
and with a great deal of labour and fatigue both night and day got them
at last convinced, and with great difficulty prevailed with them to
surrender, providing they could be made sure of their lives, which Mr.
Grant not only engaged by Vow and Oath but by a very binding Letter
under his hands to Grant of Daldeagan, which letter is still extant to
produce in the Duke of Cumberland’s hands. This seems no less than a
paradox in itself considering that Mr. Grant gave out to the Duke of
Cumberland that he and his men apprehended them in Rocks and Woods. The
next day after their meeting the said Alex Grant with 84 men of the
Grants of Glenmoriston and Urquhart came near Mr. Grants lodging there
and surrendered prisoners upon terms and gave up their arms before
Sir Alexander Macdonald and several other Gentlemen, and the next day
thereafter Mr. Grant with his men marched directly to Inverness with
the surrender. But the said Alex Grant, being in a bad state of health
after the fatigue and strugle he had in this interpose, came to take
leave of his young Chief and return home, but Mr. Grant told him that
he would not part with him till he had got the Duke of Cumberland to
thank him for his services, and that it was otherways necessary his
going to Inverness, to give a character of the Men for their more
speedy Relief, which accordingly he comply’d w^{th}, and less than
an hour after their arrival at Inverness Mr. Grant sent for him to
his own Lodging upon pretence of material business relating to this
affair, and within two minutes after coming to him the said Mr. Lewis
Grant told him that he was sorry to understand that he the said Alex
Grant was to be made prisoner, which immediately was done and carried
to the Comon Guard, Mr. Grant giving him the strongest assurance that
he would be released the next morning. Its to be observed that if the
said surrenders had been dismissed at Inverness according to Mr. Grants
promise the whole Rebells then in arms in the Highlands of Scotland had
surrendered in less than ten days, the Grants being the very first that
did surrender.
As to James Grant his case what is laid to his Charge is still a
mistery so that no particular answer can be made to it, but it can be
always made appear that since the beginning of the Rebellion he stayed
peaceably at home and after several attempts made upon him defied the
Rebells request to move him any manner of way, and still continued so
till Mr. Grant younger of Grant after the Battle of Culloden brought
his Militia to Inverness, and having sent for a number of men to
Urquhart to join him, the s^d James Grant with sixty men directly
march’d to Inverness, joined Mr. Grant and the rest of his men there,
with whom he continued a Captain till such time as Mr. Grant returned
from Urquhart to Inverness w^{th} the surrenderers. The said James
Grant was very assistful with his father to get the said number of men
to surrender, w^{ch} Mr. Grant had never done but by their persuasion,
immediately as they arrived at Inverness Mr. Grant employed the s^d
James Grant to make out a list of the number of men under his command
in order to provide them Quarters, this being done was sent for, to
come to his Lodgings, where he remained till his father came up, and
with the same breath Mr. Grant told him he was to be made prisoner but
not to be afraid, that tomorrow he would see him relieved, and so forth
was carried with his father prisoner to the Comon Guard but never heard
a word from Mr. Grant till this moment.
The said Alex Grant is informed that the said Mr. Lewis Grant has given
as an article of accusasion ag^{st} him that some of his children
had been sent by him the said Alex Grant to join and carry arms for
the Pretender. The said Alex Grant owns so much of this Charge, that
contrary to his inclination and frequent instruction his said Children
(who were not staying with him) some of them did join the Rebell armie
and the said Alex Grant offers to make it appear by Gentlemen of
undoubted credit and firm attachment to the Government that he used
all the interest he was master of both as a parent and a friend to the
present Government to keep his children at home, and that from the time
his children who so engaged had taken such resolution none of them
durst ever appear in his presence. It is submitted whether or not the
said Alex Grant could have done more to keep his children at home.
(Signed) ALEXANDER GRANTT.
JAMES GRANTT.
_Castle Street, Sixth July 1746._
The EXAMINATION of JAMES GRANT of SHEUGLY, Esq.[582]
Westminster to Wit.
_14th Aug. 1746._
Being asked where he was when the Rebellion in Scotland first broke
out, he saith, that he was in his own County in the parish of Urquhart,
where he continued from the beginning to the end of the Rebellion
without going to any Place of any Distance from the said Parish of
Urquhart. Being asked whether he was one of the Gentlemen consulted by
the Laird of Grant upon the occasion of the Lord President’s offering
a company to the said Laird for raising men for the Government which
Gentlemen refused to accept of the said one Company, he saith he was
not, nor was he ever advised with or consulted thereupon: Nor did the
Laird of Grant ever send to the Examinant or to his Father, who is
lately dead, to come to him in order to advise and consult with them
upon the measures to be taken upon that occasion: he saith, that the
Laird of Grant’s Bailly upon the Rebellion first breaking out told the
Grants publickly, that it was the Lairds desire that they should remain
peaceable and quiet, but the said Bailie told this Exam^t and his
father and two other Gentlemen of the name of Grant privately that it
was the said Lairds desire that a Company of the Grants should join the
Pretender’s son privately in order to protect the Country. He saith,
that he was never sent for during the Rebellion by the said Laird of
Grant upon any occasion to be advised with, or consulted with about it:
that in the Progress of the Rebellion, several different parties of the
Rebels came into that part of the Country, where the Exam^t was, and
pressed him to take on with them, but that he constantly refused them,
and would not have anything to do with them.
He saith, that he never was directly nor indirectly concerned in
receiving or conveying of any letters or verbal messages to or from any
Persons in the Rebellion to any persons whatever, nor did he willingly
harbour, protect, or supply in any shape any of the aforesaid Persons,
nor was he ever made privy to any designs or Intentions of the said
Rebels.
He saith, that different Partys of the Rebels who passed thro’ the
Country having threatened to use violence to some of the Grants unless
they would join them, a Party of them with a Gentleman at their Head,
went to Castle Grant to take the Directions of the Laird, and offer’d
to go and join Lord Loudoun or any one else, if he would give them
orders in writing for so doing: that the Laird of Grant told them, they
might go and join the Devil if they would, and imprisoned the Gentleman
who came along with them for two or three days for his officiousness.
He saith, that he made it his Business whenever he had an opportunity,
to dissuade those whom he could come at from engaging in the Rebellion,
and exerted his utmost endeavours to convince them of the rashness of
their undertaking.
Being asked whether he was privy to the Neutrality signed by some
Gentlemen amongst the Grants, whilst the Rebels were at Aberdeen, He
saith, he was not privy to it in any shape, nor doth he know who were
the conductors of that Neutrality.
After the Battle of Culloden some of the Grants remaining in arms for
the Pretender’s Son the Exam^t and his Father were sent to by the
Laird of Grant (who had never sent to the Exam^t or his Father during
the Rebellion before) to go to the said People and persuade them to
surrender: He saith, that he and his Father accordingly went to the
said men, and with the assistance of the Rev^d Mr. John Grant prevailed
with them to surrender, and marched with them for that purpose to
Inverness, where to his great surprise the Exam^t, His Father, and the
said Rev^d Mr. Grant were made Prisoners with the aforesaid Rebels, and
sent up hither for he does not know what.
He saith, that he verily believes that the ill-usage his Father met
with, served in a great degree to shorten his father’s life. He saith,
that all his and his Father’s Cattle were taken from them for some time
for not joining the Rebels: that he never held any correspondences with
the Rebels in any shape, nor ever was instrumental in serving them at
all, and that if he behaved civilly to them whilst they remained in the
Country where the Exam^t was it was out of Fear and not the effect of
Inclination.
Being asked whether it be his opinion that if the Laird of Grant had
wrote to the People in the Country to rise for the Government the said
People would have taken up arms for the Government, he saith, that he
verily believes if the laird of Grant had done so, the Country would
have joined the Kings Troops, and done all the service in their Power,
but this was neglected by the said Laird of Grant till the Battle
of Culloden was over, when the Exam^t joined the said Laird at his
request with 50 or 60 men, being all who were capable of bearing arms
in the Country, and that being the first and only Request which the
Laird of Grant ever made to the Exam^t upon occasion of the Rebellion.
(Signed) JAMES GRANTT.
_Whitehall, August 14, 1746._
Taken before me, THOS. WAITE.
To HIS GRACE the DUKE OF NEWCASTLE, one of his Majesty’s
Principal Secretarys of State, the PETITION of ALEXANDER GRANT
of SHEWGLY, Esq., JAMES GRANT his son, and the Rev. Mr. JOHN
GRANT, minister of the Gospel at URQUHART, prisoners in Tilbury
fort.[583]
Humbly sheweth, that Lewis Grant of Grant, Esq^r, son of Sir James
Grant, Bar^t, having with his men, some days after the Battle of
Culloden, joyned his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland did by his
Royal Highness’s Permission march with them to the Country of Urquhart
near Inverness, to seize and bring in such Rebels as should be found
in arms against the Government, That finding none he apply’d to your
Petitioners who were then (as they had been ever since this unhappy
rebellion) quiet and peaceable at their respective Homes entreating
them as persons of Rank and Figure in that Country to use their best
endeavours with such Rebels as might be still in Arms, to lay them down
and surrender to the said Mr. Grant, with assurances that he would
intercede with his Royal Highness in their behalf, and that after such
surrender they should be permitted to return to their respective Places
of Abode.
That your Petitioners were so successful as to prevail upon 84 Rebels
of the name of Grant to surrender themselves and their arms to the said
Mr. Grant, which he then thankfully and gratefully acknowledged as an
event that would entitle him to some merit in his Royal Highnesses
eye, and desired your Petitioners to accompany him and the said Rebel
prisoners to Inverness, which they did.
That your Petitioners to their own, as well as the Neighbourhoods great
surprise, were upon their Arrival at Inverness represented as Rebels
and corresponding with those in open arms and as prisoners taken by
him, and upon such false Information confined by his Royal Highness and
have since been sent up prisoners without the least ground or charge
but the false Information given by the said Mr. Grant.
That your Petitioners tho’ conscious of their own Innocence, and free
from any guilt, have upon the said false Information been sent from
Inverness to England and have in the course of the voyage been in no
shape distinguished from those in open Rebellion, that from the great
Hardships they have suffer’d, one of your Petitioners Alexander Grant
near 70 years old, and a creditor by Mortgage for large sums of money
upon the said Mr. Lewis Grant’s Estate, has been seized with and still
lies ill of a Malignant Fever, and being, by Reason of his close
confinement deprived of any assistance, is in danger of losing his Life
whereby the said Mr. Lewis Grant’s sordid ends would be answered should
this Petitioner die while under so heavy a charge as that of Treason.
Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray your Grace to take this
their very hard case into consideration and admit them to liberty
upon reasonable Bail to answer such charges as shall be brought
against them, or, at least, to change their present Confinement into
a more comfortable one with Liberty to an Agent to repair to them
at seasonable Times, the better to enable them to manifest their
Innocence, and the Falsehood and Malice of the Charge against them,
when called to an open trial.
And your Petitioners shall ever Pray
LETTER from SIR DUDLEY RYDER,[584] Attorney-General and the Hon.
WILLIAM MURRAY,[585] Solicitor-General to the Secretary of State.
To His Grace the Duke of Newcastle
MAY IT PLEASE YOUR GRACE,--In obedience to his Majesty’s Commands
signified to us by your Grace in your Letter of the 18^{th} instant
with which your Grace sent us the inclosed Examinations of James Grant
and John Grant brought up Prisoners on suspition of having joined with
or been assisting to the Rebells in Scotland and who are now in custody
of a Messenger, together with several Petitions, Certificates and other
Papers herewith also inclosed; and directing us to take the said papers
into Consideration, and Report our Opinion what proceedings may be
proper thereupon.
We have considered the same, and as some of the Papers mention the name
of Ludovick Grant, Esq^r, the Laird of Grant, as the person by whose
means they were seized and Imprisoned, he being in Town, we thought
it proper to give him notice of our Meeting to take the Papers into
consideration. He was pleased to attend us and laid several matters of
a Treasonable nature to their Charge. But as all those matters came to
the knowledge of Mr. Ludovick Grant by Information from others only;
and none of them fell within his own personal knowledge, and as it is
a considerable time since the Prisoners have applied to be discharged;
and no Information has yet been given against either of them upon oath;
and neither Mr. Sharpe,[586] of whom we have inquired, nor Mr. Ludovick
Grant know of any witnesses now here who can charge them upon oath; and
the Prisoners are not yet committed either for Treason or suspition
of Treason, and most of the things objected to them are only triable
in Scotland. We beg leave humbly to submit it as our Opinion, that it
may be advisable to admit them to Bail for their Appearance, before
the Court of Justiciary in Edinburgh, at the first sitting of the said
Court, after the first of December next, there to answer such things
as may be then laid to their charge; when there Will be an opportunity
of Committing and trying them in case evidence shall appear sufficient
for that purpose. We proposed to Mr. Ludovick Grant, the only person
who has appeared before us as their Accuser that they should be Bailed
for their appearance at Edinburgh, and he has told us that he has no
objection to it but thought it might be proper.
All which is most humbly submitted to your Grace’s Consideration.
(Signed) D. RYDER.
W. MURRAY.
_29th August 1746._
A NARRATIVE OF SUNDRY SERVICES PERFORMED, TOGETHER WITH AN ACCOUNT OF
MONEY DISPOSED IN THE SERVICE OF GOVERNMENT DURING THE LATE REBELLION
BY WALTER GROSSETT
To the Right Honourable LORD COMMISSIONERS of His MAJESTY’S
TREASURY, THE MEMORIAL of WALTER GROSSETT, ESQR.
HUMBLY SHEWETH--
That as your Lordships have been pleased to appoint the Report of S^r
Everard Fawkener and Mr. Sharpe,[587] relating to the account of your
Memorialist Services to the Government during the late Rebellion, to be
read to-morrow, he humbly begs leave to refer thereto and to observe:--
That the Account above mentioned is Certify’d by the Lord Justice Clerk
and all the Generals who Commanded in Scotland; and as several of the
Services therein set forth were performed, by verbal as well as by
written Orders he had the honour to receive from His Royal Highness the
Duke while in Scotland, it was by his Royal Highness’s Directions that
the said Account was above three years ago laid before your Lordships
by S^r Everard Fawkener, and that the Report relating thereto is now
signed by him.
That your Memorialist has not in that or any other Account charged
anything for his Trouble or Loss of Time for upwards of four years,
he has been employed in the Service of the Government as aforesaid
and finding out and collecting the Evidences for the Crown against
the Rebells assisting in carrying on the Prosecutions against them at
London, York, and Carlisle, attending the Tryal of Provost Stuart at
Edinburgh, finding Bills in Scotland against those who were excepted
out of the Act of Indemnity and other Services.
That before the Rebellion your Memorialist as an officer of the
Revenue rendered greater service thereto than ever was done by any
officer thereof in Scotland.
That your Memorialists share of the Profits arising from the
Condemnation of prohibited and uncustomed Goods seized by him the three
years immediately preceding the Rebellion amounted to above £4000 and
the Crowns to above double that sum; that the remarkable Part reacted
for the Service of the Government, from the first Breaking out of the
Rebellion, made the Rebells lay hold upon everything that belonged to
him and amongst other Things upon the greatest part of the Goods so
condemned as aforesaid, and by which he was (exclusive of his other
losses by the Rebellion) a most considerable sufferer.
That more Goods have been run in Scotland since the Rebellion than ever
was done before in that Country in the same space of time.
That your Memorialist had several Informations relating thereto, but
could not Profit thereby, by reason of the manner in which he has these
four years past been employed, in the more Important Services to the
Government before mentioned.
That few would have undertaken these services by reason of the apparent
Hazard and other fatal Consequences, with which they were likely to be
attended, and which he has in many Instances felt.
That your Memorialists wife who died of the Cruel usage she met with
from the Rebells, certfy’d as above, has left him four Children to
provide for.
That your Memorialists younger brother Captain Grosset who was
barbarously murdered by the Rebells,[588] and whose remarkable services
during the Rebellion are well known to all the Generals who commanded
in Scotland, as well as to his Royal Highness the Duke, has left a
widow and five children to whose support your Memorialist is obliged to
contribute.
That the Insults and insufferable ill usage which they as well as his
own Children daily met with in Scotland, has obliged him to bring them
all to England, and who are thereby in effect banished their Country
for their Father’s faithful Services to the Government.
That the Expenses your Memorialist has been and is thereby put to, and
by false and scandalous Libells and groundless and vexatious Lawsuits,
on account of the Services before mentioned, not only far exceeds the
one half of the Profits of the Commission in which he is joined with
Sir John Shaw[589] (and which is the only mark of favour he has met
with for his services, losses, and sufferings as aforesaid) but of his
estate which is considerably lessened thereby and his other Losses by
the Rebellion.
Upon the whole if your Memorialist is turned out of the Employment
above mentioned, before he is other wise suitably provided for, it
will in place of rewarding the important services certified as above,
be punishing him in the severest manner Especially as by the wording
of the Warrant by which he is to be turned out of that Commission (if
that Warrant is allowed to take place) your Memorialist must unjustly
be recorded as one unworthy to be continued in that Employment, which
is doing all that can be done to ruin him and his Family, and must
be attended with worse consequences to them, than if the Rebells had
succeeded in the many attempts they made to deprive him of his Life, as
they did in taking away his Brothers; or if he had suffered along with
the Rebell Peers and others, who could not have been condemned if it
had not been for the Evidences he procured against them; Many of whose
families and even those who were most active in the Rebellion, enjoy
at this Time more of their Estates and Fortunes than he does of his,
in proportion to the respective amounts thereof, before the Rebellion,
and are themselves caressed and esteemed, whilst your Memorialist and
his Family, and that of his unfortunate Brother, are daily harassed,
affronted and cruelly persecuted by the Influence of that Party without
being Protected, supported, or properly Countenanced by that Government
to whom we rendered so many real services, and on which account we are
so great sufferers.
All which is humbly submitted, etc., etc.
[Endorsed.--Mr. Grossetts Memorial relating to the Report of S^r
Everard Fawkener and Mr. Sharpe upon the account of his Services
to the Government.]
NOTE.--In the Record Office there are two documents, one
entitled, ‘A NARRATIVE of Sundry Services performed by Walter
Grossett, Esqr., during the course of the Rebellion, etc.’ which
is countersigned as true by the Earl of Home and Generals Hawley,
Handasyde, Guest, and Cope. The other is entitled ‘An ACCOUNT
of Money,’ etc., and is certified by Andrew Fletcher, Lord
Justice-Clerk. The Narrative’ is repeated in the ‘Account’ with
only slight variations, so that there is no necessity to print
both documents, and the ‘Account’ only is given here. Passages
which appear in the ‘Narrative’ but have been omitted in the
‘Account’ are replaced here within square brackets.
An ACCOUNT of Money disposed by WALTER GROSETT, Esqr., in the Service
of the GOVERNMENT during the late REBELLION, upon Particular Occasions
and by Directions hereafter mentioned.
The Rebells upon their arrival at Perth, having
formed a Scheme of surprizing the Town of
Edingburgh by crossing the River Forth in Boats
and Vessells as they had done in the year 1715:
Mr. Grosett as a Justice of the Peace, did by
direction of the Lord Advocate[590] of the 3rd
and 9th September 1745 with the assistance of
the Constables and Tide Surveyors, Kings Boats
and Crews stationed at Dunbar, Kirkaldy, Leith,
Queens Ferry, Borrostouness and Alloa, who by
order of the Board of Customs were put under Mr.
Grosett’s Directions, Remove all Ships, Boats
and vessells from the North side of the Forth to
the Harbours of Dunbar, Leith, Queen’s Ferry,
and Borrostouness, on the south side of the said
River [in so effectual a manner that the Rebells
after various attempts, finding themselves
disappointed in their Designs were obliged to
march their army from Perth round the Heads
of the Forth and cross that River at a Ford
some Miles above Stirling which gave time to
the Kings Troops under Sir John Cope to return
from Inverness to the Relief of Edinburgh, had
not that Town been shamefully given up to the
Rebells.]
[Sidenote: No. 1]
Expended on this Service to the Crews of £ s. d.
the King’s Boats and others who were employed
Night and Day therein for ten Days
and for Intelligence of the Motions of the
Rebells and other Expences 29 10 0
The Rebells having upon the 13th of Septemr.
crossed the Forth at a Ford some miles above
Sterling; Mr. Grosett by Direction of Lord
Justice Clarke removed the Ships and Vessells
from the Harbours of Borristounness and Queen’s
Ferry, on the south side of the River, to
prevent the Cannon, Arms and Amunition on Board
of these Sloops and Vessells from falling into
the hands of the Rebells to prevent their having
any communication with the North side of the
River Forth otherwise than by going round the
Way they came, and which Mr. Grosett did, though
the Rebells had at this time by an advance party
taken Possession of the Town of Borristouness,
about 12 miles to the West of Edinburgh; Upon
Mr. Grosett’s return to Edinburgh, upon Sunday
the 15th in the Evening he found General
Fowke,[591] who was just arrived from England
with Lord Justice Clarke, together with General
Guest, and who approved of what Mr. Grosett
had done, and sent him with Orders to Colonel
Gardiner, to remain that Night with the Troops
at Coltbridge, about a Mile to the West of the
Town.
[Sidenote: No. 2]
Expended in this service 7 12 0
Upon the 16th of September Mr. Grosett was sent
out twice in the morning to get Intelligence of
the Motions of the Rebells, and to let General
Fowkes, who was then posted at Coltbridge, know
their Motions, and the last Account he brought
was that the Rebells had lain down upon their
Arms, about Twelve that Day near Kirklisten,
about 6 Miles to the West of Edinburgh, that the
Dragoons having soon after this upon the motion
of the Rebells towards them quit their Post at
Coltbridge and retired in some haste by the
North side of the Town about 3 that afternoon,
without sending the Party of Dragoons into the
Town as had been conserted in the morning of
that Day, and Lord Justice Clarke observing
that this might give a Handle for justifying
the Provest to give up the Town to the Rebells,
he sent Mr. Grosett to the Provest, to press
the Defence of the Town, and to assure him,
that as many of the Dragoons as he pleased to
desire should forthwith be sent in, to assist
in the Defence thereof, till Sir John Cope, who
was then hourly expected by sea from Aberdeen,
should come with the Troops to their Relief. But
the Provost, declining to defend the Town upon
Pretence of the Uncertainty of Sir John Cope’s
coming in time to their Assistance, Mr. Grosett
returned and acquainted Lord Chief Justice
Clarke thereof; and as by this time an Express
was arrived from Dunbar with Letters for Lord
Justice Clarke, giving an Account of the Arrival
of the Troops under Sir John Cope off Dunbar;
Mr. Grosett was the only Person who would
undertake to go back into the Town with these
Letters; but not being able to prevail with the
Provost to agree to the Defence thereof, he
left it about One in the Morning, and brought
Lord Justice Clarke an Account of what had past
[narrowly escaped falling into the Hands of
the Rebells, who by 5 in the Morning were in
full Possession of the Town, the Gates having
been opened to them; But the Particulars of
Mr. Grosetts Transactions, and the Provosts
Behaviour at this Juncture, will more fully
appear from a Narrative relating thereto,
formerly delivered by Mr. Grosett to His Grace
the Duke of Newcastle.[592]]
[Sidenote: No. 3]
Expended and Lost in this Service, Mr. Grosett
in his speedy Return to Edinburgh having lost
both his Hatt and Wig and killed one of his
Horses 16 17 0
[Sidenote: Sept. 1745]
Mr. Grosett having retired with Lord Justice
Clarke to Dunbar, and his Lordship having
upon the 18th Septemr. received Information
that the young Pretender was to be that Night
with some of the Chiefs of his Party at the
Dutchess of Gordon’s house,[593] about 7 miles
to the South-East of Edinburgh on their Road to
England, and that the First Column of the Rebell
Army was to march that way, Mr. Grosett was sent
by Lord Justice Clarke with proper Guides and
Assistants in the Night to reconnoitre and
send certain Intelligence of their Motions
and number; But receiving Information near
the Dutchess of Gordon’s House, that they
had changed their Resolution he returned and
acquainted Lord Justice Clarke thereof; From
this time to the Battle of Preston, Mr. Grosett
was employed in reconnoitering and procuring
Intelligence of the Motions and Designs of the
Rebells [narrowly escaped being killed the Night
before the Battle, by a Party of the Rebells who
lay in ambuscade in a Thicket of Wood on the
side of a hollow way, Mr. Grosett had to pass
through in going by the Directions of Sir John
Cope to observe their motions and numbers, as
they were drawing up in front of our army from
whence they fired close upon him, as he went
along, and from which Place they were drove by
our Cañon after Mr. Grosett’s return with an
Account of their Situation]; and the Day of the
Battle he Lost a Horse and all his Baggage,
the servant who had charge thereof being made
Prisoner by the Rebells.
[Sidenote: No. 4]
Expended and lost in this Service 33 6 0
[Sidenote: Sept. and Oct. 1745]
After the Battle of Preston Mr. Grosett went
from place to place to receive Information and
Intelligence of the Motions and Proceedings of
the Rebells and so soon as he heard of General
Handasyde’s commanding at Berwick sent his
brother Captain Grosett, who was Aid-de-Camp to
the General, the Intelligence he from time
to time procured of the Motions, and Designs
of the Rebells, and amongst other services
brought Prisoner to Edinburgh Castle with the
assistance of Mr. Brown and some Farmers,
Spalding of Whitefield[594] one of the Chiefs of
the Rebells, with Two others, who were secured
as they were returning, thro’ the West of
Scotland from the Rebell Army near Carlisle to
the North, in order to bring up about 3000 men
more from that Country, and for which purpose
he had written Orders from Mr. Murray, the
young Pretenders Secretary, Duke of Perth, Lord
George Murray, and others of the Rebell chiefs:
As also the particular Route they were to take
with these men until they should join the Rebell
Army, who were to halt for them at Carlisle. All
which Orders, Route and other Letters and Papers
found upon Whitefield and his servant were
delivered over with them to General Guest, then
in the Castle of Edinburgh.
[Sidenote: No. 5]
Expended in this Service 24 8 0
[Sidenote: Nov.]
Upon the 13th Novemr. Mr. Grosett met
Lord Justice Clarke at Musselburrow, and
returned with his Lordship to Edinburgh,[595]
and the Day after General Handasyde[596]
arrived there with two Regiments of Foot
and the Remains of Hamilton’s and Gardiner’s
Dragoons; That the Castle of Edinburgh
being at this time in great want of Provisions
of all sorts Mr. Grosett by order of
General Handasyde of the 16th Novemr.
procured and laid in a sufficient supply
thereof not only for the Garrison but for the
Troops, that should be employd in the
Defence of the Town.
[Sidenote: No. 6]
Expended in this Service 5 11 0
About this time the Rebells at Perth who
were about 3000 in number being reinforced
by the Landing of Troops in the North, with
Cannon and Stores from France; Therefore
in order to prevent the Kings Troops from
being surprized, and the Town of Edinburgh
falling again into the hands of the Rebells,
Mr. Grosett by Direction of Lord Justice
Clarke, and Orders from General Handasyde
of the 26th and 27th November 1745,[597] went
with proper Assistance and removed all the
Boats and Vessells that were at that time to
be found at the different Ports and Creeks
on the Northside of the River Forth,
between Kinghorn and Aloa, to the Southside
thereof.
[Sidenote: No. 7]
Expended in this Service 11 10 0
[Mr. Grosett at this time recovered seized
Goods to the value of £1800 which the Rebells
had carry’d off from the Kings Warehouse
at Leith, and in which he was greatly assisted
by Genl. Handasyde.]
When the Rebells came to Edinburgh there
were of seized and condemned Goods, in the
King’s Warehouse at Leith, to the Value of
about Ten Thousand Pounds, and as these
Goods were all carry’d off by the assistance
of the Rebells, and Mr. Legrand Collector at
Leith having upon their approach left Scotland,
Mr. Grosett at this time saved no
Labour or Expense to get Information by
whom these Goods had been carried off, and
where lodged, found out and secured with
the assistance of a Company of the Military
which he procured from General Handasyde,
as many of these Goods as were sold for
about £1500 and procured Information of
the Names of the Persons who with the
assistance of the Rebells carried these and
the greatest part of the other Goods from
the Kings Warehouse, and who are now
under Prosecution for that offence, as well
as for the value of the Goods, that Mr.
Grosett did not recover.
[Sidenote: No. 8]
Expended in this Service 68 14 0
[Sidenote: Dec.
1745]
That after the Removal of the Boats and
Vessells as above others having arrived, and
some of those that had been removed gone
back, and that it was found absolutely
necessary for the Service, that all Boats,
Ships, and Vessells whatsoever on the North
Coast betwixt Kinghorn and St. Andrews
down the River as well as those formerly
ordered to be removed betwixt Kinghorn
and Alloa up the River should be removed
to prevent the Rebells from getting across
with their Cannon, and as this cou’d not be
done without the assistance of some Ship of
Force to secure a Retreat in case of being
surprized by the Rebells who were in possession
of that Part of the Country; and as
the Captain of the _Milford_ Man of War was
ordered to concert proper measures with and
assist Mr. Grosett therein; Mr. Grosett by
Order of Lord Justice Clarke and General
Guest the 8th Decemr. 1745 went with the
Custom House Boats and other proper
Assistance and performed what was required
above.
[Sidenote: No. 9]
Expended in this Service for Intelligence 6 10 0
[Sidenote: Dec. 1745]
Mr. Grosett by Warrant of Lord Justice Clarke
and General Guest[598] of the 16th Decemr. 1745
removed with the Assistance of the Kings Boats
and _Happy Janet_ armed Vessell, all the Boats
and Vessells at the Creeks on the South side of
the Forth betwixt Borristouness and Sterling to
the Harbour of Borristouness to prevent their
being forced from these Places by the Rebells.
As also from Alloa a Quantity of large Loggs
of Wood and long Planks to prevent the Rebells
making Floats thereof to cross with their Cannon
at Alloa, with which they proposed to attack
Sterling Castle.
[Sidenote: No. 10]
Expended in this Service 22 9 0
[Sidenote: Dec. 1745]
Lord Justice Clarke having received Intelligence
that the Rebells from the North were to force
their Passage across the River Forth at Haigens
and Carsy Nooks in flat bottomed Boats they were
bringing over Land from the Water of Earn, to
prevent which Mr. Grosett by Directions of his
Lordship the 19th Decemr. 1745[599] went and
got that Part of Sterling Shire which lies next
to the River put in arms to defend the Banks
thereof, and by Order of General Guest of the
same Date engaged and stationed the _Pretty
Janet_ armed Vessell with proper Hands, which he
procured at Borristouness to defend the Passage
at Haigen’s Nook and the _Jean_ armed Sloop that
at Carsey Nook which effectually prevented the
Designs of the Rebells at this Juncture.
[Sidenote: No. 11]
Expended in this Service 17 4 0
[Sidenote: Dec. 1745]
To prevent the Rebells, upon their crossing
the River Esk in their Return from England into
Scotland, having it in their Power to secure
a ready communication between them and their
friends in the North, and to get from thence the
Cannon and other Military Stores that had been
landed there by the French; Mr. Grosett by order
of Lord Justice Clarke and General Guest of the
21st December 1745[600] was directed instantly
to remove all Vessells and Boats of whatever
Size out of the Harbours of Borristouness,
Queens Ferry or any where else upon the South
Coast of the Forth to such Places as he should
think most proper for his Majesty’s Service
at so critical a juncture and who accordingly
removed all Boats and Vessells whatever that
could be floated [to the Roads of Queens Ferry
and Borristouness under the command of the
armed vessells lying there, which effectually
frustrated the Designs of the Rebells.]
Expended in this Service 8 6 0
Expended in forwarding from Borristouness
Powder, Ball, Grape Shot, and other
ammunition sent thither from the Castle of
Edinburgh for the use of the Castle of
Sterling: _Pretty Janet_ armed Vessell stationed
at Haigens Nook and the _Jean_ armed
Sloop at Carsy Nook to prevent the Rebells
crossing at these Ferries by order of General
Guest of 22nd Decemr 1745[601] 3 12 0
Upon the Return of the Rebells from England
to Scotland Orders being given to the two
Regiments of Foot Prices and Ligoniers, and
to the Glasgow Regiment and three Paisly
Companies,[602] to march from Sterling to
Edinburgh for the Defence of that Place,
Intelligence being then received that the
Rebells were at Moffat, in their Road to
Edinburgh which City was at this time (by the
Retreat of the two Regiments of Dragoons from
thence to Haddington in their way to Berwick)
left without any other Force but the Edinburgh
Regiment[603] and as it was probable, that
the Rebells might in this situation attempt
to intercept the Troops in their March from
Sterling to Edinburgh; Mr. Grosett was
Dispatched, with Orders from Lord Justice Clarke
and General Guest[604] for hireing and pressing
a number of Boats and Ships, for embarking
if necessary the Troops at Borristouness, at
which place they were expected from Sterling
that night; that Provisions should be laid in
for Berwick but that they should stop at Leith
Road for Orders. Mr. Grosett having agreeable
to these Directions saved no Expense and Labour
in a service of so much Importance had Ships
and Boats at Borristouness for embarking and
transporting the Troops by the time they came
there which was about Twelve at Night. By these
means the Troops and the Glasgow and Paisly
Militia, about a Thousand in Number, who unable
to continue their march being embarked at
Borristouness with the Baggage belonging to the
whole. They arrived on the morning of the 24th
Decemr. in the Road of Leith much about the Time
that the other Troops, who were forwarded by
Horses from Linlithgow, arrived at Edinburgh;
and who upon their Arrival at Leith were ordered
to disembark there, and by that Means and the
Number of Volunteers One Thousand and upwards
whom Lord Justice Clarke got to take up Arms
in the Neighbourhood of Edinburgh, and march
immediately into the Town. The Rebells being
deterred from coming forward to Edinburgh took
the Road to Glasgow, where they arrived the 25th
Decemr. 1745.
To forward this Service Mr. Grosett got
from General Guest 100 gunners and expended
therein 74 8 0
To Charges sending from Borrostownness and
destroying two Boats by Order of Lord Home 23d
Decemr. 1745[605] which the Friends of the
Rebells had got privately concealed, and made
use of for carrying Intelligence, and Dispatches
to and from their friends on the opposite side
of the Forth the one at Newton Pow and the other
at Carron Water 2 16 0
[Sidenote: Dec. 1745]
The Castle of Edinburgh being at this time
crowded with a great Number of Prisoners, and
particularly with those taken by Captain Hanway
of the _Milford_ Man of War, near Montrose,
on Board the _Lewis_ a French Transport from
Dunkirk;[606] and as the keeping them there was
looked upon to be at this time dangerous Mr.
Grosett by Order of Lord Justice Clarke and
General Guest hired to Transports and shipt off
these with other Prisoners at Leith for Berwick
the 26th Decemr. 1745 with a Company of Foot on
Board each Transport as a Guard.
[Sidenote: No. 16]
Expended in this Service 6 4 0
[Sidenote: Jan. 7, 1745-6]
Lord Justice Clarke having received Intelligence
that the Rebells at Glasgow, being reinforced
by their Friends from the North were preparing
to March from that to attack Edinburgh Mr.
Grosett was thereupon sent with a Warrant from
his Lordship and from General Guest of the 1st
Janry.[607] to take and bring from Borristowness
or from on Board the Shipping lying in the
Road of that Place all the Cannon he could
meet with to be placed upon the Walls of the
City of Edinburgh for the Defence thereof. The
Rebells upon their going into England, having
carried off or destroyed all the Cannon that
were formerly placed there for that purpose: Mr.
Grosett went accordingly and provided them,
and brought them in a vessell to Leith; But the
Troops under General Hawley[608] arriving by
this time at Edinburgh, it was then not thought
necessary to bring them to that Place.
[Sidenote: No. 17]
Expended in this Service 12 13 0
[Sidenote: Jan. 1745-6]
Lord Justice Clarke having received certain
Intelligence,[609] that the Rebells were
erecting considerable Magazines at Alloa and
that they proposed bringing their Cannon to
that Place, as the most convenient for getting
them across the River Forth, in order to their
laying siege to Sterling Castle; His Lordship
acquainted Generals Hawley and Husk thereof
and Scheme was thereupon formed for getting
Possession of their Cannon or at least retarding
their getting them across the River, till the
General should be ready to march with the Army
to the Relief of Sterling; In Order thereto
two Sloops of War were sent up the River, and
Transports got ready by Mr. Grosett, to take on
Board Troops at Leith, [where a Regiment lay
ready to be embarked upon an hours warning].
Matters having been thus prepared, and Lord
Justice Clarke having saved no expence in
procuring Intelligence had twice a day at least
certain Accounts from Alloa and other Places in
that Neighbourhood giving the whole Proceedings
of the Rebells and having early in the
Morning upon the 8th of Janry. ‘received sure
Information that Lord John Drummond and Lord
George Murray with the whole of the Cannon, with
which the Rebells proposed to attack Sterling
Castle were to be that Night at Alloa escorted
only by about 200[610] of the Rebells they
being under no apprehensions of meeting with
any Disturbance on that side of the River, the
Bridge of Sterling being Cut and the Rebell Army
betwixt them and the Kings Troops; His Lordship
and General Husk came thereupon to Leith and got
300 of the Troops that lay there immediately
embarked on this Expedition to be commanded by
Colonel Leighton,[611] and conducted by Mr.
Grosett. As the Rebells at Alloa could have
no Intelligence of their Designs, the Passage
across the Forth, being for some time before
this stopt everywhere, and as the Wind when they
sailed proved favourable they thought themselves
sure of surprizing the Rebells that Night at
Alloa. But as by the time they had got one third
of the way thither, the Wind turned flat against
them it was one o’clock next Day before they
got to Hegins Nook three Miles below Alloa and
where they were stopt from proceeding farther
by the Ebbing of the Tide. Upon their Arrival
there Mr. Grosett having received Intelligence
from Alloa that the Rebells were shipping their
cannon on Board of a Vessell, with a Design to
proceed in the Night, and to land them on the
opposite side of the River about two Miles above
that Place so soon as the Tide would admitt of
the Vessell’s floating and Sailing from that
Harbour; and as Mr. Grosett was perfectly well
acquainted with the River and every Corner of
the Country, to prevent this, Fifty Soldiers
and as many armed Sailors were put on board
one large and two smaller Boats with orders
to pass privately in the Night to the Rebells
Batteries at Elphinstone and Alloa and lye at a
Place appointed about a mile above Alloa, where
the Vessell with the Cannon was to pass, and
where they could not be observed, either from
Alloa, or even from the Vessells on Board of
which they had shipped their Cannon ’till they
were just upon them, by reason of the windings
and Turnings of that River and as Mr. Grosett
had procured proper Pilots for that purpose,
they got to the Place appointed, without being
observed either from Elphingstone or from Alloa;
and as the same Flood Tide and Depth of Water,
that would have carry’d the Vessell with the
Cannon from Alloa could have carried the Sloops
of War there, they could not in this situation
have failed, in securing the Vessell and Cannon:
But the Commander of the largest Boat, being
seized with an unreasonable Pannick, could
not be prevailed with to stay at the place
appointed tho’ there was much less Danger in
remaining there than in returning: For as in
their Return they alarmed the Rebells at Alloa
by one of the Boats taking the Ground near that
Place, they had a continued Fire to get thro’
as they past Alloa and Elphingstone Batteries;
But Mr. Grosett having by order of Lord Justice
Clarke taken 200 Matts of Flax from on Board
a Dutch ship in the Road of Leith,[612] and
placed these along the sides of the Boats there
was only one man killed and another wounded on
this Expedition, and which answered the end so
far as to keep the Vessell from Sailing, and
the Rebells from getting their Cannon at this
time across the River, as they had projected;
Mr. Grosett receiving at this Juncture
Information from Alloa that the Rebells there
were not even at this time above 200 strong:
they upon the Return of the Boats landed the
Troops at Kincairdin about three miles below
Alloa, with a Design to attack them by Land.
But Mr. Grosett being soon after acquainted
by different Expresses from Alloa that the
Rebells had just received a Reinforcement of
300 men they returned and reimbarked the Troops
without any Loss. That Day the Vessell with
the Cannon sailed from Alloa; But Mr. Grosett
having fallen upon a method to get one of the
Sailors who knew the River, and whom they had
forced out to assist in the conducting of this
Vessell persuaded to run her on Ground on
some of the Banks in her Passage up the River;
Upon receiving Information that the Vessell was
accordingly grounded, and that the Rebells had
thereupon dismounted their Battery at Alloa,
and were transporting all the Cannon they had
there by Land two miles above Alloa in order to
cross them there. It was thereupon resolved to
attack their Battery at Elphingstone, and after
silencing the Cannon there to proceed with small
Vessells and Boats, and set Fire to the Vessell
that lay a Ground, with the Cannon and other
Military Stores: The Battery at Elphingstone was
accordingly attacked with great Resolution and
Bravery by the Captains of the _Vulture_ and
_Pearl_ Sloops of War, assisted by the _Pretty
Janet_ armed Vessell and _Jean_ armed sloop:
And after about three hours close cannonading
within less than Musquet Shot of the Battery,
all their Cannon but one were silenced: But the
_Pearl_ having her cable cut asunder by a Cannon
ball, she was forced from her Station by the
strength of the Ebb-Tide, and the Two Pilots
of the _Vulture_ (one of them a Shipmaster at
Elphinstone who at Mr Grosett’s Request came
to his assistance in this Expedition) having
each of them at this Time Lost a leg by another
Cannon ball, and by which Accident they both
Dyed; They were obliged to quit the Battery;
This attack however so far answered the End
as to prevent the Rebells from crossing with
their Cannon; For upon making this Attack
they brought back their Cannon to Alloa, and
placed them upon the Battery, there to prevent
the Kings Ships and Troops from procedeing
farther up the River, and getting Possession of
the Vessell that lay aground above that Place
with the Cannon and Ammunition. In this whole
affair Two men were killed, Two lost a leg each
by which they died and one an Arm by the Cannon
from the Batteries, Ten others were wounded, but
not disabled; the Chief Engineer and several
others of the Rebells were killed and many
wounded. Mr. Grosett having on the 11th January
received a letter from Lord Justice Clarke with
an Order inclosed from General Hawley to Colonel
Layton to return with the Troops to join the
Army who were then ready to march to the Relief
of Sterling Castle, they thereupon returned
accordingly; But Mr. Grosett having before he
left that country concerted Measures for getting
the Vessell burnt that was grounded as above in
which the Cannon had been transported from Alloa
it was done accordingly without the Rebells
knowing how it came about.
Lord Justice Clarke in his letter, dated the
10th Janry. 1745/6,[613] having sent Mr.
Grosett a Letter from General Hawley to General
Blackeney[614] who at that time commanded
in the Castle of Sterling with Directions to
use all methods possible to get it delivered
and answered, as on it depended Matters of the
greatest Consequence; Mr. Grosett not only got
the Letter safely delivered, but an answer
thereto, tho’ the Rebells were at that time in
Possession of Sterling and suffered none they
could observe to go near the Castle and upon
which they kept the strictest Guard.
[Sidenote: No. 18]
Expended in all these Services, for Provisions,
Intelligence, Boats, Pilots, etc. 39 4 0
Upon the 12th January 1745/6 Mr. Grosett
returned to Edinburgh from this Expedition, and
upon the 13th was sent early next morning by
Lord Justice Clarke to procure Intelligence of
the motions of the Rebells for General Husk, who
was that Day to march with the First Division
of the Army from Edinburgh for Linlithgow;[615]
Upon Mr. Grosett’s coming near that place,
being informed by some Country People he had
sent into the Town, for Intelligence that
about Twelve hundred of the Rebells had that
Morning taken Possession thereof and given
out that they were resolved to dispute their
Quarters with the Kings Troops. Mr. Grosett
returned and acquainted the General thereof who
thereupon made the proper Dispositions. The
Town of Linlithgow lying in a Hollow upon the
South side of a large Lake which cuts off all
Communication with or access to the Town from
the North and Mr. Grosett having acquainted the
General of this and of the situation of the
country The General in order to surprize and
cut off the retreat of the Rebells to Falkirk
where the Main body of their Army lay sent a
strong advance Party forward with orders to
halt, and remain upon a rising Ground upon the
Road about a mile from the East Gate of the
Town, and within Sight thereof, and marched the
Main Body round another way; which Mr. Grosett
conducted them by the South side of the Town
where they could not be observed by the Rebells,
till they came near the West Gate thereof; and
the Rebells having no suspicion of the Main
Body’s advancing upon them, while the Advance
Guard stood still in sight, their communication
with the Main Body of their Army, would by these
means have been cut off, if one of their Friends
upon accidentally seeing the King’s Troops
marching under cover of a Rising Ground by the
South side of the Town, had not rode into the
Place and given the Alarm to the Rebells who
thereupon fled with such Precipitation that the
Troops could not come up with them.[616] Lord
[George Murray, Lord Elcho, and others of their
Chiefs left their Dinner just as it was going
to be set upon the Table. The Dragoons pursued,
but not being able to come up with them they
took Possession of the Bridge of Linlithgow,
over the water Avon, about a mile to the West
of that Place, left a sufficient Guard there,
and then went into the Town, and eat the Dinner
the Rebells had provided, and got ready for
themselves.] The Person who gave the alarm was
apprehended together with one of the Rebells,
and sent Prisoners to Edinburgh, and Mr. Grosett
after General Husk appointed proper Places for
Out Guards returned to Lord Justice Clarke
and General Hawley with an Account of these
proceedings.
[Sidenote: No. 19]
Expended in this Service 4 5 0
The Army being in great want of Gunners and
other proper persons for the Artillery which was
to march the 15th; but could not get forward
’till these were provided Mr. Grosett by order
of Lord Justice Clarke and General Hawley went
to Borristownness, and brought from thence nine
or Ten Sailors for that purpose who had been
Gunners on Board of Men of War.
[Sidenote: No. 20]
Expended in this Service being obliged to
advance money to each of them to subsist
their Families in their Absence before they
would agree to go upon this service 16 8 0
Lord Justice Clarke having on Thursday the 17th
January in the morning received Intelligence of
Importance relating to the Motions and Designs
of the Rebells; Mr. Grosett was immediately
dispatched by his Lordship, to acquaint General
Hawley thereof. After the Battle which happened
that day, Mr. Grosett was sent back to acquaint
Lord Justice Clarke what had happened but more
especially to let his Lordship know that the
Kings Troops had at last beat the Rebells from
and kept the Field of Battle ’till obliged
to leave it for want of Provision, and leave
Seven of their Cannon on the Field for want of
Horses to carry them off. This Account gave
the greater Joy to Lord Justice Clarke, and
the other good Friends of the Government at
Edinburgh, as before that time they had, by
the Flight of the Troops to that Place, been
much alarmed with the Accounts they gave of the
Defeat of the Kings Army:[617] As the Troops
in their Flight to Edinburgh occasioned those
that had been sent from theme with Provisions
for the Army to return towards that place. Mr.
Grosett therefore by Order of Lord Justice
Clarke returned immediately on fresh Horses to
force them all back to Linlithgow there not
being a Morsel of Provision to be had on any
Consideration there for the Troops, who had all
of them been obliged to retire to that Place for
want thereof, and who by that means were well
supply’d. But as the General did not think it
advisable to remain there with the Troops, he
sent Mr. Grosett back to Lord Justice Clarke to
get Quarters provided for the whole Army against
their Arrival at Edinburgh and which was done
accordingly by the time they got there which was
about Four in the afternoon.
[Sidenote: No. 21]
Expended in this Service and for Assistance
to get forward the Provisions to Linlithgow 5 14 0
[Sidenote: Jan. 1745/6]
Lord Justice Clarke having formed a Scheme
to release the Officers of the Kings Troops,
who had been made Prisoners at the Battle of
Preston, and bring them by force from the
respective places to which they were upon their
Parole confined in that Part of the Country of
which the Rebells had at that time Possession.
In order thereto (after those at Glames
were brought to Edinburgh) a Company of the
Argyleshire Highlanders were (by Order of Lord
Justice Clarke and General Hawley [to Colonel
Campbell][618] of the 20th January) put under
Mr. Grosett’s Directions who crossed the Forth
with them in the Night at Queens Ferry, and with
their assistance secured and brought safely to
Edinburgh from different Parts of the Shires
of Fyfe and Perth, Colonel Halket, Captains
Stewart, Cochrane, and Dundas who at that
time were prisoners with the Rebells in these
Countries.[619]
[Sidenote: No. 22]
Expended in this Service for Boats, Freight
Horse hire 6 11 0
[Sidenote: Jan. 1745/6]
Lord Justice Clarke having on the 25th January
about Eight at Night received Information that
the Rebells had formed a Design of surprizing
the Kings Troops that night at Edinburgh, and
in particular the Argyleshire Highlanders, who
were the Advance Guard to the Kings Army, Mr.
Grosett accompanied by Lieutenant Campbell of
the Edinburgh Regiment, went by His Lordships
Orders, and acquainted Colonel Campbell, and the
other officers thereof who commanded the advance
parties some miles from the Town, to put them
upon their Guard, and at the same time employed
proper Persons to patrole the Country the whole
of that Night, to give timely Notice of the
Motions and Approach of the Rebells, and who
finding out had got Information of their Design
came no farther than Linlithgow.
[Sidenote: No. 23]
Expended in this Service 1 10 0
Upon the 29th January 1745/6 Mr. Grosett was
sent by Lord Justice Clarke and General Hawley
to meet the Duke and acquaint His Royal Highness
that the Troops were ready to march and that
the Guards, Coaches, and Relays of Horses were
at the proper stages for forwarding His Royal
Highness in the most expeditious manner to
Edinburgh.
[Sidenote: No. 24]
... and in getting Coach 1 4 0
[Sidenote: Jan. 1745/6]
The Duke upon his arrival into Scotland[620]
found it necessary for the Service to send two
armed Vessells and 100 of the Troops along the
Coast of Fife with Sundry Warrants which were
only to be shewn and put in execution as things
Cast up; These Troops were accordingly embarked
by Mr. Grosett, and as His Royal Highness was
upon the Recommendation of Lord Justice Clarke
pleased to direct that he should have the
conducting of this Expedition, and executing
of these warrants as occasion should require:
The following Order to Captain Coren[621] the
Commanding Officer of that Party was with
the Warrants therein referred to delivered
to Mr. Grosett, viz:--
‘You are to be assisting to Walter Grosett Esq.
one of His Majesty’s Justices of the Peace in
executing divers Warrants which he will shew you
when proper.’[622]
In consequence thereof Mr. Grosett upon the 30th
January sailed in the evening from Leith, with
the said Vessell and Party, and proceeded to
different places on the North Coast betwixt St.
Andrews and Alloa, secured all the Magazines
of Provisions, which the Rebells had on that
Coast, returned the Provisions (being Oatmeal)
to the Persons from whom it had been taken by
the Rebells, as they were all of them well
affected to the Government, and secured nine of
the Rebells and sent them by Order of the Duke
prisoners to Sterling, His Royal Highness being
at this time there with the Army.
[Sidenote: No. 25]
Expended in this Service for Boats Freight, and
other Charges in embarking the Troops, Landing
and reimbarking them from time to time as
occasion required, subsistence to them and for
Information, Guides, etc. 28 4 0
[Sidenote: Feb. 1745/6]
[Sidenote: No. 26]
Expended in providing Boats at Leith and Horses
at Kinghorn for carrying with the utmost
Expedition a Quantity of Ammunition for the Army
at Perth by Order of Lord Justice Clarke of the
8th February 1 15 0
Upon the arrival of the Hessian Troops in the
River Forth the 8th February: The Prince
of Hesse having sent Colonel Steuart[623] to
Lord Justice Clarke to know where they were to
disembark; Mr. Grosett was thereupon directed
by His Lordship to proceed with the utmost
expedition to the Duke then at Perth to acquaint
His Royal Highness thereof,[624] and to know
his Pleasure, [whether they should disembark
at Leith, or be ordered to the North]; And Mr.
Grosett having by three in the morning received
his Royal Highness’s Directions to prepare
for disembarking them at Leith he immediately
returned to Lord Justice Clarke with these
Directions.
[Sidenote: No. 27]
Expended in this Service for Boats Freight
to and from Kinghorn, and for Horses from
that to and from Perth, and Coach Hire
betwixt Leith and Edinburgh 2 15 0
[As Aberdeen, Montrose, Inverness, and the other
Places in the North, through which the Army was
to march are supply’d with Coals for fireing
from the Ports in the River Forth, and as no
Coals were allowed to go there while the Rebells
were in Possession of these Places they were in
that Country in so great want of fireing that
the Army under the Duke could not march from
Perth till this Want was supply’d, and] As those
who were employed to provide the Army with Coals
had in vain endeavoured it, and the Duke having
directed Lord Justice Clark to be acquainted
with the difficulties they were in Mr. Grosett
together with Mr. Henry[625] were thereupon
sent by his Lordship’s Directions of the 11th
February[626] to all the Ports and Creeks
upon the River Forth, and got immediately a
considerable Number of Ships and Vessells loden
with Coals, and sent them to the different Ports
and Places in the North where the Army was to
be, and who by these means were instantly well
supply’d, and enabled to March, when and where
his Royal Highness thought proper.
[Sidenote: No. 28]
Expended in this Service 6 9 0
[Sidenote: Feb., 1745/6]
The Duke having ordered Blyth’s Regiment[627]
with about Four hundred Men of different Corps
to be sent by sea from Leith to join the Army
in the North; Mr. Grosett by Direction of Lord
Justice Clarke of the 23rd February got proper
Transports prepared for that purpose, shipt the
necessary Provisions, and embarked the men,
and which was oblig’d to be done in the night
by sending them three Miles in Boats from the
Harbour to the Road of Leith to prevent the
Transports being neaped in the Harbour.
[Sidenote: No. 29]
Expended in this Service and sending the Horses
of the Regiment from Leith to Kinghorn by water,
they being ordered to go from thence by Land to
the Army 8 8 0
[Sidenote: March, 1745/6]
The Transports being put back after they had
sailed, and got near their Port and being
detained by contrary Winds in the Road of
Leith Mr. Grosett got them supply’d by order of
Lord Justice Clarke with additional Stores of
Provisions and Boats for bringing on shore such
of the recovered Men of the different Corps as
had fallen Ill by their confinement.
[Sidenote: No. 30]
Expended in this Service 6 4 0
[Sidenote: March, 1745/6]
The Duke having ordered a considerable Quantity
of Biscuits to be sent him to the North in order
to their being carry’d along with the Army as
they marched into the Highlands Mr. Grosett by
Direction of Lord Justice Clarke of the 6th
March got a sufficient Quantity for that purpose
from the Castle put up in proper Casks and
Baggs, and immediately sent off in to Vessells
from Leith, which he had provided for that
Service.
[Sidenote: No. 31]
Expended in this Service 4 13 0
The Duke having sent Directions to Lord Justice
Clarke to provide 10 Boats of 20 and 30 Tons
Burthen to attend the Army with Provisions and
other necessaries as they marched along the
Coasts, and as they were immediately wanted:
Mr. Grosett by his Lordships Order of the 11th
March[628] went to the proper Places where these
Boats and small Vessells were to be had and
sent them directly away to his Royal Highness,
under the care of Mr. M‘Gill Commander of one
of the Kings Boats at Leith to whom Mr. Grosett
by order of Lord Justice Clarke gave Ten Pounds
towards paying his Expenses.
[Sidenote: No. 32]
Expended in this Service 12 18 0
[Sidenote: March, 1745/6]
The Transports with the Troops for the North
being put back a second time and a great number
of the recovered men falling sick again by their
confinement the Duke ordered them to be taken
o’shore and sent across the Forth from Leith
to Kinghorn in Boats and to march from that by
Land, which Mr. Grosett did accordingly on the
14th March.
[Sidenote: No. 33]
Expended in this Service 4 3 0
Lord Justice Clarke having received an Express
from his Grace the Duke of Newcastle with a
letter from General Price at Berwick dated
16th March[629] acquainting His Grace that
he had received Information from a sure hand
that Corn from Northumberland and the adjacent
Counties were carried to Wooler a Town 14 Miles
from Berwick, and from thence Westward between
Stirling and Dumbarton Castle, and privately
embarked on the River Clyde, and sent thro’
the Western Islands to Lochaber for the use of
the Rebells; Mr. Grosett was thereupon desired
by Lord Justice Clarke to go to Sterling and
from thence across the Country to Dumbarton
Castle, and along the coast to all the Ports and
Creeks on the River Clyde as well to enquire
particularly into the Truth of this Information
as to leave proper Orders and Directions at the
Places above mentioned to prevent Provisions
of any sort being carried from thence to the
Rebells and which Mr. Grosett did accordingly,
but did not find that any provisions had gone
that way.
[Sidenote: No. 34]
Expended in this Service having rode about Two
hundred miles therein. 11 18 0
[Sidenote: April, 1746]
Lord Justice Clarke having upon the 4th of April
received an Express from Brigadier Genl. Price
Governor of Berwick giving an Account that three
large and one smaller Men of War had appeared
off Holy Island and as they made no Return to
the proper Signals that were made them from
that place, and King’s Sloops and Boats that
were cruizing there they believed them to be
French Men of War come to the Assistance of the
Rebells and as this Account was confirmed by an
Express from Mr. Castlelaw, Collector at Dunbar,
and Mr. Fall one of the Magistrates there; and
that these ships were come within the Mouth of
the Forth Mr. Grosett at the Desire of the Lord
Justice Clarke went thereupon in the Night and
acquainted the Commanders of the Men of War then
lying in the Road of Leith thereof. But as they
were of no Force to make head against them,
these with the other Ships in the Road prepared
to slip their Cables, and proceed farther up
the Firth, upon the approach of the Men of War
above mentioned; After this Mr. Grosett with
the assistance of the Custom House and several
fishing Boats, which he forced out from Newhaven
in the night went in quest of these Men of War,
to know certainly what they were, and next day
found them to be Dutch Men of War to whom the
proper Signals had not been given upon their
leaving Holland.
[Sidenote: No. 35]
Expended in this Service 5 15 0
[Sidenote: April, 1746]
The Duke having sent Orders to the Earl of
Home[630] who at this time commanded the
Troops that lay at Edinburgh to forward with
the utmost Expedition to the North the Four
Thousand recovered Men of different Corps that
were come there from England, Mr. Grosett at his
Lordship’s and Lord Justice Clarkes desire went
and provided proper Transports, and saw the men
embarked and sent off to his Royal Highness,
agreeable to Lord Home’s Order of the 15th April
1746.[631]
[Sidenote: No. 36]
Expended in this Service, and for Boats
to embark the men in the Road of Leith. 6 10 0
[Sidenote: April, 1746]
The Transports with these men being detained in
the Road of Leith by Contrary Winds, and Doctor
Maxwell who had the care of the Hospital, having
apply’d to Lord Justice Clarke for an additional
Transport, to put the weakest and most sickly of
the men by themselves Mr. Grosett, was desired
to provide one, and which he did accordingly.
[Sidenote: No. 37]
Expended in this Service and for Boats
employed in removing the men and provisions
from one ship to another. 4 12 0
Commodore Smith[632] upon his Arrival in the
Firth of Forth with the Ships of War under his
command being ordered to proceed to the Orkneys,
with these and the other Ships, and Sloops of
War then in the Road of Leith to prevent their
getting assistance from France or making their
Escape from these Coasts and Islands; and
having thereupon apply’d to Lord Justice Clarke
to provide him with proper Pilots for each of
the Ships that were to go on that Service: Mr.
Grosett by his Lordship’s Directions went and
got them immediately provided from different
Ports.
[Sidenote: No. 38]
Expended in this service 4 8 0
[Sidenote: April, 1746]
The Great Coats, Blankets, Shoes, Shirts,
Waistcoats, Gloves, etc., given by different
Companies and Corporations in Presents to the
Army being sent to the Care of Lord Justice
Clarke,[633] Mr. Grosett by his Lordships
Directions received and saw them duely forwarded
from time to time to the Army.
[Sidenote: No. 39]
Expended in this Service 10 5 0
His Royal Highness the Duke having directed
Lord Justice Clarke to be apply’d to for his
assistance in procuring what should from time
to time be found necessary for the Army in
general; and in particular for the more speedy
embarkation of the Hessian Troops, and the Four
British Regiments ordered for Flanders, and in
getting the Clothing of Major General Wolf’s
Regiment[634] forwarded in the most expeditious
manner from Leith to Perth that Regimt. being
upon Receipt thereof ordered to march to Burnt
Island to embark there with the other British
Regiments. Mr. Grosett by his Lordship’s
Directions accordingly assisted Colonel Steuart
and others in procuring what was from time to
time found necessary for these purposes.
[Sidenote: No. 40]
Expended in this Service 7 8 0
That besides the services above mentioned Mr.
Grosett was during the Course of the Rebellion
constantly employed by Lord Justice Clarke in
the extraordinary affairs of the Government
at this ... to answer all Imergence ... ty for
his keeping Horses at different ... and as some
of them fell into the hands of the Rebells,
and others were lost by hard Riding and other
accidents.
[Sidenote: No. 41]
Expended on this Account and sundry other
Services during the Course of the Rebellion not
mentioned in the Above Articles. 110 0 0
---------
Total Money Expended. 662 11 0
Received of the above Sum from Genl.
Guest to Acct. 105 0 0
---------
Ballance 557 11 0
---------
WAL: GROSETT.
_N.B._--Mr. Grosett being from the first Breaking out of the Rebellion
employed in so open and remarkable a manner in the service of the
Government created against him the particular Ill will of the Jacobites
and their Adherents and who on that account took every Opportunity of
shewing their Resentment against him, they plundered his House in the
Town of Alloa, and in the Country carried off effects to a very great
value, drove all the Cattle from off his Estate, forced the Payment of
the Rents thereof to them, stript his wife and children of the very
cloathes they had on, and used otherways in a most inhuman manner.
‘_Brunstane, 4th Septem. 1747._
‘I do certify that Mr. Grosett was employ’d by me in the service
of the Government in the several matters above mentioned, and
also on other occasions and was zealous and active in the
Execution of whatever was committed to his care.
‘(Signed)
AND. FLETCHER,
_Lord Justice Clarke_.’
_N.B._--These Services ... forth and Certify’d in a Pap ... Cope,
the Generals Guest, ... syde and Hawley and by Lord Home.
Nothing charged for trouble and loss of time, etc.
[_This postscript is too torn to decipher accurately but it refers to
the_ ‘Narrative’ _which bears this docquet_]:--
We have perused the above Narrative, and do hereby certify that
the same is true so far as regards us respectively,
R. HANDASYDE.
HOME.
H. HAWLEY.
JOS. GUEST.
JNO. COPE.
LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF WALTER GROSSETT
I
_The Lord Advocate to Walter Grossett and others_
By the Hon^l ROBT. CRAIGIE Esq^r His Majesties Advocate General
These are ordering and requiring you and each of you to concur
in sending all Vessells of whatever kind upon the North and
Southsides of the Firth from Stirling to Kinghorn to the Harbours
of Leith and Borristounness and in case of resistance you are to
use force in making the Order effectual Given under my Hand at
Edinburgh this ninth day of Sepr 1745 yeare.
ROB: CRAIGIE.
To all Sherriffs Justices of Peace Magistrats of Burghs and
all others his Majesties Leedgeses.
Mr. Grosett the Coll. at Alloa has Special Directions to See this
order put in Execution.
ROB: CRAIGIE.
II
_Lieutenant-General Handasyde to Walter Grossett_
By the Hon^{ble} ROGER HANDASYDE Esq^r Lieutenant General
and Commander in Cheif of All His Majesty’s Forces, in
North Britain etc.
Whereas it has been found Injurious to His Majesty’s Service that
any Boats shou’d pass from Leith to Kinghorn or from Kinghorn to
Leith, These are therefore Requiring All Magistrates, Justices
of the Peace, Constables and Others concerned to be Aiding and
Assisting to you in bringing all the Passage Boats and Yauls from
Kinghorn and all other places on the North Side of the Forth to
the Harbour of Leith where they are to be kept till His Majesty’s
Service shall allow of their being returned to their Respective
Ports.
Given under my hand at Edinburgh this 26^{th} Novem^r 1745.
R: HANDASYDE.
To Walter Grosett Esq^r Collector of
His Majesty’s Customs.
III
_Lieutenant-General Handasyde to Walter Grossett_
By the Hon^{ble} ROGER HANDASYD Esq^r. Leut^t General
and Commander in Chief of all His Maj^s Forces in North
Brittain.
Whereas it has been found Injurious to His Majesties Service
that any Boats should pass from the North or South sides of
the Forth or that any Vessells whatever should be allowed to
remain upon the North side of the said River These are therefore
requiring all Magistrats, Justices of the Peace, Constables and
others concerned to be aiding and assisting to you in Stoping
the said passage and removeing all Boats and Vessells whatever
from the North to the South Side of the Forth from Kinghorn to
Stirling Bridge and in case of resistance or refussall to Burn
or otherwise Destroy such Boats and Vessells as shall after due
Intimation made be found upon the North Side of the said River.
Given under my Hand at Edinburgh this 27^{th} November 1745.
R: HANDASYDE.
To Walter Grosett Esq^r, Coll^r of His
Majesties Customs at Alloa, and
one of His Maj^s Justices of ye
Peace.
IV
_The Commissioners of Customs to Walter Grossett_
MR. GROSETT.
Inclosed We send You for Your Government and Direction, a Copy of
a Letter from the Lord Justice Clerk and General Guest Commander
in Chief of His Majestys Forces in Scotland, Containing an order
and Instructions for bringing over all Ships, Vessels, Boats and
Yoals of all sorts and sizes lying in the Harbours and Creeks
betwixt Stirling Bridge and S^t Andrews inclusive on the North
side of the Frith with their Apparel and Furniture, and for
laying them up in the several Harbours therein Specified on the
South side of the Frith, and in the Execution of these Directions
and Instructions, all Officers whatsoever under Our direction,
are to give You their utmost assistance when required so to do,
as they will answer the Contrary at their Peril, and You are
particularly to apply to the respective Officers in the several
Ports and Precincts for their Aid and Information. The General
having given proper orders to the Captain of the Milford Man of
war to concur and assist You in this Servise, You are to meet
and Concert with him proper measures for the Effectual Execution
thereof. We are,
Your Loving Friends,
CO: CAMPBELL.
ALEX ARBUTHNOTT.
RD. SOMERS.
Customh^o Edinb^r }
8^{th} Decem^r 1745. }
Coll^r Alloa.
_Enclosure to No. IV._
Edinb^r Decem^r 9^{th} 1745.
GENTLEMEN--We think it absolutely necessary for the Good and
Service of the Government at this Conjuncture, that all the
Ships, Vessels, Boats and Yoals of all sorts and Sizes, with
their Apparel and Furniture, in all Harbours and Creeks etc.
betwixt Stirling Bridge and S^t Andrews inclusive on the North
side of the Frith of Forth, be brought over and Moord in the
several Harbours of Dunbar, Leith, Queensferry and Borrowstoness,
and these on the South side of the said River, betwixt Cramond
and Eymouth be Carried to Leith and Dunbar, as the Persons to be
Employed by You in the Execution hereof, shall Judge to be most
Conveneint, all to remain in these respective Harbours untill
further orders; We therefore earnestly recommend it to You as
proper Judges, to Nominate and Appoint such of Your Officers
under Your Direction and Government to Execute our Orders as You
shall think most fit to be Employed for the doing of so necessary
a Duty, And as some former Orders of this Nature have not been
observed and obeyed so punctually as Directed for want of other
proper Assistance, We do therefore hereby direct and ordain all
Magistrates of Burghs Justices of the Peace, Constables etc.
within the respective bounds aforesaid, laying aside all Excuses
whatsoever, to be aiding and assisting to the Person or Persons
that are possessed of Copys hereof, and of Your Instructions
given by You to them, as they will be answerable upon their
highest Peril; and in Case any of the Proprietors or others
Concerned in said Ships etc. as abovement^d shall not forthwith
Comply with these Our orders, Then the Persons so Employed
are hereby ordained to burn and Destroy the same, where any
objections or refusals are made to obey and Comply herewith, and
the aforesaid Copys hereof with your Instructions as above, shall
be to them a Sufficient Warrant for destroying of the above Ships
etc. not doubting of Your Compliance and Concurrence, We are,
Sign’d { AND: FLETCHER.
{ JOS: GUEST.
_N.B._--Buys Boat who has been often Employed in transporting of
Rebels frequently, should be burnt out of hand.
Hon^{ble} Comm^{rs} of the Customs Ed^r.
V
_Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett_
_Edenburgh December the 15^{th} 1745._
SR,--I agree to your hiring the Borrowstness Ship at the Rate
you mention, provided the owners dont insist on my Insuring her
from the Enemy, for that I cant consent to--if they comply,
you’l immediatly station her at Higgins Nook, and Nicol at
Carse’s Nook, or wherever they can be best placed for His
Majestys Service. You’l give them positive Derections to be very
carefull, in watching both sides the River, and sending immediat
Intelligence to the L^d Justice Clerk, on discovering any Motions
of the Enemy.
You’l consider the Ship is not ensured now, and is in as much, or
more danger than when employd by his Majesty.--I am S^r your most
Obed^t humble Servant,
JOS: GUEST.
VI
_Walter Grossett to the Commissioners of Customs_
HOND. SIRS,--In Obedience to your directions of the 8^{th}
Instant Inclosing an Order and Warrand from Lord Justice Clerk
and General Guest Commander in chief of the Forces in Scotland,
for bringing over all Ships, Vessells and Boats, lying in any of
the Harbours or Creeks, betwixt Stirling and S: Andrews on the
North side of the Firth, to the Harbours therein specified on
the south side thereof, and for Burning or destroying the ships
and Vessells etc., of such of the Proprieters thereof as should
refuse to comply with these Orders; I have with the assistance of
the Kings Boats at Queensferry and Borristounness, and two Boats
Crews belonging to the Happy Janet stationed off Queensferry,
removed, disabled, or destroyed, all Boats and Vessells that
lay betwixt Stirling and Aberdour. But as the doing of this,
would not have hinder the Rebell Army from geting a Cross the
River, while Boats and Vessells were allowed to remain at the
severall Creeks in Carron Water, and at Hargens Nuik Airth, and
Elphingstone, and other Creeks on the south side of the Forth
betwixt Borristounness and Stirling; I therefore proceeded to
these places, and prevailed with severall of the Proprieters of
Boats and Vessells there, to remove them from thence, but as some
of them refused to comply, by reason of their not being included
in the Order and Warrand above mentioned, I am therefore Humbly
of Opinion, that Lord Justice Clerk and General Guest should
be applyed to, for a Warrand for the removing or destroying of
them. And as there are at this time at Alloa, a considerable
quantity of Deals and Learge Loggs of Wood, of 30 or 40 feet in
Length, of which Floots may not only easely be made, for the
Transporting of Men, Horses etc.; from the one side of the River
to the other, but upon which Flooting Batteries may be reased,
to move from place to place, to play upon such of His Majesties
Forces or others, who may be employed in Defending the Banks of
the River, to prevent the Landing of the Rebells. It is therefore
Humbly submitted, how far it may be thought proper at this
Juncture, to have these Deals and Loggs removed from Alloa. If
this is approven off, what I would propose as the easiest method
of removing them, would be to put them on Board of Vessells, to
ly at Borristounness till the danger is over. With this view I
spook to several shipmasters of my acquaintance, (who I knew to
be good Whiggs and well wishers to the common Cause) on Tuesday
last at Borristounness, and who at my request, readily agreed to
take them on Board their Vessells, upon their only being paid
the Charges they should be put to in going to Alloa to Load and
unload them. All which is Humbly Submitted by Hon: Sirs Your
Ho^{rs} Most Obed^t Hum^l Serv^t
WAT: GROSETT.
Edinburgh 16^{th} Dec^r 1745.
_Endorsements._ 16^{th} Dec^r 1745.
Mr. Grosett to wait upon the Justice Clerk and Gen^l Guest with
this Lre. and to Report their Opinion.
W. H. for the Sec^{ry}.
The Board approve Mr. Grosetts Conduct and Zeal in this whole
Affair and his proposal is agreed to if the Lord Justice Clerk
and Gen^l Guest think proper.
W. H. for the Secretary.
VII
_The Commissioners of Customs to Walter Grossett, forwarding
approval of Lord Justice Clerk and General Guest_
_Edinburgh 16^{th} Dec^r 1745._
We approve of Mr. Grosetts Conduct and proposalls and desire the
Board of Customs may give him the proper directions for puting
the same in Execution and for which end a proper Warrant shall be
granted by us.
AND FLETCHER.
JOS: GUEST.
MR. GROSETT
Having considered the above Approbation of the Lord Justice Clerk
and General Guest, We heartily agree with the same and direct you
to proceed accordingly, having first obtained their Warrant for
the purposes as mentioned in Your Letter of this date.
CO: CAMPBELL.
ALEX^R ARBUTHNOTT.
RD. SOMERS.
Custom H^o Edinburgh
16^{th} December 1745.
VIII
_The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett_
(_Holograph but not signed_)
Pray forward the Inclosed, and get all Stirling shire in
Arms immediately, If L^d Home approves G. Blackney will give
arms--raise y^e Hue and Cry--Cause the Sherriff distribute y^e
papers y^t comes w^t y^s bearer.
Go on and prosper.
Ed^r 19^{th} Dec^r 1745.
I have paid none of the Expresses yt they may make more hast but
given every one two shills. wch is not to be deducted out of yr
hire if they make Speed.
IX
_Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett_
JOSHUA GUEST Esq^r Lieut. General and Commander in Cheif of
all His Majesty’s Forces, Castles, Forts and Barracks in North
Britain etc.
His Majesty’s Service Requiring that all Vessells and Boats
of whatever Size be instantly removed out of the Harbours of
Borrostouness, Queensferry, Leith or any where else upon the
South Coast of the Forth betwixt Leith and Stirling, Those at
Borrostouness and Queensferry to the Road of Borrostouness or
Such other place or places as you shall think most for His
Majesty’s Service at this Juncture; those at Leith to the Road
of Leith or such other place as you shall judge most proper for
said Service; These are therefore Authorizing and Empowering you
to put the said order in Execution, and to which purpose the
Commanders of His Majesty’s Ships of War or others employ’d in
the Kings Service, are hereby Required to give you their Utmost
Assistance, as are all Magistrates, Justices of the Peace,
Constables, and all other Persons, Civil or Military whom these
may Concern. A Copy hereof sign’d by you shall be a sufficient
warrant to any Person required or empower’d by you in the
Execution hereof as they will answer to the Contrary at their
highest Peril.
Given at Edinburgh the 21^{st} day of Decem^r 1745.
JOS: GUEST.
To Walter Grosett Esq^r Collector of His Majesty’s Customs.
X
_Lieutenant-General Guest’s Directions_
Directions for the Master of the Boat that goes to Borrostouness.
Edinburgh 22^d Decem. 1745.
He is to sail directly for Borrostouness, lye out in the Road of
that place and send in his Boat or yawl, to Collector Grosett who
is there and get directions from him how he is to dispose of his
Cargo, part of which is to go to Stirling Viz. the 9 pounders
Cannon Ball, Spunges, etc.
The Pouder and small Cannon Ball is for the use of the Jean of
Alloa, and Pretty Janet, that are stationed near that place or
at Higgens Nuik. The Biscuit which is to be taken in at Leith
from Mr. Walker is to be disposed of at Bosness as Mr. Grosett
will direct. In case of any accident of your not meeting with
Mr. Grosett, I desire Cap. Knight of the Happy Janet may forward
im̅ediately the 9 pound Cannon Ball, Spunges etc. to Stirling,
where General Blakeney has present occasion for them.
JOS: GUEST.
To the Master of the Boat Order’d to sail for Borrostouness.
XI
_Captain Knight R.N. to Walter Grossett_
SIR,--Having Sent 7 pounds of powder, 20 Sheets fine paper made
in Cartridges and 15 pounds Musquet Shot to be used, if occasion
required it, by my people in preventing the Rebells passage at
Higgens-Nook, which I understand you gaue to John Peirson Master
of the Pretty Jennett, I desire you will be pleased to procure
an Order from General Guest to me for supplying these Ordnance
Stores to him, with his Ricept to Alexander Wedderburn Master of
the Armed Vessel under my Command of the Same, and to transmit
both to me at this place with the first opportunity.--I am Sir,
Your very humble Servant,
JN^O. KNIGHT.
Happy Jennett Queensferry Road 22^d December 1745.
Walter Grosett Esq. Collector of his Maj^{ts} Customs at
Alloa.
XII
_Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett_
JOSHUA GUEST Esq^r Lieut. General and Commander in Cheif of
all His Majesty’s Forces, Castles, Forts and Barracks in
North Britain etc.
His Majesty’s Service Requiring that a number of Vessells and
Boats be hired for Transporting of His Majesty’s Forces, These
are therefore authorizing and Empowering you to hire such a
number of Vessells and Boats and make such agreement with them as
you shall judge necessary at this Juncture, and I hereby oblige
myself to make good such agreement, for which this shall be your
Warrant. Given at Edinburgh this 22^d December 1745.
JOS: GUEST.
To Walter Grosett Esq^r Collector of His Majesty’s Customs.
XIII
_The Earl of Home to Walter Grosset_
Linlithgow Dece^r 23 1745.
SIR,--Having receiv’d information That John Liddel in Haugh of
Dalderse lying in Newtown Pow hath a Boat, and that there are
another Boat upon Carron Watter belonging to James Simpson on the
west side of John Liddels in the Pow about the Slyde bank bridge,
I desire you’l order them to be immediatly secured or destroyed
as you think proper.--I am Sir Your Humble Serv.
HOME.
XIV
_Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett_
Edinburgh 23^d Decem. 1745.
SIR,--There being a necessity for the Forces who are this night
to be at Linlithgow and Borrostouness, to march in here tomorrow
morning by Ten o’clock if possible, which I have sent them orders
to do, I therefore desire the favour of you to hire all the Ships
that are loose that lye at Borrostouness or Contiguous, and in
the first place, I hereby empower you to employ the Vessells that
are in His Majesty’s Service and stationed at Higgens Nuik or
elsewhere near you (Excepting the Happy Janet who is to continue
in her Station) In order to put aboard the said Vessells or
Boats the Baggage and Sick or more Men as the Commanding Officer
of these Forces shall direct, which Vessells are to proceed to
Berwick, You will cause lay in what meal or other provisions can
be got for the men that are in these Vessells. If this Service
cannot be performed without the assistance of the Happy Janet I
have sent an order for that purpose.--I am S^r Your most hum^b
Sert.
JOS: GUEST.
_P.S._--The Boat with Biscuit etc. cou’d not Sail last night, nor
this day the wind being contrary, but it shall be sent or meet
the Vessells as they come opposite to Leith.
XV
_Lieutenant-General Guest to Captain Knight R.N._
Edinburgh 23^d Decem^r 1745.
Walter Grosett Esq^r has directions from me to be assisting to
the Forces that are this night to Quarter at Linlithgow and
Borrostouness in which I also desire you will do your Utmost,
either in Transporting them eastwards or Otherways as he will
give you directions from the Commanding officer, and you will
return to your Station as soon as possible. I am S^r, Your most
hum^{ble} Ser^t.
JOS: GUEST.
To Cap^t Knight of
the Happy Janet.
XVI
_The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett_
Ed^r 23^d Dec^r 1745.
SIR,--I refer you to y^e Generalls orders Now is the time to
Exert your self at a dead pull. Home will shew you mine and the
necessity of the troops moveing to Hadinton too Morrow, either on
Horseback or put aboard--now Dr. Sr. Exert and get the Volunteers
to exert in getting in the Horses, and theyll get full payment
for their hire you must not notice[635] their march further yn yt
place, else perhaps theyll not be so ready to give yr Horses. I
am your Slave.
A. F.
If you bring up y^e rear youll haue the post of Honour.
You shall have intelligence all right.
XVII
_The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett_
(_Holograph but not signed_)
Ed. 23 Dec^r 1745.
DEAR SIR,--I re^d yours about 7 at night, and you have done
Exceeding well, if you bring up the Rear right I think you should
Command those that command you now. I have no notion of shipping
any Horses, they are in no danger, the men may be landed at
Northberwick Dumbar or Heymouth[636] as the wind serves, or even
at Holy Island if they cannot land Sooner wt Safety, but yt is
only my private opinion, the ordor of y^e proper Officers is the
Rule.
The Shipping was chiefly designed for the Baggage seek and weak,
and the Ships may be employed to bring Oats etc. for G. Wades
Armye.
XVIII
_The Earl of Home to Walter Grossett_
Linlithgow tuesday Morning
24th Dec^r near One O clock 1745.
The three Companys being Warm’d with the Same Zeal with those of
Glasgow are willing to Share the Same fate with them and have
March’d to Borrostouness to go on board, So I must desire you to
have them put on Board with all expedition, and I dont doubt of
your doing every thing in your power for the accomadation of Men
who deserve it So well. I am in haste Yours
HOME.
I have not had any farther accounts.
To Mr. Groset.
XIX
_Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett_
By JOSHUA GUEST Esq^r. Lieut. General of His Majesty’s
Forces etc. etc.
I desire you will go to Borrostouness and take whatever Cannon
you may find in that Town or aboard the Ships in the Harbour, and
send them here for the Defence of this City, and your Receipt for
what number you Receive shall be Allowed by me, for doing whereof
this shall be to you and all Concerned a sufficient warrant.
Given at Edinburgh the 1^{st} January 1745.
JOS: GUEST.
To Walter Grosett Esq^r
Collector of His Majesty’s Customs.
XX
_The Lord Justice Clerk and Major-General Huske to Walter Grossett and
others_
Leith 8 Jan. 1746.
Whereas Some Matts of Flax are requisite for his Majestys Service
You are hereby authorised to take aboard of the Transports now
employed in his Majestys Service Such a number of Matts of Flax
from aboard of a Dutch Sloop laying in the road of Leith for wch
you are to give your Receipt, as you judge necessary for his
Majestys Service. Given day and date forsaid.
AND FLETCHER.
JOHN HUSKE.
To the Officer Commanding the Troops
or the Comander of y^e Transports
now employed in his Majestys Service
or Walter Groset Esq^r.
XXI
_The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett_
SR,--I re^d your Letter of yesterday noon off the nuik, I am
sorry you came so late, however as you have done something,
and if you meet wt no loss, all is well. The inclosed from G.
Hawley to Coll. Leighton is wt orders to return in case nothing
of importance can be done wt Safety. The oyr for Genll Blackney
from Gn^{ll} Hawley, we wish could be delivered and an answer
got as upon it depends matters of great Consequence, So I do not
question youll exert your Invention. Matters are prepareing for
a March. My Compliments and best wishes to all freinds wt you.
Yours etc.
A. F.
Edinb^r Friday 12 aclock
10^{th} Jan^y 1746.
XXII
_Lieutenant-General Hawley to Major-General Blackeney._
Edinborow 10^{th} Jan: 1745-6.
SR,--I had a verball message from you by a man this morning
desyring reliefe. I am getting the foot, who are come up,
repaired as soone as possible, for withe the nine days marche,
after all things others they are good deale harrased butt in good
spiritts.
I shall move towards you, if possible a Sunday, in the meantime
let me know by the bearer or some other way, how long you can
hold out, no more now but that I am sinceerly yrs.
H. C. HAWLEY.
XXIII
_Permit from Lord Justice Clerk for Walter Grossett_
Edenburgh the 26 Jan^r 1746.
Permitt Mr. Grosert and oyrs with him to pass and repass at the
west port of Ed^r the Same being for his Majestys Special Service.
AND FLETCHER.
To all Officers Civill and Military.
XXIV
_Warrant from Lord Justice Clerk to all Officers of the Law_
Edinb^r 30 Jan^r 1746.
Whereas I am informed that James Drummond of Drummond commonly
called the Duke of Perth with oyrs concerned in the present
Rebellion are in or about y^e House of Lundie in Fife These are
therefore Granting warrant to all Officers of y^e Law wt yr
Assistants to search the said house of Lundie or any oyr houses
they have reason to Suspect y^e said persons are and them
haveing found to seize and apprehend them and detain them in sure
Custody till thence Liberated by due Course of the Law, for wch
this shall be to all and Sundry Concerned a Sufficent warrant.
AND FLETCHER.
XXV
_The Lord Justice Clerk to Captain Coren_
SIR,--I desire you will be assisting to Walter Grosert of Logie
Esqr. one of his Majesties Justices of the peace in Executeing
divers warrands wch he will show you when proper. Sir I am Your
most Obedient humble Servant,
AND FLETCHER.
Edinburgh the 30th Jan^r 1746.
To Captain Coren or the Commanding
officer of the party to go aboard
the Bylander[637] at Leith.
XXVI
_The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grosett_
Edr., 1^{st} Febr. 1745/6.
SIR,--You are to proceed with the Bylander towards Higgins neuk
and allowa and there assisted by Captain Coren and y^e party you
are to Search for Suspected persons, ammunition and provisions
belonging to the Rebells of wch you have particular Notice, for
wch this shall be sufficient warrand.
AND FLETCHER.
To Walter Grosert of Logie one of
his Majestys Justices of the Peace.
_P.S._--You are to acquaint Gen^{ll} Hawley of what Success you
have and take your further directions from him.
XXVII
_Lieutenant-General Hawley to_ ----
Stirling 2^d February 1745/6.
SIR,--As to the eight or nine persons you have Prisoners of the
Rebells, you’l deliver them to the Corporal Who gives you this.
The Meal, Bread, and Money etc. which the Rebells Left at Alloa
you’l immediatly Secure for His Majesties use, for the Doing of
which this Shall be to you a Sufficient Warrant.
H. C. HAWLEY.
_P.S._--If you can Secure the person who Released the Officer
Send him prisoner hither.
XXVIII
_The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett_
Ed^n the 8 Feb^r 1746.
SR,--I desire yuell go wt y^e utmost Expedition to give his
Royall Highness an actt of the prince of Hesse’s arrival with
the Hessians, they came from Williamstad^t on Tuesday last, they
have the Hazzars aboard, and you are to desire to know the Dukes
directions where they are to be landed, as none of them can be
landed this night, ys actt I have from Coll. Stewart who is just
arrived. Mentione every thing is prepareing for the Reception of
the prince, and getting bread and forrage for the troops. I am
Yours etc.
AND FLETCHER.
To Walter Groset Esqr. at Leith.
The ammunition is gone by Stirlinge.
XXIX
_The Same to the Same_
Ed^r 11^{th} Feb^r 1746.
SR,--Upon receipt of this I desire yeull visite all the ports on
the Forth where Coals are shipped, and agree for Coals being
transported for the use of y^e army by Sea to Montrose, and to
report to me by Express what agreements you make and to what
extent wt y^e ships name and masters names. I am S^r Your most
humble Servant,
AND FLETCHER.
To Walter Groset Esq^r Collector of
the Customs at Allowa.
XXX
_The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett_
Edinburgh 11^{th} Mar: 1746.
SIR,--You or any having your Authority are hereby Impowered to
Contract with any persons you think proper for Ten boats to be
employed in His Majestys Service in carrying provisions and other
necessarys to the Army, and for which you shall have the proper
protections.
AND FLETCHER.
To Walter Grosett Esq^r, Collector of
the Customs at Alloa.
XXXI
_Brigadier-General Price to the Duke of Newcastle_
MY LORD,--I have the honour to acquaint Your Grace that I
received an Information from I think a pretty sure hand That
Corn from Northumberland and the Adjacent Countys which formerly
was brought to this Market is now carryed to that of Wooler a
Town fourteen miles from hence and immediatly bought there which
if my intelligence is right carryed westward between Stirling
and Dunbarton Castle for the use of the Rebels. Of this I last
post sent notice to Major General Blackney at Stirling how it
is carryed forward from thence My Information does not say but
I supposed to be embarked on the River Clyde and sent through
the Western Islands to Lochaber which may easily be prevented by
small arm’d boats crusing there or if sent in boats by Lockloman
and so conveyed into the hills may be prevented by the Argyle
and Breadalbine people doing their duty. I am now looking out for
a trusty person to be employed about Wooler in hopes to trace
this matter to a Certainty which as soon as I can do shall not
faile of acquainting Your Grace with it.
I should be mighty glad to receive Your Grace’s Commands how to
proceed in this affair It wou’d give me the greatest pleasure
Could I be Instrumental in bringing these Villanous Banditte to
their Condign punishment. I am etc.
JN^O PRICE.
Berwick Sunday
March the 16^{th} 1745/6.
XXXII
_Walter Grossett to the Lord Justice Clerk_
MY LORD,--Agreeable to what your Lordship recommended to me with
respect to what Brigd^r Price acquainted His Grace the Duke
of Newcastle in his Letter of the 16^{th} Instant, that Corns
bought at Wooler was according to his Intelligence, carried
Westwards between Stirling and Dunbarton etc. I immediatly set
out for Stirling and from that went across the Country towards
Dunbarton and Glasgow and from thence by the Banks of the River
Clyde to this place. Upon my arrival here I found along with Sir
John Schaw, Mr. Hammilton who has the Commission from keeping
out the Irish Corns from this Country and who agreeable to your
directions to Sir John Schaw, had Just come there from a Survey
he had made along the Coast of Galloway, to prevent the Rebels
from getting Supply from that part of the Country and from what
Mr. Hamilton tells me and I have otherwise Informed my self off I
can now assure your Lordship that if Corns have been carried from
Wooler Westward, no part of these Corns have been carried to the
Rebels, and that they have not been supplyed with Provisions of
any sort from this part of the Country. I thought it my Duty to
take the first opportunity to acquaint your Lordship of this, and
shall without fail be with you again on Munday to receive your
further commands. Till then I beg to be allowed the Honour to
remain with the greatest respect and Esteem etc.
W. G.
Greenock 30^{th} Mar. 1746.
XXXIII
_Earl of Home to Walter Grossett_
Edinburgh 14^{th} Ap: 1746.
As the Service requires Transports and Provisions for carrying
four Hundered Men to Inverness I desire you will with the utmost
Expedition provide proper Transports and lay in the usual
Provision for four Hundered Men for thirty dayes and the Charges
you may on that account be put to I hereby Oblige my self to pay
the same to your order.
HOME.
To Walter Grosett Esq^r.
XXXIV
_Walter Grossett to Masters of Transports_
Leith 19^{th} Aprile 1746.
SIR,--I have Now Imployed your Vessell the of the Burthen
of Tons as a Transport in his Majestys Service for which you
are to have Ten Shillings p Ton Monthly for one Month Certain
and thereafter Proportionaly so long as you are Continued in the
Service.
You are therefor to Proceed from the Harbour of Leith with the
Recovered Men and Provisions Onboard, Directly to Inverness and
there follow the Directions of his Roy^l Highness the Duke of
Cumberland or those acting under him as to their Landing, and you
are to be free after Landing the Men and Provisions unless Longer
continued in the Service by orders as Above. I am, Sir, Yours etc.
WAT: GROSETT.
List of the Ships Imployed as Transp^{ts}
Ann--Thomas Masterman 100 Janet--George Dougall 110
Speedwell--Rob^t Laurence 81 Jean--John Roxburgh 50
XXXV
_Notes of Lieutenant Dickson to the Lord Justice-Clerk forwarded to
Walter Grossett_
Having received His Royal Highness the Dukes Orders to Apply to
Lord Justice Clerk for his Assistance in providing Carriages or
other Conveyances for the Cloathing of Maj^r General Wolfe’s
Regim^t from Leith to Perth. I have Complied with the Above Order
this 13 July 1746.
WM. DICKSON.
Lieu^t in Gen^l Wolfe’s Regim^t.
Would you have the Cloathing carried by Sea or Land?
A. F.
If the Conveyance by Water all the Way to Perth is not uncertain
in point of time, it is the most easy and less expensive Method;
but if the time of making the passage is uncertain, I must of
necessity take the Means of Carriages by Land from Kinghorn.
W. D.
Ed^r 13^th July 1746. 12 at Noon.
MR. GROSET
SIR, pray go to Leith with the above Mr. Dickson and Settle the
carriage of the Above Cloathing in the best manner. I herewith
deliver you a Letter to Baillie Hamilton in Kinghorn to prouide
Carriages; after viewing the Parcells yuell be able to judge what
carriages will be wanting which yuell add to my Letter wt y^e
time when required and the Carriages may proceed night and day
till they arrive at perth. Ys from Sr Your humble Ser^t
AND FLETCHER.
To Walter Grosett Esq^r.
Extract of the REPORT of SIR EVERARD FAWKENER, Secretary to H.R.H. the
Duke, and of JOHN SHARPE, Esqr., Solicitor to the TREASURY, to the
Right Honble. the LORDS COMMISSIONERS thereof relating to Mr. GROSETT’S
Services to the Government in the late Rebellion.
May it please Your Lordships
In obeidience to your Lordships Commands we have Examd. the two
Accompts of Walter Grosett Esqr. and from the Certificate of
the Lord Justice Clerk and all the Generals who Commanded in
Scotland, relating to these Accompts, it appears to us, that Mr.
Grosett was employed in the following Service of the Government,
from the first breaking out of the Rebellion to the Suppression
thereof, Vizt.
That upon the Rebells at Pearth having formed a designe to
surprize Edinburgh by getting across the River Forth in Boats and
vissibly[638] as they had done in the year 1715, Mr. Grosett with
the assistance of the Kings Sloops and Boats stationed at Dunbar,
Leith, and Several other places on the Coast, and which were put
under his Directions as a Justice of the Peace, removed all the
Ships, Boats and Vessells from the North to the South side of
the Forth, notwithstanding of the Rebells being at that time in
possession of the North side of that River, and thereby prevented
their putting in Execution what they had projected as aforesaid.
That he was almost constantly Employed in disapointing the
designs of the Rebells, getting inteligence of their motions, and
giving inteligence thereof to the Generals Officers both before
and after the Battle of Prestonpans.
That he conducted an Attempt for releasing several Officers who
were in the Custody of the Rebells, and had been made prisoners
at the Battle of Prestonpans, in which he succeeded.
That upon the Rebells sudden retraite from England, Mr. Grosett
was employed by Lord Justice Clerk and Genl. Guest, to get the
Troops transported in the most Expeditious manner from Stirling,
and the Cannon from on Board the Ships at Borrowstonness to
Edinburgh, for the defence thereof, the Rebells being at this
time within a days march of that Town and by which means they
were prevented from getting again possession of that important
place.
That he on Several occasions provided Vessells, rais’d the well
Affected Country people, embarked Souldiers, and conducted
Several Expeditions upon the Forth, to surprize the Rebells
and retard their intended Siege of Stirling Castle, in which
he succeeded; as also in destroying by the Dukes Command, the
Magazines belonging to the Rebells on the North side of the Forth
and who on that occasion took several of the Rebells prisoners
and sent them to his R.H. then at Stirling.
That he procured several Boats and Vessells to attend ye Army
with provisions and other necessary’s as it march’d along the
Coaste, to attack the Rebells at Culloden (where his younger
Brother Captain Grosett was barbarously murdered) he also
procured Pilotts to go with Commodore Smith to the Orkneys to
prevent the Rebells there joining these at Culloden, and assisted
Lord Justice Clerk in procuring whatever was found necessary for
the Army, and for the Service of the Governmt. at the Critical
Juncture.
That Mr. Grosett was appointed by His Grace the Duke of Newcastle
to transact the Affairs of the Government in Scotland relating to
the Rebellion, and to find out and collect the Evidence against
the Rebells, and to keep a constant Corespondence with His Grace
and Mr. Sharpe in all such matters as might require it, with
assurance that the expense thereof, and of the Witnesses sent up
to Town shd. be defrayed, and that care would be taken of his
having a Suitable Satisfaction for his trouble.
That it appears to us from the Certificate of the Lord Justice
Clerk, that Mr. Grosett being employed on behalf of the Governt.
from the first breaking out of the Rebelling, and his Acting in
so open and remarkable a manner in the Service of the Government,
created against him the particular ill will of the Jacobites
and their adherents, who on that Acct. took every opertunity of
shewing their resentment against him, they Plundered his House
in Town and in the Country, and carried of Effects to a very
great Value, they drove all the Cattle from of his Estate, forced
the payment of the Rents thereof to them, Stript his Wife and
Children of the very Cloaths they had on, and used them otherwise
in a moste inhumain manner.
That as to the Several Sums charged for Expenses in those
Services, Mr. Grosett has not in any of his accompts charged
anything for the Extraordinary trouble and fatigue he underwent,
but only for the sums he actually expended, and tho’ he has
advanced above £5000 in these Services he has not charged the
Governmt. anything on the Head of Interest.
Upon the whole it appears to us, that during the late unfortunate
rebellion, Mr. Grosett was employed in several services of the
greatest trust and confidence, and which required great prudence,
resolution and activity in the execution of them, and that he
executed the same, with great care, exactness and ability and
that he continued his services to the government after the
suppression of the rebellion with equal ardour, zeal, activity
and dilligence, and in the whole of his behaviour, he appeared
to us to be actuated as much by his affection to the government
as the duties of his office, and with regard to the articles of
his accounts which remain unpaid and which amount to the sum of
3709£ 11s. we apprehend them reasonable, and therefore certify
your Lordships that the said sum of 3709£ 11s. appears to us to
be justified, due to him for the sums expended by him in the
services aforesaid.
(_Signed_) Everard Fawkener.
John Sharpe.
_6th February 1749._
A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN; BY
ANDREW LUMISDEN, THEN PRIVATE SECRETARY TO PRINCE CHARLES; BY A
GENTLEMAN WHO WAS IN THESE ACTIONS
OF THE BATTLE OF PRESTON, OR GLADESMUIR,
FOUGHT SEPTEMBER 21^st, 1745
Intelligence having been brought to the Prince, that Lieutenant General
Cope, commander in chief of the government forces in Scotland, was
landed at Dunbar, with the troops he embarked at Aberdeen, and was
joined by Hamilton and Gardiner’s dragoons, he resolved to march
directly and attack him.
Accordingly on the 20th September, in the morning, the Prince put
himself at the head of the army at Dudingston, and presenting his sword
said--‘My friends I have flung away the scabbard.’ This was answered by
a chearful huzza.
The army marched till they gained the top of Carberryhill, from whence
we observed the enemy drawn up on the plain below, in order of battle.
We continued the march along the brow of the hill, till we were
opposite to the front of, and at half a miles distance from the enemy.
Here the Highlanders gave a shout, by way of defiance, and nothing less
than authority could restrain them from coming immediately to action.
Several officers were sent, particularly Colonel Ker of Gradane, to
reconnoitre the enemy’s camp. They reported that General Cope had got
into a fastness, where it was impossible to attack him, without risking
the loss of the whole army: That his right was drawn up to the high
walls of the gardens of Preston, where he had made several breaches to
retire into, if needful: The house of Seton and a small morass on the
left: An inclosure not half a gun shot over, surrounded with a ditch
three or four feet deep, and five or six broad, covered his front;
which made two ditches of that breadth and depth to pass: And the sea
was in his rear, at no great distance from him: His canons and coehorns
were planted on a high way that led to Tranent, between the above
inclosure and morass. Thus his front was to the south, his rear to the
north, his right to the west, and his left to the east.
In this situation what was to be done? It was about two o’clock in the
after-noon. The Prince made several movements to amuse the enemy, and
placed guards on the several roads that led to their camp. In the mean
time General Cope discharged several canon at us, but without effect.
At twilight the Prince drew off his men, and marched to Tranent. From
hence he detached Lord Nairne, with 500 men, to guard the road that
led from Preston to Edinburgh, to prevent Cope from marching thither.
On the other hand General Cope, afraid that the Prince should have
directed his march eastwards, altered his disposition, and faced east,
having now the morass in front; and his troops were thus disposed.
General Hamilton’s dragoons were on his right, and Colonel Gardiners on
his left. The regiment of Lascelle’s and Murray, with five companies
of Lees and four of Guises formed the center. And his second line
consisted of three companies of the Earl of Loudun’s regiment, two of
Lord John Murray’s, a body of Monros, and a great number of recruits
for regiments abroad. Amounting in all to about 2000 foot, and 700
dragoons.
As it was now dark, the Prince ordered the army to march and to take
possession of the ground on the south east of the morass which they
did, at about half canon shot of the enemy. We continued under arms in
the order of march, observing the greatest silence, so that Cope did
not perceive where we were.
About three o’clock of the morning of the 21^{st}, orders were sent
to Lord Nairne to draw off his guards and join the Prince, which he
immediately did. The disposition of the attack being made, the Prince
addressed his army in these words--‘Follow me, gentlemen, by the
assistance of God, I will this day make you a free and happy people.’
The right wing was commanded by the Duke of Perth, Lieutenant General,
and consisted of the Macdonalds of Clanranald, Glengary, Keppoch and
Glenco, and Grants of Glenmoriston. The left wing was commanded by
Lord George Murray, Lieutenant-General, and consisted of the Camerons
of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, and two companies of Macgregors. The
second line was commanded by Lord Nairne, Major-General, and consisted
of Athole-men, Robertsons of Strouan, Maclauchlans, and the Duke of
Perth’s men. About 25 gentlemen, and their servants, a horse-back,
formed a sort of corps de reserve. The whole army consisted of about
2200 men.
We marched chearfully on. The Duke of Perth was conducted by a
gentleman, of the name of Anderson, by a ford through the above morass;
where 100 men could have prevented our passage: it was so difficult
that every step the men made they sunk to the knee in mud. This made
them pass in some disorder, but not being observed, by means of the
darkness, they formed again as they passed the morass. But the Duke of
Perth, in place of inclining to the enemy’s left, to avoid being seen
by them before all our men were passed, marched towards the sea: so
when our left gained the plain, Lord George Murray found that he was
nearer the enemy than the Duke of Perth was. However, day beginning to
break the attack was ordered.
The highlanders, pulling off their bonnets and looking up to heaven,
made a short prayer, and ran forward. In advancing Lord George Murray
observed, that by the turn of the morass, there was a great interval
between his left and the ditch of the before mentioned inclosure: he
therefore ordered the Camerons to incline that way, in order to take it
up, to prevent being flanked by the enemy’s dragoons. By this movement
there became a considerable interval in the center, which the 2^d line
was ordered to fill up. We were now discovered by the enemy, who played
their artillery furiously upon our left; yet only one private man was
killed, and one officer wounded. The highlanders ran on with such
eagerness that they immediately seized the canon. The dragoons on right
and left made a very regular fire, which was followed by close platoons
of all their infantry, which our men received with great intrepidity.
But what by the huzzas of the highlanders, and their fire which was
very brisk, the dragoons were immediately thrown into disorder, which
occasioned some confusion among their foot. The highlanders threw down
their muskets, drew their swords, and carried all before them like a
torrent: so that in seven or eight minutes both horse and foot were
totally routed, and drove from the field of battle.
The Prince during the action was on foot in the 2^d line. He was with
great difficulty prevailed on not to attack with the first line in so
much that the officers refused to march if he insisted on it. As soon
as the victory declared for him, he mounted his horse and put a stop to
the slaughter, calling out,--‘make prisoners: spare them, spare them,
they are my father’s subjects.’
When General Cope saw how things were going, and that he could not
rally his forces, he, with about 350 dragoons, and some volunteer
officers, gained Carberryhill, by a road that led to it from Preston,
and, as we had not time, nor horse to pursue, got away undisturbed to
Lauder, and from thence to Berwick.
As our 2^d line had no occasion to engage, it may with justice be
said, that 1400 highlanders, unsupported by horse or canon, routed
a regular army of 2000 foot and 700 dragoons, defended by a fine
train of artillery, and obtained a most compleat victory. Such is the
impetuosity of a highland attack!
We took all the enemys canon, coehorns, small arms, colours, standards,
drums, tents, baggage and military chest, in which was about 3000^l.
11^s.
Of the enemy were killed about 500, wounded 400, and taken prisoners
1400. Among the prisoners were about 80 officers.
Our loss was very inconsiderable, viz. killed 2 captains, 1 Lieutenant,
1 ensign, and about 30 private men; and wounded 6 officers, and 70
private men.
All care immaginable was taken of the wounded, plenty of able surgeons
having been provided for that purpose.
The Prince lay this night at Pinkie, and next day the 22^d returned to
the palace of Holyroodhouse, and the army encamped again at Duddingston.
OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK,
FOUGHT JANUARY 17^th, 1746
Lieutenant General Hawley, having been declared commander in chief in
place of Sir John Cope, marched from Edinburgh to raise the siege of
Stirling Castle, with about 10000 foot and 3 regiments of dragoons, and
encamped a little to the westward of Falkirk.
On the 16^{th} the Prince drew up his army in line of battle, on a muir
or plain, a mile south east of the house of Bannockburn, then his head
quarters, and made all the necessary dispositions, in case the enemy
should have advanced to attack him. But Hawley continued all day in his
camp, and in the evening the Prince ordered his men to their quarters.
Early next morning, the 17^{th}, the Prince ordered his men to draw up
on the same plain. The right wing, commanded by Lord George Murray,
consisted of the Macgregors, Macdonalds of Keppoch, Clanronald,
Glengary, and Glenco, Mackintoshes and Farquharsons. The left,
commanded by Lord John Drummond, consisted of the Camerons of Lochiel,
Stuarts of Appin, Macphersons of Cluny, Frazers of Lovat, and Macleods
of Raza and Bernera. The 2^d line, commanded by Brigadier-General
Stappleton, consisted of the regiments of the Duke of Athole, Earl of
Cromarty, Lord Lewis Gordon, and Lord Ogilvy. Lords Elcho and Balmerino
with the Prince’s horse-guards, consisting of about 80 gentlemen and
their servants, were placed on the right wing, between the first and
second lines. Lords Pitsligo and Strathallan with the Aberdeen and
Perth-shire squadrons of horse, and a few hussars, making about the
same number, were placed in like manner on the left. The Irish pickets
were placed immediately behind the 2^d line as a corps de reserve. The
whole making about 7000 foot, and 160 horse.
The regiments of the Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, Gordon of
Glenbucket, and John Roy Stuart were left at Stirling to guard the
trenches and push on the siege, being about 1000 men. The Duke of
Perth, who commanded the siege, and John Roy Stuart were allowed to
join the army to assist in the action: and the care of the siege was
left to Major-General Gordon of Glenbucket.
About midday the Prince, finding that Hawley did not advance, resolved
in a council of war to march and attack him. The army therefore marched
in order of battle, in two columns, keeping always an equal distance
of about 200 yards. This saved a great deal of time, and prevented
confusion, when we came within sight of the enemy. Lord George Murray
took the road to the south of the Torwood, as the highway leading from
Stirling to Falkirk was too narrow. At the same time Lord John Drummond
went with most of the horse to reconnoitre the enemy; and made a
movement as intending to march the highway through the Torwood.
The army crossed the water of Carron at Dunipace. By this time the
enemy were perceived to be in motion. We therefore quickened our march
to gain the top of the hill, about a mile south of the town of Falkirk,
and a little more from Hawley’s camp.
General Hawley’s disposition seems to have been thus. On his right were
the Argyleshire militia, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell,
the regiments of foot of Ligonier, Price and Sinclair: on his left
Ligonier, Cobham and Hamilton’s dragoons; the regiments of foot
of Wolfe, Cholmondly and Pulteney. The 2^d line was made up of the
regiments of foot of Blackney, Monro, Flemming, Barret and Battereau.
The Glasgow and some other militia, and Howard’s regiment of foot
formed a corps de reserve.
Mr. Hawley, afraid lest the Prince intended to march south, and
not come to an action, ordered the dragoons to advance with all
expedition, to take possession of the hill, and to keep us in play
till the infantry should come up. When they came within canon shot,
they made a motion to attack our right in flank, which Lord George
Murray perceiving he, with the assistance of Colonel John Roy Stuart,
made a very quick motion till he gained a morass, by which he saved
being flanked. So our right was to the east, our left west, and front
north. The dragoons seeing their scheme thus disappointed, advanced on
a full trot, in order to break us; but the Macgregors and Macdonalds,
keeping up their fire till they were within pistol shot, received them
so briskly, that they were immediately broken, and thrown into the
utmost confusion. As the enemy’s foot were now very near, the dragoons
could not easily retreat back, without breaking their own line: they
therefore gallopped along our line, whereby a vast number of them were
killed. This beginning greatly inspirited our men, as it had a contrary
effect on the enemy.
Scarcely had the dragoons got off when their infantry advanced to make
the attack. They greatly out-lined us on the left, as we out-lined them
on the right. Our left extended little farther than to their center.
But from the unequality of the ground, being interspersed with risings
and hollows, whereby there was no seeing from right to left what was
doing, neither of the parties reaped advantage from that circumstance.
The enemy’s right therefore attacked our left with a very close fire,
which the Camerons and Stuarts received with great fortitude, drew
their swords, broke and pursued them out of the field. Then our left
made a halt in order to be joined by the right; but were again attacked
by other two regiments in flank, whom they also immediately broke. Our
right, marching down the hill, fell in with the Glasgow militia, whom
they severely chastised.
The Prince, who was mostly in the center, and whose attention was
turned to all parts, observing some regiments of the enemys foot, and
the remainder of the dragoons, marching up the hill, put himself at the
head of the Irish pickets, and such of the scattered highlanders as
were nearest to him, with a few gentlemen a horse-back, and advanced to
attack them. But seeing the order of the pickets, and having a great
storm of wind and rain in their faces, they fled precipitantly to their
camp, as did all the rest of their troops.
As the action began late in the afternoon, it was now dark, the storm
still continuing. However, the Prince made all the dispatch immaginable
to put his troops in order, as he intended to beat the enemy from
their camp. But hardly were the half of our men drawn together, when
we observed many fires in Hawley’s camp, and his men at the same time
marching, with great hurry, between the camp and town of Falkirk. We
immediately conjectured that they were burning their camp (which they
indeed endeavoured, but were prevented by the rain) and were to take
possession of the town of Falkirk. Had they taken this course, a few
men properly posted could have hindered the highlanders from entering
that night, and obliged us either to have abandoned the field of
battle, or to have stood all night under arms, wet and fatigued as we
were, and exposed to the inclemency of the weather, a thing impossible.
Mr. Drummond, now Lord Strathallan, and Mr. Oliphant younger of Gask,
disguised in peasants dress, went into the town to reconnoitre, and to
get intelligence of the enemy. They soon returned with information,
that they were flying in confusion to Linlithgow. The Prince
immediately ordered his men to march, and attack them in the rear. As
we marched we fell on the enemy’s canon, which they had left between
the field of battle and the town: they could not draw them up the hill,
on account of the badness of the roads; so they were of no use to them
in the action.
The enemy’s rear were just got to the east end of the town, when Lord
John Drummond entered it on that side: he was shot throw the arm by a
soldier, whom he was taking prisoner. Lord George Murray entered at the
middle, and Lochiel at the west end of the town.
Our men had no sooner entered the town than they disappeared on all
sides; every one putting himself under cover to dry his cloaths; and
refresh himself after the fatigue of the day: and altho a detachment of
1000 men were ordered to pursue the enemy, yet, such is the misfortune
of an irregular army! not 50 could be brought together, besides those
absolutely necessary to mount the guards for the Prince and their own
safeties. So the enemy never stopped till they got to Linlithgow, and
some of their volunteers and dragoons to Edinburgh.
The Prince’s first care next morning was to send to reconnoitre the
field of battle, and cause bury the dead, as well those of the enemy
as his own men. Some of their officers that could be distinguished, of
whom were Sir Robert Monroe and Colonel Whitney, were brought down to
the town, and interred in the same manner as our own officers were.
It now appeared that about 600 of the enemy were killed on the field of
battle, and that we had made about 700 prisoners.
We got all their artillery consisting of 7 large pieces of brass canon,
and 3 iron ones, several mortars and coehorns, with a great many
shells, all their ammunition, waggons, tents, 3 standards, 2 stand of
colours, a kettle drum, many small arms, baggage, and generally every
thing that the rain prevented them from burning.
On our side were killed 3 captains, 4 subaltern officers, and about 40
private men: and we had wounded near double that number.
OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN,
FOUGHT APRIL 16^{TH}, 1746
As soon as certain intelligence was brought that the Duke of Cumberland
had begun his march from Aberdeen northwards, the Prince sent orders to
Ross, Sutherland, Lochaber, and Badenoch, that all the detachments of
his army, in these places, should join him immediately at Inverness.
The Duke of Cumberland passed the Spey on the 13th, and on the 14th
encamped at Nairn, about 10 miles from Culloden. On this the Prince
assembled his men in and about Inverness, and marched at their head to
Culloden-house, where he lay that night, and the troops encamped in the
Parks.
Early next morning, the Prince drew up his army in line of battle,
upon Drummossie muir, south of the house and parks of Culloden, as he
expected that the Duke of Cumberland would have attacked him that day,
being his birth-day.
About noon, when we were informed that he had not moved, it was
proposed to the Prince to make a night attack upon him, in his camp
at Nairn. Various were the reasons for and against this proposal. And
after considering them fully, the Prince approved of the project, as
the most probable chance he had of beating the enemy; provided they
could be surprised by one o’clock of the morning.
We must here observe, that the Duke of Cumberland’s army was double the
number of ours, plentifully provided with money and provisions of all
kinds; having a squadron of ships, loaded with stores, that coasted
along, from Aberdeen to Inverness, in sight of his army, to supply him
with whatever was necessary. Whereas our military chest was spent; the
men had not received pay for some time, had got no provisions this day
but a single bisket each, and were much fatigued by severe duty.
In this situation the Prince could not propose to keep his army
together. He was obliged either to fight or starve. And altho above
3000 men, under the command of the Earl of Cromarty, Macdonald of
Barisdale, Macgregor of Glengyle, Cluny Macpherson, and others, who
were expected every hour, had not yet joined, he resolved to risk the
event of an engagement.
The night attack being therefore agreed to, was to have been executed
thus. One third of the army, commanded by Lord George Murray, were to
have passed the water of Nairn, two miles below Culraick, and two from
Nairn, to have attacked the enemy on the south east near to the sea;
whilst the other two thirds, under the command of the Duke of Perth
and his brother Lord John Drummond, were to have attacked them on the
plain, from the north east and all the way to the sea, so as to have
joined those who were to have attacked on the other side.
That our design might not be discovered by the enemy, the march began
about eight o’clock at night. Lord George Murray led the van. He had
along with him, besides several gentlemen volunteers and officers, 30
men of the Mackintoshes, who lived in that very country, as guides.
They conducted him the moor road, that he might not fall in with the
enemy’s patrolls; and small parties were stationed at proper distances
to prevent the enemy from receiving any intelligence.
As the highlanders had often marched more than two miles in an hour, it
was hoped that they could have reached Nairn before two o’clock. But
before Lord George had marched a mile, he received a message that the
half of the line was at a considerable distance, and orders to halt,
or march slower, till the line should join. He received many messages
by aides-de-camps and other officers, sent for the same purpose, by
the time he had reached six miles. Altho he did not halt, he marched
always slower, hoping that would do: For he knew that a halt in the
van occasions a greater one in the rear, when the march begins again;
whereas by marching slow, the rear might have joined without that
inconveniency.
It was already near two o’clock in the morning, and the van near
four miles from the enemy. Most of the officers of distinction were
now come up to the front; particularly the Duke of Perth, Lord John
Drummond, Lochiel and his brother, and M. oSulivan. The Duke of Perth
told Lord George Murray that unless he made a halt the center and rear
columns could not join. We halted. Here the officers began to examine
their present situation. They were of opinion, that by the time the
line had joined, and the army advanced two miles farther, it would be
day light, and consequently the enemy would have time to point their
canon, draw up their men, and place their horse so as to act in the
most advantagious manner. Besides, a great number of our men had left
their ranks and lain down in the wood of Culraick, which must have
proceeded from faintness for want of food, and not from the fatigue
of a six miles march. In these circumstances the attack was judged
impracticable. To get back to Culloden, so as the men could have some
hours refreshment, in case they should be obliged to fight that day,
was what they agreed to.
As the Prince was about a mile behind in the rear, and the road through
the wood very difficult to pass, they thought it would consume too much
time to send back for orders, Lord George Murray therefore ordered
the retreat. The Duke of Perth went back to acquaint the Prince with
this resolution. At first he seemed much surprised, on which the Duke
offered to march back the men; but after some reflection, he saw it was
then too late.
We marched back the shortest way, as we had not the same reason for
shuning houses in returning as we had in advancing.
The van had only got to the Church of Cray, that is two miles from
where the halt was made, when it was broad day light. This showed that
the enemy could not have been surprised as was intended. However, had
the center and rear marched as quick as the van, it might certainly
have been done.
Between 5 and 6 o’clock, all the army reached Culloden: But many, as
well officers as soldiers went to Inverness and places adjacent, in
quest of provisions, which were difficult to find.
The Prince had scarcely reposed himself an hour, when accounts were
brought, that the enemy was in full march to attack him. He immediately
sent aid-de-camps to bring up the men, who were at Inverness. In
the mean time he marched up the troops that were about Culloden to
Drummossie muir; but half a mile nearer than where they were formed the
preceeding day.
This was our order of battle. The right wing, commanded by Lord George
Murray, consisted of his own regiment of Athol, Camerons of Lochiel,
Stuarts of Appin, one battallion of the Frazers of Lovat, and the
Mackintoshes. The left wing, commanded by the Duke of Perth, consisted
of the Macdonalds of Glengary, Keppoch and Clanranald, two companies
of Macleans, two companies of Macleods, and the Farquharsons. The 2^d
line, commanded by Lord John Drummond and Major General Stappleton,
consisted of the Irish piquets, the regiments of Lord Ogilvy, Lord
Lewis Gordon, Duke of Perth, and Lord John Drummond. On the right wing,
behind the 2^d line, was a troop of Fitz-james’s horse; and on the left
the horse guards, Perth-shire squadron and Hussards. The regiments of
the Earl of Kilmarnock’s foot guards, and Colonel John Roy Stuart, with
such of our men as had no guns formed a sort of reserve.
The whole did not exceed 6000 foot and 150 horse. We had six pieces of
canon, two placed on the right, two on the left, and two in the center
of the front line. Our front was to the east.
The Duke of Cumberland drew up his army in three lines. The first,
commanded by Lieutenant-General the Earl of Albemarle, consisted of
the regiments of Barrel, Monro, Scot’s Fusileers, Price, Cholmondley
and Sinclair. The 2^d, commanded by Major General Huske, consisted of
the regiments of Wolfe, Ligonier, Sempil, Bligh, and Flemming. The
3^d line, commanded by Brigadier Mordant, consisted of the regiments
of Blackeney, Battereau, Pulteney and Howard. On the right wing were
placed Cobham’s dragoons, and the half of Kingston’s horse, with the
Campbells of Argyle.
Had these regiments been all compleat, they should have amounted to
15000 men, but as they were they surely amounted to near 12000 foot
and 1200 horse. Ten pieces of canon were placed in the first line, two
between each regiment; and six pieces in the 2^d line.
The enemy formed at a considerable distance, and marched in order of
battle. About two o’clock afternoon the canonading began.
The Prince, after riding along the lines to animate the men, placed
himself about the center, that he might the more conveniently give his
orders. The enemy’s canon galled us much. One of the Prince’s servants,
who led a sumpter horse, was killed at his side.
We were greatly out-lined both on right and left. Some alterations
were made in our disposition in order to remedy this. Our right was
covered by some old park walls, that led towards the water of Nairn.
The Campbells got behind these walls, pulled them down, and placed a
battery of canon, which did great execution on our right.
The Prince ordered to begin the attack. Our men attacked with all the
fury imaginable, and made several impressions on the enemys line;
particularly the Athol-men broke entirely the regiments of Barret
and Monro, and took possession of two pieces of canon. But the enemy
keeping a close hedge fire, overpowering us with numbers, and attacking
us on both flanks, threw our lines into great confusion, and at last
obliged us to quit the field. The Duke of Cumberland was likewise
assisted by a great storm of hail and rain that blew in our faces.
The Prince did all he could to rally his men, but to no purpose. He was
therefore obliged to retire. He crossed the water of Nairn at the ford
on the high way between Inverness and Corryburgh, and then went to Lord
Lovats. The greatest part of the army went to Ruthven in Badennoch.
As we had not afterwards an opportunity of reviewing our men, we cannot
exactly say what loss we sustained in the action. By the enemy’s
account we lost 2000 men, and they 300. But there is reason to think,
that on the one side they magnify, and on the other diminish the
numbers.
‘Cum rectè factorum sibi quisque gratiam trahat, unius invidiâ ab
omnibus peccatur.’ Tac. Ann. 1. 3 c. 53.
APPENDIX I
THE JACOBITE LORD SEMPILL
Mr. Fitzroy Bell, in a note to Murray’s _Memorials_ (p. 42), relates
that he had been unable to discover who this Jacobite Lord Sempill
was. The researches of the Marquis de Ruvigny among the Stuart Papers,
published in the _Jacobite Peerage_, make his identity quite clear.
Francis Sempill was the son and heir of Robert Sempill, an officer in
the French army. In 1712 this Robert Sempill received from the court
of St. Germains a ‘Declaration of Noblesse,’ which stated that he ‘is
grandson of the late Hugh, Lord Sempill, Peer of Scotland and sole
heir-male of the property and the ancient title of the said lord, whose
fourth son, Archibald, father of the said Robert, is the only one
who left any living male child.’ On the 16th of July 1723 he appears
as Mr. Robert Sempill, Captain of the Regiment of Dillon. He died at
Paris intestate. In the documents of probate he is termed ‘Robert, Lord
Sempill, _alias_ Robert Sempill.’ On the strength of the title given to
him in this reference, the Marquis de Ruvigny states that after 1723,
when he was termed simply ‘Mr. Robert Sempill,’ he ‘seems after that
date to have been created by James III. and VIII. a lord and peer of
Parliament.’ This assumption has also been made by Mr. Fitzroy Bell,
Mr. Andrew Lang, and other recent writers, but there is no evidence of
any new creation, nor indeed was there any necessity for it. Robert
Sempill the soldier had received in 1712 the declaration that he was
entitled to the ancient title, but apparently had not used it. It seems
natural to believe that his son Francis, who on the death of the father
would prepare the probate papers, inserted in them the title of lord,
to which the Declaration of 1712 said his father was entitled, and that
on succeeding he assumed the title which his father had not used.
The following table shows the relationship of the Jacobite Lord Sempill
with the nobleman who bore the same title in Scotland. He fought at
Culloden and died the same year at Aberdeen (see p. 164).
HUGH, 5TH LORD SEMPILL, d. 1639.
|
+------------------+---------+-------------------------+
| | |
Francis, d. 1640, Robert, d. 1675, Archibald.
6th lord. 7th lord. |
| |
+----------+-------+ |
| | |
Francis, d. 1684, Anne, Lady Sempill, |
8th lord. d. 1695, Robert, d. 1737.
m. Francis Abercromby |
of Fetterneir. |
| |
+----------------+-------------+ |
| | | |
Francis, d. 1716, John, d. 1727, Hugh, Francis
9th lord. 10th lord. 11th lord, the Jacobite
died at Lord Sempill,
Aberdeen d. 1748.
1746.
APPENDIX II
MURRAY OF BROUGHTON AND THE BISHOPRIC OF EDINBURGH
At the Revolution there were eight hundred and seven parishes
in Scotland filled by ministers of the Episcopal Church. On the
accession of William and Mary and the Abolition of Episcopacy and the
Establishment of the Presbyterian Church, all the bishops refused the
Oath to the new Sovereigns, and a large number of the clergy left their
parishes for the same reason.
At first there was much toleration, but as the bishops and the
Episcopal clergy were all Non-jurors and maintained their allegiance to
the exiled Stuart kings, they gradually became a Jacobite institution.
Although very feeble, they were torn with internal dissension both
doctrinal and ecclesiastical. As the pre-Revolution bishops died
out, it was thought necessary in order to keep up the succession to
consecrate new bishops, but this had to be done with utmost secrecy.
At first these bishops were appointed bishops at large without
any diocese or territorial jurisdiction, and were known as the
College of Bishops, but gradually the clergy demanded some sort of
superintendence. Bishops were consecrated by one party and by others,
but all on the understanding that they owed allegiance to the Stuart
king. To avoid scandal the Jacobite managers and the Jacobite Court
insisted that when bishops were elected the king should be informed
so as to give _congé d’élire_ before consecration. This power was
afterwards compromised by the exiled king permitting the clergy
to select all the bishops except the metropolitans of St. Andrews
and Glasgow, and a Bishop of Edinburgh who might have to act as
metropolitan under the title of Vicar-General of St. Andrews.
In the year 1741 John Murray, as Agent in Scotland for the Jacobite
Court, sent up the name of William Harper, who was incumbent of St.
Paul’s Non-juring Episcopal Church in Carrubber’s Close. He was well
connected, being married to a daughter of Sir David Thriepland of
Fingask, and he was also principal adviser to most of the prominent
Jacobites of the time.
Some of the bishops did not want him, and Bishop Keith represented to
the Chevalier through Murray that Harper was an objectionable person,
and implored the king to withdraw his _congé d’élire_. Mr. Harper
retired from the contest.
After much negotiation John Murray, apparently with the concurrence of
the majority of the bishops, fixed upon Bishop Rattray as a man likely
from his age and rank to put an end to the dissensions; and James
sent from Rome a _congé de lire_ to elect him Bishop of Edinburgh,
apparently with certain metropolitan powers. Rattray, however, died a
few days after this permission was received, and the see was not filled
until 1776.
Bishop Rattray was a Perthshire laird, the head of the ancient
family of Rattray of Craighall. His son John acted as surgeon to
Prince Charles throughout the campaign of 1745-46. A volume recently
published, _A Jacobite Stronghold of the Church_, by Mary E. Ingram
(Edinburgh, 1907), gives much information about William Harper and the
Episcopal Church in Jacobite times.
APPENDIX III
SIR JAMES STEUART
Sir James Steuart (afterwards Steuart Denham) of Goodtrees and
Coltness, second baronet. His father had been Solicitor-General, and
his grandfather Lord Advocate, and both belonged to the party of the
Covenanters. Sir James was born in 1712, and in 1743 he married Lady
Frances, daughter of the fourth Earl of Wemyss, and sister of Lord
Elcho, one of the Jacobite leaders of the ’Forty-five. When Prince
Charles came to Edinburgh, Sir James joined his Court, and he is the
reputed author of some of the Prince’s manifestos. In the autumn of
1745 he was sent to France as the Prince’s agent.
In the Stuart Papers there is a document headed ‘A Copy of Sir James
Stewart’s powers, Dec. 29, 1746.’
‘Nous Charles Prince de Galles Regent des Royaumes d’Angleterre,
d’Ecosse, etc. jugeant qu’il est notre service dans la
conjouncture presente de charger de nos affaires auprès de Sa
Majesté très-chretienne une personne instruite de nos intentions
nous avons choisi le Chevalier Baronet Stuart auquel nous avons
donné et donnons pouvoir, commission, et mandement special
de traitter et negotier avec les ministres de Sa Majesté
[très-chrètienne] arrester, conclure et signer avec eux tous les
articles ou conventions qu’il avisera bon être.... Fait a Paris
ce 29 Decembre 1746.’
This seems to be a copy of the credential which he received in
Edinburgh, and which, probably for precautionary reasons, he did not
carry with him in case of being captured and searched. The whole
commission is printed among the Stuart Papers in Browne’s _History of
the Highlands_, vol. iii. p. 472.
Sir James was specially excepted from the Act of Indemnity of 1747. He
wandered on the Continent until 1763, when he was permitted to return
to Scotland. He received a pardon in 1771, and died in 1780. He was
author of _Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy_ (1767),
and other works. There is information about his Jacobite career in the
narratives of his brother-in-law, Lord Elcho, recently published, also
a long biography in _The Coltness Collections_, in which every effort
is made to ignore or minimise his Jacobitism.
There was something mysterious both about his joining the Jacobite
Court and about his departure from Scotland. Robert Chambers, in his
_History of the Rebellion_, chap. xxiv., relates, upon the authority of
Sir Henry Steuart of Allanton, Sir James’s near relative, the story of
his joining the Prince at Holyrood, which may be told in Chambers’s own
words.
‘Descended of a whig family, Sir James had, nevertheless, allowed
himself, in the course of his travels, to form an intimacy with
the Stuart princes and some of their principal adherents. He
had more lately been piqued at the treatment he had received
at an election from one of the officers of the government. He
was disposed to join the enterprise of the Prince, but wished
that, in doing so, he should not appear quite a free agent. His
sister’s husband, the Earl of Buchan, a good man, of moderate
understanding, was brought by him to the same views, and they
agreed with Lady Steuart’s brother, Lord Elcho, that they should
be seized in a public place, and carried to Holyrood House, as if
against their will. Walking next day at the cross of Edinburgh,
Sir James and the earl were seized accordingly, and conducted
to the palace. There a message was sent from an anteroom to the
Chevalier, mentioning their presence. The Prince, who in the
meanwhile had heard of the manner of their visit, returned for
answer, that if the Earl of Buchan and Sir James Steuart came
as willing partisans to befriend his cause, he should be proud
and happy to see them, but not otherwise. This bluntness, though
honourable to the Prince’s candour, displeased Buchan, whose
resolution, perhaps, had already begun to give way. He therefore
made a low bow to the officer, and said: “Please inform his royal
highness that I have the honour to be his most obedient humble
servant”; after which he instantly left the palace. Sir James,
too much offended with the government to retrace his steps,
remained to see the Prince upon the terms prescribed.’
There was something still more mysterious about his departure. The
following depositions were found in the Records of the Sheriff Court
of Kincardineshire by Dr. W. A. Macnaughton of Stonehaven,[639] who
kindly sent them to me. The depositions were taken from witnesses in
a civil action of false imprisonment by James Grant against Alexander
Garioch of Mergie. Garioch acted as deputy governor of Stonehaven for
Prince Charles. Apparently the authorities took the opportunity of
interrogating the Jacobite witnesses about Sir James. The portions of
the depositions that refer to Sir James Steuart only are here given.
1. PETER BARCLAY of Johnstoun[640] ... Being Interrogate
concerning Sir James Stewart Depones that some time about the
middle of November or a little before it, the Deponent had
occasion to be at Stonhyve in a Tavern with Mr. Garioch, that
he saw a person who passed under the Name of Brown, and who was
called by Mergie to the Deponent a Prisoner, but that there was
no guard sett upon him and the Deponent saw him at liberty to go
out and in under no confinement that the Deponent could observe,
That the Deponent had had occasion about sixteen years before
to be in company with Sir James Stewart That when the Deponent
saw this person who was called Brown he thought he had seen him
before, but could not then recollect who he was That the day
after the Deponent had seen this person he was conversing with
one Menzies in the French service was enquiring who this person
might be and was positive he had seen him before, That Menzies
said he did not know who he was, but that some days before Lord
Lewis Gordon had been dining with him, and he observed that Lord
Lewis was Drinking to this person his health That upon this the
Deponent recollected and said he imagined him to be Sir James
Stuart, Depones that when that person was ordered to be taken
on board of a ffrench ship by Mergie’s command he took a formal
protest in waiting against Mergie for forcing him out of the
Kingdom against his will, Being interrogate if he thought it was
a serious protest Depones that he did not know what to think of
it but was very much surprised at the whole proceeding and that
when the Deponent said to Mergie that he judged this person to
be Sir James Stuart, Mergie absolutely refused that it was, that
this person went down to the Boat in order to embark aboard of
the ship which lay at anchor without any guard attending him,
Mergie and the Deponent and several others went along with him to
the Boat.
4. JOHN MAULE[641] Depones that some time in October 1745 a
ffrench ship arrived in the Harbour of Stonhyve with some chests
of Arms, six pieces of cannon, and other warlike stores, That
Mergie received from the Hands of one Black, who called himself
Supercargo of the said Ship all these Warlike Instruments, and
called in the country to assist in carrying them southwards,
Depones that the above mentioned Black went south along with
the cargo of Arms etc. which were brought from on board the
above mentioned vessel, and returned again in about 2 weeks
after he arrived at the Publick House keeped by John Falconer
and that there was in his company as the Deponent had occasion
to see immediately after his arrival a Gentleman unknown to the
Deponent, that when the Deponent enquired at Black who this
Person was Black told him he had met with him at Montrose,
and believed him to be one of the officers who had been taken
Prisoner at the Battle of Prestonpans and had made his Escape
That Black desired the Deponent to go to Mergie and inform him
that there was such a Gentleman at Mr. Falconer’s house whom he
suspected to be an officer of General Cope’s Army who had made
his escape, That the deponent delivered this message to Mergie,
upon which Mergie came directly up to the Mill of Stonhyve
That the Deponent accompanied Mergie with a Guard, That Mergie
and Black took the said Person unknown to the Deponent into
an Apartment by themselves, and after staying about an Hour
returned again and showed to the Deponent a Black Cockade and
about sixty or seventy Pistoll shot, which he said he had found
upon searching about this unknown Person, and ordered him to be
keeped Prisoner, and accordingly a Guard was placed upon the
House all that night That next day the Deponent was sent for by
Mergie and received orders from him to Remove the Guard which
was upon the said unknown person, and to take the Custody and
care of him himself, and desired him to keep sight of him and
not suffer him to make his Escape, That for two or three days
the Deponent keept a pritty watchful eye over the said unknown
Gentleman during the daytime and at night there was always a
Guard of three or four men placed on the House But after that
during his stay in Stonhyve the Deponent sometimes attended the
said Gentleman when he walked for his Recreation any distance
from the Town but he was left for most part without any guard
or attendance That during the time of the said person’s stay at
Stonhyve Mergie was frequently in company with him at Dinner and
Supper and frequently they were alone together Depones that
one day when the deponent was in the laigh Room of the Mill of
Stonhyve he heard this unknown Gentleman and the first and second
Master of the abovementioned French ship in company in the Room
immediately above, That the Deponent heard them laughing and
very merry together, that they were speaking ffrench and so loud
that if the deponent had understood it, he might have heard what
they said very well, That after the abovementioned Company above
stairs had parted, the Deponent met with the second master of the
French vessel and asked him how it came about that he was so very
familiar and so free in the Company of that gentleman who was
a Prisoner, Oh! said the master in English which he spoke very
well, you are quite mistaken, this is one of our own friends,
Depones that to the best of the Deponent’s remembrance this
Person staid in town about eight or ten days, that when the Ship
was ready to sail Mergie signed a formal Warrand for Transporting
him in the said ship to France, and a Guard was placed in order
to convey him to the Boat, That the said Person took a formal
protest agt. Mergie for sending him out of the Kingdom against
his Will, and being Interrogate if he understood the said Protest
to be serious Depones that he did not know what to think of
it and was very much surprised when he considered of all the
proceedings in relation to this person from first to last, how
he was upon his first arrival under a strick Guard afterwards
very much at Liberty and last of all formally sent aboard of the
ship to be transported seemingly against his will, That when this
Person was going into the Boat and taking his leave of other
people upon the shoar he came up to the deponent and embracing
him very kindly, told him that he was very sensible of his
civilities, and would represent his good Behaviour to people that
he did not then think of, Depones that he remembers when this
person was in Stonhyve, there was an attempt made by the _Ludlow
Castle_, a Ship belonging to the King’s Navy, to force the
harbour by her boat with about fifty men or thereby, That upon
this Occasion the unknown person above mentioned was very active
in assisting and directing the French crew about the manner of
Planting their Battery and Defending the Harbour in which he
seemed to have skill, Depones that Mergie at first when this
person was committed to the Deponent’s custody charged him to
be very strict in his Watch over him, but shortly after desired
him to be easy with him and let him go about his business as he
pleased Depones that he would know this person if he saw him
again But that he knew nothing who he was during the Time of his
stay at Stonhyve, that shortly after he heard from people that
came from the south that it was Sir James Stewart That a few days
after the said person came to Stonhyve Sir Alexander Bannerman
came and waited upon him at the Mill of Stonhyve immediately
after the Deponent received Orders from Mergie not to be strict
in his guard over the said person Depones that when he saw the
said Person so very active in giving directions about planting
the Cannon against the King’s Boat which attempted the Harbour he
did then and not till then suspect that his being a Prisoner was
a Farce.
6. WILLIAM HERDMAN ... Being Interrogate concerning Sir James
Stewart Depones that he had occasion to see and be in company
sometimes with a Gentleman who was said to be a Prisoner, That
for several days after his arrival he was strictly guarded, but
after that was left at large to go where he pleased, That one
Black who came over as Supercargo on board a French vessel and
had gone to the south about three weeks before Returned again in
company with this unknown gentleman, That he said he had met with
this Gentleman upon the Road but did not know who he was, That
the Deponent sincerely believed this gentleman by his behaviour
and conversation to be a person well affected to the Government,
till the _Ludlow Castle_, one of His Majesty’s Ships, appeared
and attempted to make the Harbour with her long Boat and some
men on board, upon which occasion the Deponent observed that
this gentleman seemed to be in some hurry and concern and as the
Deponent was passing near to the Harbour he saw this gentleman
and Mr. Black standing together and heard the said gentleman
calling out with an appearance of solicitude and Keenness to the
people who were driving down Dung to the shore for Defence of the
Harbour, to go faster, or saying something to that purpose which
occasioned in the Deponent a strong suspicion that he was in
reality in the interest of the Pretender’s Party But after that
when he saw him carried down to the ship like a Criminal with a
Guard about him, the Deponent was confounded and did not know
what to think of it, That sometime thereafter the Deponent heard
a Rumor in the Country that it was Sir James Stewart, after that
Mergie told him that it was Sir James Stewart and Jocked at his
ignorance in Imagining that he was really a Prisoner.
7. JOHN LAWSON, Doctor,[642] ... Being Interrogate concerning
Sir James Stewart Depones that sometime towards the end of 1745
there arrived a ffrench ship in the Harbour of Stonhyve That one
Black who was said to be supercargo of the said ship came and
Lodged in the Deponent’s House That shortly after his arrival he
went south, and about a fortnight or three weeks thereafter the
said Mr. Black returned and arrived at the Mill of Stonhyve and
in his company there was an unknown Gentleman who was immediately
taken as a Prisoner by Mergie, That the Deponent had occasion to
see the said Gentleman about an Hour after his arrival and saw
Weileyes (? valise) or a Bagg which the Deponent was told Mergie
had searched, and in which nothing was remarkable but a small
Duck Bagg with some Pistoll Ball in it and a Black Cockade, That
the Deponent observed about three or four days after his arrival
he was more at liberty only John Maule Writer in Stonhyve was
said always to have him in custody, the Deponent has seen him
alone without anybody looking after him, That some days after his
arrival Sir Alexr. Bannerman came to Stonhyve Depones that he had
a strong Impression from what he heard talked of frequently that
this Person’s Confinement was only a Farce, That the Deponent
heard some time after the said Gentleman was put on board the
French ship that he was Sir James Stewart of Goodtrees.
8. JOHN FALCONER[643] ... Being Interrogate concerning Sir James
Stewart Depones that a person unknown to him, said to be a
Prisoner of Mergie’s and passed under the name of Brown lodged in
his House, that after the first three or four days he was left
at Liberty to go where he pleased either upon foot or Horseback
upon Parole as the Deponent heard to Mergie, and the Deponent
thinks he could have easily made his escape if he had a mind the
Deponent has seen him frequently privately in company with Mergie.
APPENDIX IV
THE GUILDHALL RELIEF FUND
This fund, in the distribution of which Walter Grossett was concerned,
and of which his brother’s widow and children were the largest
beneficiaries, was probably the earliest example of systematic
organisation for the supply of comforts to soldiers in the field, to
the sick and wounded, and for provision for widows and orphans.
The fund was instituted at the Guildhall, London, on November 27th,
1745, by Sir Richard Hoare, then Lord Mayor. The minute of the first
meeting aptly declares the intention of the founders:--
‘We whose names are underwritten, in Consideration of the
particular Hardships and Inconveniencies which may be suffer’d
by such Soldiers as now are, or shall hereafter be employ’d
in his Majesty’s Service during the Winter Season, towards
the Suppression of the present unnatural Rebellion, do hereby
voluntarily Subscribe and pay the several Sums set by us against
our respective Names to be applied towards their Relief, Support,
and Encouragement, in such manner, and in such Proportion, as
shall be deem’d to be most necessary and expedient by a Committee
which shall hereafter be appointed for that Purpose by Us, or the
Major Part who shall be present at any General Meeting, pursuant
to an Advertisement in the _London Gazette_.’
The result of the efforts of the Lord Mayor and his associates is
recorded in an admirable report printed in 1747.
The report gives a subscription list. There were exactly five hundred
subscriptions, and the total amount subscribed was £18,910, 0s. 9d. The
largest subscription was that of ‘the Rt. Hon. Lord Chief Justice,
Master of the Rolls, Lord Chief Justice Willes, Lord Chief Baron
Parker, and the Honourable Judges, whose gift was £1200; the smallest
that of the parish of St. Thomas, Southwark, which gave 10s. 9d. In
the List are found subscriptions from the Prince of Wales, £500; the
Mayor, Commonalty, and Citizens of the City of London, £1000; Governor
and Company of the Bank of England, £1000; John Rich from the Theatre
Royal in Covent Garden, £602, 7s.; the Gentlemen Volunteers of the City
of London, £523, 19s. The City Companies subscribe sums varying from
£100 to £300, and it is interesting to find in the list the name of
Isaac Watts, D.D., for a subscription of £5, 5s. The Report, which is
an excellent business document, finishes with the following paragraph:--
‘In this Manner your Committee propose that the Conclusion of
this Subscription should be agreeable to the Design of its
original Institution; since every Calamity you can remove, or
every Comfort you can bestow on Behalf of the private Soldier,
will be giving them so much new Strength and Vigour to act in
Defence of our Liberties, and Support of our Constitution;
wherein both Interest and Duty, both publick Safety and publick
Charity, may be jointly urged as Motives to your Benevolence. And
as to what has already been expended, if Relief under Sickness,
if Support under Fatigue, if Encouragement under Dangers, are to
be esteemed Acts of Humanity or Beneficence, by how much stronger
Ties were we called upon to return such Assistance to those who
under the greatest Hazards and Difficulties were protecting us
in the Enjoyment of every Thing that was dear and valuable: And
your Committee flatter themselves that the Zeal which was exerted
on this Occasion, by the Magistrates, Merchants, and other
Inhabitants of this Metropolis, contributed no less to dispirit
the Enemy, than it did to animate our own Forces, until they
obtained that compleat Victory over the Rebels, which so happily
preserved the Religion, Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom, the
inseparable Blessings of his Majesty’s Government.’
Details of the disbursements of the Fund are given in appendices which
are printed below, and are interesting in the present time of war for
the sake of comparison with similar modern activities. They are printed
from an original copy of the Report in the editor’s possession.
[Appendix No. I. is the List of Subscriptions.]
APPENDIX No. II
An ACCOUNT of the Necessaries contracted for, their Patterns and Price.
STOCKINGS.
Long Hose, furnished by Mr. _Stiles_, made in
_Westmoreland_, and by him delivered at 12_s._
_per_ Dozen Pair 10,000 Pair.
(Short Hose.) Collected by Mr. _Samuel Handley_, in and
about _London_, and by him delivered at the Rate of
11_s._ 10_d._ _per_ Dozen Pair, he declining to
make any Profit thereby 6,504 Pair.
------------
16,504 Pair.
BREECHES.
Contracted for with Messrs. _Fullagar_ and _Allen_, to
be made of Kersey of the Value of 40_s._ the Piece, half
of them to be red and half blue, of three Sizes, _viz._
2ds, 3ds, and 4ths, at the Rate of 3_s._ 3½_d._ each
Pair, with as good Lining, and of the same Make as the Patterns,
delivered in sealed, and all to be strongly and well sewed, the
said Pattern to be the largest of the three Sizes; Two Thousand
Pair, or upwards, to be delivered each Week, till the Whole was
compleated. 15,000 Pair.
------------
SHIRTS.
Contracted for with Messrs. _John_ and _Michael Turner_, and Mr.
_Chambers_, at the Price of 3_s._ 6_d._ each, all to be made of
Scawen’s ⅞ Garlick of the same Sort and Goodness, with a seal’d
Shirt left as a Pattern; and each Shirt to contain 2 Ells ⅞th of
Cloth, and to be made of the same Size, and in as good and strong
a Manner as the Pattern Shirt, with the Allowance of 2_d._ _per_
Shirt for 600 to be made somewhat better, being intended for
the Serjeants, 1,500 to be delivered Weekly until the Whole was
compleated. 12,000
------------
WOOLLEN CAPS.
Contracted with the above-named Messrs. _Fullagar_ and
_Allen_ to be made of the same Make and Size with a
sealed Pattern delivered in of blue, red, and green, the same
to be of Long Ells, of 12_d._ the Yard, at the Price of
5_d._ _per_ Cap, the whole Number to be delivered at
_Guildhall_, on the 1st of _January_, the Contract
bearing Date the 20th of _December_, 1745 10,000
------------
BLANKETS.
Contracted for with Messrs. _Brooks_, sen. and jun. of
_Whitney_ in _Oxfordshire_, to be nine Quarters wide,
and not above 13_s._ _6d._ _per_ Pair 1,000
------------
WOOLLEN GLOVES.
Furnished by Mr. _Stiles_, in Westmoreland, and delivered, being
of different Sizes, at the Rate of 5_s._ to 6_s._ and 2_d._ per
dozen Pair, being the prime Cost, he declining to make any Profit
thereby.
12,000 Pair.
------------
WOOLLEN ANKLE SPATTERDASHERS.
Contracted for with the above-named Messrs. _Fullagar_ and
_Allen_ to be made of three Sizes agreeable to a seal’d Pattern,
both as to the Goodness of the Cloth, and Manner of Sewing and
Making, with flat Metal Buttons, and the Straps of _Ruffia_ Drab,
of the Price of Eighteen Pence Halfpenny a Pair 9,100 Pair.
------------
APPENDIX No. III
Containing an Account of the Distribution of the Sum of 4000_l._
amongst the Regiments engaged at _Culloden_, the Number on
the Spot, and the Sums allowed to each, according to the
Apportionment transmitted by his Royal Highness the DUKE.
+--------------+---------------------------------+----------+-------------+
| | | | |
| Regiments. | Numbers on the Spot. | |Sums allowed |
| | | | to each. |
+--------------+--+-------+------+------+--------+----------+-------------+
| | |Serjts.|Corps.|Drum. |Private.| | _l. s. d._ |
| Royal | | | | | | | |
| (1st) | | 30 | 37 | 26 | 420 | | 265 10 11 |
| Howard | | | | | | | |
| (3rd) | | 24 | 23 | 16 | 493 | | 281 0 6¼ |
| Barrell | | | | | | | |
| (4th) | | 20 | 23 | 10 | 365 | | 213 1 8½ |
| Wolfe | | | | | | | |
| (8th) | | 19 | 22 | 18 | 387 | | 225 17 7¼ |
| Pulteney | | | | | | | |
| (13th) | | 23 | 26 | 18 | 479 | | 276 5 0¼ |
| Price | | | | | | | |
| (14th) | | 22 | 22 | 12 | 339 | | 202 19 6¼ |
| Sackville | | | | | | | |
| (20th) | | 23 | 25 | 14 | 464 | | 216 10 6½ |
| Campbell | | | | | | | |
| (21st) | | 22 | 22 | 12 | 336 | | 225 18 5½ |
| Sempil | | | | | | | |
| (25th) | | 20 | 25 | 19 | 487 | | 277 0 11 |
| Blakeney | | | | | | | |
| (27th) | | 25 | 22 | 12 | 336 | | 204 8 2½ |
| Cholmondeley | | | | | | | |
| (34th) | | 22 | 24 | 15 | 433 | | 255 8 2½ |
| Fleming | | | | | | | |
| (36th) | | 26 | 22 | 14 | 376 | | 225 8 0½ |
| Dejean | | | | | | | |
| (37th) | | 23 | 24 | 19 | 474 | | 273 1 2¼ |
| Conway | | | | | | | |
| (48th) | | 21 | 22 | 16 | 342 | | 205 6 5 |
| Battereau | | | | | | | |
| (disbanded)| | 24 | 33 | 18 | 384 | | 236 3 1 |
| Argyllshire | | | | | | | |
| Men | | 32 | 30 | 9 | 430 | | 259 13 8½ |
| | +-------+------+------+--------+ +-------------+
| | | 376 | 402 | 252 | 6602 | | 3893 14 0¾ |
| | +-------+------+------+--------+--+ | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| | |Serjts.|Bombr.|Gunnr.|Matross.| D | | |
| |T | 1 | 9 | 15 | 67 | r | | 102 8 0 |
| |r | | | | | u | +-------------+
| |a | | | | | m.| £ | 3996 2 0¾ |
| |i | | | | | 3 | Over-| 3 17 11¼ |
| |n | | | | | | plus +-------------+
| | | | | | | | | 4000 0 0 |
+--------------+--+-------+------+------+--------+---+------+-------------+
_N.B._--As the Overplus 3_l._ 17_s._
11¼_d._ could not be divided amongst the Regiments it was
distributed to some few particular Objects.
The above Sums divided in Proportion to the Pay of the several Ranks,
give to each Man as follows, _viz._
REGIMENTS. | TRAIN.
Serjeant £0 19 1½ | Serjeant £1 18 3
Corporal 0 12 9½ | Bombardier 1 11 11
Drummer and Private Man 0 9 6¾ | Gunner 1 5 7
| Matross and Drummer 0 19 1½
APPENDIX No. IV
Containing an Account of the Needy Widows, and Orphans of
Officers and Soldiers killed at the Battles of Falkirk and
Culloden, who have been relieved by this SUBSCRIPTION.
Widows and Orphans of Officers.
_l_
To Lieutenant Colonel Whitney’s Widow 100
Major Brown’s Widow 50
Capt. Grossett’s Widow and 4 Children 150
Capt. Edmonson’s Widow and 1 Child 70
Capt. Launder’s Widow 50
Lieutenant Parry’s Widow and 1 Child 50
Lieutenant Macnaire’s Widow 30
The Widow of Mr. Bourchier and 4 Children 80
---
580
Widows and Orphans of Serjeants and private Soldiers.
To Hester Mounce (Serjeant’s Widow) and two Daughters 30
Esther Smith, Serjeant’s Widow 17
Ellen Edge (Soldier’s Widow) and five Children 25
Bridget Moore and two Children 20
Jane Fishborne and one Child 15
Widow Nickle and four Children 30
Widow Cole and two Children 20
Widow Perkins and one Child 15
Widow Richards and two Children 20
Widow Gale and two Children 20
Widow Salisbury 10
Widow Newsham and three Children 25
Widow Craig and one Child 15
Widow Combes and one Child 15
Widow Wright and four Children 30
Widow Herbert and two Children 20
Widow Bolton 10
Two Orphans of John Johnson 10
Nineteen other Widows of private Men belonging to
the Glasgow Regiment, at 5_l._ each 95
Forty Six Orphans at 3_l._ each 138
----
In all £1160
-----
APPENDIX No. V
Containing an Account of the particular Disbursements.
_l. s. d._
To Messrs. Stiles for 10,000 Pair of long Stockings, and
for Wrappers, Package, &c. 508 10 0
To Mr. Handley for 6500 Pair of short ditto, with Charges of
Delivery 321 5 2
To Messrs. Fullagar and Allen for 15,000 Pair of
Breeches 2468 15 0
To Messrs. John and Michael Turner for 6000 Shirts 1052 10 0
To Mr. Abraham Chambers for 6000 ditto 1052 10 0
To Messrs. Fullagar and Allen for 10,000 Caps 208 6 8
To Messrs. Brookes, sen. and jun. for 1000 Blankets 337 10 0
To Messrs. Stiles for 12,000 Pair of Woollen Gloves, with the
Wrappers, &c. 289 18 8
To Messrs. Fullagar and Allen for 9100 Pair of
Spatterdashers. 322 5 10
To the Right Honourable Stephen Poyntz, Esq. for the Use of the
Duke’s Hospital 300 0 0
To the Maimed and Wounded Soldiers from Preston-Pans 150 0 0
To Mr. Cuthbert Smith, Mayor of Newcastle, for the Use
of the sick Soldiers in those Parts 300 0 0
To ditto, for his Disbursements 26 13 10
To Mr. Alderman Winterbottom, for Package of Goods sent to
Scotland 87 4 6
To his Royal Highness the Duke, for the maim’d and wounded
at Falkirk 300 0 0
To his Royal Highness the Duke--To be paid for }
distinguished Acts of Service £1000 }
To his Royal Highness the Duke--To be divided } 6000 0 0
amongst the Regiments engaged at Culloden 4000 }
To his Royal Highness the Duke--To be given to the }
Subalterns 1000 }
To Mr. Luke Bell, the Committee’s Agent, for his Trouble and
Subsistence in Scotland, in looking after the Goods sent
thither 124 9 2
To the Widows and Orphans of several Officers and
Soldiers 1160 0 0
To several Soldiers by particular Recommendations 20 1 0
To Mr. Ford, the Committee’s Secretary, his Bill of Disbursements
for Insurance of Goods to Scotland, printing Advertisements,
Postage of Letters, and other incident Expences 209 18 3
To ditto, as a Gratuity, for himself and Clerk 200 0 0
To the Chamberlain’s Clerks, Hall-Keepers, Messengers
and Attendants 117 15 0
------------
15,557 13 1
Proposed by the COMMITTEE to allow.
_l. s. d._
To St. Bartholomew’s Hospital 1000 0 0 }
To St. Thomas’s 1000 0 0 }
To the General Hospital at Bath 1000 0 0 }
To the three Infirmaries of London, } Being the Ballance
Westminster, and Hyde-Park-Corner. 300 0 0 } 3352 7 8
To Expences attending the closing of }
Accounts and printing the Report 52 7 8 }
------------
Total of the Money Subscribed 18,910 0 9
------------
APPENDIX V
CARDINAL YORK’S MEMORIAL TO THE POPE[644]
This document, which belongs to the Earl of Galloway, is printed by his
kind permission. The manuscript bears the following endorsement:--
‘Cardinal of York’s Memorial presented to Pope Clement 13th on
the absurdity of the See of Rome in refusing to acknowledge the
title of the Cardinal’s Brother (Charles Edward) to the Crown of
England on the death of their father in 1766.
‘This paper was given me by my revered Relative, Dr. John Cooke,
President of C.C.C., who was at Rome at this time, and well known
to Cardinal York, tho’ a firm
Protestant, in early life he was a friend to the legitimate
Succession.--It is not improbable that he copied this from the original
manuscript.
V. T.
‘June 16, 1825.’
A letter from the Hon. Charles Stewart, fellow of All Souls, afterwards
the Bishop of Quebec, to his brother, the eighth Earl of Galloway,
dated Nov. 26th, 1825, explains that the initials on the endorsement
are those of the Rev. Vaughan Thomas, at one time of Corpus Christi
College, Oxford. Mr. Thomas desired that the manuscript should be given
to Lord Galloway, whom he considered to be the proper person to possess
so interesting a Stuart document.
MEMORIA
Sopra la necessità indispensabile, nella quale si trova la Santa
Sede di dover riconoscere per unici, e legittimi Successori del
Regno d’Inghilterra la Real Casa Stuarda, e sopra la Incoérenza
ed assurdi, che ne seguirebbero dal fare il contrario con poco
decoro della Santa Sedi Medesima.
Chi stende la memoria si dichiara di non voler aprire un libro
appoggiando i suoi Raziocinj su i fatti pubblici e notorj.
Niuno nel Mondo ignora qualmente il _Rè Giacomo_ Secondo fù
cacciato dal suo Regno unicamente _in odium Religionis_.
Gl’istissi Fanton della di lui espulsione erano i primi a non
mettere in controversia due principj infallibili. Il primo, che
il Regno d’Inghilterra era di sua natura successivo; Il Secondo
che la Real Persona di _Giacomo Secondo_ fosse il legittimo
Successore: Per ritrovare adunque un apparente pretesto di
cacciarnelo senza distruggere il diritto della successione che
secondo le leggi è inalterabile, per servire ai loro disegni
misero fuori le stabilimento già fatto per legge nel Regno della
Religione Anglicana; e piantando per Massima, che l’essere
il Rè Cattolico fosse un imminente e continuo péricolo della
distruzzione e sovversione di tal legge, fecero un Decreto di
Parlamento in cui pretendendo di Spiegare lo Spirito della legge
di successione dichiarono nel tempo stesso, che non potesse
essere atto a succedere chiunque fosse della Religione Cattolica
o ricusasse di conformassi alla Religione dominante.
In Virtù dunque di questo atto fù ingiustamente, ed iniquamente
cacciato _Giacomo Secondo_ e la sua prole cattolica dal suo regno
e chiamato a succedere il più prossimo erede Protestanti, il che
ha prosequito fino a dì nostri non solamente nelle Persone delle
due Figlie dell’ istisso _Giacomo Secondo_ per essere Protestanti
ma ancora nelle Persone dei Principi della casa d’Hannover, per
essere questi i più prossimi Eredi Protestanti; in prova di che
chiunque è ben informato delle Storie di Principi di questo
secolo, sà, che la _Principissa Anna_, da loro chiamata Regina,
volendo favorire _Giacomo terzo_ suo Fratello ad esclusione
della casa di Hannover _spedi persone accreditate per indurlo a
dichiararsi_ Protestante ed in questa maniera togliere l’unico
impedimento, che ostasse al possesso del di lui Regno, ma quella
medesima assistenza speciale di Dio, che diè forza a _Giacomo
Secondo_ suo Padre di Sagrificare trè Regni per la S. Fede, diè
altresi forza al di lui Figlio di ricusare corragiosamente si
fatta proposizione per ricuperarli.
Ciò presupposto è cosa indubitata, che anche a Giorni nostri
la S. Sede non canonizza niun trattato di Pace, a cui per
mezzo de’ suoi Ministri non intervenga, e molto meno approva
qualunque atto, che possa essere o direttamente o indirettamente
lesivo de’ suoi dritti e della S. Chiesa, il di cui Capo è il
Sommo Pontefice Vicario di Gesù Cristo; Anzi a Misure, che se
ne danno le occasioni, vi si fanno contro le dovute proteste.
Or’ chi può mettere in dubbio, o negare, che possa darsi un
Decreto pubblico più direttamente contrario alla nostra S.
Fede, e conseguentamente più lesivo dei dritti della S. Madre
Chiesa di quello di cui si tratta; per mezzo del quale viene
privato dei diritto della successione chiunque porta impresso il
fortunato carattere di essere di lei figliuolo. Quindi e che i
sommi Pontefici principiando da Innocenzo 11^o di Santa Memoria
giudicarono non essere uopo di fare alcuna esplicita protesta
contro di un si iniquo decreto servendosi e bastandogli in luogo
di questa il continuato riconoscimento, che ha fatto la S. Sede
della _Casa Reale Stuarda_ per gli unici e legittimi successori
del Regno, in consequenza di che veniva la S. Sede medesima a
risguardare per nullo il Decreto stesso che per indiretto e
tacitamente averebbe approvato sempre che soltanto negato avesse
ai legittimi Successori Cattolici il dovuto riconoscimento.
Ed infatti vi passa un gran divanò fra l’indispensabile
riconoscimento che far dee la S. Sede della _Real Casa Stuarda_,
ad esclusione di quella di Hanover da quel chepassa nel
riconoscimento almeno implicito, che fa la medesima S. Sede di
altri Principi Eretici. Per modo di esempio; il Papa certamente
nè tratta nè ha corrispondenza alcuna coi Rè di Svezia e di
Danimarca, ma ciò unicamente per essere Eglino Eretici, non già
perche loro impugno neghi la legittima successione dell’essere
di Rè; Quindi nei Diarj stessi stampati coll’ approvazione della
Corte di Roma, non si fa difficultà di enunciarli per Rè di
Svezia, per Rè di Danimarca; ma nel caso nostro non solo può il
sommo Pontefice trattare direttamente colla casa di Hanover per
essere Eretica, ma neppur può in alcun modo nè anche tacitamente
riconoscere il Capo di quella per legittimo successore del Regno
d’lnghilterra; Poiche verrebbe in tal guisa a canonizzare, ed
ammettere direttamente per valido e sussistente il sudetto inique
Decreto.
Di tutti questi fatti e principj si è Veduto dal mondo intero
a qual segno era persuasa ed imbevuta la S. Mem. di Clemente
undecimo il quale nell’atto di ricevere, e di abbracciare con
paterno amore la Maestà di _Giacomo terzo_, allorchi per suo
unico rifugio in virtù dei Frattati di Pace, ai quali tutti gli
altri Principi Cattolici, esclusone il sommo Pontefice, astretti
furono di acconsentire, si portò nello stato Ecclesiastico,
e successivamente a Roma: Persuaso, dico, il S. Padre ed
imbevuto delle sudette massime e sentimenti non si contentò di
riconoscere, e di trattare la Real Persona _di Giacomo terzo_
per unico e legittimo Rè d’lnghilterra, ma intendendo di volere
nella di lui Persona riconoscere tutta la Regia sua Prosapia,
non lasciò nè mezzi nè industrie per carcarne la propagazione
ed in consequenza procurargli un legittimo successore: Epperò
effettuato, che fù il matrimonio di _Giacomo terzo_ colla
Principessa Sobieskj; facilitato non poco da qualche Lettera del
Papa scritta all’ Imperadore: Frà pochi mesi divenne gravida
la Regina e circa gli ultimi giorni dell’ anno 1720 trovossi
prossima al parto; ed allora il S. Padre conoscendo da una parte
la necessità di dover rendere incontastabile la legitimazione
del Parto, e dall’ altra intendendo l’obligo preciso, in cui
ritrovasi la S. Sede, per non contradire a se stessa, e per vie
più sempre fare atti protestativi contro l’accennato ingiusto
Decreto, di riconoscere la futura prole qual Erede Presuntivo, e
legittimo successore del Regno d’Inghilterra si accensa a fare
questo atto colla maggiore solennità possibile; Perlocchi volle
il S. Padre, che fossero chiamate per essere presenti al parto,
il Sagro Collegio, il Senato Romano, i primi Prelati e Principi
Romani, e la primaria Nobilità di Roma; E Siccome la Maestà
della Regina stento a partorire per lo spazio di tre giorni in
circa in tutto questo tempo farono ripiene le Anticamere di
Sua Maestà dei riferti rispettabilissimi Personaggi, i quali
vicendevolmente surrogavansi gli uni agli altri, con avervi
ancora pernottato alcuni dei Signori Cardinali. In mezzo adunque
di consesso così rispettabile nacque _ai 31 di Dicembre dell’anno
Sudetto Carlo Odoardo Principe di Galles_ riconosciuto per tale e
consequentamente per Erede presuntivo della Corona dal Medesimo
sommo Pontefice, il quale non tardo punto a farlo annunziare a
tutto il Popolo per mezzo dello Sparo del Cannone di Castello. E
qui sia lecito riflettere che se il Rè Giacomo terzo stato fosse
in pacifico possesso del suo Trono, non poteva il sudetto nato
Principe ricevere maggiori onori, ed atti più declaratorj del
suo dritto successivo alla corona. La sola formalità, che per
parte della S. Sede rimanere poteva al compimento di questi atti
si era la tradizione _delle Fascie Benedette solite_ mandarsi ai
soli Eredi necessarj delle Teste Coronate, non già Elettive, ma
unicamenta successive: Ma perchi cessò di vivere la S. Memoria di
Clemente undecimo, prima che fossero del tutto terminate le dette
Fascie, toccò al di lui successore Innocenzo tredecimo compire
questo ultimo atto, com’ Egli fece colla maggior Solennità
possibile mandando a questo effetto preciso _un obligato_ con
tutte le formalità e ceremonie solite pratticarsi colle oltre
Corti.
Da tutto questo racconto non si può negare che appariscono nel
suo pieno le obligazioni che ha la _Real Casa Stuarda_ alla S.
Mem. di Clemente undecimo, ma appariscono altrettanto quanto
stava a cuore di quel sommo Pontefice il decoro della S. Sede
e come ben intendeva l’indispensabile necessità da cui era
astretta a Sostenere inviolabili i Dritti della Casa Reale
Sudetta: Videva benissimo il S. Padre, che tutti questi replicati
atti di riconoscimento dovevano necessariamente inasperire
il Governo d’Inghilterra massimamente contro i Cattolici ed
in conseguenza essere in qualche maniera di Ostacolo al buon
successo delle missioni; Capiva altrasi che egli solo era l’unico
Principe Cattolico, che faceva questi atti di riconoscimento:
con tutto ciò tenendo avanti gli Occhi la giustizia della
causa che diveniva punto di Religione, l’abborrimento che non
mai abbastanza poteva rimostrare la S. Sede al Sopracitato
Decreto, e per fine l’obbligo preciso de’ suoi Successori in
non dipartirsi giammai da quanto Egli faceva a prò di una
Famiglia si bene merita della S. Sede, non esitò punto di
eseguirli con tante Solennità, per mezzo delle quali toglieva a
Suoi Medesimi Successori qualunque ragione di dubbio circa il
trattamento dovuto al _Principe di Galles_, seguita la morte
del di lui Padre; Giacche sapeva benissimo il sommo Pontefice
che riconosciutosi una volta dalla S. Sede per Erede presuntivo
di un Regno un Figlio, non può mettere in dubbio alla morte
del di lui Padre, che gli Succeda in tutto, ed in conseguenza
nella sua dignita e ne’suoi onori; In quella guisa appunto, che
nell’ Impero (non ostante che sia stato elettivo) riconosciutosi
una volta dalla S. Sede alcuno Rè de’ Romani non può Ella
dispensarsi, Seguita la morte dell’ Imperadore, dal riconoscerlo
per di lui Successore.
Pieno pertanto il glorioso Clemente undecimo di questi
giustissimi sentimenti nell’ atto stesso di morire, volle
manifestare a tutto il sagro collegio qual si fosse la sua
premura perchè costantemente si mantenesse quanto Egli aveva
fatto verso la _Real Casa_, facendogli sù di ciò una speciale
raccomandazione. Fedelissimi e zelosissimi Esecutori delle
Operazioni e del Testamento di un tanto Papa sono Stati tutti i
Pontefici successori principiando da Innocenzo Tredecimo fino a
Clemente Tredecimo felicemente regnante, tutti hanno trattato
e risguardato il Figlio Primogenito di _Giacomo terzo_ come
_Principe di Galles_; cioè Successore del Regno d’Inghilterra.
Quindi dacchi il Principe cominciò ad essere ammesso all’ udienza
dei Sommi Pontefici non vi è stata mai la minima difficoltà circa
il trattamento, anzi non mettendosi in dubbio, che trà le altre
distinzioni competer gli dovesse _una sedia a braccio simile_ a
quella del Rè suo Padre; (il che è lo stile della S. Sede verso
gli Eredi presuntivi di un Regno). A questa sola particolarità
pregò la Maestà del Re, che si dovesse derogare in sua presenza
a solo ed unico fine mantenere lo stile del Regno d’Inghilterra,
che porta non possa ne anche il Figlio Primogenito sedere in
ugual sedia col Padre presente, e per aderire a queste brame
della Maestà sua gli è stata sempre data una sedia Camerale di
appoggio, ma bensì senza bracci.
Rimane ora ad esaminare le contradizzioni, ed assurdi, che ne
seguirebbero ogni qual volta la S. Sede negasse di riconoscere
il _Principe di Galles_ per legittimo successore del Rè suo
Padre alla morte di medesimo; Sarebbero questi fuor di dubbio
senza numero, nè si facile sarebbe l’accennarli tutti; pure
ne scorreremo alcuni. E Primieramente siccome il _Principe di
Galles_ per lo spazio ornai _di 45 anni e stato in possesso del
titolo_ e delle prerogative di Principe di Galles, non si gli
passono ora negare, o sia egli presente o sia assente, senza
derogare e contradire espressamente agli atti più solenni di sei
Papi consecutivi. In Secondo luogo ne seguirebbe, che quella
medesima, Persona, alla quale la S. Sede oggi dà trattamento e
risguarda come Principe di Galles (che vale a dire successore
naturale del Regno d’Inghilterra, come lo e il Delfino in
Francia, ed il Principe di Asturias in Spagna) domani verrendo
a morte del Padre, se si ricusa, quando Ella ne da parte, di
riconoscerla come succeduta al Padre medesimo nella dignità ed
onori col fatto si nega, che sia stato Principe di Galles. In
terzo luogo qual trattamento potrà darsi, morto il Padre, al
Sudetto Principe? Forse di Principe di Galles? Ma si avverta ch’
Egli non lo è più. Dunque o gli compete lo stesso trattamento
ch’ aveva il Padre a cui è succeduto, o converrà dire che non
gli competeva per tanti anni il titolo, e le prerogative di
Successore. Quarto, Affinche il Papa faccia una innovazione di
questa natura contradittoria ed opposto allo Stabilimento di suoi
Antecessori vi vuol qualche causa quale certamente non vi è ni
vi può essere; poichè se alcuno di Principi Cattolici sono stati
costretti a retrocedere dal riconoscere la _Real Casa Stuarda_
per legittimo Erede e Successore del Regno d’Inghilterra; è
avvenuto in consequenza dei diversi trattati di Pace col presente
Governo d’Inghilterra che li metteva in necessità di riconoscere
la Successione Eretica com’ era stata stabilita dal famoso
Decreto del Parlamento: Ma tal causa ogn’ un ben vede che non
può addursi dal S. Padre in alcun modo: Egli _non ha mai fatto,
nè puo fore trattati di alcuna sorta co’ Principi Eretici_;
Egli neppure ha aderito in questa parte ai sudetti trattati di
Pace di altri Principi: Sopra tutto Egli non hà potuto mai nè
può riconoscere per valido, o sussistente il famoso riferito
Decreto contro del quale, come si è accennato di Sopra, serve
d’incontrastabile protesta il continuato riconoscimento della
_Casa Reale Stuarda_. Anzi da qui verrebbe il quinto assurdo di
gravissimo pregiudizio alla S. Sede, e con ammirazione di tutti
i buoni, mentre cessando di riconoscere il _Principe di Galles_
come successore del _Rè suo Padre_, verrebbe il Papa in certa
maniera a rivocare tutte le proteste fatte da’ suoi Antecessori,
e _se ne inferirebbe una pregiudizievolissima_ consequenza; _Cioè
che quando in un stato Eretico il Principe si faccia Cattolico
sia in facoltà di Sudditi per questo solo motivo di escluderlo
dal Principato_. Sesto, che non vede l’assurdo gravissimo, che
ne succederebbe ne’ pubblichi Diarj stampati fin’ ora coll’
autorità della S. Seda sempre per lo spazio di tanti anni in
una stessa Maniera? Sotto il Titolo d’Inghilterra dovrà forse
Scriversi Giorgio Terzo? Ma questo non si può, mentre non vi ha
mai avuto luogo, ne può l’essere riconosciuto per Rè dal Papa.
Dovrà dunque lasciarsi sotto il sudetto titolo _Carlo Odoardo
Principe di Galles_--_Enrico Benedetto Duce di York_. Ma il
Padre dov è? Se egli è morto, non vi è più _Principe di Galles_.
Dunque questo Titolo non gli compete. Sicchè o bisogna indicarlo
per Rè o bisogna cassarlo, è cassare anzi per sempre il titolo
d’Inghilterra, come se più non vi fosse.
Rimane finalmente ad esaminare, se nelle circostanze presente
della S. Sede riconoscendo il Papa in caso di morte del Rè
_Giacomo Terzo_ il di lui figlio già per tanti anni in possesso
del titolo e delle prerogative di Principe di Galles per di
lui successore nelle dignità ed onori, possa a giusta ragione
ciò chiamarsi novità. Chi scrive si appella al mondo tutto, ai
nemici medesimi della casa Reale, ma già da questi stessi sente
replicarsi ad una voce, che sarebbe anzi novità per la S. Sede
fare il contrario, sarebbe contradizione a se stessa, sarebbe
approvare ciò che non può approvare, e per fine si usarebbe una
grandissima ostilità alla casa Reale in benemerenza di avere
sagrificati trè Regni per la S. Fede, privandola col fatto del
solo asilo, in cui possa risedere con decoro, e di cui è stata
in possesso per il decorso di tanti anni. Ne vi è certamente
Principe Cattolico che non conosca per tutti i motivi sopradetti
l’indispensabile necessità in cui trovasi la S. Sede di non
fare altrimenti, e capiscono tutti benissimo che niun Principe
è tenuto a render conto all’altro delle Operazioni, che Egli
fa, particolarmente quando sono conseguenze, e principj del
proprio Stato: Ed in effete non ostante che tutti i Principi
Cattolici in corpo abbiano ultimamente ricusato di riconoscere
il Rè di Polonia, ed il solo Papa con due Principi Eretici lo
abbiano riconosciuto: Quale però de’ Principi Cattolici ha fatto
mai querela sù di ciò al S. Padre, o facendola non fosse per
contentarsi di una si giusta risposta, qual sarebbe, che il Papa
non è obligato a render ragione delle sue operazione in alcune
circostanze; che in questo non ha fatto altro, che seguire le
massime, ed i principj della S. Sede: e finalmente, che a lui
basta, che gli costi della validità dell’ Elezione, e delle
dovute convenienze usate al suo nunzio, e per conseguenza alla
sua Persona?
Ma nel caso nostro sempre cresce l’argomento, poichè il
riconoscimento di un Rè di Polonia potrebbe ammettere qualch’
esame, o discussione, ma qual discussione o esame può mai
richiedersi nel riconoscere la legittima successione di un Figlio
al Padre dopo la sua morte nelle di lui prerogative ed onori?
Non è già questo riconoscimento come quello in realtà, atto
nuovo ma bensì una sola necessaria conseguenza di quello, che
già fù stabilito da tanti anni dai sommi Pontefici, allorchì
riconobbero il Figlio di _Giacomo Terzo_. E tutti gli argomenti,
che addurre si potrebbero, acciochè la S. Sede facesse una simil
novità di dispensarsi dal riconoscere il Principe di Galles
alla morte del di lui Genitore per suo legittimo successore,
potevano addursi, ed avevano anzi maggior forza per impedire il
riconoscimento del medesimo, in qualità di Principe di Galles
dalla S. Mem. di Clemente undecimo con tutte quelle circostanze
e solennità già riferite, mentre in quei tempi il Papa fù il
Solo Principe Cattolico, che riconobbe il Figlio di _Giacomo
Terzo_ per Principe di Galles. E quantunque la casa di Hanover
si avvedesse che questo atto fosse un impegno preso dalla S.
Sede (come certamente lo era) di doverlo in appresso riconoscere
per legittimo successore del Padre dopo la di lui morte, ciò non
ostante non apportò alcuno di quei cattivi effetti, forse ideati,
o tenuti da alcuna Persone poco informate e prattiche dello stato
delle cose in quel Regno.
Chi ha scritto questa memoria in ultimo si dichiara, che non
ha avuto altro scopo, che togliere i scrupoli di alcuni poco
intesi delle cose del mondo, e ribattere le difficoltà che forse
suscitar si potrebbe dai nemici non meno della Casa Reale,
che della S. Sede. Del resto i protesti veramente tenuti alle
continue dimostrazioni di Paterno amore, e clemenze usate dalla
Santità di nostro Signore felicemente regnante verso tutta la
sudetta casa Reale, che non può neppur sospettare, che mancando
a suoi tempi il _Rè Giacomo Terzo_ voglia punto deviare dalle
savissime traccie indicatigli da suoi gloriosi Antecessori.
_Nota_:--Siccome dopo stesa la presente memoria, pur troppo non
ha mancato più di uno di mettere in dubbio i sentimenti della
santità di nostro signore felicemente Regnante verso la Real
Casa, quasi che fossero totalmente diversi da quella de’suoi
antecessori, ed in conseguenza potersi supporre essere un
semplice complimento verso la Santità sua quel tanto che con
fiducia si viva presuppone l’Estensore nell’ ultimo della memoria
perciò lo stesso ha creduto uno preciso dovere di giustizia, ed
insiemi di gratitudine rispettosa verso li S. Padre d’inserire
in fine questa stessa memoria tutte le lettere, che possono aver
rapporto alla presente risoluzione presa dal Real Principe di
Galles di ritornare in questa Capitale; e siccome apparisce più
chiaro della luce del sole, quali siano i sentimenti precisi del
S. Padre verso la Real Casa, e la Persona del Real _Principe di
Galles_ sudetto tanto autenticamente manifestati, così lo stesso
Estensore crede non esservi bisogno di glossa per far conoscere
quanto siano insussistenti, e false le precorse assertive, e
con quanta ragione e fondamento abbia rimostrato l’Estensore
tutta la fiducia e sicurezza nei sentimenti della Santità sua e
quanto li abbia ben compresi il Real Principe di Galles, giacchè
unicamente in virtù de’ medesimi si è accinto alla risoluziona di
restituirsi a Roma.
_Translation_[645]
Concerning the indispensable necessity of recognition, by
the Holy See, of the Royal House of Stuart, as the sole and
legitimate successors to the Kingdom of England, and concerning
the inconsistencies and incongruities which would ensue, should
she follow the contrary course, being one which would little
become the dignity of the Holy See.
He who presents this Memorial wishes to state the case briefly,
basing his reasonings on public and well-known facts. No one
in the world is ignorant of the fact that _King James II._ was
hunted from his throne _in odium Religionis_. The very people who
were scheming for his expulsion would have been the last to deny
two infallible principles. The first--that the Kingdom of England
was, of its nature, an hereditary one; the second, that the Royal
Person of _James II._ was the lawful successor. Wishing therefore
to find an adequate pretext for deposing him, without destroying
the right of succession, which is, by law, unalterable, they,
to serve their own ends, brought forward the question of the
establishment in the kingdom, already made by law, of the
Anglican Religion; and making as their chief complaint, that the
fact of the king being a Catholic placed that law in constant
and imminent peril of destruction and subversion, they made an
Act of Parliament in which, while claiming to explain the spirit
of the laws of succession, they declared at the same time that
it was not fitting that any one whosoever should succeed who was
of the Catholic Religion, or who did not conform to the dominant
religion.
By virtue of this Act, then, were _James II._ and his Catholic
offspring deprived of the throne, and his nearest Protestant
relative was called to succeed to it, whose line has continued
to do so even to our own days, not only in the persons of James
II.’s two daughters, who were Protestants, but also in those of
the Princes of the House of Hanover, these being the nearest
Protestant heirs; in proof of this, any one who has knowledge
of the history of the princes of this century knows that the
_Princess Anne_, called by them Queen, wishing to show favour
to her brother _James III._, to the exclusion of the House of
Hanover, _sent accredited persons to try to persuade him to
declare himself a Protestant_, and to remove, in this manner,
the only obstacle that stood in the way of his possession of his
kingdom: but that special grace of God, which gave strength to
his father, _James II._, to sacrifice three kingdoms for the Holy
Faith, likewise gave strength to his son to refuse courageously
any such means of regaining them.
This, one may take for granted, is an undoubted fact, that then,
as now, the Holy See is bound by no Treaty of Peace, in the
arranging of which, by means of her Ministers, she has had no
voice, and how much less does she approve of any act that can,
either directly or indirectly, infringe on her rights and those
of Holy Church, the head of whom is the Supreme Pontiff, the
Vicar of Christ: rather should such arise she would make fitting
protests.
Now can it be questioned that any public decree could be more
directly contrary to our Holy Faith, and consequently could
infringe more seriously on the rights of Holy Mother Church,
than that of which we are treating, by means of which the rights
of Succession are denied to any one happy enough to be one of
her sons? Hence it is that the Supreme Pontiffs, beginning with
Innocent XI. of pious memory, did not deem it necessary to
make any explicit protest against such an iniquitous decree,
contenting themselves instead with the continued recognition
which the Holy See has always accorded to the _Royal House of
Stuart_, as the sole and legitimate successors to the throne,
so that the Holy See came to regard this Decree (to which, had
she refused to recognise the legitimate Catholic successors, she
would have been indirectly and tacitly agreeing,) as null.
And indeed, there is a great comparison to be drawn between
the recognition given by the Holy See to the _Royal House of
Stuart_, to the exclusion of the House of Hanover, and that
which this same Holy See accords to other heretical princes;
as, for example, the Pope certainly is in no treaty, and has no
correspondence with the Kings of Sweden and Denmark, but this
is solely because they are heretics, not because he denies in
any way their legitimate right to their succession. Thus, in the
papers printed with the approbation of the Court of Rome, no
difficulty is raised as to speaking of them as King of Sweden and
King of Denmark; but in the case in point, the Most High Pontiff
treats directly with this heretical House of Hanover, though
he cannot by any means recognise its head as the legitimate
successor to the Kingdom of England, so that in this manner he is
ratifying the aforesaid iniquitous decree, and directly admitting
it as valid and real.
It is plainly seen by the whole world how deeply imbued with
these facts and principles was Clement XI. of blessed memory,
who, when His Majesty _King James III._ turned to him as his
only refuge (on account of the Treaty of Peace, to which all
the Catholic princes, with the exception of His Holiness, were
constrained to consent), carried him away to the Papal States,
and afterwards to Rome: the Holy Father, I say, fully imbued
with and convinced of the aforesaid sentiments and truth, did
not content himself with simply recognising and treating the
royal person of _James III._ as the sole and legitimate King of
England, but, wishing to recognise also all his royal progeny,
he spared no trouble to ensure that the propagation of the
line should be carried on, in order to procure him a legitimate
successor. This was effected by the marriage of _James III._ with
the Princess Sobieski; which was not a little facilitated by
letters written by the Pope to the Emperor. In a few months it
became known that the hopes for an heir were to be realised, and
towards the last days of the year 1720, as the time of his birth
approached, the Holy Father knowing on the one side the necessity
of rendering the legitimacy of the birth indisputable, and on
the other, realising that the Holy See must in nowise contradict
herself, but must act in such a manner as to show most decidedly
her protest against the unjust Decree, by recognising the future
offspring as heir-apparent and legitimate successor to the throne
of England, he took upon himself to see that this event should
take place with the greatest possible solemnity; and therefore,
by the wish of the Holy Father, there were called to be present
at the birth, the Sacred College, the Roman Senate, the highest
Roman Princes and Prelates, and the foremost nobility of Rome;
and although there was a delay of three days before the birth
took place, during the whole of this time the ante-rooms of Her
Majesty were filled with these most venerable personages, who
relieved one another by turns, while some of the Cardinals sat
up each night. Thus, in the midst of so honourable an assembly
was born _on December 31st of the aforesaid year, Charles Edward,
Prince of Wales_, acknowledged as such, and consequently as
heir-apparent to the Crown, by the Supreme Pontiff himself,
who without delay had the birth announced to all the people by
means of a salute from the cannon of the castle. And here it is
allowable to reflect that even had _King James III._ been in
peaceful possession of his throne the aforesaid newly-born Prince
could not have received greater honours, nor could his right to
succeed to the Crown have been proclaimed more unquestionably.
The only formality which could have put a finishing touch to the
rest was the traditional _Delivery of the Swaddling Clothes_,
which it was the custom to send only to the heirs of crowned
heads (and then only to those reigning by succession, not by
election): but, as Clement XI. of pious memory died before this
matter was concluded, it fell to his successor, Innocent XIII.,
to complete it, which he did with all possible solemnity, sending
an ambassador, with all the formality and ceremonies observed
with other Courts.
From all this, it cannot be denied that the obligations under
which the _Royal House of Stuart_ lay to Clement XI. of blessed
memory are very plainly shown, but it is also shown just as
plainly how much His Holiness had at heart the dignity of the
Holy See, and how well he realised the absolute necessity by
which he was bound to sustain the rights of the aforesaid
Royal House inviolable. The Holy Father saw plainly that all
these repeated acts of recognition must necessarily greatly
embitter the English Government against the Catholics, and, in
consequence, must, in a manner, be an obstacle to the success
of the missions. He also understood that he alone was the one
Catholic prince who had made this act of recognition. With
all this, keeping before his eyes the justice of the cause
(which was quite apart from the question of religion), the
abhorrence that the Holy See could never sufficiently show to the
aforementioned decree, and, finally, the strict obligation of his
successors never to depart from the line he had taken towards
a family which deserved so much from the Holy See, he did not
hesitate for a moment to pursue this course with great solemnity,
thereby robbing his successors of any reason of doubt concerning
the treatment owed to the _Prince of Wales_ on the death of
his father; since His Holiness knew well, that once a son was
recognised as heir-apparent by the Holy See, no doubt could be
raised that at the death of his father he should succeed to
everything, and therefore to his dignity and honours: in the same
way that, in the Empire (notwithstanding its being an Elective
State), once the Holy See recognised any one as King of the
Romans, she could not afterwards, on the death of the Emperor,
free herself from recognising his successor. The mind of the
glorious Clement XI. was so full of these just sentiments, at the
moment of his death, that he wished to show plainly to all the
Sacred College how great was his anxiety that what he had done
towards the Royal House should be permanently maintained, laying
on them a special charge to that effect. All the succeeding
Popes, beginning with Innocent XIII. down to Clement XIII., now
by the grace of God reigning, have been most faithful and zealous
executors of this trust, and all have treated and regarded the
first-born son of _James III._ as _Prince of Wales_; therefore as
successor to the King of England. Hence, ever since the Prince
has been admitted to audiences with His Supreme Holiness, there
has never been the slightest difficulty as to his treatment,
or rather, there has been no doubt, that among other fitting
distinctions, he should have, as did the king, his father, an
armchair (which it is customary for the Holy See to offer to the
heirs-apparent to a throne). But, in this one particular, His
Majesty asked that a slight modification might be made in his
presence, for the one and only reason of maintaining the custom
of the Kingdom of England, where even the eldest son in the
presence of his father is not allowed to sit in a seat equal to
his: and to comply with His Majesty’s wish, the prince has always
been given an easy chair, but without arms.
There now remains to examine the contradictions and
inconsistencies which would arise each time that the Holy
See refused to recognise the _Prince of Wales_ as legitimate
successor to the king, his father, at the death of the latter.
These would be without doubt innumerable; it would not be easy to
foresee them all, nevertheless we can mention some. Firstly, that
as the _Prince of Wales_ has for the space of _forty-five years
been in possession of the title_ and prerogatives of Prince of
Wales, they cannot now be denied him, whether present or absent,
without derogating and expressly contradicting the solemn line
of action followed by six successive Popes. In the second place,
it must follow that if the Holy See to-day treats and looks on
this same person as _Prince of Wales_ (that is to say, as natural
successor to the throne of England, as is the Dauphin to that of
France, and the Prince of the Asturias to that of Spain), and
to-morrow hearing of the death of his father draw back from
recognising him as succeeding to that father in dignity and
honours, she thus denies that he ever was Prince of Wales. In the
third place, how could she then recognise the aforesaid Prince
after his father’s death? Perhaps still as Prince of Wales? But
it is averred that he is that no longer. Plainly then, either he
is entitled to the same treatment as that given to his father,
whom he has succeeded, or, it is only right to say that he has
not been entitled all these years to the prerogatives and rights
of heir. Fourthly, before the Pope could make an innovation of
this nature, so entirely at variance with the course adopted
by his predecessors, it would be necessary to have some very
strong reason, which neither exists now, nor ever can exist.
For, if any of the Catholic princes have been constrained to
draw back from the recognition of the _Royal House of Stuart_,
as legitimate successors and heirs to the throne of England,
it has only been in consequence of their entering on different
treaties of peace with the present Government of England, which
has put them under the necessity of recognising the heretical
succession, as established by the famous Act of Parliament.
But no such cause can possibly affect the Holy Father in any
way. _He has never made nor can he make treaties of any sort
with heretical Princes_: neither has he ever taken part in the
aforesaid treaties of peace of other princes. Above all, he never
has recognised, nor can he ever recognise, as valid or real, this
same famous Decree, against which, as has been shown above, the
continued recognition of the _Royal House of Stuart_ serves as an
indisputable protest. And from this we come to the fifth serious
inconsistency, which might be most prejudicial to the Holy See;
for if the Pope should cease to recognise the _Prince of Wales_
as successor to the _king, his father_, it is evident, even to
his most humble admirers, that he would be, in a way, revoking
all the protests made by his predecessors, _and a very dangerous
consequence might ensue_: namely, _that should the prince of any
heretical state become a Catholic, it would be within the power
of his subjects, for this one reason only, to deprive him of his
rights and inheritances_.
Sixthly, is it not easy to see the serious inconsistency that
would arise in the Public Records, which, up till now, have,
with the authority of the Holy See, been printed for so many
years in the same manner? Under the heading of England should
there then be inscribed the name of _George III_? But this is
not possible, since he has never been, nor can be recognised by
the Pope as king. Should there not rather be entered under the
above heading--_Charles Edward, Prince of Wales--Henry Benedict,
Duke of York_? But where is the father? If he is dead there is
no longer a _Prince of Wales_, then this title does not belong
to him. Either the title should be that of king, or it should be
abolished, with that of England, as if it no longer existed.
It only remains then to examine whether in the circumstances
in which the Holy See is now placed, the Papal recognition (as
in the occasion of the death of _King James III._) of the son
who has been for so many years in possession of the titles and
prerogatives of the _Prince of Wales_, as successor in dignity
and honours, can, in any justice be called an innovation. He who
writes appeals to the whole world, even to the enemies of the
Royal House, though even these he can hear declaring as with one
voice that the innovation would rather be, that the Holy See
should act to the contrary; it would be a self-contradiction, in
that it would be showing approbation of that of which she does
not approve, and further, it would be showing great hostility
to the Royal House in return for its having sacrificed three
kingdoms for the Holy Faith, in depriving it of the only refuge
to which it can rightly turn, and in which it has trusted for so
many years. And there is no Catholic prince who does not well
understand how impossible it would be for the Pope to follow
such a course. They know well that no prince is called upon to
account for his doings to any one else, more particularly when
they concern matters or principles relating to his own state. And
indeed, notwithstanding that all the Catholic princes in a body
have lately refused to recognise the King of Poland, and only
the Pope, with two heretical princes have done so, the Catholic
princes, have, in this action of the Holy Father found no cause
of quarrel, or, if they have found any, they have been satisfied
with the just remark, that the Pope is not obliged to give any
reasons for his actions under any circumstances, and that, in
this case, he has only followed the rules and principles of the
Holy See, and lastly that it is sufficient for him that he is
satisfied with the validity of the election, and of the treatment
accorded to his ambassador, as representing his own person.
But in our case, this only strengthens the argument, in that the
recognition of the King of Poland admitted of some inquiries
and discussion, but what discussion or inquiry can be necessary
in recognising the legitimate succession of a son to a father,
after the death of the latter? In reality there is no comparison
between the two cases, this last recognition being nothing new,
but rather the necessary consequence of the understanding that
was established years ago by the supreme Pontiffs, that they
should recognise the son of _James III._
And all the arguments that could be cited, in order that the
Holy See should give herself a dispensation from now recognising
the Prince of Wales as legitimate successor on the death of his
father, might have been brought forward just as reasonably,
and with greater force, to hinder Clement XI. of pious memory
from recognising him as Prince of Wales, as he did with all
ceremony, as has already been stated, being at that time the
only Catholic prince who did so recognise him. And although the
House of Hanover saw that this act constituted a promise from
the Holy See, which it certainly did, to recognise the prince
as legitimate successor of his father, after the death of the
latter, this, notwithstanding, brought none of those evil effects
(perhaps chimerical) which were feared by some people who were
but ill-informed or little conversant with the state of affairs
in the kingdom.
He who has written this Memorial would have it understood in
conclusion, that he has no other aim in view than to remove
scruples felt by some who know little of the affairs of the
world, and to combat the difficulties that perhaps might be
raised by enemies, not only of the Royal House, but of the Holy
See. For the rest, there has ever been such continual clemency
and fatherly love shown by His Holiness, now by the grace of God
reigning, towards the whole of the aforesaid Royal House that it
is impossible to believe, on the death of King James III., that
His Holiness will in any way depart from the most wise example
set by his predecessors of glorious memory.
NOTE:--As, after the completion of this Memorial there were not
lacking those who cast doubts on the sentiments of His Holiness,
now by the grace of God reigning, towards the Royal House,
suspecting that they differed from those of his predecessors,
and who, therefore, might consider the lively confidence evinced
by the writer in the latter part of this Memorial simply as an
empty compliment towards His Holiness, this same writer has
therefore considered it a strict act of justice, as well as a
tribute of gratitude and respect, towards the Holy Father, to
insert at the end of this Memorial any letters that bear upon the
present resolution of the Royal Prince of Wales to return to this
capital. And as the exact sentiments of the Holy Father towards
the Royal House and the person of the said _Prince of Wales_ have
been shown more unquestionably clearly than the light of the sun,
so the writer considers any further comments and explanations
unnecessary, to show how unfounded and false these suspicions
are, and with how much reason and foundation the writer has
relied so surely on the sentiments of the Holy Father, and how
well the Royal Prince of Wales has understood them, in that it
is solely on the strength of the same, that he continues in his
resolve to return to Rome.
APPENDIX VI
THE MACDONALDS
John, Lord of the Isles (died 1387), fourth in succession from Donald
progenitor of the clan, had two wives: (1) Amy MacRuari; (2) the
Princess Margaret, daughter of Robert II., to marry whom he repudiated
or divorced Amy. The lordship of the Isles went to the descendants of
the Princess. The hereditary clan chiefship, which ordinarily descends
to the senior heir-male, did not necessarily follow the title. The
lordship of the Isles was taken from the Macdonalds and annexed to
the Crown in 1494, and the question who is supreme hereditary chief
of Clan Donald has ever since been a matter of strife. Glengarry and
Clanranald descend from Amy MacRuari, the first wife, and are therefore
senior in blood, but it is doubtful which of these two families is the
elder; last century the general preference was for Glengarry, but the
new _Scots Peerage_ and the Clan Donald historian favour Clanranald.
Sleat and Keppoch descend from the Princess Margaret, Sleat coming
from Hugh, third son of Alexander, Lord of the Isles (died 1449),
grandson of John, and son of Donald of Harlaw, while Keppoch comes
from the fourth son of John and Princess Margaret, and could only have
a claim if there were a flaw in the pedigree of Sleat. Doubts have
been expressed of the legitimacy of Hugh of Sleat, but these have been
set aside. Glencoe’s progenitor was Ian, son of Angus Og (died 1330),
Bruce’s friend who fought at Bannockburn, the father of John, Lord of
the Isles, mentioned above, but the Seannachies have pronounced him
illegitimate. From this Ian the Glencoe clan has been known as MacIan
for centuries.
It is interesting to know that in the summer of 1911, the three
hereditary heads of the families having serious claims on the supreme
chiefship of the clan, Glengarry, Clanranald, and Sleat (Sir Alexander
of the Isles), signed an indenture mutually agreeing to cease from
active assertion of their claims, and that in the event of more than
one of them being present with the clan, precedence for the occasion
would be decided by lot.
APPENDIX VII
GENEALOGICAL TABLES SHOWING THE KINSHIP OF CERTAIN HIGHLAND CHIEFS AND
LEADERS IN 1745.
SIR RODERICK MACLEOD, 13TH OF DUNVEGAN, d. 1626,
m. Isabel, daughter of Donald, 7th of Glengarry.
+------------------------------------+-----------------------+
| | |
John of Sir Norman of Bernera, Donald
Dunvegan. m. (1) Margaret m. (2) Catherine Greshornish
| Mackenzie. Macdonald |
| | of Sleat. |
+-------------+ | | |
| | | | |
John, Sibella, John William Alexander
m. Florence m. Thomas Macleod Macleod of Macleod of
Macdonald Fraser, of Bernera. Luskintyre. Greshornish.
of Sleat. 10th Lord | | |
| Lovat. | | |
| | +--------+ +----+ Janet,
| | | | | m. Sir
+----+-------+ Simon, John of Donald Margaret, James
| | Lord Lovat Muiravon- Macleod, Lady Macdonald.
| | of the ’45. side. Bernera Clanranald |
| | | | of the ’45. of the ’45. |
Norman, Janet, | | |
m. Anne, m. Sir James | +---------------+ |
daughter of Campbell of | | |
9th Lord Auchinbreck. +----------+ Alexander Sir Alexander
Lovat. | | | Macleod, Macdonald,
| | Simon Janet, A.D.C. to Sleat
Norman Anne, Fraser, m. Ewen Prince of the ’45
Macleod m. Donald Master Macpherson, Charles.
of the ’45. Cameron, of Lovat Cluny
Lochiel of the ’45. of the ’45.
of the ’45.
SIR EWAN CAMERON, 17TH OF LOCHIEL, d. 1718,
m. (1) Mary, daughter of Sir Donald Macdonald of Sleat, 1st bart.
m. (2) Isabel, daughter m. (3) Jean, daughter
of Sir Lachlan Maclean of Col. David Barclay
of Duart, 1st bart. of Urie.
| |
+--------+-----+---------------+ +-----+-------+
| | | | |
John, 18th Margaret, Janet, Jean, Marjory,
of Lochiel. m. Alexander m. John m. Lachlan m. Allan
| Macgregor Grant of Macpherson Macdonald
| of Balhaldies. Glenmoriston. of Cluny. of Morar
+-----+----------+ | | | of the ’45
| | | | |
Donald Margaret, William Patrick Ewen
Cameron, m. Ranald Macgregor, Grant, Macpherson,
Lochiel Macdonald Balhaldy Glenmoriston Cluny
of the ’45. of Kinloch- of the ’45. of the ’45. of the ’45.
moidart.
|
Donald,
Kinlochmoidart
of the ’45.
ALLAN MACDONALD
9TH OF CLANRANALD,
d. 1593.
|
|
| Angus,
+--- 10th
| Clanranald.
|
|
| Sir Donald, Allan,
+--- 11th +---- 14th
| Clanranald. | Clanranald,
| | | killed at
| | John, | Sheriffmuir.
| +-- 12th |
| Clanranald. |
| | | Ranald,
| | Donald, +---- 15th
| +---- 13th | Clanranald.
| Clanranald. |
| | |
| | | Marion, Mrs. Donald
| +--------+---- m. Ranald --+--- Campbell,
| | Macdonald | the Prince’s
| | of Baleshare. | hostess in
| | | Scalpa, ’46.
| | |
| | |
| | | Donald
| | | Roy
| | +--- Macdonald
| | | of the ’45.
| | |
| | |
| | | Hugh
| | +--- Macdonald,
| | Baleshare
| | of the ’45.
| |
| |
| |
| +-- Janet
| Ranald Ranald,
| || ----- Macdonald, ---- young
| Clanranald Clanranald.
+--- Ranald of Donald, of the ’45. of the ’45.
| Benbecula. . +-- 16th
| | | Clanranald.
| +---- Ranald of ----+ Alexander
| | Benbecula || --------------- Macdonald,
| | Boisdale
| | Margaret Mackenzie, of the ’45.
| | of Kildun, sister-in-law
| | of Lady Kildun,
| | the Prince’s hostess
| | in Lewis, ’46.
| |
| | Angus
| +--- of Milton.
| |
| | Ranald Flora
| +-- of Milton. ----- Macdonald
| Letitia, | of the ’45.
+--- m. Alexander |
| Macdonald of +----Daughter
| Glenaladale. John of Alexander
| | || -------+--- Glenaladale.--- Macdonald,
| | | Glenaladale,
| | John Macdonald | of the ’45.
| Roderick. --- of Glenaladale. | Angus of
| +---- Borradale,
| | the Prince’s
| | host in
| | 1745-46.
| |
| |
| | Catherine,
| | m Donald
| | Macleod of
| +----- Gualtergil,
| the Prince’s
| ‘_Palinurus_’
| in ’46.
|
|
| John of Donald
+--- Kinloch- --- Alexander. --- Ranald. --- Macdonald,
| moidart. Kinlochmoidart
| of the '45.
|
|
|
|
| Alexander,
| +--- 10th
| | Glengarry.
| | |
| | | John
| Margaret, | +--- Macdonell,
+-- m. Donald | Glengarry
7th of Glengarry. | of the ’45.
| | |
| Donald Gorm | | Alexander,
+--- of | +------ young
Scotus. | | Glengarry
| | | of the ’45.
| Ranald, | |
+--- 9th ----+ | Angus
Glengarry. | | Macdonell
| +----- killed at
| Falkirk, ’46.
|
|
| Angus Donald,
+--- Scotus --- young
| of the ’45. Scotus
| of the ’45.
|
|
| John Donald
+--- of ----- Macdonnel,
| Sandaig. Lochgarry
| of the ’45.
|
|
| Archibald, Coll, Archibald,
+-- Barisdale -- young ---- youngest
of the ’45. Barisdale Barisdale
of the ’45. of the '45.
SIR JAMES ‘MOR’ MACDONALD
9TH OF SLEAT, 2ND BART.,
d. 1678. Sir Donald,
| +--- 5th bart.
| | d. _s.p._
+--- Sir Donald, ---+-- Sir Donald,---+
| 3rd bart. | 4th bart. | Janet,
| | +--- m. Norman
| | Macleod
| | of the ’45.
| |
| |
| | Sir James, Sir Alexander
| | 6th bart., Macdonald
| |--- m. Janet --- Sleat
| | Macleod of of the ’45.
| | Greshornish.
| |
| |
| | Barbara, Alexander
| |-- m. Coll --- Macdonald,
| | Macdonell Keppoch
| | of Keppoch. of the ’45.
| |
| | Isabel,
| | m. Sir Sir Alex.
| |--- Alexander --- Bannerman,
| Bannerman Elswick
| of Elsick. of the ’45.
|
| Hugh
| Macdonald Flora
+--- Somerled. ------- of Armadale,--- Macdonald
| step-father of the ’45.
| of
|
|
| Catherine William Margaret, Ranald,
| m. Sir Norman Macleod of m. Ranald young
+--- Macleod of --+-- Luskintyre. -+-- Macdonald, --- Clanranald
| Bernera. | | Clanranald of the '45.
| | |
| | |
| | | Isabel,
| | | m. Roderick
| | +-- Macneill of
| | Barra
| |
| | Malcolm
| | m. (1) Alex. Macleod,
| | Macleod --- of Raasa
| | of Raasa. of the ’45.
| +--- Catherine,
| m. (2) Angus Donald,
| Macdonnell --- young
| of Scotus. Scotus
| of the ’45.
|
|
| Florence,
| m. John Norman Norman
+--- Macleod of ---+--- Macleod. ------ Macleod
: Dunvegan. | of the ’45.
: |
: | Janet, Anne,
: +--- m. Sir James --- m. Donald Cameron,
: Campbell of Lochiel of the ’45.
: Auchinbreck.
:
:
: Hugh
: +--- Macdonald,
: Ranald of Baleshare | Baleshare
: (natural son), | of the ’45.
+...- m. Marion, daughter ---+
of 13th Clanranald. | Donald
+--- Roy
| Macdonald
| of the ’45.
|
| Daughter
| m. Donald Campbell
+--- of Scalpa,
the Prince’s host
in 1746.
_Note._--These tables have been compiled chiefly from the
genealogical information given in the third volume of the
_History of Clan Donald_.
APPENDIX VIII
LISTS OF CERTAIN HIGHLAND GENTLEMEN WHO TOOK PART IN THE FORTY-FIVE[646]
MACDONALDS
_Clanranald Branch_
Ranald of Clanranald, chief.[647]
Ranald, young Clanranald.
Æneas, br. of Kinlochmoidart.
Allan of Morar.
Allan, brother of Kinlochmoidart.
Alexander of Boisdale, Clanranald’s brother.[647]
Alexander of Glenaladale, major.
Alexander, brother of Dalelea.
Alexander, his son.
Angus of Borradale.
Angus of Dalelea.
Angus Maceachain, Borradale’s son-in-law (surg. in Glengarry’s regt.).
Donald, son of Clanranald.
Donald of Kinlochmoidart.
Hugh, bishop, br. of Morar.[647]
John of Guidale, br. of Morar.
James, uncle of Glenaladale.
James, br. of Kinlochmoidart.
John, son of Morar.
John, brother of Glenaladale.
John, son of Borradale. (Killed at Culloden.)
John (_bis_), son of Borradale (author of narrative, _Lyon in
Mourning_, vol. iii. p. 375).
John, doctor, br. of Kinlochmoidart.
Neil Maceachain.
Ranald, son of Borradale.
Ranald of Belfinlay.
Ranald, brother of Kinlochmoidart.
Ranald, son of Morar.
Roderick, uncle of Glenaladale.
_Glengarry Branch_
John of Glengarry, chief.[647]
Alastair, young Glengarry.
Alexander of Ochtera.
Angus, son of Glengarry.
Angus, br. of Lochgarry.
Allan, brother of Leek.
Allan of Cullachie.
Archibald, youngest Barisdale.
Coll, young Barisdale.
Donald of Lochgarry.
Donald of Lundie.
Donald, his son.
Donald, young Scotus.
John, his brother.
John of Arnabea.
John of Leek.
Ranald, doctor, uncle of Glengarry.
Ranald of Shian.
Ranald, brother of Leek.
Ronald, nat. son of Barisdale.
Ranald, brother of Arnabea.
Donald Roy Macdonald, brother of Baleshare of the Sleat branch,
served in Glengarry’s regt.
_Keppoch Branch_
Alexander of Keppoch, chief.
Alex, of Dalchosnie, Atholl Brig.
Allan, his son.
Angus, natural son of Keppoch.
Archibald, br. of Keppoch, capt.
Archibald of Clianaig.
Donald, brother of Keppoch, major.
Donald of Tirnadrish, major.
Donald Glass, son of Bohuntin.
John, br. of Dalchosnie, Atholl Brig.
John Og, son of Bohuntin.
Ranald of Aberarder.
_Glencoe Branch_
Alexander of Glencoe, chief.
James, his brother, captain.
Donald, his brother.
Donald, a Glencoe cadet (poet).
CAMERONS
Donald Cameron of Lochiel, chief.
John, his father (retired chief).
Alexander of Dungallon, major.
Alexander, his son, standard-bearer.
Alexander of Druimnasaille.
Alexander, br. of Lochiel, priest.
Alexander of Glenevis.
Allan of Lundavra, lieut.
Allan of Callart, lieut.
Allan, brother of Glenevis.
Archibald, doctor, br. of Lochiel, A.D.C. to Prince Charles.
Donald of Erracht.
Donald of Glenpean.
Duncan, Fortingal, Epis. chaplain.
Duncan, Nine Mile Water.
Ewen of Inverlochy, capt.
Ewen of Dawnie, capt.
Ewen, uncle of Callart.
Ewen, brother of Druimnasaille.
Hugh of Annock.
James, ensign, k’ld at Prestonpans.
John, brother of Callart.
Ludovick of Torcastle.
Cameron of Arroch, capt.
---- of Clunes.
---- of Kinlochleven.
---- of Strone.
John, Presb. minister, Fortwilliam.
MACKENZIES
_Lord Cromartie’s Regiment_
The Earl of Cromartie.
Lord Macleod, his son.
Colin Mackenzie, br. of Ballone, capt.
John of Ardloch, capt.
William, brother of Kilcoy, capt.
William, br. of Allangrange, capt.
Donald, Irnhavanny, capt.
Colin, Cullecuden, capt.
Donald, Fetterboy, capt.
John, Elgin, surgeon.
Alexander, br of Dundonald, lieut.
Roderick, br. of Keppoch, lieut.
Alexander of Corrie, lieut.
Hector Mackenzie, lieut.
Alexander, Miltown of Ord, lieut.
Alexander, Una Ross, lieut.
Alexander, Killend, ‘officer.’
Colin of Badluachrach, ‘officer.’
_Barisdale’s Regiment_
Alex. Mackenzie of Lentron, major.
Kenneth and Colin, his brothers.
Kenneth, brother of Fairburn, a schoolboy, capt.[648]
John Mackenzie of Torridon was a nephew of Macdonell of Keppoch,
and attached himself and his following to his uncle’s regiment.
MACLEODS
Alexander, son of Muiravonside, A.D.C. to Prince Charles.
Donald of Bernera.
Donald of Gualtergil, Skye.
Malcolm of Raasa.
Malcolm, cousin of Raasa.
Murdoch, son of Raasa, surg.
John of Glendale.
Roderick, his brother.
Roderick of Cadboll.
MACKINNONS
John of Mackinnon, Skye, chief.
John, his nephew, Elgol, Skye.
John of Coriechattan.
MACLEANS
Sir Hector of Duart, chief, major in Lord John Drummond’s French
regiment; made prisoner in Edinburgh, 9th June ’45, and retained
in custody throughout the campaign.
Allan, son of Calgary, Mull, lieut.
Allan, son of Drimnin, Morvern.
Charles of Drimnin, major.
Hugh, son of Kilmory, Mull, capt.
John, writer, Inverness.
John, brother of Kingairloch, capt.
Another brother of Kingairloch.
Lachlan, nat. son of Drimnin.
MACLACHLANS
Lachlan of Maclachlan, chief.
Alexander, son of Corrie, capt.
Alex. tidewaiter, Fortwilliam, major.
Archibald, Maryburgh, ensign.
Dugald, Inversanda, capt.
James, Morvern, lieut.
Kenneth of Kilinachanich, adj.
Lachlan of Inishconel, capt.
John, Rev., Epis. chaplain.
FRASERS
Simon, Lord Fraser of Lovat.
Simon, Master of Lovat.
Alexander of Fairfield, major.
Alexander, Stratherrick.
Alexander, son of Relich, capt.
Alexander, Leadchune.
Alexander of Balchreggan, capt.
Alexander, br. of Culduthel, capt.
Donald, Moy, capt.
Charles, yr. of Fairfield, adj.-gen.
Charles, yr. of Inverallochy, lt.-col.
Hugh, son of Fraserdale, capt.
Hugh of Leadclune.
Hugh, Mirton.
Hugh, Inverness, adj.
Hugh, Dorburn, Borlum.
Hugh, Littlegarth.
James of Foyers, lt.-col.
John, son of Moydie.
John, yr. of Bochruben.
John of Bruaich.
John, Kilmorach, ensign.
John, Byrefield, capt.
John, Rossie, Kincardine.
Simon, Dalhaple, capt.
Simon of Achnacloich, capt.
Simon of Auchnadonch, capt.
Simon, vintner, ‘officer.’
Thomas of Gortuleg.
William, yr. of Culbockie, capt.
William of Culmiln, capt.
William, Fort Augustus, capt.
William of Dalernig.
MACPHERSONS
Ewen of Cluny, chief.
Alexander, Kingussie.
Alexander, Blanchybeg.
Andrew, son of Benachar, capt.
Angus, Flichaty.
Donald of Breackachy, capt.
Donald, Ruthven, Badenoch.
Ewen, Laggan of Nood.
Ewen, Dalwhinny, lieut.-col.
Hugh, Coraldy.
John, Cluny.
John, Pitachran.
John, Garvamore, capt.
John of Strathmashie.
Kenneth, Ruthven, Badenoch.
Lachlan, yr. of Strathmashie.
Lewis, Delrady, major.
Malcolm (Dow), Ballachroan.
Malcolm of Phoyness, capt.
William, Ruthven.
MACINTOSHES
Lady Mackintosh of Mackintosh.
Alex. Macgillivray of Dunmaglas, lieut.-col.
Gillise Macbain of Dalmagarrie, maj.
Alexander Mackintosh, Elrig, capt.
Angus Mackintosh of Farr, capt.
Angus of Issich.
Duncan, Drummond.
Lachlan, Inverness, lieut.-col.
Simon, Daviot.
FARQUHARSONS
Alex., Lintrethan, capt. (Ogilvy’s).
Charles, Drumnopark, Glenmuick, ensign.
Cosmus, junior, of Tombea.
Donald of Auchriachan, capt.
Francis of Monaltrie, colonel.
Francis, Bogg, Tarland, ensign.
Henry of Whitehouse, capt.
James of Balmoral, lieut.-col.
John of Altery, capt.
John, Lintrethan, lieut. (Ogilvy’s).
John of Aldlerg.
John, Bogg, Tarland, ensign.
Robert, Tullick, Glenmuick, ens.
Robert, Mill of Auchriachan, ens.
William of Broughderg, captain (Ogilvy’s).
William, Mill of Auchriachan, ens.
Farquharsons of Inverey, names not found.
For the STEWARTS of APPIN, see _A List of Persons concerned in
the Rebellion_, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. viii. p. 383.
For the GRANTS of URQUHART and GLENMORISTON, see _Urquhart and
Glenmoriston_, by William Mackay, Inverness, 1893.
For THE GORDONS, see _The House of Gordon_ (vol. iii., ‘Gordons
under Arms’), by J. M. Bulloch, New Spalding Club, 1912.
For the ATHOLL REGIMENTS, see vol. iii. of _Chronicles of the
Atholl and Tullibardine Families_, by the Duke of Atholl,
Edinburgh, privately printed, 1896.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] In this narrative, unless otherwise indicated, events occurring in
Great Britain are given in old style dates, those on the Continent in
new style.
[2] Original information on the Scots Plot is to be found in _The Life
of Lord Lovat written by Himself_, London, 1797; _A Collection of
Original Papers about the Scots Plot_, London, 1704; _Original Papers_,
ed. by Jas. Macpherson, London, 1775; _Major Fraser’s Manuscript_, ed.
by Alex. Fergusson, Edinburgh, 1889; _The Lockhart Papers_, London,
1817; and an eclectic account in Hill Burton’s _Life of Lovat_, London,
1847. Extracts from many of the original authorities on this and
subsequent incidents are given usefully and ingeniously in consecutive
narrative form by Professor Sanford Terry in _The Chevalier de St.
George_, London, 1901.
[3] Original information: _Histoire des Revolutions d’Ecosse et
d’Irlande_: The Hague, 1758, of which there is a Dublin reprint of
1761; _The Secret History of Colonel Hooke’s Negotiations in Scotland
in 1707_, of which there are London, Edinburgh and Dublin editions,
all of 1760 (it is practically a translation of the _Histoire des
Revolutions_); _The Correspondence of Colonel Nathaniel Hooke_, an
exhaustive work edited by Rev. W. D. Macray: Roxburghe Club, 1870. A
not very friendly account of Hooke’s mission is given in the _Lockhart
Papers_. The military state of Scotland at the time is to be found in
_An Account of the late Scotch Invasion as it was opened by My lord
Haversham in the House of Lords_: London, 1709. The story of the naval
expedition is given in _Mémoires du Comte de Forbin_ (Amsterdam, 1730),
of which there is an English translation; the third edition is dated
London, 1740.
[4] The possibility of treachery was suggested by Hooke, and his story
is to be found in a Gask MS. Hooke, who had been bred to the sea, found
the steersman going on the wrong course. He was put right, but as soon
as Hooke’s back was turned he went wrong again. See _Jacobite Lairds of
Gask_, p. 15: London, 1870.
[5] _Esmond_, bk. III. chap. i.
[6] The authorities on the ’Fifteen are to be found noted in most
standard histories.
[7] This statement bears the authority of a MS. in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, and a casual reference in a letter of Bishop Atterbury’s.
(See Martin Haile, _James Francis Edward, the Old Chevalier_: London,
1907, p. 210.)
[8] A full account from the original authorities of Clementina’s
rescue and marriage is to be found in _Narratives of the Detention,
Liberation, and Marriage of Maria Clementina Stuart_, edited by J. T.
Gilbert, LL.D.: Dublin, 1894.
[9] _Clementina_, by A. E. W. Mason.
[10] The best account of this expedition is in Mr. W. K. Dickson’s
exceedingly clear and exhaustive introduction to _The Jacobite
Attempt_, Scottish History Society, vol. xix.: Edinburgh, 1895. All the
original authorities for this incident and the preceding Swedish plot
are indicated in the Notes.
[11] Original authorities: _Life of Christopher Layer_: Norwich, 1723;
Howell’s _State Trials_, vol. xvi. A full account is given by Lord
Mahon, _History of England_, chap. xii. The dispositions by the Court
at Rome are to be found in _James Francis Edward_, M. Haile; and _The
King over the Water_ (London, 1907), A. Shield and Andrew Lang.
[12] Hon. Arthur Dillon, second surviving son of Theobald, seventh
Viscount Dillon. Born at Roscommon, 1670. His father raised a regiment
for James II. at the Revolution, which Arthur accompanied to France,
where he became its colonel, 1690. Served in Spain, Germany, and
Italy. Lieut.-General under the Duke of Berwick at Barcelona, 1714.
Created viscount (Jacobite) in the peerage of Ireland, 1717. Created
earl (Jacobite) in the peerage of Scotland, 1721. Made Knight of the
Thistle, 1722. Died at Paris, 1733.--Ruvigny, _Jacobite Peerage_.
[13] Shield and Lang, _The King over the Water_, pp. 360, 363.
[14] Mahon, _History of England_, chap. xii.
[15] Ruvigny, _Jacobite Peerage_, p. 16.
[16] It is worthy of note that although the new _Scots Peerage_ as
a rule chronicles the Jacobite titles conferred on Scottish nobles,
there is no mention of this peerage to Sir James Grant in that work
(see _Scots Peerage_, vol. vii. pp. 480-483), nor is it referred to in
his biography in the Grant family history (Sir W. Fraser, _The Chiefs
of Grant_, vol. i. pp. 371-392). For the action of the Grants in the
’Forty-five, see _infra_, p. 269 _et seq._
[17] _The Lockhart Papers_ are the principal authority for Jacobite
history in Scotland from 1702 to 1728.
[18] James Urquhart was the only son of Jonathan Urquhart of Cromarty
and his wife Lady Jean Graham, daughter of the second Marquis of
Montrose. Jonathan was the last of the Urquharts who owned the estate
of Cromarty, famous owing to its possession by Sir Thomas Urquhart, the
translator of Rabelais. Jonathan’s affairs having got into disorder,
he sold his ancestral property to George Mackenzie, Viscount Tarbat,
who was created Earl of Cromartie in 1703. James Urquhart married Anne
Rollo, daughter of Robert Rollo of Powhouse, and had an only child,
Grizel, who died unmarried. Colonel Urquhart ‘was a man of noble
spirit, great honour, and integrity; he served in the wars both in
Spain and Flanders with great reputation, but left the Army, and lived
a retired life.... In him ended the whole male line of John, only son
of the first marriage of John, tutor of Cromarty ... the representation
devolved upon William Urquhart of Meldrum’ (Douglas, _Baronage_).
Colonel Urquhart was born in 1691, and died on January 3rd, 1741
(Family papers). His appointment as Jacobite Agent for Scotland is
dated May 28th, 1736 (Ruvigny, _Jacobite Peerage_, p. 234).
[19] Not the famous conqueror of Almanza, who was killed in the War of
the Polish Succession when besieging Philipsburg, on June 28th, 1734,
but his son, known until then as the Duke of Liria.
[20] His commission as colonel is dated October 22nd, 1715.--Ruvigny,
_Jacobite Peerage_, p. 244.
[21] For general information about Gordon of Glenbucket, the reader is
referred to Mr. J. M. Bulloch’s monumental work, _The House of Gordon_
(New Spalding Club, Aberdeen, 1912). For Glenbucket’s character and his
actions in 1745, see _infra_, p. 113 _et seq._ It is remarkable how the
designation ‘of Glenbucket’ has adhered to the family for generations,
although the land from which it was derived was parted with a hundred
and seventy-nine years ago. Gordon’s descendants are still tenants of
the farm of St. Bridget’s, in Glenlivet, which was old Glenbucket’s
home in 1745, and are still termed ‘Glenbucket’ in the district.
For the Macdonell marriages see the genealogies in _History of Clan
Donald_, vol. iii.
[22] M. Haile, _James Francis Edward_, p. 367.
[23] French historians generally blame Fleury for his timidity, and
ascribe to him the decline of the splendid French navy, which he
allowed to fall into decay for fear of English jealousy.
[24] The commission is dated January 28th, 1738. See Stuart Papers in
Browne’s _History of the Highlands_, vol. iv. p. 21.
[25] See _infra_, p. 25.
[26] The terms of this message are given from a state paper in the
French Archives of which the following is an extract: ‘il manda en
Angleterre que le zèle de ses sujets écossais était si vif, qu’il lui
semblait qu’on pourrait opposer les Montagnards de ce pays à la plupart
des troupes que le gouvernement avait alors sur pied, et qu’il y aurait
lieu de tout espérer même sans secours étranger, pourvu que les Anglais
affidés prissent de leur côté de justes mesures.’ See Colin, _Louis XV.
et les Jacobites_, p. 1.
[27] For Sempill’s descent and claim to the title, see Appendix, p. 421.
[28] See _infra_, p. 21.
[29] See _infra_, p. 25.
[30] A. G. M. Macgregor, _History of the Clan Gregor_, vol. ii. p. 358.
[31] Of the Associators only three were ‘out’ in the ’Forty-five:
the Duke of Perth, Lovat, and Lochiel. Lord John Drummond, who was
brother-in-law of Traquair, remained inactive. Prince Charles spent the
night of February 2nd, 1746, at his house, Fairnton, now Ferntower,
near Crieff. Lord Traquair remained in England; he was arrested at
Great Stoughton in Huntingdonshire, on July 29th, 1746, and committed
to the Tower; but was released without trial before August 1748.
Traquair’s brother, John Stuart, married in 1740 and retired from the
Concert then. Sir James Campbell was too old for action. Macgregor of
Balhaldies was in Paris during the campaign.
[32] The name ‘Macgregor’ was then proscribed, and all members of the
clan had to adopt another name; that adopted by Balhaldy’s branch
was ‘Drummond.’ Balhaldy’s father, Alexander, was a man of some
consequence. He had been a trader about Stirling, and made some money,
and he married a daughter of Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel, his son
Balhaldy being thus a first cousin of Lochiel of the ’45. In 1714 the
Clan Gregor being chiefless, certain of its leading members elected
Alexander to be hereditary chief. (A. G. M. Macgregor, _Hist. of Clan
Gregor_, vol. ii. p. 270.) He was created a Scots baronet by the
Chevalier in 1740, and he died at Balhaldie House, Dunblane, in 1749.
His son, William, was born in 1698. Though never in Scotland after
1743 he was attainted in 1746, and specially exempted from the act of
indemnity of 1747. He married Janet, daughter of Laurence Oliphant of
Gask, at Paris in January 1758. He died near Paris in 1765.
[33] The designation Balhaldy is spelt variously in contemporary
documents, Bohaldy, Bochaldie, Bahady, etc. Cf. R. L. Stevenson’s
_Catriona_, last chapter.
[34] War was declared with Spain, October 19th, 1739.
[35] Abridged from a State Paper in the French archives, of which
portions are printed in Capitaine J. Colin’s _Louis XV. et les
Jacobites_: Paris, 1901.
[36] The Emperor Charles VI. died on October 20th, 1740, and France
interfered in the War of the Austrian Succession the following August.
[37] Colin, p. 7.
[38] A. G. M. Macgregor, _Hist. of Clan Gregor_, vol. ii. p. 359.
[39] Colin, p. 8.
[40] Lord Marischal wrote to the Chevalier in June 1740, telling him
that the King of Spain had refused an audience to the Duke of Ormonde
on this account. Mahon, _Hist. of England_, 3rd ed., vol. iii. App. p.
iv.
[41] Se _infra_, pp. 12, 22.
[42] ‘Le roi très chrétien, touché du zèle des Ecossais, était porté à
leur accorder les secours dont ils avaient besoin: qu’en conséquence,
Sa Majesté voulait bien faire transporter dans ce royaume toutes les
troupes irlandaises qui étaitent à son service, avec les armes et
munitions et les 20,000 livres sterling qu’on demandait pour aider les
montagnards à se mettre en campagne’ (Colin, p. 8).
[43] This document is printed by the special permission of the French
Government. The original signed and sealed with seven seals is
preserved in the National Archives in Paris.
[44] It was very disappointing to find that no trace of this list of
Highland chiefs referred to could be discovered.
[45] Balhaldy’s Memorial, _History of Clan Gregor_, vol. ii. p. 359.
[46] See Appendix, p. 422.
[47] He died on January 29th (18th O.S.).
[48] That Fleury had proposed something is most probable. He had for
some time been complaining of the ‘insults’--what to-day we call
pin-pricks--with which the British Government had been annoying France
in a time of peace. These pin-pricks culminated in June 1742 when a
British army under Lord Stair landed in the Netherlands, with the
intention of thwarting the French in their campaign against Austria.
[49] _Infra_, p. 16 _n._
[50] ‘Il n’y a pas grand inconvénient que le ministre voie que le
rempart de la mer ne met pas entièrement l’Angleterre à couvert des
enterprises de la France.’
[51] Colin, p. 35.
[52] _Infra_, pp. 41, 42.
[53] _Memorials_, pp. 93, 428.
[54] _The Affairs of Scotland_, 1744-46, by Lord Elcho. Edited by Hon.
Evan Charteris: Edinburgh, 1907, p. 63. Lord Elcho gives a list of
members of the club who undertook to join the Prince in any event.
[55] _Memorials_, p. 64.
[56] Anxious to learn the sources of this information, I wrote to
the author of the volume to inquire, and received a courteous letter
informing me that these statements were made on the authority of the
Stuart Papers.
[57] _Memorials_, p. 444.
[58] _Infra_, p. 116.
[59] _Trial of Lord Lovat_, p. 36.
[60] _Memorials_, p. 50.
[61] _Life of the Duke of Cumberland_: London, 1766, p. 242.
[62] Lord Macleod wrote a Narrative of the campaign, including
the march to Thurso. It is printed in Sir Wm. Fraser’s _Earls of
Cromartie_, vol. ii. pp. 379 _et seq._
[63] P. 123.
[64] _Chiefs of Grant_, vol. ii. p. 155.
[65] Family information.
[66] See _The Earl of Aberdeen_, by the Hon. A. Gordon, p. 4: London,
1893.
[67] Cumin of Kininmont, Gordon of Cobairdie, and Erskine of Pittodrie.
[68] See _Blackwood’s Magazine_ for May 1829.
[69] _Scottish Historical Review_, vol. v. p. 288.
[70] _Chiefs of Grant_, vol. ii. p. 152.
[71] _Spalding Club Misc._, vol. i. p. 403.
[72] _Ibid._, p. 406.
[73] Compare p. 189.
[74] MS. Order Book in Editor’s possession. The story is told with
considerable fulness in Henderson’s _Life of Cumberland_ (p. 239),
where the schoolmaster’s name is given as Macaty, and where the blame
of the sentence is ascribed to Hawley. The punishment was five hundred
lashes at each of the cantonments.
[75] In a biographical appendix to his Life of Colonel Gardiner who was
killed at Prestonpans. (London, 1747.)
[76] Original correspondence on the relations between the Prince
and Lord George Murray, together with references to contemporary
authorities on the battle of Culloden, will be found in the _Itinerary
of Prince Charles Edward_, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xxiii., 1897.
[77] Scottish History Society, vol. xxiii.
[78] For Flora Macdonald’s relationships, see Genealogical Table, p.
452.
[79] See _Lyon in Mourning_, vol. i p. 176.
[80] _Ibid._, vol. ii. p. 100.
[81] Cf. _infra_, p. 372 _n._ 2.
[82] Ruvigny, _Jacobite Peerage_.
[83] This letter, dated Kinlochiel, August 22nd, arrived after Sir
James Grant went to London, and was forwarded to him. He sent it
unopened to Lord Tweeddale, Secretary for Scotland. The letter is
preserved in the Tweeddale Archives.
[84] _Urquhart and Glenmoriston_: Inverness, 1893.
[85] P. 271.
[86] Pp. 275-276.
[87] Pp. 292-294.
[88] Pp. 307-309.
[89] _Chiefs of Grant_, vol. ii. p. 267.
[90] High Court Index Book No. 1.
[91] _Scots Magazine_, vol. ix. pp. 246, 247.
[92] The name in the original documents is spelt sometimes with one
s and sometimes with one t, sometimes with one or both these letters
doubled; occasionally he is called ‘Grosert.’ In modern times the name
is spelt Grosett by Miss Collins, a descendant of Walter. In the new
_Scots Peerage_ it is spelt Grosset, vol. i. p. 495.
[93] Newcastle Papers, British Museum, Add. MS. 32710, f. 491.
[94] Record Office, State Papers Dom., George II., Bundle 98.
[95] Newcastle Papers, previously quoted.
[96] Family Papers.
[97] See pp. 336 and 402. Grossett’s statement, corroborated by
Fawkener and Sharpe, is elaborated in the Newcastle Papers quoted
above. ‘He performed his duties at great hazard to his life. The
Rebells robbed and plundered his house at Alloa and his house in the
country [Logie] to such a degree that they did not leave his infant
children even a shirt to shift them, and pursued his wife and daughter
to an uncle’s house, to whose estate they knew Mr. Grosett was to
succeed, plundered that house [Bredisholm, near Coatbridge], stript his
wife and daughter of the very clothes they had upon their backs and
used them otherwise in a most cruel and barbarous manner.’
[98] _Scots Magazine_, vol. vii. p. 538.
[99] Record Office, State Papers Dom., George II., bundle 91.
[100] This is one of the very rarest of Jacobite pamphlets. There is
a long account of the harsh proceedings of the Edinburgh magistrates
towards Robert Drummond, the Jacobite printer who published the poem,
in Hugo Arnot’s _History of Edinburgh_, 1778, book III. chap. iv. See
also _Book of the Old Edinburgh Club_, vol. viii., in which the poem is
reprinted for the first time.
[101] Mr. J. R. N. Macphail, K.C., has sent me a copy of Accusations
laid against Grossett in December 1747. These are nine in number:
he is accused (1) Of keeping an open trade at Alloa for smugglers
‘particularly in the tobacco way.’ (2) Of secreting the public revenue
for a tract of years and of vitiating and forging the accounts. (3) Of
granting land permits for wine to smugglers all over the kingdom. (4)
Of arranging false prices with merchants who purchased at roup goods
seized from smugglers. (5) Of suborning evidence even to perjury in
connection with the sale of goods taken from the Rebels. (6) Of being
an accomplice of smugglers in trade and profits. (7) Of passing goods
after seizure and of accepting a bribe. (8) Of mutilating the books of
the public office. (9) Of fraud, circumvention and oppression in many
different cases.
[102] _Scots Peerage_, vol. i. p. 495.
[103] The Jacobite accounts of this incident will be found in _Jacobite
Memoirs_, p. 47; in Maxwell of Kirkconnell’s _Narrative_, p. 94; and in
Sir William Fraser’s _The Earls of Cromartie_, vol. ii. p. 390.
[104] Home, _History of the Rebellion_, ch. viii.
[105] See Appendix, Cardinal York’s _Memorial_.
[106] _Lyon in Mourning_, vol. iii. p. 232.
[107] Lent to me by Lumisden’s great-grand-niece, Mrs. G. E. Forbes,
Edinburgh.
[108] The winter of 1741-42.
[109] Charles (Stuart), 5th Earl of Traquair; succeeded 1741; died 1764.
[110] See Appendix.
[111] William Macgregor or Drummond of Balhaldy.
[112] James Edgar, secretary to the Chevalier de St. George. A younger
son of David Edgar of Keithock, Forfarshire. Entered the Chevalier’s
service as secretary 1716, and held that office for forty-seven years.
Became Secretary of State in October 1763, and died 24th September
1764, predeceasing his master by fifteen months.
[113] Cardinal André Hercule de Fleury. Born 1653; became French prime
minister in 1726; died in January 1743.
[114] Donald Cameron, 19th of Lochiel, ‘the Gentle Lochiel’ of the ’45.
He succeeded his grandfather as chief of the Camerons in 1719, his
father John (who died 1748) having transferred his rights to his son.
Donald Cameron died in France, 1748.
[115] Sir James Campbell of Auchenbreck, 5th Baronet; died 1756;
father-in-law of Donald Cameron of Lochiel. His wife was Janet,
daughter of John Macleod of Macleod, and aunt of Norman Macleod the
chief in 1745.
[116] Charles (Douglas), 3rd Duke; born 1698; succeeded 1711; died 1778.
[117] William (Douglas), 3rd Earl of March; succeeded his cousin as 4th
Duke of Queensberry; died unmarried 1810. The ‘Old Q’ of George III.’s
reign.
[118] George (Keith), 10th and last Earl Marischal; born 1694;
succeeded 1712. Joined Lord Mar in 1715, and commanded the right
wing of the Jacobite army at Sheriffmuir. Forfeited and attainted.
Participated in the Spanish Invasion of 1719. See Dickson, _The
Jacobite Attempt of 1719_, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xix. In 1744 was
residing near Boulogne. Took no part in 1745. Entered service of
Frederick the Great. Pardoned by George II., 1759; died at Potsdam,
unmarried, 1778.
[119] James Keith, brother of the 10th Earl Marischal; born 1696.
Attainted for participation in the ’15. Entered the Spanish army, and
in 1728 the Russian army with the rank of major-general. Although an
attainted Jacobite, he visited London in 1740, and was received by
George II. as a Russian general (_Scots Mag._, vol. ii. p. 43). In 1747
entered service of Frederick the Great as field-marshal. Killed at the
battle of Hochkirchen 1758.
[120] And likewise to settle a correspondence with Scotland the manner
in which we had formerly conveyed Letters being very precarious and at
the same time so much suspected that the Government had caused search
the Ships in which the Letters generally came, but by good fortune
their happened none to be aboard that time.
[121] Æneas Macdonald, a banker in Paris, fourth son of Ranald
Macdonald third of Kinlochmoidart. Accompanied Prince Charles to
Scotland. Surrendered in 1746. Condemned to death but pardoned on
condition of residing out of the United Kingdom. Was killed in France
during the Revolution.
[122] Amelot de Chaillou. French foreign minister, 1737 to 1744.
[123] Katharine Darnley, half-sister of the Chevalier; daughter of
James II., by Katherine Sedley. Born 1682; died 1743. Third wife of
John Sheffield, 1st Duke of Buckingham, who died 1721.
[124] Colonel William Cecil. Long the Jacobite agent in England.
Relationship uncertain. In a memorandum in the French Foreign Office
he is called ‘oncle de Lord Salisbury.’ Was apprehended in 1744. His
deposition, in which he denies all knowledge of a plot, is given in
Fitzroy Bell’s _Murray’s Memorials_, p. 408.
[125] Secretary of the Duchess of Buckingham.
[126] Charles Smith, a merchant or banker in Boulogne. His wife,
daughter of Sir Hugh Paterson of Bannockburn (Prince Charles’s host
when besieging Stirling Castle in January 1746), was aunt to Clementina
Walkenshaw. Their son married the heiress of Seton of Touch. The
ceremony was performed by Mr. William Harper of Edinburgh at Linlithgow
on the day of the battle of Prestonpans. Charles Smith, who had come
to Scotland for the event, posted out from Edinburgh bearing the news
of the victory to the Jacobite congregation.--Ingram, _A Jacobite
Stronghold of the Church_, p. 47.
[127] I daresay the Cardinal never shed a tear on that Account nor
indeed allowing his concern to be never so great I think it reasonable
to believe so great a minister would act the part of a Child.
[128] If he had so mean an Opinion of these folks and their memorials
were so rediculous as they are represented he must either have been
quite doated and consequently not capable to understand anything
otherwise it would have been no difficult matter to make him sensible
of the absurdity of their proposals.
[129] Maréchal de Maillebois, a great-nephew of Colbert;
commander-in-chief in the War of the Austrian Succession.
[130] If this was the cause of his death I must be of the Opinion of
a great many that he was then become an old woman and incapable of
any enterprise that required Courage and Activity, and indeed all the
world with these two Gentlemen themselves owned him to be of a very
frightened timorous Disposition.
[131] It was at this Time Mr. Drummond told me the Story of the
Sweedish Troops and the Discoveries of it made by the Queen of Spain,
which I shall relate at large afterwards. (See _post_, p. 22.)
[132] This thought was the least reason could assign to Mr. Amalot
for my coming over, as I could not tell him it was owing to a letter
we had received from Mr. D[rummond], which I have repented of since,
for I told him if he was instructed by the Cardinal, as they said, he
certainly would have let me see that these Gentlemen had no reason to
give such encouragements, which would have at once shewed them in their
True Light. This Mr. Drummond and Lord Semple insisted I should say to
excite the French to Action and I then did not think it any great crime
to use them as they had often done us by imposing upon them.
[133] I shall leave it to the Reader to determine how far this answer
of Mr. Amelot agrees with what Mr. D[rummond] advances in his Letter
and if it be at all reasonable to imagine that the Cardinal had
resolved upon an Invasion when the person he had employed in this
affair had never read the Memorial given in concerning it nor even
understood the manner in which it was concerted and carried on in
Scotland and again whether or not Lord Semple had succeeded as he
braged in preventing much delay by perswading the Cardinal to make Mr.
Amelot privy to the whole affair.
[134] I mentioned before that the King had ordered a Sum not exceeding
£900 Ster yearly to be payed to Sir J[ames] C[ampbell] provided
money could be raised he had hitherto gott no more than £200 Lord
T[ra]q[uai]r had payed him so I was instructed to know why it was not
answered as promised, which I accordingly did, when Mr. Drummond said
he thought it very odd that the people in Scotland could not give him
that small pension when Lord T[ra]q[uai]r had offered Lord Semple
credit for £1,000 the year before when in London. I told him people
had little money to spare and that since the Gentlemen was in a manner
starving I would write to the King about it as directed, upon which he
said in a passion I had better not do it for it would hurt them in the
King’s Eyes as it must look bad that people who profered doing so much
could not advance such a trifle, and I remember he said the King would
not fail to look upon them as tamperers which I never did mention to
them looking upon it as the heat of passion. He then said as he had
all along made it his Business to advance their Interest and Honour,
he would fall upon a method of raising a sum of money to the Value of
5 or 6,000£ upon a bond payable at the Restoration with six per cent.
of Interest and that D[uke of] P[erth] L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r L[ochie]l
and I should bind for it and that he would even endeavour to gett an
equall sum for D[uke of] P[erth] on L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r’s particular
Use upon the same Conditions. As I then did not know my man I went on
to what he proposed and did not write to the King about it, neither did
I till after I found out the double fetch he had in it, he at this time
was applying to have a Pension settled upon himself which my writing
in behalf of Sir J[ames] C[ampbell] would certainly have prevented as
the King had ordered him to stay at home in the view of receiving the
forementioned Sum, then his proposing to raise this sum for the D[uke]
of P[erth]’s use was a means to encourage him to advance him £100,
which he desired I would tell his Grace he would draw upon him at my
leaving London, which he accordingly gott.
[135] During all the time I was at London after my return from Paris
I keept it secret from Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith that I had ever been
there, and gave it out that I had been in Kent making a visit to one
Doctor Rutton, an old fellow student at Leyden, so upon the footing
of my not knowing anything that was passing I told Coll. Cicel in
Conversation upon my return to Scotland the King’s friends would
inquire of me if I had not been to waite of him and what news I had
gott so begg to know what I should say, he told me he at that time
could say nothing positively but if the French did not do something
soon the affairs of England in particular and Europe in general stood
in such a way that in three moneth time he would order affairs so as
to call the King over with his own attendance only this Vaunt was so
rediculous that I had great difficulty to keep my Countinance and gave
me a very low Opinion of every other thing he said.
[136] One evening after I had waited an hour in L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r’s
lodgings at Edinburgh till such time as he should come in to talk with
me about his journey to London he told me he understood that I was no
friend to Bishop Keith, and upon asking what ground he had to think
so, he told me that one Mr. Gordon, a Roman Catholick Bishop, had
informed him of it, it seems Bishop Keith was of his acquaintance had
been complaining to him that I had not represented him in a favourable
Light. By which I conjectured that Keith had been applying that way
to be named Bishop of Edinburgh for how should L[ord] J[ohn] Drummond
have acquainted Lady Clanronald of Mr. Rattrae’s being named, which
was a thing entirely foreign to both him and her if Keith had not been
endeavouring to procure that preferment through the interest of the
Roman Catholicks,[649] and Lord Drummond did write to Lady Clanronald
that I had procured an order for Bishop Rattrae’s Election is certain,
for it was by her means quite well known in Edinburgh before I came
back from London and Lord T[ra]q[uai]r assured me from Bishop Gordon
that L[ord] J[ohn] had wrote it to Lady Clanranald.
[137] My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r made all the dispatch possible to settle his
affairs at home, being sensible how necessary it was for him to be att
London and sett out from his own house on the sixth of Aprile.
[138] For this ecclesiastical episode in Murray’s career, see Appendix.
[139] Thomas Rattray, D.D., laird of Craighall-Rattray, Perthshire.
Born 1684; consecrated bishop at large, 1727; afterwards Bishop of
Brechin, and subsequently of Dunkeld; Primus, 1739; died 1743.
[140] See Introduction, p. xxiii.
[141] Thomas Cochrane; 6th earl; died 1737.
[142] Robert Freebairn, consecrated bishop at large, 1722; Primus,
1731; Bishop of Edinburgh, 1733; died 1739.
[143] Drumelzier, a Peebleshire estate adjoining Broughton. The
proprietor was then Alexander Hay of Drumelzier, and Whittinghame,
East Lothian (the latter now the property of Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour);
a grandson of the 1st Earl of Tweeddale, ancestor of the Hays of Duns:
born 1701; died 1789. He and his brother William were both Jacobites.
[144] I think there can be little doubt that this is the draft of
the lost letter searched for in vain by Mr. Fitzroy Bell at Windsor
(_Murray’s Memorials_, p. 50 _n_), and referred to by Mr. Lang
(_History of Scotland_, iv. 441).
[145] As Traquair left on April 6th (see _ante_, p. 17 and _post_, p.
23) this letter was probably written in that month. Narsom is a cipher
name for John Murray.
[146] Robert Keith, kinsman and tutor of the 10th Earl Marischal and
his brother: born 1681; consecrated bishop at large, 1727; Bishop of
Orkney, Caithness and the Isles, 1731; Superintendent of Fife, 1733;
succeeded Rattray as Primus, 1743; died 1757. Author of a _History of
Scotland_, and of the well-known _Catalogue of Scottish Bishops_.
[147] James (Barry), 4th Earl of Barrymore. Born 1667; died 1747. An
ardent Jacobite, who sent his son to join the French army when the
invasion of 1744 was expected.
[148] French minister in London.
[149] It wont be amiss to insert here the Story mentioned before
about the design of sending over some Swedish Troops which my Lord
T[ra]q[uai]r mentioned to me on his return from London the last time he
went up. Mr. Drummond told me at Paris as an Instance of the sincere
intention the Cardinal had to serve the King, that he was sensible of
the great hatred the English bore to the French and for that reason
proposed to the Spanish Ambassador at Paris, Campo Florido, that
provided his master would take 10,000 Swedes into his pay he would
endeavour to procure them by the means of some of the chief nobility,
the King[650] not being to be trusted on that head as he was looked
upon as friends to the Family of Hanover and would take care to have
them transported, that the Spanish Ambassador immediately wrote to his
Master who sent back an answer Willing to pay the Troops but upon some
condition which I now cannot charge my memory with, this the Cardinal
took highly amiss and told him that his Master was not to bargain
with in such cases, upon which the Spanish Ambassador immediately
dispatched a Courier, but before the return of it their was a paragraph
in the Amsterdam Gazette telling that the King of Spain and some of
his Ministers were carrying on a scheme of great consequence but being
known by the Queen was prevented. It seems as he said the Queen had
been informed of it by some of the Ministers and judging that should
it be putt in execution it would necessarily putt an end to war with
England that she was very fond of and to putt a stop to it she putt in
that paragraph in the Amsterdam Gazette to the Cardinal which had its
object for their was not any more mention made of it.
[150] It was no great wonder then I was deceived of his Lordship having
not the least reason to suspect, and he a little shy cunning fellow on
all occasions professing an attachment to nothing but truth and most
disinterested loyalty.
[151] This must have proceded from wrong information for since that
time they have made considerable levys and everybody agrees their are
not above ten or eleven thousand in the Island.
[152] _i.e._ George II.
[153] This was in the year 1737. If Gordon of Glenbucket went over to
Rome, so far as ever I could learn without having any authority from
the Gentlemen in the Highlands, unless it was from his son-in-law
Glengary and General Gordon,[651] praying the King to come to Scotland
that all were ready to rise in arms; but His Majesty was too wise
to give in to such a rash and inconsiderate a project and sent over
Captain Will Hay[652] to have the Opinion of his friends by which he
might judge how far what Glenbucket had said was to be credited. Mr.
Hay sent for me then in Holland and insisted upon my coming which I
did, but I believe found few people of Glenbucket’s Opinion save the
late Lord Kinmore[653] who I went to the Country and brought to toun
to see him; but the case was now greatly altered as all the World were
becoming sensible of; that the Interest of Great Britain must ever be
sacrificed to that of Hanover as long as this family continued upon
the Throne; that Parliamentary Schemes were nothing but Chimerical,
together with the few Troops that were left in the Island and the
distance they were then from the Coast which prevented their coming
in time before the Country was reduced; as likewise the miserable
prospect of the Country being ruined by the vast standing Army that
would necessarily follow upon a peace as the Levys during the War would
be considerable and no prospect of a reduction after their Return but
rather a Certainty of their being continued; this seeming the fairest
opportunity to bring us under a military Government. These and many
other reasons made L[ochie]l be of Opinion that now was the time to
strike a bold stroke for the King, and by Sir A[lexander] M[acdonald]’s
letter to the Duke of P[erth], it would seem these reasons did
influence him and were sufficient Grounds for the proposal.
[154] John (Lindsay), 20th earl, born 1702. Entered Russian army; was
badly wounded at Krotzka, 1739, fighting the Turks, and never properly
recovered. First colonel of the 43rd (afterwards 42nd) Highlanders.
Brig.-gen. at Fontenoy; maj.-gen. 1745. Came to Scotland February 1746,
and commanded the Hessian troops under the Prince of Hesse in Stirling
and Perthshire. Died 1749.
[155] _Née_ Hon. Anne Stewart, daughter of Alexander, 6th Lord
Blantyre. Died March 1743.
[156] _i.e._ John Murray.
[157] This is evidently the letter that Murray complains bitterly
Traquair showed to Balhaldy, and on his advice destroyed (_Murray’s
Memorials_, pp. 58-60).
[158] This Letter I wrote in the smoothest stile possible purposely
to show him that the King’s friends were so far from having any
Inclination to Dictate to him, that on the Contrary they wished by
all means to have him Heartily to promote the Restoration, and shewed
the letter to Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and L[ochiel]l before I gave it his
Lordship to carry and they both approved of it.
[159] I had mentioned in my Letter to the King that the Ship by which
our Letters used to come was much suspected and had been searched, so
one of my Errands was to have a new Conveyance settled which was done
from London to Paris by Mr. D[rummond] but could be so easily done from
London here.
[160] His Grace the Duke of P[erth] when I had the honour of seeing him
at York on my Road, desired I would acquaint his Majesty that he had a
Scheme for taking Stirling Castle and desired His Majesty would impower
him upon the Seizing of it to give a commission to whom he should think
fitt to name as Governour for the Time it was garrisoned with his men
as they would the more willingly obey if the Commander was named by
him, but told me no particulars of his project neither did he since
when I told him what the King had wrote.
[161] Mr. Edgar having wrote about it in a former Letter occasioned my
telling him that it was borrowed by Lord T[ra]q[uair].
[162] A frequent cipher name for the Chevalier de St. George.
[163] Mr. Drummond told when at Paris that the method he had taken
with the Gentlemen of the highlands was this. He talked to them of the
situation of the Country and that a Restoration was the only thing
would save us, with a great deal more to this purpose, which brought
all those that inclined that way to declare how sensible they were
of it and that they were very willing to promote it so soon as an
Occasion should offer; upon which he told them that it was impossible
for the King to undertake any things not knowing who were his friends
and that he thought they should take care to acquaint the King of it,
then it was natural for them to say they were contented his Majesty
was informed it, but did not know of a method how; upon which he told
them that he would not absolutely promise, but would endeavour to fall
upon a method to acquaint him. This I took to be a safe way for the
person that engaged them and as his Majesty was not quite satisfied
with it as he said he desired me to write my Opinion of it which to
the best of my Remembrance was in a few words, that I thought no Body
would be so rediculous as to inform against themselves by telling they
had given a Commission to such a person to ye King as it must redound
to their own disadvantage for as their was none present when the
matter was spoke off to a person that was to deliver it had no more to
do but deny it and his not engaging absolutely to make it known was
keeping his correspondence a secret, for which reasons I was then of
opinion that the same method might be followed in the Low Country, but
upon trial found it almost impossible and dangerous, first, because
the Generallity are not so loyally inclined as in the Highlands and
consequently not so easily brought to speak their mind, and the next
place they have no following, they Generally tell you, of what use is
the King’s knowing that I wish him well, I am only single Person, that
can be of little Service, thirdly the present Government has been at
pain to perswade people; the King is betrayed and that passes at Rome,
but what they are fully informed off which makes people shy and affraid
to have any dealings that way as they are near the Court of Justice and
less able to shift for themselves, and fourthly, when a number of those
people come to be spoke to they will some of them especially who are
not brought all length in confidence impart to the other that such a
man talked so and so, whereby the thing may come to be known and render
it dangerous for the persons, all this occur’d to me upon serious
reflection and found the difficulty of it, upon talking to some with
folks here in that stile after my return and succeeded with none but
two Mr. N. of D--n and Mr. C--r of Cr--g--th,[654] the last of which
was drunk and repented next day for which I gave it up.
[164] A non-juring minister at Edinburgh; father of Lord Eskgrove.
[165] Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat (Skye), 7th baronet. His first
wife was Anne Erskine (died 1735), widow of James (Ogilvy), 4th _de
jure_ Earl of Airlie (died 1731). The Earl of Airlie mentioned here was
his brother, 5th _de jure_ earl (died 1761). He remained passive during
the ’45, but his son Lord Ogilvy raised two battalions for Prince
Charles.
[166] Henry, Duke of York, afterwards cardinal.
[167] I cannot now recollect from whom I had that information, but it
was such that in the time I had reason to Credit it.
[168] This was owing to Sir A[lexander] M[acdonald] having promised for
a number supperior to what Mr. Drummond had marked him down for and
at the same time as some folks were laying to his Charge we did not
believe it was thought fitt to say something favourable of him as we
had an entire confidence in his honesty.
[169] Bishop Rattray died at Edinburgh, May 12, 1743.
[170] Battle of Dettingen, fought 16th June old style, or 27th new
style, 1743.
[171] The Highland Regiment, originally the 43rd and afterwards the
42nd, was raised in the name of John, 20th Earl of Crawford (then lying
wounded at Belgrade), in 1739, and first embodied 1740. It was sent to
London in 1743, and there its members, who understood on enlistment
that their service was for the Highlands only, were persuaded that
the Government intended to send them to the plantations or to sell
them into slavery. When encamped at Highgate more than two hundred
of them left the camp by night in May 1743 and started to march to
Scotland. They were overtaken and surrounded when near Oundle in
Northamptonshire; they surrendered and were marched prisoners to the
Tower. Three of their leaders were executed, Corporals Samuel and
Malcolm Macpherson and private Farquhar Shaw, all of Clan Chattan.
[172] There had been heavy recruiting for the Scots Brigade in the
service of the Netherlands.
[173] Sir Thomas Gordon of Earlston, 3rd baronet, whose grandfather
(killed at Bothwell Bridge) and father were eminent Covenanter leaders.
Murray hoped to secure the adherence of the Cameronian Covenanters
through Gordon and Dr. Cochran (see p. 51) and others. Cf. _Murray’s
Memorials_, p. 54.
[174] Sir James Stewart; see Appendix.
[175] David (Wemyss), Lord Elcho, eldest son of James, 4th Earl of
Wemyss. Joined Prince Charles at Edinburgh and served through the
campaign. Forfeited, and lived in exile until his death in 1787. See
his Memoir by Hon. Evan Charteris, prefaced to _A Short Account of the
Affairs of Scotland_, 1744-46.
[176] Norman Macleod of Macleod, nineteenth chief; born 1706; died
1772. He engaged to join Prince Charles although he came alone; but he
changed his mind, was the first to communicate the Prince’s landing
to the Lord President, and was the vindictive foe of Prince Charles
throughout the whole adventure.
[177] This was Alexander (or Alistair), Lord Lovat’s second son, by his
wife Margaret Grant, sister of Sir James Grant of Grant. Born 1729,
died unmarried 1762.
The school at Prestonpans was kept by Mr. John Halket who had been
tutor in Lovat’s family at Castle Downie. Peggy Vint’s was a tavern in
Prestonpans. Alexander Carlyle gives an account of an extraordinary
carouse there in 1741, at which Lovat, Erskine of Grange, Halket, four
Fraser henchmen, young Lovat, Halket’s son, and Carlyle were present.
Lovat said Grace in French, and he ‘swore more than fifty dragoons’
at the fish. The claret was excellent and circulated fast. There was
a piper at the tavern, and the landlady’s daughter Kate was ‘very
alluring.’ Lovat, then seventy-five, and Grange not much younger,
warmed with wine, insisted on dancing a reel with Kate Vint: ‘this was
a scene not easily forgotten.’ A banquet at Grange’s house of Preston,
with a ‘new deluge of excellent claret,’ finished what Carlyle calls ‘a
very memorable day.’--Carlyle, _Autobiography_, p. 58.
[178] About this time Sir J. Ca[mpbe]ll had the misfortune to have
his house burnt and lost everything in it, even to his Body Cloaks.
The deplorable situation he was in, never having received any of the
money promised him save 200£ call for immediate assistance, and still
the more so, that he had from time to time borrowed Money upon his
Honour to Return it in such a time, as he had always reason to expect
his pension wou’d answer, his failing in which necessarly weakened his
Interest in the Country, for two reasons: 1st that he had no money
to enable him to entertain and visit his neighbours, and 2ndly So he
was not able to keep his word to them from whom he had borrowed it.
Both shaggerined him and naturally made him the less confided in other
matters, for which reasons I wrote presently to my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r,
to write Mr. Drummond then at London, that the money might be gott
as he then had the bond I mentioned before in his Custody, but he
still putt it off by saying that nothing could be done in it till he
went over, as the money was to be gott in france, which was a most
rediculous reason, for he told me in paris that it was through Lord
Semple he was to find it, which had it been the Case there was no
occasion for the things being delayed till he went over, as he was to
have no influence but ought to have sent it to Lord Semple. However
I don’t believe it will be found upon inquiring yt, Lord Semple knew
any thing of the matter for Mr. Drummond would not agree that I should
mention the thing to him when at paris, so that I am fully convinced
that it was as I have said befor, all a fetch to prevent writing to
the King about it, for fear that he should be disapointed of the 4,000
Livres a year he has since got settled upon him.
[179] Lord Lovat must surely have been deceiving or deceived. It was
the proud boast of the Monroes that the clan had remained constant to
Covenanting principles and to the Protestant succession, being the only
Whig clan that never wavered. The Munroes were the only Highlanders who
joined Cope on his march to Inverness in 1745.
[180] John Boyle, 5th earl; succeeded as 5th Earl of Cork, 1751; a man
of letters; friend of Swift, Pope, and Johnson; died 1762.
[181] Of Wynnstay, 3rd Baronet, M.P. for Denbigh, an ardent Jacobite,
almost openly avowed.
[182] 7th February 1744.
[183] He is marry’d to a sister of mine, and upon the Change of the
Ministry was made keeper of the Signet, through the Marquiss of
Tweedales Interest in the Room of Mr. Mcmillan the Writer.
[184] Thomas Hay of Huntington, East Lothian, advocate; Keeper of
the Signet, 1742-46; raised to the Bench as Lord Huntington 1754.
His brother, John Hay of Restalrig, W.S., succeeded John Murray as
Secretary to Prince Charles on Murray’s falling ill at Inverness, in
1746.
[185] Robert Dundas of Arniston, first President Dundas; born 1685;
was Lord Advocate, 1720-25; raised to the Bench as Lord Arniston 1737;
became Lord President on the death of Duncan Forbes of Culloden 1748;
died 1753. He was the father of Henry (Dundas), 1st Lord Melville.
[186] Sir John Inglis of Cramond, Postmaster-General of Scotland.
[187] Alexander Arbuthnott of Knox, merchant in Edinburgh; grandson of
the 1st Viscount Arbuthnott; became Commissioner of Customs 1742; died
1769.
[188] Andrew Fletcher, Lord Milton, nephew of Andrew Fletcher of
Saltoun the great opposer of the Union. Born 1692; elevated to Scottish
Bench 1724; Lord-Justice-Clerk 1735-48; died 1766.
[189] Joshua Guest, born 1660; Lieut.-General 1745; died 1747. This
is the only categorical statement which I am aware of that Guest was
Commander-in-Chief in Scotland before the appointment of Sir John Cope
(18th February 1744). Cf. _Book of Old Edinburgh Club_, 1909, p. 17.
[190] Hunter of Polmood was buried in Drumelzier Churchyard on
Thursday, February 23, 1744, which dates this incident. His son,
Charles Hunter, was married to Murray’s sister, Veronica.
[191] William M‘Dougall, wine merchant in Edinburgh, a brother-in-law
of John Murray’s. See _Memorials_, pp. 66, 301, 311.
[192] Probably Dr. Cochran of Roughfoil, a physician in Edinburgh. He
may have been a connection of Murray’s, whose aunt Margaret was married
to Alex. Cochran of Barbachlaw. Cf. _Memorials_, pp. 38, 54.
[193] John M‘Leod of Muiravonside, Stirlingshire, an advocate. His son,
Alexander, was A.D.C. to Prince Charles.
[194] Hartree, a Peeblesshire estate, in Kilbucho Parish, about seven
miles from Broughton. The laird of Hartree, John Dickson, was married
to Murray’s aunt Anne.
[195] French Fleet wrecked, 25th February old style, 7th March new
style, 1744.
[196] On this occasion, as on a subsequent escape from capture, the
Duke took refuge in the Invercauld country. See _post_, p, 271.
[197] Charles Stewart, 5th of Ardshiel, a cadet of Appin. He led out
the Stewarts of Appin in 1745. Fled to France after Culloden, and
died 1757. (He is the chief for whom Alan Breck collected rents. See
_Kidnapped_, by R. L. Stevenson, chap. ix.)
[198] Balhaldy.
[199] Probably House of Commons.
[200] Balhaldy.
[201] Balhaldy.
[202] The names in this letter have been deciphered partly by
comparison with other ciphers; partly from information given by Murray
in his Memorials; occasionally by conjecture, in which last case the
word ‘probably’ is prefixed.
[203] Sempill or Balhaldy.
[204] Probably 21st September 1744. Murray wrote two letters to Prince
Charles from Senlis, on 21st September (which was a Wednesday). Both
are given in _Murray’s Memorials_, pp. 376, 379.
[205] Probably Captain Clephan of Villegass’s Regiment, the second
Scots regiment in the service of the Netherlands. See _Murray’s
Memorials_, pp. 101, etc., for this, and following notes.
[206] Prince Charles.
[207] Rotterdam.
[208] Captain Anderson, also of Villegass’s Regiment.
[209] Officers of his regiment (probably).
[210] Colyear’s, that is the regiment of the Hon. W. P. Colyear, son of
the 1st Earl of Portmore, Colonel of the third Scots regiment in the
Netherlands.
[211] Lord Elcho.
[212] Prince Charles.
[213] Probably 30th September 1744.
[214] Dr. Barry.
[215] Probably Adam Cockburn, a hosier in Johnstone’s Court, Charing
Cross. See _Murray’s Memorials_, p. 454.
[216] Not quite intelligible, something probably omitted, but
apparently meaning that letters for the Prince are to be addressed to
the care of ‘Morris,’ an occasional pseudonym for Charles Smith of
Boulogne.
[217] Prince Charles.
[218] The King of France.
[219] Probably the English.
[220] Probably the Scots.
[221] A Restoration.
[222] Earl of Traquair.
[223] Scotland.
[224] Scotland.
[225] Perhaps ‘Skye’ referring to the clan of Sir Alexander Macdonald,
who was then in collusion with the Jacobites.
[226] Prince Charles.
[227] Probably Nisbet of Dirleton. See _Murray’s Memorials_, p. 103.
[228] Probably England.
[229] Earl of Traquair.
[230] Sir James Steuart.
[231] Duke of Perth.
[232] Lochiel.
[233] Duke of Perth.
[234] Earl of Traquair.
[235] Prince Charles.
[236] Probably English and Scots.
[237] Macleod of Macleod.
[238] Sir James Steuart.
[239] Probably young Glengarry (whom Mr. Andrew Lang identifies as
Pickle the Spy).
[240] _N.B._--I am satisfyd the reason for their so doing was that they
found themselves blown, and imagined Mr. Burnet would soon drop them,
for which they were resolved to prevent him by refusing to Act, and
thereby give themselves the Air of significancy. As for the reason they
give, in my Opinion it is inexpressibly frivelous and even betraying
of their own want of a hearty Zeal, for their Masters Interest. For
had I, either from Roguery, Ignorance, or folly, deceived Mr. Burnet
in what I said, it was no reason for their Giving up a Scheme of such
Extensive consequence, which plainly shows its not from principle they
Act. At the same time I cannot see the least ground to believe they
had any scheme going on, as they kept no correspondance with any of
the Ministers save Mr. Orri,[655] as I was informed whose department
did not lead him to treat of such like matters, neither was there then
the least thing for an Expedition. As to my advice to Mr. Burnet, it
is sufficient he knew it to be in every sense absolutely false, but
the view they had in so doing is too obvious not to be seen through.
They knew Kinny was just going over, and, as he is a man of Consequence
in the Country, could they have influenced him against me they would
thereby have broke the force of my Representations, being satisfied
I would not fail in my arrival here to make known their shameful
procedure to Mr. Edwards friends, and I must observe since at it was a
very convenient time as Mr. Burnet seemed resolved to make the Money
they promised to procure for Arms, the touchstone of their Veracity,
and the frenches sincerity, so that their refusing to act at that time
prevented the Sd--v believing them baffled men.
[241] Captain John Drummond, a nephew of Balhaldy’s.
[242] Prince Charles.
[243] Prince Charles.
[244] King.
[245] Rome.
[246] The Chevalier de St. George.
[247] Duke of Perth.
[248] Earl of Traquair.
[249] Lochiel.
[250] Scotland.
[251] James Fea of Clestrain (or Clesterton), in Stronsay, constituted
himself a Jacobite leader in Orkney and attempted to raise men for
the Prince. In March 1746 when Lord Macleod took his regiment to
Thurso, Mackenzie of Ardloch, invited by Fea, went over to Stromness
to raise men and money. None of the islanders were willing to go out,
and Ardloch declined to take unwilling recruits although Fea offered
to press some men. Ardloch, however, carried off £145 of cess and a
quantity of smuggled brandy. For his indiscretion, Fea’s house of Sound
in the island of Shapinsay was burnt down in May by the crews of a
squadron sent to hunt down Jacobites, while Fea concealed himself in
Caithness until the passing of the Act of Indemnity. (See Allan Fea,
_The Real Captain Cleveland_, p. 175; _L. in M._, ii. 337.)
[252] A battle fought at Altimarlach three miles west of Wick, in 1680,
between George Sinclair of Keiss, afterwards 7th Earl of Caithness and
Sir John Campbell of Glenurchy, afterwards 1st Earl of Breadalbane.
Sinclair’s kinsman the 6th earl, falling into debt and having no
children, had disponed his titles, property and heritable jurisdictions
to Sir John Campbell, the principal creditor, who married the earl’s
widow in 1678, having managed the previous year to secure a patent
from Charles II. as Earl of Caithness. Sinclair of Keiss resisted his
claims by force, and Campbell marched an army of his own men and some
royal troops to Caithness. The first advantage was with the Sinclairs,
who celebrated the event with drunken revelry aggravated by finding
a whisky-laden ship strategically stranded by the Campbells in Wick
harbour. Next day the Sinclairs were defeated. It was on this occasion
that the air ‘The Campbells are coming’ was composed by Finlay Macivor
the celebrated piper of Breadalbane. (Calder, _Hist. of Caithness_, p.
162.) The courts found later that Keiss (grandson of the 5th earl) was
entitled to the Caithness earldom; Sir John Campbell was compensated by
being created Earl of Breadalbane in 1681, but with the precedency of
the Caithness grant 1677.
[253] This Mr. Gilchrist is scathingly treated in _The Lyon_ (iii.
36). He went ‘to Edinburgh and thence to London to misrepresent and
asperse the bulk of the Caithness gentry as enemies to the present
establishment.’ He is further said to have collected 250 guineas
for himself and to have made his friends ‘believe that he could not
continue in Caithness for the wicked Jacobites who had threatened to
take away his life and destroy his family.’ The writer, a non-juring
minister, who had been a prisoner in London, adds sententiously ‘Honest
Whigry that never thinks shame of lying for worldly interest!’
[254] George Sinclair of Geese, afterwards captured at Dunrobin, was
the only Caithness Sinclair of position who joined the Jacobite army.
Lord Macleod marched through Caithness in March 1746, but though
the proprietors professed Jacobite sympathies, very few joined his
standard. (Fraser, _The Earls of Cromartie_, ii. 398.)
[255] Sir James Stewart of Burray, Orkney, took no active part in the
Rising, but he was apprehended on suspicion in May 1746, and taken
prisoner to London, where he died of fever in the New Gaol, Southwark,
the following August.
[256] George (Mackay), 3rd Lord Reay, b. 1678; suc. his grandfather
_c._ 1680; supported government in 1715; was largely instrumental in
establishing the presbytery of Tongue 1725; d. 1748.
[257] William (Gordon-Sutherland), 16th earl; b. 1708; suc. his
grandfather 1720; d. 1750. His wife was Lady Elizabeth Wemyss, aunt
of Lord Elcho of the ’45. His father acted vigorously against the
Jacobites in ’15 and ’19.
[258] Assynt in ancient times was the territory of the MacNicols
(or MacRyculs or Nicolsons), but in the time of David II. Torquil
Macleod IV., of Lewis, married the heiress and obtained the lands.
The MacNicols emigrated to Skye, where they have been for centuries.
Macleod’s second son inherited Assynt, and there were twelve Macleod
lairds. The last of these was Neil Macleod who was tried in 1666, and
again in 1674, for betraying the great Marquis of Montrose and other
crimes. He was acquitted, but, probably owing to the expense of the
trials, he fell into debt, and was driven from his lands which were
acquired by the Mackenzies. _Cf._ p. 107, _n._ 1.
[259] See _post_, p. 96.
[260] The writer is wrong here. It was the first earl’s grandfather,
Sir Roderick Mackenzie (1579-1626), the terrible Tutor of Kintail who
married Margaret heiress of Torquil Macleod of Lewis and Cogeach.
George (Mackenzie), 1st Earl of Cromarty (1630-1714), was the
antiquary. He was an original member of the Royal Society (London),
founded 1662.
[261] See _post_, p. 104.
[262] A battle at Sgeir na Caillich on Lochalsh, between the Straits
of Kylerhea and Kyleakin. According to the Clan Donald historians,
the battle was fought in 1603. It was not Glengarry (Donald, 7th of
Glengarry, who died in 1645, aged 102), but his eldest son Angus,
‘Young Glengarry,’ who was killed.
[263] Now called Glenshiel. The church was erected in the hamlet of
Muick.
[264] It is hardly likely that the Macraes will accept this suggestion
of descent without strong corroboration which does not seem to exist.
A very different origin is given by the Rev. Roderick Morison,
minister of Kintail in 1793: ‘It is generally allowed that the Mac
Raes emigrated from the braes of Aird, on the Lovat estate, to this
place, though what induced them to prefer the mountains to the plains
is not universally agreed upon, yet certain it is, that long after
their residence in Kintail, they maintained a firm alliance with the
Frasers of Aird. The tradition which prevails, that an inscription was
set up nigh the entrance to Lovat House, bearing “That no Mac Rae must
lodge without, when a Fraser resides within,” is not wholly without
foundation. When the Mac Raes first entered Kintail, there were several
clans inhabiting it, particularly the Mac Aulays, of whom no vestige
now remains. The Mac Lennans, a small tribe in the parish of Glensheal,
were the only people that would not yield. These Mac Lennans, at the
battle of Auldearn, were intrusted with Seaforth’s colours. The novelty
of the preferment roused them to action and stubborn resistance, which
proved fatal to the clan, for many were slain; and their widows, 18
in number, were afterwards married to Mac Raes. The boundaries which
divide the Mac Raes from the Mac Lennans are marked by a river which
runs into Lochduich; but common observation may easily trace a line
of distinction from the difference in their language and accent.’ Mr.
Morison gives the derivation of the name as _Mhac Ragh_, the son of
good fortune, applied by the founder to his son after some successful
exploits.--(_Statistical Account of Scotland_, vi. 242; the story of
the great slaughter of Maclellans at Auldearn is modified by latest
investigators.) The word _Ragh_ or _Rath_ may mean either ‘good
fortune’ or ‘grace,’ and the latest clan historian, Rev. Alex. Macrae,
is of opinion that the name has an ecclesiastical origin as the ‘son of
grace’ applied to a holy man of old. Relying on tradition, he inclines
to believe that the Macraes were from Clunes in the Aird and were of
common origin with the Mackenzies and Macleans.
The Kintail Macraes were not out in ’45. There was, however, a certain
Captain MacRaw in Glengarry’s regiment; he attended Prince Charles when
in Lochaber during his wanderings; also a Lieut. Alexander M‘Ra from
Banff; and one of the French officers taken prisoner at sea on the
voyage to Scotland, was Captain James Macraith of Berwick’s regiment.
Gilchrist Macgrath or M‘Kra entertained the Prince in Glen Shiel in
his wanderings. Murdoch M‘Raw, ‘nearest relation to the chieftain of
that name,’ was barbarously hanged as a spy at Inverness protesting his
innocence. (_L. in M._, i. 205, 342; iii. 378; ii. 205, 299.)
[265] See Dickson, _The Jacobite Attempt of 1719_ (Scot. Hist. Soc.,
vol. xix.).
[266] The Long Island is the name given to the chain of the outer
Hebrides from the Butt of Lewis to Barra Head, comprising Lewis and
Harris, North Uist, Benbecula, South Uist, Eriska, Barra and Mingulay.
[267] The story of the transference of the lands of the ancient and
powerful family of Macleod of Lewis to the Mackenzies is one of the
most pitiful in Highland history. Towards the middle of the sixteenth
century, Roderick (or Ruari) Macleod, the last undisputed Macleod of
Lewis, married, as his first wife, a natural daughter of John Mackenzie
of Kintail. The wife eloped, the son, named Torquil Connanach, was
repudiated. Torquil was brought up at Strath Connan (hence his
‘to-name’) by the Mackenzies, who embraced his cause. From that moment
the family of Lewis was doomed. Partly by purchase, partly by marriage,
but largely by intrigue and violence the lands of Macleod were acquired
by the Mackenzies. Lewis was driven to anarchy; feuds of the worst type
ensued, father against sons, brothers murdering brothers. Government
interfered; Lewis was forfeited and parcelled out among Lowland
colonist-adventurers, who were thwarted by the Mackenzies, and at last
were glad to go, and in 1610 to dispose of their rights to Mackenzie,
who had become Lord Kintail the previous year. Any rights that remained
to his cousin Torquil Macleod were made over to the Mackenzies.
Meantime, in 1605, Kintail’s brother Roderick had married the daughter
and heiress of Torquil, and became possessed of the mainland property
of Coigeach. As soon as the Mackenzies obtained the island, they
promptly restored order; the remaining members of the old Macleod
family were murdered or driven out under a commission of fire and
sword. Kintail’s son became an earl in 1623, and took his title from
Loch Seaforth in Lewis, while his uncle Roderick, tutor of Kintail,
terrible and ruthless (of whom the Gaelic proverb says ‘there are two
things worse than the Tutor of Kintail, frost in spring and mist in
the dog-days’), built a castle in Strathpeffer, which he called Castle
Leod, and when his grandson obtained the earldom of Cromarty in 1685,
the second title then assumed was that of ‘Lord Macleod,’ to show that
the heritage of the old family of Macleod of Lewis remained with him.
[268] Roderick Macneill of Barra was from home when Prince Charles
landed in the neighbouring island of Eriska, July ’45. He took no
active part in the rising but was arrested on suspicion in July ’46,
taken to London, released in ’47.
[269] For the Macdonald divisions and claims, see Appendix,
[270] John Mackinnon of Mackinnon was the only one of the three
Skye chiefs who went out. He joined with his clan at Edinburgh, and
served throughout the campaign, but was absent on duty in Sutherland
when Culloden was fought. He was attainted. Prince Charles went to
him in his wanderings, and the chief conducted him from Skye to the
mainland, for which service he was made prisoner, taken to London, but
released in July ’47. He died in Skye, in ’56, aged 75 years. He was a
son-in-law of Archbishop Sharpe of St. Andrews.
[271] This is a reference to the well-known story of the conversion of
the islanders. The laird, a man ‘much respected,’ an elder of the kirk,
reproved by the General Assembly for allowing his people to remain
in popery, retrieved his character by driving his tenants from the
Catholic chapel to the Protestant church with the vigorous application
of a gold-headed cane, called by the Highlanders a yellow stick: from
this the Presbyterian religion became known in the islands as Creidimh
a bhata bhui, the creed of the yellow stick. Cf. Bellesheim’s _Hist.
Cath. Church Scot._ (iv. 188).
[272] Called the Parish of the Small Isles.
[273] Modernly, Loch Hourn = Hell Loch.
[274] Scotus and Barisdale were brothers, both being uncles of the
chief of Glengarry. The elder, Angus Macdonell of Scotus, was an old
man in ’45, and died the following year. He remained at home, but
his eldest son Donald went out with Glengarry. Donald fell wounded
at Culloden, and was supposed to have died on the field. The clan
historians, however, state that evidence has been found in the Stuart
Papers at Windsor that certain marauders landed from a ship at night,
carried off a number of wounded, among them Donald of Scotus, who
after various adventures was captured by Turkish pirates, and held in
bondage ever afterwards. (_History of Clan Donald_, iii. 324.) Two
of Scotus’s younger sons John and Allan were captains in Glengarry’s
regiment. Donald’s eldest son Ranald fought on the Government side in
’45 in Loudoun’s regiment. Ranald’s grandson succeeded in 1868 as 18th
hereditary chief of Glengarry.
For Macdonell of Barisdale, see _post_, p. 96.
[275] The _Morar_ family was really not a cadet, but the senior branch
of the Clanranald family, descended from the eldest son of Dougall, 6th
Clanranald, who was deposed by the clan for cruelty and oppression, and
his children excluded for ever from the chiefship, which was conferred
on his uncle. Dougall was assassinated in 1520; his family, on whom the
lands of Morar were conferred, were known as the ‘MacDhughail Mhorair.’
In 1745 the laird of Morar was Allan, whose mother was a Macdonald of
Sleat. He must have been an elderly man, as his wife was an aunt of
Lochiel’s, the youngest daughter of Sir Ewan Cameron by his third wife,
daughter of the Quaker David Barclay of Urie. Morar was one of the
first to meet the Prince on his reaching Lochnanuagh in July ’45. He
served as lieut-colonel of the Clanranald regiment. Prince Charles in
his wanderings came to him for hospitality in July ’46, and Morar could
only give him a cave to sleep in as his house had been burned down. His
reception of the Prince, prompted it is said by young Clanranald, was
very cold, and he was the object of fierce invective by the chief of
Mackinnon, and of sorrowful reproach by Charles himself. (_L. in M._,
iii. 187.) According to the clan historians, Morar had the reputation
of being ‘an unmanly, drunken creature all his life.’ (_Hist. Cl.
Donald_, iii. 256.)
Mr. Andrew Lang says that Morar was the author of the _Journal and
Memorial of P---- C---- Expedition into Scotland_ (printed in the
_Lockhart Papers_), which is a principal source of knowledge of the
early days of the adventure. Mr. Lang did not remember his authority,
but was certain of its authenticity. (I had been assured in Moidart
that the _Journal_ was by young Ranald of Kinloch-Moidart, but without
proof.) Allan of Morar died in 1756. His eldest son, John, was ‘out,’
but in what capacity he served I have failed to trace. Morar’s
step-brother, John of Guidale, was a captain in the Clanranald regiment.
Another step-brother was Hugh Macdonald, who had been educated for the
Church in France. He was reported to Rome as a ‘scion of one of the
noblest branches of the Macdonalds.... He himself is distinguished
even more for his zeal and piety than for his honourable birth, and
is also a man of singular prudence and modesty.’ (Bellesheim, iv.
386.) He was consecrated Bishop of Diana _in partibus_ in 1731, and
appointed vicar-apostolic of the Highlands. The Bishop visited the
Prince on board ship on his first arrival, and implored him to return.
When the Standard was raised in Glenfinnan it was blessed by Bishop
Hugh. What part he took during the campaign I do not know, but after
the debacle, he accompanied Lord Lovat in his hiding in Morar. When the
fugitives were pounced upon by Ferguson’s party (see _post_, pp. 90,
244) Lovat was captured, but the Bishop escaped and went to France, in
September, along with Prince Charles. He returned to Scotland in 1749,
when he had an interview with Bishop Forbes, who veils his identity by
calling him ‘Mr. Hugh.’ (_L. in M._, iii. 50.) He was betrayed in July
1755, and arrested, released on bail, and obliged to reside at Duns
until the following February, when he was sentenced by the High Court
to perpetual banishment. (_Scots. Mag._, xvii. 358, xviii. 100.) By
connivance of the authorities, the sentence was not enforced, and he
remained in Scotland until his death, which occurred in Glengarry in
1773.
The _Kinlochmoidart_ family descends from the 9th Clanranald (d.
1593). The laird in 1745 was Donald Macdonald; his mother was Margaret
Cameron, the only sister of Lochiel of the ’45; his wife was a daughter
of Stewart of Appin. Donald, as a boy, had fought at Sheriffmuir.
His brother Æneas, a banker in Paris, came over from France with
Prince Charles. On arrival in Scotland Æneas was sent to summon the
laird. Kinlochmoidart, who was given a commission as colonel and made
aide-de-camp to the Prince, was at once despatched to summon his uncle
Lochiel, and other Jacobite leaders. Prince Charles lived in his
house from August 11th to 18th. When a captive the following year,
Kinlochmoidart was asked what made him embark in the adventure, ‘Lord,
man’ he replied, ‘what could I do when the young lad came to my house.’
(_Carlisle in 1745_, p. 266.) It is interesting from the point of view
of Highland hospitality to compare this reply with the advice given to
Prince Charles by Clanranald’s brother, Boisdale, who had an interview
with the Prince at Eriska on his first arrival, but refused to rise.
When he found it impossible to dissuade the Prince from his enterprise
he ‘insisted that he ought to land on the estate of Macdonald of
Sleat or in that of Macleod, for if he trusted himself to them in the
beginning they would certainly join him which otherwise they would
not do. The Prince would not follow this counsel, being influenced by
others.’ (Bishop Geddes’s MS.) Kinlochmoidart was made prisoner at
Lesmahagow in Lanarkshire, in November ’45, while returning to the army
from an unsuccessful mission to Sir Alexander of Sleat and Macleod. The
principal agent in his capture was a divinity student, Thomas Lining,
afterwards rewarded with the living of Lesmahagow. The chieftain was
tried at Carlisle, and there hanged on 18th October ’46. His head was
fixed on the Scots Gate, where it remained for many years. His house
was burned down.
Kinlochmoidart’s family was deeply implicated in the Rising. Four
of his brothers served in Clanranald’s regiment: John, a doctor of
medicine, who was one of Ferguson’s victims in the _Furness_; he
afterwards returned to Moidart; Ranald, whose chivalrous championship
of the Prince’s cause, gave the first note of enthusiasm to the
adventure (Home, _Hist. Reb._, p. 39); Allan, who fled to France and
perished in the Revolution; James, who was captured at Culloden, but
escaped; he was exempted from the general pardon, and is supposed
to have gone to America. A fifth brother, Æneas the Paris banker,
was captured, tried, and sentenced to death. He escaped from Newgate
by throwing snuff in the turnkey’s eyes, but being shod with loose
slippers he tripped when flying along Warwick Lane and was retaken. He
received a conditional pardon, returned to France, and was killed in
the Revolution.
[276] The property was acquired in 1726 by Sir David Murray of Stanhope
(Peeblesshire) 2nd bart., the father of John Murray of Broughton. He
died in 1729, but the work of developing the lead mines and minerals
was carried on by his son, Sir James. In 1745 the proprietor was Sir
David Murray, 4th bart., nephew of Sir James, He was ‘out,’ served as
aide-de-camp to the Prince, and fought at Falkirk and Culloden. He was
captured at Whitby endeavouring to escape; was tried at York; sentenced
to death; conditionally pardoned; and died an exile in 1770. The
forfeited estate in Ardnamurchan was sold for £33,700.
[277] Of Torcastle, fourth son of Sir Ewan Cameron. He was attainted.
After Culloden he remained in Lochaber, and was agent for distributing
money to the Camerons. At the end of ’47 he was still free, having
evaded all attempts at capture (_Albemarle Papers_); of his subsequent
career I have no knowledge.
[278] Sir Hector Maclean of Duart (Mull), 5th bart., who was major of
Lord John Drummond’s French regiment of Royal Scots, had been sent from
France to Edinburgh in May, and was made prisoner there in June, and
removed to London. He was tried for his life, but on proving that he
was born in Calais he was treated as a prisoner of war. Charles Maclean
of Drimnin (Morvern) joined the Prince after the battle of Falkirk; at
Culloden, where Drimnin was killed, his Macleans were formed into a
regiment with the Maclachlans, commanded by the chief of Maclachlan.
Allan Maclean of Brolas, who succeeded Sir Hector in 1750, as 6th
bart., joined the Government side. (_Scots Mag._, viii. 141.)
[279] Lachlan MacLachlan; was commissary general in the Jacobite army;
killed at Culloden.
[280] For the Maclean and Maclachlan gentlemen, see Appendix.
[281] Rev. John Maclachlan of Kilchoan, ‘chaplain general of the
clans,’ friend and correspondent of Bishop Forbes. Writing to the
Bishop in 1748, he says, ‘I live for the most part now like a hermite,
because all my late charge almost were kill’d in battle, scatter’d
abroad or are cow’d at home. (_L. in M._, ii. 210.)
[282] Dugald Stewart, 8th chief of Appin and last of the direct male
line. Although a Jacobite, and created a peer, as Lord Appin, by James,
in 1743, he did not join Prince Charles. His clan, one of the first
to rise, was led out by his kinsman Charles Stewart, 5th of Ardshiel.
Dugald Stewart sold Appin in 1765, and died 1769.
[283] Alexander Macdonald of Glencoe was attainted; he surrendered some
time after Culloden; he was in prison as late as 1750; date of release
or of death not ascertained. Two brothers, James and Donald, went out
with him in ’45.
[284] Lochiel’s brother, Alexander Cameron, third son of John of
Lochiel, joined the Church of Rome, and became a Jesuit. I have failed
to trace what part he took during the campaign; but in July 1746 he
was arrested at Morar and put on board the _Furness_, the ship of the
notorious Captain Ferguson. Father Cameron was carried to the Thames;
he suffered great hardships, and died at Gravesend on board ship.
(_Albemarle Papers_, p. 408; _L. in M._, i. 312.)
[285] The last clan battle of importance, known as the Battle of
Mulroy, fought in Glenroy, August 1688. The Mackintoshes, who had
obtained charters of Keppoch’s country, were ever at feud with Keppoch,
who legally owned none of the land his clan occupied. It is said that
on this occasion Macdonell of Keppoch (‘Coll of the Cows’) treated his
prisoner Mackintosh so kindly that the latter in gratitude offered
him a charter of the lands in dispute. Keppoch declined, saying, that
he would never consent to hold by sheepskin what he had won by the
sword. (_Hist. of Clan Donald_, ii. 645.) Murray of Broughton, however,
states that as the result of this battle Mackintosh granted Keppoch an
advantageous lease, which was still running in 1745. (_Memorials_, p.
443.)
[286] In 1745 the chief of Keppoch, Alexander (son of Coll), was a
Protestant. When his clan joined the Prince he refused to allow a
favourite priest to accompany it, and in consequence, a number of
his people deserted when at Aberchalder. Keppoch had been created a
Jacobite baronet in 1743. His death at Culloden has been the theme of
much romance. For some late light on the subject, see Mr. Andrew Lang’s
_Hist. of Scot._, iv. 527.
[287] The Grants of Glenmoriston joined the Glengarry regiment.
[288] Not the eldest son, but the third son, Allan Grant of Innerwick.
He was taken prisoner by the Jacobites at the bloodless battle of
Dornoch. Lord John Murray’s regiment is the Highland Regiment (Black
Watch).
[289] See _post_, p. 281 _et seq._
[290] Contrary to what I find is a general impression, the religion
of Lord Lovat and his family, as well as his clan, was Protestant. It
is true that in his days of outlawry and exile in France, about 1703,
Lovat feigned conversion to Romanism, yet from his return to Scotland
in ’15, until his capture in ’46, he conformed to the Presbyterian
establishment; his bosom friend and crony was the gloomy and dissolute
fanatic, James Erskine, Lord Grange. When in hiding after Culloden,
along with Bishop Hugh Macdonald, in Loch Morar (see _ante_, p. 82)
Lovat informed the Bishop that he had long been a Catholic in his
heart, and wished to be received into the Church. He was preparing
to make his confession, but before the rite could be accomplished,
the fugitives were dispersed by a party of Campbells and seamen from
Ferguson’s ship, and Lord Lovat surrendered a few days later. Though
he desired the services of the chaplain of the Sardinian embassy while
a prisoner in the Tower, where on one occasion he pronounced himself
a Jansenist, and although he declared ‘Je meurs un fils indigne de
l’Église Romaine,’ there is no evidence, which I know of, that he ever
formally joined that communion.
[291] See _post_, p. 99.
[292] Robert Bruce, ordained minister at Edinburgh 1587; Moderator of
the Kirk 1588 and 1592, was the son of Bruce of Airth, Stirlingshire, a
rude and powerful baron of a family collateral with the royal Bruces.
At first Bruce was in high favour with James VI., who placed him on
the council of regency when he went to Denmark to be married, 1589,
and appointed him to officiate at the coronation of Queen Anne the
following year. Subsequently he thwarted the king in his ecclesiastical
policy as well as in refusing to acknowledge the guilt of the Earl of
Gowrie, who had been his pupil. James had him deposed from his parish,
and banished from Edinburgh, 1600. Part of his exile was passed at
Inverness (1605-9, and again 1620-24), where he preached to crowded
congregations every Sunday. He died at Kinnaird, 1631.
[293] See _post_, p. 104.
[294] The valley of the Findhorn river, Inverness, Nairn, and Moray
shires.
[295] See _post_, pp. 100, 410.
[296] See _post_, p. 269 _et seq._
[297] Now called Strathavon.
[298] Duncan Forbes of Culloden; b. 1685; M.P. Inverness-shire 1722;
Lord Advocate 1725; Lord President of the Court of Session 1737; d.
1747.
[299] George (Mackenzie), 3rd earl; b. about 1702; known as the
Master of Macleod until his grandfather’s death, 1714; as Lord Tarbat
until his father’s death, 1731, when he succeeded to the earldom. His
father, although a friend and cousin of Lord Mar, had not gone out in
1715. The Earl married, 1724, Isabella, daughter of Sir Wm. Gordon of
Invergordon, head of a family ‘noted for their zeal for the Protestant
succession.’ He was captured at Dunrobin 1746; condemned to death by
the House of Lords; released with a conditional pardon 1749; d. at
London 1766.
[300] John (Mackenzie), Lord Macleod, eldest son of 3rd Earl of
Cromartie; b. 1727. Captured along with his father; pled guilty;
received a conditional pardon 1748; went abroad 1749; entered the
Swedish service when the Old Chevalier, at the request of Lord George
Murray, sent him the necessary funds for his military outfit; became
colonel, aide-de-camp to the King of Sweden, and Count Cromartie;
returned to England 1777; raised a regiment for King George, first
known as Macleod’s Highlanders, the 73rd, subsequently the 71st, and
to-day the Highland Light Infantry; M.P. for Ross-shire 1780; family
estates restored to him 1784; m. 1786, Margery, d. of Lord Forbes; d.
_s.p._ 1789.
[301] There were three Macdonells all bearing the designation of
Barisdale in the ’Forty-five, who are often confused, and who for
distinction’s sake may be termed here, Old Barisdale, Young Barisdale,
and Youngest Barisdale.
_Old Barisdale_ was Archibald Macdonell, an uncle of Glengarry and
a brother of Scotus. He paid his respects to Prince Charles at
Glenfinnan, but took no active part in the Rising, probably being too
old to go out. In May 1746, however, his house was burned down by
Cumberland’s order, and he was carried prisoner on board a ship of war,
but was soon released. He died in 1752.
_Young Barisdale_ was Archibald’s eldest son, Coll Macdonell, who
is a prominent figure in the rising. He was born in 1698. A man
of commanding talent, he filled the _rôle_ of Highland cateran to
perfection, and raised a following absolutely devoted to him. He
became captain of the watch and guardian of the marches for western
Inverness-shire, a vocation (similar to that of his great prototype,
Rob Roy) which he exercised with rigour and occasional cruelty. He was
able to purchase several wadsets, which gave him territorial importance
in the western Highlands. He further strengthened his influence
in Ross-shire by his marriages, his first wife being a daughter
of George Mackenzie of Balmuchie, and his second wife a sister of
Alexander Mackenzie, then laird of Fairburn. He joined Prince Charles
at Aberchalder on 27th August at the head of Glengarry’s Knoydart
men, fought at Prestonpans, and when the Prince went to England he
and Angus Macdonell, Glengarry’s second son, were sent back to the
Highlands to raise more men. Barisdale greatly disliked his first
cousin Lochgarry, who commanded the Glengarry battalion, so he managed
to raise a regiment of his own. (_Murray’s Mem._, pp. 280, 441.) He
fought at Falkirk, but was not at Culloden, being absent on service in
Ross-shire. In June he was captured and taken prisoner along with his
son to Fort Augustus, and there he received a ten days’ protection on
condition of giving certain information to Government. For this he was
seized by the Jacobites, carried prisoner to France, and confined at
St. Malo and Saumur for two years and four months; was not attainted in
1746, but was excluded from the Act of Indemnity in 1747. He returned
to Scotland in February 1749, but was again arrested by Government,
taken to Edinburgh Castle, and kept a close prisoner without trial
until his death, 1st June 1750. A friendly account of this remarkable
man will be found in the _History of Clan Donald_, iii. 337; and an
unfriendly one in Mr. Lang’s _Companions of Pickle_, p. 97.
_Youngest Barisdale_ was Coll’s eldest son, Archibald, who was not
quite twenty years old at the beginning of the adventure. He acted
as major of the Glengarry regiment. His name was included in the
list of attainders in 1746, apparently in mistake for his father. He
was made prisoner along with his father in 1746, first by Government
and afterwards by the Jacobites; he was carried to France, where he
was held in durance for a year. He returned to Scotland, and in 1749
was again imprisoned by Government along with his father, but was
immediately released. Once more he was arrested in 1753, at the time
when Dr. Archibald Cameron was taken and executed. Barisdale was tried
and sentenced to death in March 1754, but reprieved. He was kept a
prisoner until 1762, when he was finally released. At his own request
he at once took the oath of fealty to Government, and accepted a
commission in the 105th Regiment (the Queen’s Own Royal Highlanders),
which was disbanded the following year. He died at Barisdale in 1787.
[302] Captain in Cromartie’s regiment; was captured at Dunrobin; tried
at Southwark in 1746, pleaded guilty and was condemned to death; he was
not executed; I am ignorant of his subsequent career.
[303] Simon Fraser, b. 1726: after Culloden gave himself up to
Government; attainted 1746, pardoned 1750; joined the Scottish bar
1752; acted as Advocate-Depute in the Appin murder trial, an episode
immortalised in R. L. Stevenson’s _Catriona_; raised a Highland
regiment for the Government 1757, and served with it under Wolfe in
Canada (regiment disbanded 1763); M.P. Inverness 1761; family estates
restored to him 1774; raised a second regiment of two battalions 1775,
for the American War, which he did not accompany (regiment disbanded
1783); died a lieut.-general 1782. Sir Walter Scott calls the Master
of Lovat the good son of a bad father. A very different account is
given by Mrs. Grant of Laggan--‘he differed from his father only as
a chain’d-up fox does from one at liberty.’ (See _Wariston’s Diary_,
etc., p. 275, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xxvi.)
[304] Charles Fraser the younger, b. 1725, nephew and heir-presumptive
of William Fraser of Inverallochy, Aberdeenshire, the senior cadet of
Lovat’s clan.
His father, Charles Fraser of Castle Fraser, younger brother of the
laird of Inverallochy, had inherited the property of Muchall or Castle
Fraser (Kemnay, Aberdeenshire), on the death of his step-grandfather
Charles, 4th and last Lord Fraser, who lost his life near Banff by
falling over a precipice while in hiding to avoid capture after
the ’15. In 1723 the elder Charles Fraser was created ‘Lord Fraser
of Mushall’ by the Chevalier in recognition of his services, and
particularly those of his father, ‘who died bravely asserting our
cause, and in consideration of the earnest desire of the late Lord
Fraser, when we were last in Scotland, to resign his titles of honour
in favour of the said Charles’ father.’ I am not aware of what these
special services were, nor why the elder brother William was passed
over both for the Castle Fraser inheritance and the Jacobite peerage.
Charles Fraser eventually succeeded to Inverallochy in 1749 on the
death of his brother William. He was probably too old to go out in
1745, and his son went out as Lovat’s lieut.-colonel, ‘in accordance
with the ancient highland practice and the policy of Lord Lovat as
being nearest in blood to the chiefship.’ Young Inverallochy was
killed at Culloden, and the story of his death is very painful. It
is first told in a general way in _The Lyon_ (ii. 305; iii. 56), and
afterwards with more detail by Sir Henry Seton Steuart of Allanton in
the _Antijacobin Review_ of 1802 (p. 125) as follows:--
‘When the celebrated General Wolfe (at this period a lieut.-colonel
in the army) was riding over the field of battle with the D----
of C-m-b-l-d, they observed a Highlander, who, though severely
wounded, was yet able to sit up, and, leaning on his arm, seemed to
smile defiance of them.--“Wolfe,” said the D----, “_shoot_ me that
Highland scoundrel, who thus dares to look on us with such contempt
and insolence!”--“My commission,” replied the manly officer, “is at
your R----l H----s’s disposal, but I never can consent to become an
_executioner_.” The Highlander, it is probable, was soon knocked on
the head by some ruffian less scrupulous than the future conqueror of
Quebec. But it was remarked by those who heard the story, that Colonel
Wolfe, from that day, visibly declined in the favour and confidence of
the commander-in-chief. We believe that some officers are still alive
who are not unacquainted with this anecdote.’
Mr. Beckles Willson, Wolfe’s latest biographer, accepts the story as
regards Wolfe but doubts its applicability to Cumberland. Wolfe, it
must be remembered, was on Hawley’s staff, not Cumberland’s. These
generals could easily have been mistaken for each other. The action
is very like Hawley, who was hated by the soldiers, who nicknamed him
the Hangman, and who held his military talents in contempt, a feeling
shared by Wolfe. Moreover, it was a Jacobite cult to vilify the Duke,
and to impute all cruelties to him personally. Seton Steuart was not an
entirely unprejudiced writer; he had been brought up in an atmosphere
of uncompromising Jacobitism. He was a cousin of Sir James Steuart of
Goodtrees and of Provost Stewart of Edinburgh, both of whom suffered;
while his wife was grand-daughter of Charles Smith of Boulogne, the
Jacobite agent frequently mentioned in Murray’s Papers. (See _ante_, p.
11.)
[305] James Fraser, 9th of Foyers (Lochness), descended from the 3rd
Lord Lovat, was one of the most ruthless and devoted henchmen of Lovat,
who made him bailie of Stratherrick. He received from Prince Charles
a special commission, dated 23rd September 1745, to seize President
Duncan Forbes and carry him prisoner to Edinburgh, an enterprise which
failed. His name was excluded from the act of indemnity, but he was
afterwards pardoned and his estates restored. It was to his house that
John Murray of Broughton was carried the day before Culloden.
[306] _N.B._--Most of the Chisholms are Papists.
[307] This does not quite accord with the clan history. Roderick, the
chief of Chisholm, was then forty-eight years old. What part he took
in the Rising is not on record, but he was specially excluded from
the act of indemnity. His eldest son Alexander seems to have stayed
at home; his second and third sons were officers in the Government
army, and fought under Cumberland at Culloden; his fourth son, who
was a physician in Inverness, afterwards provost, seems to have taken
no part; his youngest son, Roderick Og, led out the clan; he ‘headed
about eighty of the Chisholms at the battle of Culloden, himself and
thirty thereof were killed upon the field.’ (Mackenzie, _Hist. of the
Chisholms_.)
[308] The laird was then Alexander Mackenzie, 6th of Fairburn.
According to the Marquis d’Éguilles, French envoy to Prince Charles,
Fairburn’s wife was Barbara Gordon, of whom he gives the following
account in a despatch to his government: ‘Une fort jolie personne ...
celle-cy n’a pas banni son mari; mais malgré luy, elle a vendu ses
diamants et sa vaisselle pour lever des hommes. Elle a ramassé cent
cinquante des plus braves du païs, qu’elle a joint à ceux de miladi
Seaforth, sous la conduite de son beau-frère.’ (Cottin, _Un Protégé
de Bachaumont_, p. 51.) The brother-in-law may be Coll Macdonell of
Barisdale, who married her husband’s sister; or it may be Kenneth
Mackenzie her husband’s brother who although only a schoolboy was a
captain in Barisdale’s regiment. (Lord Rosebery’s _List of Persons
Concerned in the Rebellion_, p. 76.) This lady is not mentioned in the
genealogies of Alex. Mackenzie’s _Hist. of the Mackenzies_, which are,
however, manifestly incomplete.
[309] Alexander Macgillivray of Dunmaglas, the lieut.-colonel of Lady
Mackintosh’s regiment, and Gillise Macbain, Dalmagarrie, the major,
were both killed at Culloden.
[310] _N.B._--The Laird of McIntosh got a Company in the Highland
Regiment. He raised a full company and they all deserted except 8 or 9.
[311] Anne, daughter of James Farquharson, 9th of Invercauld, and
Margaret Murray, daughter of Lord James Murray, an uncle of Lord George
Murray; b. 1723; d. 1787; m. Æneas Mackintosh 22nd of Mackintosh, who,
though a Jacobite peer, refused to join Prince Charles, preferring to
serve that monarch who was able to pay him ‘half-a-guinea the day and
half-a-guinea the morn.’ (Notes to _Waverley_, ch. xix.) The chief
raised a company for King George with the result noted above, while
his lady raised the clan for Prince Charles. Of this lady we get the
following enthusiastic account by the Marquis d’Éguilles:--
‘Elle aimoit éperdûment son mari qu’elle espéra longtems de gagner
au Prince; mais, ayant appris qu’il s’étoit enfin engagé, avec le
Président, à servir la maison d’Hanovre, elle ne voulut plus le voir.
‘Elle ne s’en tint pas là: elle souleva une partie de ses vassaux, à la
teste desquels elle mit un très-beau cousin qui, jusques-là, l’avoit
aimée inutilement. Mackintosh fut obligé de quitter son lit, sa maison
et ses terres. L’intrépide ladi, un pistolet d’une main et de l’argent
de l’autre, parcourt le païs, menace, donne, promet, et, en moins de
quinze jours, ramasse 600 hommes. Elle en avoit envoyé moitié à Fakirk,
qui y arriva la veille de la bataille. Elle avoit retenu l’autre
moitié _pour se garder de son mari_ et de Loudoun qui, à Inverness,
n’étoient qu’à trois lieues de son château. Le prince logea chez elle,
à son passage. Elle s’offrit à luy avec la grâce et la noblesse d’une
divinité, car rien n’est si beau que cette femme. Elle luy présenta
toute sa petite armée qu’elle avoit rassemblée, et après avoir parlé
aux soldats de ce qu’ils devoient à la situation, aux droits et aux
vertus de leur Prince, elle jura très-catégoriquement de casser la
tête au premier qui s’en tourneroit, après avoir, à ses yeux, brûlé sa
maison et chassé sa famille.
‘Au reste, elle a toujours passé, jusques icy, pour être très-modérée,
très-sensée. C’est, icy, l’effet de la première éducation. Son père,
pris à la bataille de Preston en 1715, avoit resté longtems prisonnier,
et couru risque de la vie. Elle n’a pas vingt-deux ans. C’est elle qui
découvrit le projet qu’avoit fait Macleod d’enlever le Prince, et, en
vérité, c’est elle seule qui l’a fait échouer.’ (Cottin, p. 49.)
The last sentence refers to the incident known as ‘the Rout of Moy’
(_post_, p. 108), when Lady Mackintosh’s thoughtful vigilance saved
her Prince from imminent risk of capture. A month later (March 20th)
her husband was taken prisoner at Dornoch by the Jacobites. Prince
Charles sent the chief to his wife at Moy, saying that ‘he could not
be in better security or more honourably treated.’ This may have been
the occasion of the story told by Bishop Mackintosh to Chambers: the
lady was jocularly known in the army as ‘Colonel Anne’; when her
husband was ushered into her presence she greeted him laconically with,
‘Your servant, captain,’ to which he replied with equal brevity, ‘Your
servant, colonel!’ After Culloden Lady Mackintosh was arrested at Moy
and taken to Inverness; she was released after six weeks’ confinement.
In spite of her martial reputation, and her undaunted resolution, there
was nothing masculine about her appearance; she was a slender, rather
delicate-looking girl: she took no part in the fighting but remained
at home during the campaign. In after years when in London, family
tradition says that she became a favourite in certain royal circles,
and there on one occasion she met the Duke of Cumberland, and with him
she exchanged some piquant raillery (see narratives in A. M. Shaw’s
_Mackintoshes and Clan Chattan_, p. 464 _seq._).
[312] Culcairn, now called Kincraig, in Rosskeen parish. George Munro,
b. 1685, brother of Sir Robert Munro of Foulis (see _post_, p. 198).
Culcairn was shot in Knoydart in August 1746 while wasting the country
and carrying off cattle in company with Captain Grant of Knockando,
of Loudoun’s Regiment. It is said he was shot by accident instead of
Grant, by the father of one Alexander Cameron, whom Grant had shot a
short time previously. (_L. in M._, i. 91, 312.)
[313] Cf. _ante_, p. 46 _n._
[314] Kenneth (Mackenzie), eldest son of William, 5th Earl of Seaforth,
attainted 1716, d. 1740; but for the attainder he would have been
6th earl. He was styled Lord Fortrose, which was the second Jacobite
title of his grandfather, created Marquis of Seaforth by James VII.
after his abdication. He was born about 1718; M.P. for Inverness
1741-47; and for Ross-shire from 1747 until his death, 1761. Lord
Fortrose (who was generally, though not officially, called Seaforth
in Scotland) adhered to Government in the ’45. Though his support was
of the paltriest description, his defection gave great pain to Prince
Charles. Fortrose’s wife was Lady Mary Stewart, daughter of the 6th
Earl of Galloway. This lady raised men for Prince Charles, with the
result narrated in these pages. Of her the French envoy informs his
Government: ‘On assure que son zèle égale celuy des deux autres [Lady
Mackintosh and Mrs. Mackenzie of Fairburn], quoy qu’elle paroisse
moins vive et moins courageuse.’ It was their son who raised the 1st
Battalion Seaforth Highlanders (72nd), for which service he was created
Earl of Seaforth in the Peerage of Ireland.
[315] The Rosses of Ross-shire are rather mixed up here. At this time
there were two distinct races of Ross in the county, which should not
be confounded. The Celtic family of Ross, of whom the ancient head
was the Earl of Ross, was originally known as the clan Ghille-andrais
(servants of St. Andrew). The earldom passed by marriage of heiresses
in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, first to the Leslies and
afterwards to the Macdonalds, Lords of the Isles. The chiefship of the
clan, however, went to the heir male, Ross of Balnagowan. In the year
1711, David Ross, the last of the Celtic family of Balnagowan, died.
The natural heir was Ross of Pitcalnie, his next of kin. Pitcalnie was
a Roman Catholic or Episcopalian, anyhow he was not a Presbyterian,
and Balnagowan was influenced by his wife, Lady Anne (daughter of the
4th Earl of Moray), a bigoted Presbyterian, to disinherit the natural
heir and bequeath the property to General the Hon. Charles Ross,
a younger son of George, 11th Lord Ross of Halkhead, in Ayrshire.
(Fraser-Mackintosh, _Antiq. Notes_, p. 66.) The family which thus
became Ross of Balnagowan had no connection with the Celtic clan of the
same name, but was descended from a Norman family named de Ros. In 1745
Balnagowan with its great territorial influence had come to George,
13th Lord Ross, and the Master of Ross his eldest son (afterwards 14th
and last Lord Ross) received the command of one of the independent
companies raised in 1745. He was garrisoning Inverness Castle (then
called Fort George) when it was captured by the Jacobites, 20th Feb.
’46; he remained a prisoner on parole until the end of the campaign.
He was one of the very few officers who did not break his parole. (Cf.
_post_, pp. 207, 364.)
The Rosses of Inverchasley and Pitcalnie, who belonged to the ancient
Celtic clan Ghille-andrais, sided with the Government, but ‘young
Pitcalnie,’ Malcolm Ross, who was a grand-nephew of President Duncan
Forbes, went over to the Jacobites. He had served as ensign in
Loudoun’s regiment at Prestonpans, where he was taken prisoner by
the Jacobites and released on parole. He seems to have been the only
Government officer who deserted to the Jacobites. His name was included
in the list of attainders.
[316] Macleod of Geanies was representative of the Macleods of Assynt
(see _ante_, p. 74). John, a brother of Neil Macleod (tried for the
betrayal of Montrose), left Assynt and settled in Easter Ross where his
son Donald, an officer in the Scots Brigade in Holland, purchased the
estate of Geanies. Donald’s son Hugh was laird in 1745; his wife was a
niece of President Duncan Forbes of Culloden.
[317] See _post_, p. 143 _et seq._
[318] This refers to the fiasco known as the ‘Rout of Moy’ (16th Feb.
’46), when by a stratagem, a blacksmith and a few other retainers of
Lady Mackintosh, made Loudoun believe that the whole Jacobite army was
upon him; he fled back to Inverness, whence he retreated across the
Kessock Ferry to Ross-shire. The principal, perhaps the only, victim of
the expedition, was Donald Ban MacCrimmon, Macleod’s famous piper, who
was shot by the blacksmith. Cf. _post_, p. 145. (For details, see Home,
_Hist. Reb._, ch. ix.; _L. in M._, 149, etc.)
[319] George Grant of Culbin, brother of Sir James Grant of Grant,
major in the Highland Regiment (Black Watch). He surrendered Inverness
Castle (then called Fort George) to Prince Charles, 20th February, for
which he was subsequently tried by court-martial, and dismissed the
service.
[320] See _ante_, p. 75.
[321] Now called Strathavon (pronounced Stratha’an), Banffshire. It
is generally called Strathdawn or Strathdown in documents of this
date; perhaps from the local pronunciation, plus the archaic ‘d’ which
occasionally appears in place-names, _e.g._ Strathdearn for the valley
of the Earn or Findhorn. There was an ancient church of Dounan in the
valley perhaps from the same root.
[322] George Forbes of Skeleter; m. Glenbucket’s daughter Christiana
Gordon. He escaped to France after Culloden, joined Lord Ogilvie’s
Scots regiment in the French service: he never returned.
[323] William (Duff) of Braco and Dipple; b. 1697; d. 1763; M.P.
Banffshire 1727-34; created Baron Braco of Kilbride 1735; and in 1759
Viscount Macduff and Earl Fife--all these titles being in the peerage
of Ireland; m. (1) Janet, d. of 4th Earl of Findlater; and (2) Jean,
d. of Sir James Grant of Grant. He, his father, and his grandfather
made enormous purchases of land in Aberdeen, Banff, and Moray shires,
particularly on the forfeitures after Mar’s rising in 1715. He joined
Cumberland in 1746.
[324] Among the Jacobite prisoners who pled guilty is ‘Robert
Forbes, printer, son to New.’ (_Scots Mag._, viii. p. 438.) At his
trial it is stated that he was a farmer. His home was at Corse in
the parish of Coull, Deeside. He was captain in one of Lord Lewis
Gordon’s battalions, and was one of the officers left at Carlisle and
captured there. He was sentenced to death but was not executed; of his
subsequent career I have no knowledge.
[325] Cope reached Aberdeen 11th Sept., and left it by sea 15th Sept.
1745.
[326] Johnshaven, a fishing port on the Kincardine coast, about
twenty-five miles south of Aberdeen; Torry and Foothy (Footdee),
fishing villages near the mouth of the Dee, Aberdeen.
[327] James Moir of Stonywood, an estate on Donside three miles above
Aberdeen. He was very active in the Jacobite cause, and while the
Prince was in England raised a battalion, of which Lord Lewis Gordon
was titular colonel. After Culloden he escaped to Sweden, where he
resided until 1762, when he was permitted to return to Stonywood. He
died in 1782. His correspondence in 1745-46 is printed in the _Spalding
Club Misc._, vol. i.
[328] York Street cadys = messenger-porters of a low street in Aberdeen.
[329] Francis Farquharson of Monaltrie, near Ballater on the Dee, the
‘Baron ban’ of the ’45, raised a regiment from Deeside and Braemar.
He was made prisoner at Culloden, tried at London, and condemned to
death, but reprieved. He was kept prisoner in England, latterly with
considerable liberty at Berkhampstead, Herts. He was liberated in
1766, and returned to Monaltrie, where he devoted the rest of his
life to improving the social and material condition of his country.
He introduced into Aberdeenshire improved methods of farming, which
he had carefully studied while in exile in England. His name is still
cherished in the county as the man who did much to make Aberdeen the
great farming county it became. He died in 1791.
[330] The Duke of Perth had twice to flee from Drummond Castle; first
in March 1744, immediately after the failure of the projected French
invasion. A party of 36 dragoons and 150 foot was sent from Stirling
under Lieut.-Col. Whitney (afterwards killed at Falkirk) to surround
the castle, but the Duke escaped (_Chron. Atholl and Tullib._, ii.
473). The second time was in July 1745, referred to _post_, p. 271,
_n._ 2. This occasion was a treacherous attempt of his neighbour, Sir
Patrick Murray of Ochtertyre, and Campbell of Inverawe, both officers
of the Highland regiment (Black Watch), to capture him while dining at
Drummond Castle. The story is detailed in _The Lyon_, i. 290.
[331] Now spelt Balmoral, the King’s home on Deeside. The laird was
badly wounded at Falkirk and took no further part in the campaign.
[332] Hamilton’s home was Sanstoun, now called Huntly Lodge, beside
old Huntly Castle. He was left governor of Carlisle when the Jacobite
army left it on their way south (21st Nov.), and on their return in
December Hamilton was made governor of the Castle, while Towneley, an
Englishman, was left governor of the town. Carlisle surrendered to
Cumberland 30th December. Both Towneley and Hamilton were hanged on
Kennington Common. (See also _post_, p. 173.)
[333] His home was Dunbennan, close to Huntly; the whole ‘toun’ was
burnt down in 1746.
[334] James Petrie, advocate in Aberdeen; joined the local bar 1743;
appointed sheriff-depute 8th May 1744. The last deed ascertained to
have been lodged before him is dated 23rd September 1745. Petrie went
into hiding after the ’45. As he was not specially excluded from
the Act of Indemnity of 1747, he was able to resume practice at the
Aberdeen bar by taking the oath of allegiance, which he did in April
1748. (Littlejohn, _Rec. Sheriff-Court of Aberdeen_, iii. 116.)
[335] Alexander, 4th Lord Forbes of Pitsligo; b. 1678; suc. 1691;
attainted 1746; hid in his own country of Buchan, and was never
captured; d. 1762.
[336] Boyne, a district in the north of Banffshire. The Enzie,
north-western Banffshire, with part of Morayshire between the Spey and
the Buckie Burn.
[337] William Moir of Lonmay, Lady Erroll’s factor, was Stonywood’s
brother. He acted as deputy-governor of Aberdeen during the Jacobite
occupation.
[338] Mary (Hay), Countess of Erroll in her own right, the last of the
Hays of Erroll. She married Alexander Falconer, but left no issue.
On her death in 1758, she was succeeded in the Errol title by James
(Boyd), Lord Boyd (son of the Earl of Kilmarnock, executed in 1746),
whose mother was the daughter and sole heiress of Lady Erroll’s sister
Margaret, wife of the attainted Earl of Linlithgow and Callander. He
assumed the name of Hay.
[339] George (Gordon), 3rd earl; b. 1722; suc. his father 30th March
1745; d. 1801. His mother was Lady Anna Murray (d. 1725), a sister of
Lord George Murray; his stepmother, Lady Anne Gordon, sister of Lord
Lewis Gordon. The Duchess of Gordon was his sister.
[340] James (Ogilvy), 5th earl; b. 1689; suc. 1730; d. 1764. He had
been imprisoned in 1715, on the outbreak of Mar’s rising.
[341] John (Keith), 3rd earl; b. 1699; suc. 1718; d. 1772. His wife was
a d. of Erskine of Grange, Lord Mar’s brother. His father, 2nd earl,
was out in ’15.
[342] James (Forbes), 16th lord; b. 1689; suc. 1734; d. 1761. His first
wife was sister of Lord Pitsligo; his second wife, a sister of Sir Wm.
Gordon of Park, both ardent Jacobite leaders.
[343] Alexander (Fraser), 12th lord; b. c. 1684; suc. 1715; d. 1748.
‘He was a supporter of the Hanoverian Government, but took no active
part in public affairs.’ (_Scots Peerage_, vii. 446.)
[344] See _ante_, p. 113, _n._ 3.
[345] Buchan, northern Aberdeenshire and part of eastern Banffshire;
Formartine, the district south of Buchan, between the sea and the Don.
[346] The laird of Leys was then Sir Alexander Burnett, 4th bart.; d.
1758.
[347] Rev. George Law, of Aberdeen; acted as chaplain to Stonywood’s
regiment; made prisoner at Culloden; tried at Southwark in December,
and acquitted. I am not aware of any active part taken by Seaton. It
is mentioned that the French officers were made burghers of Aberdeen
in December, and that Seaton received a similar honour; also that in
February his lodging was ransacked and ‘some papers, mistically written
for five or six years back, found.’ (_Spald. Club. Misc._, i. 360 and
385.)
[348] Fourth son of Alexander, 2nd Duke of Gordon; b. _c._ 1724;
lieutenant in the Navy, but joined Prince Charles at Edinburgh. Was
appointed by him Lord-Lieut. of Banff and Aberdeen shires. Escaped
after Culloden, and died at Montreuil, 1754.
[349] At Fountainhall, East Lothian, twelve miles from Edinburgh.
The Duchess was Henrietta Mordaunt, daughter of the celebrated Earl
of Peterborough. On her husband’s death in 1728, she brought up her
numerous children as Protestants, though her husband’s family was
hereditarily Catholic. For this she received, in 1735, a pension of
£1000 a year, which it is said she forfeited for entertaining Prince
Charles to breakfast on the roadside as he passed her gates. Her son,
the 3rd duke, took no active part in the ’45, but his influence was
against his brother and the Jacobites. He seems to have remained in
Gordon Castle down to March, but he left it on the 8th, ‘in the most
secret manner he could,’ probably to avoid meeting Prince Charles, who
visited the castle a few days later. The Duke then joined Cumberland in
Aberdeen. (_S.M._, viii. 138.)
[350] William Baird (b. 1701; d. 1777) of Auchmeddan, in the
Aberdeenshire parish of Aberdour, on the borders of Banff, the last
of an ancient family, of which the baroneted families of New Byth and
Saughton are cadets. His wife was a sister of the 1st Earl Fife, then
Lord Braco. He was author of a genealogical history of the Bairds
(reprinted, London, 1870) and another of the Duffs, which was privately
printed in 1869.
[351] Charles Gordon of Blelack, near Aboyne, Deeside.
[352] A district of Aberdeenshire, south of Strathbogie and south-west
of Formartine, comprising the valleys of the Urie and the Gadie.
[353] Lord John Drummond landed a force of about 800 men, composed of
his own French regiments of Royal Scots and a piquet of fifty men from
each of the six Irish regiments in the French service. They landed on
22nd November at Montrose, Stonehaven, and Peterhead. Two of Drummond’s
transports were captured by English men-of-war; among the prisoners so
taken was Alexander Macdonell, ‘Young Glengarry,’ Mr. Lang’s Pickle the
Spy.
[354] These were Lord John Drummond, brother of the titular Duke
of Perth, and Lord Lewis Drummond. The latter (1709-92), the
lieut.-colonel of Lord John Drummond’s French Royal Scots, was the
second son of John (Drummond), 2nd (but attainted) Earl of Melfort,
whose father had been created Duke of Melfort by James VII. while in
exile in 1692, and Duke of Melfort in the French peerage by Louis XIV.
in 1701. Lord Lewis lost a leg at Culloden. He died in Paris, 1792.
[355] These manifestoes are printed _post_, pp. 292, 293.
John Haliburton was an officer in the French service; he arrived at
Inverness with despatches two days before the battle of Culloden.
(_Murray’s Mem._, p. 433.) After Culloden he assisted in the
distribution of the money (of which Cluny’s treasure was a part) landed
by the French ships at Lochnanuagh in May 1746. (_Albemarle Papers_, p.
338.)
[356] This highland dress for lowland men is detailed by Lord Lewis
Gordon to Stonywood as ‘plaid, short cloaths, hose, and shoes.’
(_Spald. Club Misc._, 408.)
[357] John (Campbell), 4th Earl of Loudoun; b. 1705; suc. 1731; d.
1782. Raised a regiment of Highlanders in 1745 (disbanded 1748).
Adjutant-general to Sir John Cope at Prestonpans; sent to Inverness
to command the troops in the North, October 1745; commander-in-chief
in America 1756, but recalled the same year; general, and colonel 3rd
(Scots) Guards 1770.
[358] ‘_Order of the Rt. Hon. the Ld. Lewis Gordon, lord-lieutenant
of the counties, and governor of the towns of Aberdeen and
Bamff._--Whereas I desired and ordered J. Moir of Stonywood, to
intimate to all the gentlemen and their doers, within the said
counties of Aberdeen and Bamff, to send into the town of Aberdeen, a
well-bodied man for each 100l. Scots, their valued rent, sufficiently
cloathed, and in consequence of my order he wrote circular letters to
all the heritors in the above counties, desiring them to send in a man
sufficiently cloathed, &c. for each 100l. Scots of their valued rent;
which desire they have not complied with: Therefore I order and command
you, to take a sufficient party of my men, and go to all the lands
within the above counties, and require from the heritors, factors, or
tenants, as you shall think most proper, an able-bodied man for his
m---- K---- J----’s service, with sufficient Highland cloaths, plaid
and arms, for each 100l. of their valued rent, or the sum of 5l. sterl.
money for each of the above men, to be paid to J. M. of Stonywood, or
his order of Aberdeen: and in case of refusal of the men or money,
you are forthwith to burn all the houses, corn and planting upon the
foresaid estates; and to begin with the heritor or factor residing on
the lands; and not to leave the said lands until the above execution
be done, unless they produce Stonywood’s lines, shewing they have
delivered him the men or the money. Given at Aberdeen this 12th day of
December, 1745.
Subscrib’d LEWIS GORDON.’
[359] See _ante_, p. 103.
[360] Of Monymusk, 2nd bart.; b. 1696; d. 1778; M.P. for Aberdeen.
[361] A brother of the laird of Castlehill, Inverness, in whose house
Prince Charles stayed in February 1746. He was a captain in Lord
John Drummond’s French regiment of Royal Scots. After Culloden he
was treated as a prisoner of war. By 1749 he had become lieut.-col.
of the regiment. (_L. in M._, ii. 286.) The laird of Castlehill was
Sheriff-depute of Inverness-shire, and was not a Jacobite.
[362] Highland squatters. ‘Humly’ is the ordinary north-country term
for hornless cattle. Robert Jamieson in a note to Letter XXII. in the
5th edition of Burt’s _Letters from the North of Scotland_, published
in 1818, says: ‘In the days of our grandfathers the lower class of
highlanders were, by their lowland neighbours (in the north-east
lowlands at least), denominated _humblies_, from their wearing no
covering on their head but their hair, which at a more early period
they probably matted and felted.’
[363] Donald Ban MacCrimmon, of the celebrated race of hereditary
pipers to the chiefs of Macleod. This is the only mention I can recall
of this pleasant story of his relations with his brother musicians.
There is an exceedingly picturesque account (perhaps more picturesque
than authentic) of MacCrimmon’s descent from a musician of Cremona,
given in the _Celtic Review_, ii. 76, 1906. Though MacCrimmon escaped
death at Inverurie, he was killed in the fiasco at Moy on 16th
February. (See _ante_, p. 108.)
When leaving Dunvegan for the anti-Jacobite campaign of ’45-’46, he had
a presentiment that he would never return, and composed the words and
music of a celebrated lament, which was translated or paraphrased by
Sir Walter Scott:--
Farewell to each cliff on which breakers are foaming,
Farewell each dark glen in which red-deer are roaming,
Farewell, lonely Skye, to lake, mountain, and river,
Macleod may return, but MacCrimmon shall never.
The Banshee’s wild voice sings the death dirge before me,
And the pall of the dead for a mantle hangs o’er me;
But my heart shall not fly, and my nerve shall not quiver,
Though devoted I go--to return again, never!
[364] Sir Alexander Bannerman, 3rd bart., of Elsick, Kincardineshire
(the Mearns). His mother was a Macdonald of Sleat. He escaped to
France; died in Paris 1747.
[365] This seems to be a mistake. Lord Ogilvie’s regiment marched
to the north through Ogilvie’s country from Perth, by Cupar Angus,
Cortachy, Clova, Glenmuick, Logie Colston, and Tarland, to Keith.
(_Spalding Club Misc._, i. 332.)
[366] ‘Kelly’s’ probably means John Roy Stewart’s regiment, which was
originally intended for the Earl of Kellie.
[367] Now spelt Clatt. Rev. Patrick Reid; ord. 1723; d. 1759.
[368] John Baggot, a Franco-Irishman, commanded the Prince’s Hussars
(raised at Edinburgh), of which John Murray of Broughton was titular
colonel. By the French Ambassador he is returned after Culloden as
‘_blessé assez considérablement mais sans danger de la vie_.’ (Cottin,
_Un Protégé de Bachaumont_, p. 62.)
[369] Rev. William Taylor; ord. 1737; d. 1797, aged eighty-nine.
[370] On 22nd Feb., three troops (about 130 men) of Fitzjames’s
regiment of horse landed at Aberdeen from France but without horses.
There was great difficulty in mounting the men. Kilmarnock’s horse
(sometimes called Strathallan’s, or the Perthshire Squadron) were
dismounted and the horses given to the French cavalry, while the
men were formed into foot-guards. By this time, says Maxwell of
Kirkconnell, Pitsligo’s horse was dwindled away to nothing, and many of
its members had joined infantry corps. Two of Fitzjames’s transports,
the _Bourbon_ and the _Charité_, with 359 of all ranks, including the
Comte de Fitzjames, were captured by English cruisers.
[371] On 21st Feb. a picquet of 42 men of Berwick’s (French) regiment
landed at Peterhead.
[372] I can trace no record of this landing. It may refer to Berwick’s
picquets (see p. 151), or it may be a mistake.
[373] William Henry (Ker) (1710-75), afterwards 4th Marquess of
Lothian; captain 1st Guards (Grenadiers) 1741; aide-de-camp to
Cumberland at Fontenoy; lieut.-colonel in Lord Mark Ker’s Dragoons
(11th Hussars) 1745; commanded the cavalry of the left wing at
Culloden. His brother, Lord Robert Ker, a captain in Barrel’s regiment,
was killed in the battle.
[374] Humphrey Bland (1686-1763), author of _A Treatise on Discipline_.
At this time he was a major-general and colonel of the dragoon regiment
now the 3rd Hussars. He was governor of Edinburgh Castle from 1752 till
his death. He became Commander-in-Chief in Scotland in 1753.
[375] Probably a mistake for lieut.-colonel (the command is too great
for a subaltern’s), and evidently means Robert Rich (1714-85), son of
Field-Marshal Sir Robert Rich, whom he succeeded as 5th bart. in 1768.
Rich was at this time lieut.-colonel of Barrel’s regiment the 4th (now
the K. O. Royal Lancaster regiment). At Culloden Rich was badly wounded
and lost his hand.
[376] See _post_, p. 307.
[377] Probably means ‘light-footed laddies.’ Cf. _Oxford Dict._, s.v.
‘leger.’
[378] Robert Hunter of Burnside, Monifieth, was captain in the Prince’s
Life-Guards, and was very active throughout the campaign. He escaped
to Bergen in Norway after Culloden, and for a time was held prisoner
there, but apparently soon released, for in October he is on French
King’s pension list for 1800 livres as a ‘_gentilhomme eccossois arrivé
depuis peu en France_.’
[379] This took place on 17th March. The officer commanding the
Jacobite party was Major Nicolas Glascoe, a lieutenant in Dillon’s
Irish-French regiment. He acted as major and military instructor to
the 2nd battalion of Lord Ogilvie’s regiment. He was made prisoner
after Culloden, and tried at London in November, but pleading that he
was born in France and held a French commission, he was released as a
rebel, the irons were knocked off his legs, and he was treated as a
prisoner of war.
[380] The husbands of these ladies were all in the Jacobite army.
[381] Cullen House was the home of Lord Findlater.
[382] William Thornton, of Thornville, near Knaresborough, raised
and equipped a company, known as the ‘Yorkshire Blues,’ at his own
expense in October 1745. He joined Wade’s army at Newcastle, and
his company was attached to Pulteney’s regiment (13th, now Prince
Albert’s Own Somersetshire Light Infantry), which was below strength.
His henchman and servant was John Metcalf, better known as ‘Blind
Jack of Knaresborough,’ afterwards celebrated as a civil engineer
and maker of roads, but at this time a horse-coper and itinerant
musician. At Falkirk the company served as escort to the artillery
which covered itself with disgrace. Blind Jack fought at the battle
in which his master and Lieutenant Crofts were taken prisoners. After
the battle Blind Jack retreated to Edinburgh along with the remains
of the company, now reduced to forty-eight from an original strength
of sixty-four. In a quaint little book, _The Life of John Metcalf_
(3rd edition, Leeds, 1802), there is a long and graphic account of
how this blind man succeeded in rescuing his master. Donning a ‘plaid
waist-coat,’ the Jacobite uniform, he made his way from Edinburgh to
the battle field, where among the marauders hunting for plunder he
found the wife of Lord George Murray’s cook, who gave him ‘a token’ for
her husband. Giving out that he wished to be employed as a musician
to Prince Charles, he made his way to Lord George Murray’s quarters
at Falkirk, where that General gave him a glass of wine, and he had
a conversation with several of the Jacobite leaders. Confined on
suspicion for some days, he was acquitted by a court-martial. Finding
his captain, he had him disguised as a Highlander and managed to escape
with him. How Crofts and Simson escaped I do not know. The rev. ensign
was Patrick Simson, minister of Fala, near Dalkeith (b. 1713; ord.
1743; transferred to Clunie, Dunkeld, 1759; d. 1771). How he joined
Thornton’s ‘Blues’ I do not know; one would rather have expected to
find him in the Glasgow regiment (see _post_, p. 198). The original
ensign of the company had died at Newcastle, and Thornton may have
appointed Simson when in Edinburgh. Simson had the reputation of being
a sportsman, particularly an angler. (Scott, _Fasti_.) The _Dict. of
Nat. Biog._ says that Blind Jack fought at Culloden, but it is not so
stated in the life quoted above, and if this passage is correct it
precludes the possibility. There is no mention in the _Life_ of this
incident at Ellon, nor any account of the company leaving the army.
[383] Cumberland left Aberdeen on April 8th.
[384] Meaning ‘a verminous swarm of red-coats.’
[385] A very considerable list of houses burnt in Aberdeen and Banff
shires is given in the _Lyon in Mourning_, ii. 334, 335.
[386] ‘_By the Earl of Ancrum, Aid de Camp to His Majesty, and
commanding the forces on the Eastern coast of North-Britain._ Whereas
arms have been found in several houses, contrary to his Royal Highness
the Duke’s proclamation, this is therefore to give notice, That
where-ever arms of any kind are found, that the house, and all houses
belonging to the proprietor or his tenants, shall be immediately burnt
to ashes; and that as some arms have been found under ground, that if
any shall be discovered for the future, the adjacent houses and fields
shall be immediately laid waste and destroyed.’
[_Lord Loudoun’s orders_]:--‘Whereas great part of the King’s arms
belonging to the regiment commanded by the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Loudon,
were taken away by the rebels in Sutherland, and by them distributed to
people of different parts of the country; who, notwithstanding the many
orders published by his Royal Highness the Duke, still detain them in
their possession: These are to advertise such as do not deliver them
in to the storehouse at Inverness, or to the commanding officer of any
part of his Majesty’s forces who happens to be in their neighbourhood,
by the first day of August, that the possessors where-ever they are
found, whether civil or military, and of what rank soever, shall be
prosecuted with the utmost rigour, as the law in that case directs.’
[387] This was an incident that occasioned fierce indignation in
Aberdeen. August 1st was the date of the accession of the Hanoverian
dynasty. Lord Ancram ordered the bells to be rung and the houses
to be illuminated. It had not been the custom to illuminate, and
the magistrates only ordered the bells to be rung. The soldiers
of Fleming’s regiment (36th, now the Worcestershire), egged on by
their officers, broke the windows, stoned the inhabitants, and did
damage to the extent of £130, a large sum in those days to a town of
the size of Aberdeen. In spite of the pretensions of the military
authorities, who maintained that they were not liable to the civil
government, the magistrates arrested a Captain Morgan and other
officers, who were ringleaders in the riot. Morgan had been very
active in hunting fugitive Jacobites, and his commanding officer, who
calls Aberdeen ‘this infamous town,’ attributes his arrest to this
cause. Representations were made to the Lord Justice-Clerk and to
Lord Albemarle, the Commander-in-chief in Scotland, who both took a
serious view of the case, the former writing to the latter that ‘the
officers in the army were trampling on those very laws that they so
lately defended at the expence of their blood.’ Ancram was rebuked
by Albemarle, and removed from Aberdeen; though the trouble still
smouldered it was temporarily patched up. (_Alb. Pap._, p. 27 _seq._;
_Scots Mag._, viii. 393.) Six months later the regiment left Aberdeen,
marching out (it is said) to the tune ‘We’ll gang nae mair to yon
toun.’ Cf. _post_, p. 189.
[388] Hugh (Abercromby-Sempill), fifth son of Anne, Baroness Sempill,
and Francis Abercromby of Fetterneir. Succeeded his brother as 11th
Lord Sempill 1727; served at Malplaquet, 1709, as an ensign; succeeded
Lord Crawford as colonel of the Highland Regiment (Black Watch), 1741;
colonel of the 25th (K. O. Scottish Borderers) 1745; brigadier-general
1745; commanded the left wing at Culloden; superseded Lord Ancram at
Aberdeen 12th August, 1746; and died there 25th November following.
[389] Should be 25th; Sunday 24th was spent at Kendal, and Lancaster
was reached the following day. (_L. in M._, ii. 120, 193.)
[390] I have little doubt that this name is a mistake for Geohagan, an
Irishman, captain in Lally’s regiment, to whom, Lord Elcho states, the
Prince gave a commission to raise an English regiment. The officers
of the army remonstrated, and the commission was withdrawn. (Elcho,
_Affairs of Scotland_, p. 327.) Geohagan was one of the French officers
taken prisoner at Carlisle.
[391] Not identified.
[392] David Morgan was a Welshman from Monmouthshire, a
barrister-at-law. He joined the Prince at Preston on 27th November,
along with William Vaughan and Francis Towneley, all being from
Wales. When at Derby it was determined to return to Scotland Morgan
refused to go, saying, ‘it were better to be hanged in England than
starved in Scotland’ (_Tales of a Grandfather_). He left the army at
Ashbourne, on 6th December, to go to London to procure intelligence,
with the knowledge and consent of the Prince and of Sheridan (_Murray’s
Memorials_, 434). At his trial he pled that he had escaped as soon as
it was in his power, but this plea was repelled. He was executed at
Kennington Common on 30th July, along with Towneley, and seven other
English officers. Morgan is thus described in the _Compleat History of
the Trials of the Rebels_ (p. 170): ‘David Morgan was about 51 Years
of Age, born in Wales, and bred to the Law, and had frequently (as a
Barrister) attended the Courts at Westminster-Hall, and elsewhere. He
was a Person of a very mean Look, and seldom kept Company with any
Gentlemen of his Neighbourhood; and if it had not been for his Estate,
he might have starv’d, for he was so very lofty, and of so bad a
Temper, that no body but such as were beholden to him cared to employ
him. This Morgan was possessed of a very good Estate in St. Leonard’s,
Shoreditch, but he let it all run to Ruin, because he would not pay
the Ground-Rent. The Rebels call’d Morgan the Pretender’s Counsellor,
and his Advice was consulted on every Occasion. Even after he was
condemn’d, he was haughty and insolent beyond expression; and the
very Afternoon before his Execution, he grumbled to pay the Cook who
dress’d his Dinner, and said she was very extravagant in her Demands.
The Morning (about Six o’Clock) before he went to Execution, he order’d
Coffee to be made, and bid them take Care to make it very good and
strong, for he had never drank any since he had been in that Prison
fit to come near a Gentleman; and because it was ready before he was
unlock’d, he seem’d angry, and in a great Passion.’
Morgan was the author of a rather dull satirical political poem of 630
verses, entitled _The Country Bard or the Modern Courtiers, inscribed
to H.R.H. the Prince of Wales_, a quarto originally printed in 1741,
and republished in 1746 after his execution. It is prefaced by a
dedicatory letter to Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, the Welsh Jacobite
baronet. In his dying declaration, handed to the sheriff on the
scaffold, Morgan writes that he is a member of the Church of England,
and that he has fully set forth his faith in a poem of two books
entitled _The Christian Test or the Coalition of Faith and Reason_, the
first of which he had already published, and the latter he bequeathed
to his daughter to be published by her. Morgan seems to have had a
certain notoriety as member of a Jacobite club at Westminster, judging
by a very coarse _jeu d’esprit_ bearing the title _A Faithful Narrative
of the wonderful and surprising Appearance of Counsellor Morgan’s ghost
at the meeting ... giving a full and true Account of the Behaviour of
the Club on that occasion_.... This folio, for it has that dignity, is
followed by another entitled _An Appeal from the late David Morgan,
Esq., Barrister-at-Law ... against a late Scurrilous Paper_.... My
copy of the second pamphlet bears the note in contemporary handwriting
‘By one Fielding a concealer of the Law,’ and it is possible it may be
by Henry Fielding, who at this time gave himself to ironical writing
of this kind in the _True Patriot_ and the _Jacobite’s Journal_. Both
pamphlets are full of topical allusions and scarcely concealed names.
Morgan was also the subject of a brutally coarse print entitled ‘An
Exact Description of the Solemn Procession of Councellor Morgan’s ghost
to the Rump of the Westminster Independents.’
[393] The only elucidation of this I can suggest is from a passage in
the _Appeal_ above mentioned in which Morgan’s ghost is made to visit
his friends, but ‘with neither a greyhound upon his breast nor a writ
in his hand,’ perhaps suggesting that in life he was in the habit of
carrying writs and being accompanied by a greyhound.
[394] The colonel appointed was Francis Towneley, an English Roman
Catholic; b. 1709; fifth son of Charles Towneley of Towneley Hall,
Lancashire; went to France 1728, and entered the French army; served
at the siege of Philipsbourg under the Duke of Berwick, but after the
peace following the War of the Polish Succession, returned to England,
and lived privately in Wales until 1745. The French king sent him a
colonel’s commission about the time of the intended invasion of 1744.
(See _Towneley MSS._, privately printed.) He was given command of the
Manchester regiment, as told here; was left governor of the town of
Carlisle when the army retreated to Scotland in December; entirely
opposed to surrendering to Cumberland, flying into a passion with
Hamilton, the governor of the castle (see pp. 118, 193), and declaring
‘that it was better to die by the sword than to fall into the hands
of those damned Hanovarians.’ (_Evidence at Trial._) At Hamilton’s
trial evidence was given that he too desired to hold out to the last,
but was overruled by his officers. Towneley was tried at Southwark in
July 1746; pled that his French commission entitled him to be treated
as a prisoner of war, not a rebel; but this was repelled as, being an
Englishman born, it was illegal to serve a sovereign at war with the
British king; executed on Kennington Common, July 30th, and Hamilton on
Nov. 15th.
[395] The Prince’s Life Guards: there were two troops, one commanded by
Lord Elcho, the other by Colonel Elphinstone, afterwards Lord Balmerino.
[396] The army left Manchester on 1st December. The quarrel which
caused Lord George Murray’s resignation of his commission as
lieut.-gen. took place at Carlisle on 15th November, when the command
was given to the Duke of Perth. Daniel cannot be correct in stating
that Lord George was not reinstated until the army was at Manchester;
the quarrel was made up before leaving Carlisle on November 20th, when
Lord George led the van. Daniel, who did not join the army until the
24th or 25th, is probably writing from hazy recollection of what he had
been told.
[397] Weir or Vere was the principal witness at the trials of the
officers taken prisoner at Carlisle.
[398] Jean Louis Ligonnier, generally termed Sir John Ligonier, K.B., a
naturalised French Protestant; b. at Castres, France, 1680; emigrated
to Dublin; fought under Marlborough through most of his campaigns;
major-general 1739; lieut.-general 1743; commanded the infantry at
Fontenoy; commanded the army sent to Staffordshire to oppose the
Jacobites, until relieved by the Duke of Cumberland, 27th November;
commander-in-chief 1757; created Viscount Ligonier 1757; Earl Ligonier
1766; field-marshal 1760; d. 1770. He had a brother Francis, who
succeeded Colonel Gardiner in command of the Dragoon regiment, now 13th
Hussars. Francis Ligonier, though suffering from pleurisy, fought at
Falkirk, caught more cold, and died a few days later.
[399] 6th December 1745 (Black Friday).
[400] The journals of the day and most authorities estimate the number
at about 800. They consisted of Lord John Drummond’s own French
regiment, ‘the Royal Scots,’ and the Irish picquets, or 50 men picked
from each of the six Irish regiments in the French service. Two of the
transports were taken on the voyage and 260 of all ranks made prisoner.
On the eve of Culloden, the French envoy reported to his government
that the numbers of French troops then were: Irish Picquets reduced
to a half but recruited by 148 prisoners and deserters up to 260 men;
Royal Scots about 350; detachment of Berwick’s regiment (p. 151) 42;
Fitzjames’s horse 131; making a total of about 780. (Cottin, _op. cit._
p. 36.)
[401] See _ante_, p. 143.
[402] ‘Tuesday, 10th December.--They have ordered a contribution of
£5000 for the insolence of the mob, but with much ado they have got it
to one-half, to raise it by one o’clock.’ (_Journal of Elizabeth Byrom,
Manchester, in 1745._)
[403] Hon. Arthur Elphinstone; b. 1688; held captain’s commission in
Shannon’s foot (25th, now King’s Own Scottish Borderers), which he
resigned in 1716 to join Mar’s Jacobite army; served in the French
army; on a pardon being offered to him he declined to accept it until
he had received the Chevalier’s consent, which was given; joined Prince
Charles at Edinburgh; received the command of the second troop of Life
Guards; on the death of his brother, 5th January 1746, he succeeded as
6th Lord Balmerino and 5th Lord Coupar; the army was then at Stirling.
The day after Culloden he surrendered to the Grants. Tried by the House
of Lords and condemned to death; beheaded, 18th August 1746.
[404] Col. James Alex. Grant or Grante, a member of the staff of the
French Royal Observatory. He landed at Montrose in October along with
the French envoy. He served as master of ordnance to Prince Charles.
He planned the siege of Carlisle, which succeeded. He communicated
a plan for the siege of Stirling Castle, which was abandoned, as it
exposed the town to destruction, and the charge was given to another
French engineer, Mirabel de Gordon, who utterly failed. Grant planned
the siege of Fort Augustus, which succeeded. He then planned the siege
of Fort William, but was disabled at the outset by a contusion from a
spent cannon ball: Mirabel was given charge of the siege, and again
signally failed. Grant prepared an elaborate map of the expedition,
published in French, English, and Italian editions, which are all
described in the _Itinerary_, pp. 104-107.
[405] The Yorkshire Hunters, a corps of volunteer cavalry, which did
not distinguish itself greatly. Its war-song, set to music, will be
found in the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, December 1745.
[406] Daniel probably means the Dutch troops, some of which landed at
Berwick and the Tyne in Sept. ’45. The Hessians did not come over until
Feb. ’46.
[407] See _ante_, p. 150.
[408] Should be Cluny Macpherson.
[409] This is the celebrated ‘Skirmish of Clifton,’ fought 18th
December; described by Sir Walter Scott in _Waverley_, chap. lix. and
note. Both sides claimed the victory. The late Chancellor Ferguson
wrote an exhaustive monograph on the subject (Kendal, 1889) showing
that both were technically right. The Jacobite rear-guard fought to
protect the army’s retreat to Carlisle, and entirely succeeded in their
object; Cumberland’s troops retained possession of the field, but
were too crippled to pursue. Daniel, I think, shows a certain animus
in entirely ignoring Lord George Murray, who directed this action and
fought it with great bravery and skill.
[410] At the surrender of Carlisle to Cumberland on 30th December the
following officers were captured:--
_English_, 20 officers and 1 chaplain--of these 9 officers and the
chaplain were executed;
_Scots_, 17 officers and 1 surgeon--of these 5 officers were executed;
_French_, 3 officers, who were treated as prisoners of war.
In addition 93 English, 256 Scots, 5 French non-commissioned officers
and men were taken prisoner.
[411] This date is wrong; it should be 20th December, the Prince’s
birthday and the day he left Carlisle. The date is often given as 31st
December, which is the New Style equivalent. Old Style was used in
Great Britain until 1752.
[412] The Rev. John Bisset, one of the ministers of St. Nicholas
Church, Aberdeen, from 1728 to 1756. He was a man of strong personality
who spoke his mind, and was not very popular with his brethren. Bisset
kept a Diary during the Rising of ’45, most of which is printed in the
_Spalding Club Misc._, vol. i. In that volume there is no reference to
this sermon, nor do I know when it was preached. It is referred to in
general terms by the late Mr. Watt in his _County History of Aberdeen
and Banff_, p. 303. The sermon was probably printed or Daniel could
not have quoted it, but Mr. P. J. Anderson, who has kindly searched
the Aberdeen University Library, cannot find a copy. Bisset, though
uncompromisingly inimical to the Jacobites, declined an official
meeting with the Duke of Cumberland as a member of the Aberdeen Synod,
but he obtained a private interview as ‘he had reasons for being
alone.’ Bisset so deeply offended the duke that he refused ever after
to enter a Presbyterian church. (Henderson, _Hist. of the Rebellion_,
5th ed., p. 307.)
[413] This refers to the Prince’s army. The Prince himself was never in
Aberdeen.
[414] A party of Dumfries townsfolk had cut off a detachment of the
Jacobite army’s baggage during the advance to England in November. As
a reprisal Prince Charles fined the town £2000. Only £1100 could be
raised in the time given, so he carried off the provost and another
citizen as security till the balance was paid. (_Scots Mag._, vii. 533,
581.)
[415] The army began to arrive on Christmas Day. Charles himself
entered on foot at the head of the clans on 26th December. He remained
in Glasgow until 3rd January.
[416] A very different story is told by Provost Cochrane of Glasgow,
who wrote: ‘Our very ladys had not the curiosity to go near him, and
declined going to a ball held by his chiefs. Very few were at the
windows when he made his appearance, and such as were declared him not
handsome. This no doubt fretted.’ (_Cochrane Correspondence_, Maitland
Club, p. 63.) Probably both versions have a certain amount of truth,
and the situation must have been similar to that of an earlier royalist
leader when riding through Edinburgh:--
‘As he rode down the sanctified bends of the Bow,
Ilk carline was flyting and shaking her pow;
But the young plants of grace they looked couthie and slee,
Thinking, luck to thy bonnet, thou Bonny Dundee!’
[417] The Prince’s Master of the Household says: ‘The Prince dressed
more elegantly when in Glasgow than he did in any other place
whatsomever.’ Lord Elcho says he was ‘dress’d in the French dress.’
[418] Mirabel de Gordon, a French engineer, who completely failed
at the siege of Stirling, as he afterwards did at the siege of Fort
William. Lord George Murray says of him that he understood his
business, but was so volatile he could not be depended upon: Lord
Macleod states that he was always drunk.
[419] Brown was a French-Irishman, a captain in Lally’s regiment, who
came over with the French envoy in October. He was left in Carlisle,
but escaped at the surrender. After Falkirk he was sent to France to
carry the news of the victory to Louis XV., who made him a colonel
in the French army. He returned to Scotland in March in the _Hazard_
sloop, which was driven ashore by four men-of-war at Tongue in
Sutherland, when the passengers and crew were captured by Lord Reay and
his militia.
[420] Probably William Maxwell of Carruchan, Kirkcudbrightshire, who
acted as chief engineer in the defence of Carlisle against the Duke of
Cumberland.
[421] See _ante_, pp. 173, 187. Whatever may have been expected or
mentioned verbally, Cumberland’s written conditions were: ‘All the
terms H.R.H. will or can grant to the rebel garrison at Carlisle are
that they shall not be put to the sword, but be reserved for the king’s
pleasure.’
[422] Lord George Murray was criticised at the time, even by his
friends, for being on foot fighting with his men instead of being on
horseback as a general watching the action and controlling events.
(Elcho, _Affairs of Scotland_, p. 376.) Criticism was also extended to
other generals and staff-officers, particularly to O’Sullivan, who was
never seen during the action and was accused of cowardice.
[423] Sir Robert Munro of Foulis, 24th baron and 5th bart.; b. 1684;
suc. 1729; M.P. for Wick Burghs 1710-41. His mother was an aunt of
Duncan Forbes of Culloden. Entered the army early, and was captain
in the Royal Scots by 1705; served under Marlborough in Flanders,
where he made a lifelong friendship with Colonel Gardiner (killed
at Prestonpans); a commissioner of the Forfeited Estates Commission
1716-40; appointed lieut.-colonel and commandant of the new Highland
Regiment (Black Watch) when embodied 1740; fought at Fontenoy; promoted
in June 1745 to be colonel in the 37th (now the Hampshire Regiment),
which he commanded at Falkirk.
Dr. Duncan Munro (b. 1687), Sir Robert’s brother, had been a doctor
in India but retired home in 1726. He accompanied his brother from
fraternal affection in the hope of being of use to him, for the colonel
was very corpulent.
For George of Culcairn, a third brother, who fell a victim in ’46, see
_ante_, p. 103.
[424] I am not aware of any ministers killed, though there may have
been some in the Glasgow and Paisley volunteer or militia regiments,
which suffered severely. In the Glasgow regiment, commanded by the Earl
of Home, was John Home, afterwards celebrated as author of _Douglas_
and of a _History of the Rebellion_. He was lieutenant, and during
the battle in command of a company of Edinburgh volunteers. Home
with several other volunteers was taken prisoner and lodged in Doune
Castle. One of the prisoners was the Rev. John Witherspoon (1723-94),
then minister of Beith, near Paisley; afterwards in 1768 president of
Princeton College, New Jersey, a leader in the American Revolution, and
a very active member of the first congress of the United States. Home
gives a graphic account of their escape in his history. Later in the
year Home became minister of Athelstaneford in East Lothian.
[425] Lockhart was a major in Cholmondeley’s regiment, the 34th (now
the Border Regiment). He was taken prisoner at Falkirk and released
on parole. After Culloden he especially distinguished himself by
extraordinary barbarity and the perpetration of terrible cruelties on
the hunted fugitives. For instances refer to the _Lyon in Mourning_.
[426] Every man of common sense who has the least Idea of Military
Matters must well know that, where there is only a small Body of
Cavalry attached to an army of light Infantry, as in this case, such
Cavalry must be inevitably harrassed because there are not many bodies
of horse to relieve each other. [Note in the Drummond Castle MS.]
[427] A village between Stirling and Bannockburn; spelt St. Ninians,
but locally pronounced St. Ringans.
[428] John Baggot, see _ante_, p. 150.
[429] See _ante_, p. 101.
[430] Gordon Castle.
[431] See _ante_, p. 151.
[432] This is a vague and incorrect report, probably the camp rumour,
of Lord George Murray’s doings at this time. By a remarkable secret
march from Inverness, he simultaneously surprised, on 17th March, a
large number of military posts garrisoned by the Government militia in
Perthshire, taking 300 prisoners. He then laid siege to Blair Castle,
defended by Sir Andrew Agnew, but his guns were too small to hurt the
old castle. He probably would have starved out the garrison, but the
advance of Cumberland’s army caused his recall to Inverness.
[433] This being from an enemy is perhaps the most flattering tribute
to President Forbes’s achievement for his Government.
[434] Cf. _post_, p. 364.
[435] See _ante_, p. 155.
[436] See _ante_, p. 157.
[437] Cumberland left Aberdeen on 8th April.
[438] Lady Catherine Gordon, daughter of the 2nd Earl of Aberdeen.
[439] See _post_, p. 230.
[440] 15th April.
[441] This is a calumny founded on ignorance of what was passing at
a distance from the local situation of the writer--Lord George was
leading the van to the attack of the Enemy’s Camp, which would have
been surprised if the rear division had not hung back, and retarded
the advance of the van ’till it was too late to storm. [Note in the
Drummond Castle MS.]
[442] The fact was directly the Reverse--Lord George had used every
endeavour to induce the Prince to cross the River, and occupy strong
ground which Brigadier Stapleton[656] and Colonel Kerr[657] had
examined two days before at his Lordships desire. [Note in the Drummond
Castle MS.][658]
[443] Ruthven in Badenoch, on the east side of the Spey, near Kingussie.
[444] Daniel is a little out in his recollection of time. Culloden was
fought on 16th April, while he left Scotland on 4th May (see p. 223),
only eighteen days after the battle.
[445] This gold was 40,000 louis d’ors. Part of it, ‘Cluny’s Treasure,’
was concealed in Loch Arkaig, and left there for nine years under the
care of Cluny Macpherson.
[446] The British ships were the _Greyhound_, the _Baltimore_, and the
_Terror_. (_S. M._, viii. 238.)
[447] William Harrison, a native of Strathbogie, who, when most of
his brethren had been taken prisoner or driven from their charges,
went to the sheriff of Argyllshire, ‘told him frankly that he was a
Catholic priest, but had neither done nor meant harm to anybody, and
begged protection. The sheriff was well pleased with his confidence,
and gave him a paper signed by himself requiring of everybody to allow
him to go about his lawful business unmolested. In consequence of this,
Mr. Harrison, in the summers of 1746 and 1747, visited almost all the
Catholics in the Highlands, administering the sacraments, and exhorting
the people to patience and perseverance in the faith.’ (Bishop Geddes’s
MS.)
[448] The ships left Lochnanuagh on May 4th. (_L. in M._, iii. 383;
_Scots Mag._, viii. 239.)
[449] Son of Thomas Sheridan, a fellow of Trinity College, Dublin,
D.C.L. (Oxon.) and F.R.S., an Irish Protestant who followed James II.
into exile and became his private secretary. His wife (it is said)
was a natural daughter of the king. The son, Sir Thomas, who was a
Catholic, was engaged in the ’15; appointed tutor to Prince Charles
1724 or ’25, and created a baronet ’26. Attended the Prince at the
siege of Gaeta ’34. In April ’44 after the abandonment of the French
invasion the Prince asked for him, and his father reluctantly sent
Sheridan to France, warning his son to be careful in his dealings with
him. Sheridan accompanied the Prince to Scotland and acted as his
private secretary throughout the campaign. On arrival in France in ’46
he was summoned to Rome by the Chevalier; accused of deserting the
Prince but exhibited his written orders to leave. He died at Rome a few
months later, his death being variously attributed to mortification at
the Chevalier’s reproaches, or to grief at the Prince’s disasters.
[450] He had accompanied the Marquis d’Eguilles to Scotland as
interpreter.
[451] John Hay of Restalrig, near Edinburgh, brother of Thomas Hay,
Lord Huntington, who married the sister of John Murray of Broughton
(see p. 49). He was an Edinburgh Writer to the Signet, admitted 1726;
Substitute-Keeper of the Signet 1725-41 and 1742-46; fiscal 1732-34;
treasurer 1736-46. He acted as treasurer to the Prince, and when
Murray of Broughton fell ill at Inverness in March he succeeded him
as Secretary. Lord George Murray attributed much of the disaster of
Culloden to his neglect or inefficiency in provisioning the army, a
duty which Murray had always performed well. Hay held a colonel’s
commission in the Jacobite army. He attached himself to Prince Charles
after leaving Scotland, became major-domo of his household when he went
to Rome after his father’s death in 1766; created a Jacobite baronet in
that year; dismissed in 1768; returned to Scotland 1771; died 1784.
[452] Alexander Macleod, an Edinburgh advocate, was aide-de-camp to the
Prince throughout the campaign. His father, John, also an advocate, was
a grandson of Sir Norman Macleod of Bernera, and was a first cousin of
Lady Clanranald. He had purchased Muiravonside in Stirlingshire, two
miles from Linlithgow. Alexander was sent from Edinburgh in September
to summon to the Prince’s standard Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat
and Macleod of Macleod, both his near kinsmen. This mission, in which
he failed owing to the stronger influence of Duncan Forbes, brought
on him the special anger of the Government. He was attainted, and for
thirty-two years he wandered in the wildest regions of the Western
Highlands and Islands. He received a pardon in 1778, and died in 1784.
He was in Raasay when Dr. Johnson and Boswell visited that island
in September 1773. He was generally known as Sandie Macleod in the
Islands, and had also acquired the nickname of M‘Cruslick, signifying a
cross between Proteus and Don Quixote. He possessed the most boisterous
spirits, which delighted Johnson and irritated Boswell.
[453] See _post_, p. 230, _n._ 2.
[454] Allan Macdowell is a mistake for Macdonell or rather Macdonald,
as his name is afterwards correctly spelled. He was a ‘native of the
Isles’ and a clansman of Clanranald’s; he went out with the clan as
chaplain when the standard was raised, and continued with the army
until the end of the campaign. He also acted as confessor to the
Prince. He and Æneas M‘Gillis, the chaplain of Glengarry’s men, were
the only priests that accompanied the Highlanders to Prestonpans.
They wore the Highland dress, with sword and pistol, and were styled
captains. At the battle of Falkirk Mr. Macdonald rode along the line
and gave his blessing, which the Catholics received kneeling. From
Culloden he accompanied the Prince in his flight and in the earlier
part of his wanderings, leaving him at Scalpa. Later on he was
apprehended in South Uist, and sent with some other priests to London
in Ferguson’s ship the _Furness_. He and four other clergymen were
examined by the Duke of Newcastle, who informed them that they might
leave the country on finding bail for £1000 each not to return. They
pointed out that the bail was quite beyond their power, on which the
Duke smilingly replied that they were honest men and he would take each
man’s bail for the other. Macdonald went to Paris, and in 1748 to Rome,
where he lived for many years. (Bishop Geddes’s MS.) I do not know if
he ever returned.
[455] _Sic_ in _N. M. Mag._ Most likely an error caused by careless
transcription and meant to read, ‘to Gortlick’s house [not horge] a
gentleman of the name of Thomas Fraser.’ Gortlick, more generally spelt
Gortuleg, belonged to Thomas Fraser, a cadet of Lovat’s. It was in
this house and on this occasion that Prince Charles had his memorable
meeting with Lord Lovat which is dramatically described by Mrs. Grant
of Laggan. (See _Wariston’s Diary and Other Papers_, p. 265, Scot.
Hist. Soc., vol. xxvi.)
[456] Stratherrick.
[457] Neil, who at this period is writing from hearsay, is quite wrong
here. Glengarry was not at home and the house was ‘without meat, drink,
fire or candle, except some firr-sticks!’ Had Ned Bourke not netted a
couple of salmon, there would have been nothing to eat. (_L. in M._, i.
89, 191.)
[458] Angus MacEachain (or Macdonald) was a son-in-law of Angus
Macdonald of Borradale. He had served in the campaign as a surgeon in
Glengarry’s regiment.
The family of MacEachain-Macdonald of Drimindarach, Arisaig, was a
branch of the Clanranalds, descended from Eachain (or Hector), a
younger son of Roderick, 2nd Clanranald. Neil MacEachain was of the
MacEachains of Howbeg, a junior branch of the sept. Both families have
long since resumed their earlier name, Macdonald, dropping the name
MacEachain.
[459] This was the Prince’s second visit to Borradale House on
Lochnanuagh. It was here he stayed on his first landing in July 1745.
He came again to Borradale in July 1746, after his wanderings in the
Hebrides, by which time the house had been burned down by Cumberland’s
soldiers; he finally returned to Borradale on 19th September, whence
he sailed for France the following day. Angus Macdonald, the tacksman
of Borradale, was a son of the 5th laird of Glenaladale, a cadet of
Clanranald’s, and was a first cousin of Flora Macdonald. Borradale’s
descendant, Colonel John Andrew Macdonald, is to-day laird of
Glenaladale.
[460] Captain Felix O’Neille, born at Rome, son of a brigadier in the
Spanish service. He served in the Spanish army until 1744, when he
joined Lally’s French-Irish regiment as captain. Was sent to Scotland
with despatches from the Duc de Richelieu in March 1746. After Culloden
he accompanied Prince Charles during the first two months of his
wanderings and shared his discomforts. He was captured in Benbecula by
Captain John Ferguson of the _Furness_. He was confined in Edinburgh
Castle until February 1747, when he was released on parole and
subsequently exchanged (_Scots Mag._, ix. 92). He wrote a journal of
his wanderings, which is printed in _The Lyon_, i. 102, 365.
[461] John William O’Sullivan; b. in Co. Kerry, 1700; educated in
France and Rome for the priesthood, and, it is said (Fielding’s _True
Patriot_), took orders. Entered the family of Maréchal de Maillebois
as tutor, afterwards secretary. Joined the French army and served
under Maillebois in Corsica; afterwards in Italy and on the Rhine.
Recommended to D’Argenson as an officer ‘who understood the irregular
art of war better than any other man in Europe, nor was his knowledge
in the regular much inferior to that of the best general living.’
Entered the household of Prince Charles about 1744; accompanied him to
Scotland and acted as adjutant-general, as well as private adviser,
during the campaign. Was with the Prince in his wanderings until 20th
June. Escaped to France in a French cutter. Knighted by the Chevalier
about Christmas 1746, and created by him a baronet of Ireland 1753.
Date of death not ascertained.
[462] Donald Macleod of Gualtergil, on Dunvegan Loch, Skye, the
faithful ‘Palinurus’ of Prince Charles from 21st April to 20th June. He
was captured in Benbecula in July, and taken to London in Ferguson’s
ship; released June ’47; died at Gualtergil in May ’49, aged 72. His
wife was a sister of Macdonald of Borradale and a first cousin of Flora
Macdonald.
[463] It seems absurd to write of seizing the boat and stealing away.
In addition to the Prince’s five attendants, O’Sullivan, O’Neil, Allan
Macdonald, Ned Bourke, and Donald Macleod, there was a crew of seven
boatmen, probably the servants of Borradale who must have known. It is
true, however, that the Prince’s intended departure was concealed from
most of the Jacobite officers assembled in Arisaig.
[464] Neil is right as to the day of the week, but wrong as to the day
of the month. It should be Sunday, 27th April. See _Itinerary_.
[465] Rev. John Macaulay, son of the Rev. Aulay Macaulay, minister of
Harris, was ordained parish minister of South Uist in May 1745. He was
subsequently minister of Lismore and Appin 1755; Inverary 1765, and
finally of Cardross 1775. He died 1789. At Inveraray he had a good deal
of intercourse with Dr. Johnson in 1773, duly recorded by Boswell in
the _Tour to the Hebrides_. John Macaulay was the father of Zachary
Macaulay, and grandfather of Lord Macaulay.
[466] _i.e._ Neil MacEachain.
[467] Rev. Aulay Macaulay, formerly of Tyree; appointed to Harris 1712;
died 1758; aged about eighty-five.
[468] Rev. Colin Mackenzie was not minister of Stornoway but of Lochs,
the parish to the south of Stornoway.
[469] Should be 30th April.
[470] Donald Campbell was the brother-in-law of Hugh Macdonald of
Baleshare and of Donald Roy Macdonald, the former of whom is mentioned
later on; the latter, though of the family of Sleat, had served in
Glengarry’s regiment. Donald Roy took over charge of the Prince when he
said farewell to Flora Macdonald at Portree in Skye. (_L. in M._, ii.
21.) An anecdote of Campbell’s fidelity to the Prince when he protected
him against a party headed by Aulay Macaulay the minister is given in
the _Itinerary_. Neil MacEachain does not love Donald Campbell, but Ned
Bourke, who was one of the party, calls him ‘one of the best, honestest
fellows that ever drew breath.’ (_L. in M._, i. 191.)
[471] Lady Kildin should be spelt Kildun. This lady was the wife of
Colin Mackenzie of Kildun, a grandson of the 2nd Earl of Seaforth.
Mackenzie’s sister was the second wife of Donald, 16th Clanranald,
the mother of Macdonald of Boisdale, and stepmother of old Clanranald
of the ’45. From private letters belonging to Frances, Lady Muir
Mackenzie, I find that Colin Mackenzie was then in London.
[472] Neil MacEachain is all wrong here in the sequence of events and
in his dates. He was writing from hearsay only. The true sequence will
be found with authorities for the same in the _Itinerary_, pp. 48-50.
[473] A quarter of a peck of oatmeal not threshed, but burnt out of the
ear.
[474] This was strictly in accordance with Hebridean honesty, continued
to this day. The Prince desired to leave money on the rocks to pay for
the fish, but O’Sullivan and O’Neille (_not_ the islanders) dissuaded
him. Cf. _L. in M._, i. 172.
[475] Prince Charles landed in Benbecula, Clanranald’s island, on 11th
May, and from this time onward Neil writes from knowledge, not hearsay.
[476] South Uist.
[477] Ranald was afterwards taken prisoner and sent to London.
[478] Corradale is a picturesque valley situated in the mountainous
part of South Uist, which occupies the middle of the east side of the
island, whose northern, western, and southern confines are wonderfully
flat. Corradale lies about the middle of this district, running
north-west from the sea, between the mountains Hekla and Benmore, each
about 2000 feet high. If approached by sea it was easy for a fugitive
to get away to inaccessible hiding-places in the mountains, while
if attacked from the land he could escape by sea. Prince Charles’s
lodging was a forester’s house not far from the shore. On the north
side of the glen, close to the sea, there is a fairly commodious cave,
traditionally but erroneously the dwelling-place of the Prince. This
cave was probably the rock under which Neil left the Prince while he
looked for strangers. Considering the weather to be expected in this
island, there can be little doubt that the Prince often sat there for
shelter while he looked out for passing ships, as the cave commands an
excellent view of the offing to the south-east.
[479] The actual stay at Corradale was from 14th May to 5th June,
although the Prince was in South Uist until 24th June. For details, see
the _Itinerary_.
[480] See _ante_, p. 213, and Introduction.
[481] Moidart.
[482] In _Ordnance Survey_ Glen Quoich, to the west of Loch Garry. I
have no knowledge of the actions here referred to.
[483] Donald Macdonald, second son of Clanranald, served as captain
in his brother ‘Young Clanranald’s’ regiment throughout the campaign.
His mother was Margaret, d. of William Macleod of Luskintyre, son of
Sir Norman Macleod of Bernera, and Catherine, d. of Sir James ‘Mor’
Macdonald of Sleat, 2nd bart. Donald’s uncle, Alexander Macleod, was at
this time laird of Luskintyre in Harris. Donald was afterwards captured
and imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle, but discharged without trial. In
1756 he joined Fraser’s Highlanders (the Master of Lovat’s); fought
with Wolfe at Quebec and was killed in a subsequent action.
[484] _i.e._ Boisdale.
[485] Hugh Macdonald of Baleshare, an island to the south-west of
North Uist, was of the Sleat family, his father being a natural son
of Sir James ‘Mor,’ 2nd bart., and his mother a daughter of the 13th
Clanranald. As Sir Alexander of Sleat and Lady Clanranald were both
great-grandchildren of Sir James ‘Mor,’ they were nearly related to
Baleshare, being in the Scots phrase ‘first-cousins once removed.’
Baleshare’s sister was the wife of Donald Campbell, the Prince’s
host in Scalpa. Hugh of Baleshare had been sent to South Uist by
Lady Margaret Macdonald, the wife of Sir Alexander of Sleat then in
attendance on Cumberland at Fort Augustus, while his men were out
against the broken Jacobites. Lady Margaret had sent Baleshare secretly
with money and little luxuries to relieve the Prince’s discomfort and
to help him generally. At one time it was proposed that Baleshare
should conceal Prince Charles in his own island, but the scheme was
abandoned as it might compromise his chief, Sir Alexander.
[486] This power of drinking seems to have made a great impression.
Baleshare told Bishop Forbes that the Prince ‘still had the better
of us, and even of Boystill [Boysdale] himself, notwithstanding his
being as able a boulman as any in Scotland.’ It is generally assumed
that Prince Charles acquired his drinking habits as a result of his
hardships in Scotland, yet his anxious father had detected symptoms of
an over-fondness for wine even before he left Rome in 1744. In a letter
to Colonel O’Bryen (Lord Lismore), his envoy at the French Court, in
August 1745, the Old Chevalier writes: ‘La grande vivacité du Prince,
son penchant pour toutes sortes de divertissements, et un peu trop de
goût qu’il sembloit alors avoir pour le vin, leur ont faire croire
faussement qu’ils avoient gagné quelque chose sur son esprit et il
devint bientôt par là leur Héros.’ (Stuart Papers, Browne, _Hist. of
the High._, iii. 445.)
[487] See _post_, p. 249, _n._ 3.
[488] Should be Ulinish. He was a first cousin of Sir Alexander
Macdonald, whose mother was a Macleod of Greshornish. Alexander Macleod
was made sheriff-substitute in Skye in 1773. In 1791 he was alive and
in his 100th year.
[489] Captain John Ferguson was the fourth son of George Ferguson,
one of six brothers, members of a family long resident at Inverurie.
The eldest was the celebrated or notorious ‘Ferguson the Plotter’ of
the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries; other brothers
founded the families of Pitfour and Kinmundy. George lived and died
at Old Meldrum near Inverurie, so it may be supposed that his son,
John, was born there. Nothing is known of his early career, but in
1746 John Ferguson was in command of H.M.S. _Furness_, (which is
always spelt _Furnace_ in the Scottish journals and narratives of the
time), and was employed in hunting fugitive Jacobites. He was the
‘black captain’ of the ’45, one of the most active and ruthless of the
Government officers. His cruelties are a constant theme in Jacobite
annals (see the _Lyon_ from the index). Captain O’Neille, who was one
of his prisoners, states that Ferguson used him with the barbarity of a
pirate, stripped him, and ordered him to be put into a rack and whipped
by his hangman because he would not confess where he thought the Prince
was. (_L. in M._, i. 374.) Ferguson was promoted in the same year, by
the express interference and recommendation of the Duke of Cumberland,
to be captain of the _Nightingale_, a new frigate just launched. He
died in 1767. (_Records of Clan Ferguson_, p. 280.) Ferguson’s greatest
exploit was the capture of Lord Lovat, which was effected with skill.
Lovat had taken refuge in an island on Loch Morar, a fresh-water lake,
and had removed all the boats on the loch to the island. Ferguson
landed a party, who saw the fugitives, whom they could not reach, and
by whom they were greeted with cries of derision. He then sent a boat
ashore from his ship, carried it over a mile or so of rugged country,
and launched it on Loch Morar. Lovat’s party rowed rapidly up the loch,
and got on shore, but after three days’ concealment, the old lord,
unable from infirmities to continue the struggle, determined to give
himself up, sent word to his pursuers and surrendered to Captain Dugald
Campbell of Achacrossan of the Argyll Militia.
[490] Fuyia, which I have corrected from Fugia in the _N. M. Maga._, as
it is a manifest error of the copyist or printer. Fuyia gives the local
pronunciation of the name of the island, which is generally spelt Ouia
in the _Lyon_, and Wiay in the Ordnance Survey maps. It is spelt Fouay
on p. 253.
[491] Alexander Macdonald of Boisdale (Clanranald’s step-brother) was
carried prisoner to London, and kept there until July 1747, when he was
released.
[492] This was Boisdale’s third wife, Anne, daughter of Macneil of
Barra.
[493] Captain Carolina Frederick Scott shares with Ferguson and
Lockhart eternal infamy for his superlative cruelty to the hunted
Jacobites of the Western Highlands. I found his name and that of
Ferguson still perfectly remembered in the Outer Hebrides, and received
with execrations. He was an officer of Guise’s regiment, the 6th
(now the Royal Warwickshire). His satanic zeal, like Ferguson’s, was
rewarded with promotion. In November 1746 he was appointed major in
his regiment in the room of Major Wentworth, who was cashiered for
surrendering Fort Augustus to the Jacobites (March 5th), when three
companies of Guise’s regiment were made prisoners of war.
[494] Meaning Captain O’Neille.
[495] This is the Beinchillkoinnich of the _Lyon_ (i. 329), the Beinn
Ruigh Choinnich of the _Ordnance Survey_; a hill on the north side
of Loch Boisdale, 900 feet high, from whence the low-lying country
of South Uist can be viewed from sea to sea. On the northern spur
there is a cave accessible only by a precipitous narrow ledge, where
shelter from the weather could be had and an outlook to the Minch.
Local tradition associates this cave with the Prince. He possibly took
shelter there on this momentous day. South Uist, even in summer, is a
very rainy island.
[496] Hugh Macdonald of Armadale, in Skye, was Flora Macdonald’s
step-father. He was a grandson of Sir James ‘Mor’ Macdonald of
Sleat, and was thus a first cousin of Sir Alexander’s father, and of
Lady Clanranald’s father, as well as of Baleshare and Mrs. Campbell
of Scalpa. He was a captain in one of Sir Alexander Macdonald’s
independent companies out against Prince Charles. He had formerly been
an officer in the French army. (Henderson’s _Life of Cumberland_, p.
299.)
[497] Daughter of Alexander (Montgomerie), 9th Earl of Eglinton.
Married as his second wife to Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat; d. 1799.
[498] At Alisary, on the slopes of Sheaval, a hill to the south of
Loch Eynort, and rising to the north-east from Flora’s old home of
Milton (or Arrivoulin) on the low ground near the ocean. This was the
hill pasture of her brother’s farm to which the cattle were driven in
summer, while the owners occupied ‘shielings’ or temporary huts in the
neighbourhood. It was an excellent place to meet. The western side of
the island is a wide belt of dead level links formed by the sand thrown
up by the swell of the Atlantic, and known as ‘the Machar.’ No wayfarer
on the Machar could easily escape detection even if he were miles away,
and it was the night of the full moon. Flora’s shieling was near the
western end of the hill region of South Uist, and just about as far
west as the Prince could have dared to go without losing the shelter of
the hills.
[499] Benbecula, that part of the ‘Long Island’ lying between North and
South Uist, and joined to these islands by sea-fords passable only at
low tide and thus easily guarded.
[500] I found that the custom of nick-naming local notabilities after
distinguished statesmen still exists. When I was visiting these islands
fifteen years ago I met a crofter known as ‘Gladstone’ on account of
his financial ability and his persuasive powers of (Gaelic) oratory,
and there were others whose nick-names I have forgotten.
[501] I obtained a very interesting confirmation of this story from
an aged cailliach when in the islands. She told me that a family of
Campbells, who lived near Loch Eynort or Loch Skipport, had rowed
the Prince and Neil MacEachain to Benbecula, and that the Prince was
furiously angry with them; but her explanation of his anger was that
the boatmen were Campbells, a name not beloved in the Outer Hebrides:
no one had ever thought of the terrifying effect of a tidal island on a
stranger. Cf. R. L. Stevenson’s _Kidnapped_, ch. xiv.
[502] A tenant who takes stock from the landlord and shares with him in
the increase.
[503] Clanranald’s residence in Benbecula.
[504] A hill named Rueval, 400 feet above sea level, the only high
ground on a very flat island. A projecting rock, on the south side of
the hill, which gives considerable shelter and affords a wonderful view
of the country, is probably the spot where the Prince lay waiting for
Flora.
[505] John Campbell of Mamore; b. about 1693; d. 1770; suc. as
Duke of Argyll on the death of his cousin, the 3rd duke, in 1761.
He had command of the troops in the west of Scotland in 1745, with
headquarters at Dumbarton. He pursued Prince Charles through the
islands, hunting for him as far away as St. Kilda. He was on his way
back from that island when he nearly captured the Prince at Benbecula.
Many of the Jacobite prisoners passed through his hands, and, as a
rule, he was kind to them, contrasting favourably with such men as
Scott and Ferguson.
[506] Spelt Loch Uskavagh in the _Ordnance Survey_.
[507] _i.e._ Neil MacEachain.
[508] The home of Sir Alexander of Sleat at this time was Monkstat
House (also spelt Mongstat, Mougstot and other variations), in the
parish of Kilmuir, Trotternish. It was built on the site of an ancient
monastic foundation near the shores of a lake named Columbkill, since
then drained and parcelled into crofts. The ancient home of the
family was Duntulm Castle, about five miles north of Monkstat, but
during the troubles of the Revolution it is said to have been burnt
by a party landed from a warship. Local legendary lore gives various
other versions of the reason for abandoning Duntulm. By one account
the family was driven from the castle by the ghost of Donald Gorm, a
sixteenth-century ancestor. By another, it was owing to the death of
a child of the family, who was killed by a fall from a window of the
castle, which is built on the edge of a precipitous rock overhanging
the sea. Monkstat was built in its stead.
[509] Alexander Macdonald of Kingsburgh, a senior cadet of the Sleat
family, was the 6th in descent from James, a younger son of Donald
Gruamach, 6th in descent from John, Lord of the Isles and the Princess
Margaret. Kingsburgh was Sir Alexander’s factor in 1746. His house was
on Loch Snizort, about eight miles south of Monkstat.
[510] The garrison belonged to the Macleod Militia, and the officer in
command was Alexander, son of Donald Macleod of Balmeanach.
[511] Robert Craigie of Glendoick, Perthshire; b. 1685; advocate 1710;
Lord Advocate 1742-46; Lord President 1754; d. 1760.
[512] APP. 1. Printed in _Chiefs of Grant_, ii. 144. From Edinburgh,
telling of rumours of the Pretender’s eldest son who had sailed from
France. Requesting intelligence for government and expressing his
belief that Grant will do all in his power to support government.
[513] APP. 2. _C. of G._, ii. 146. Of Grant’s zeal for H. M. and
the government he never doubted. First intelligence ridiculously
exaggerated, and had delayed military advance, but now Cope will be
soon in your neighbourhood which ‘with the assistance of H. M. friends
it’s hoped will restore quiet to the country.’
[514] Near Aberfeldy; Cope reached it when marching to the Highlands
from Stirling on 23rd Aug. He reached Trinifuir the 24th; Dalnacardoch
25th; Dalwhinny 26th.
[515] App. 3. _Mr. Grant to Sir John Cope, dated 25th Aug._--Upon the
first Information I had of the Pretender’s son landing in the north
west Highlands I came to this part of the Country, and conveened all
the Gentlemen of my name, and gave them Directions to prepare as well
as they could to keep the Peace of the Country. I and my Friends have
had great vengeance denounced against us by those Clans, who are in
arms, for the appearance we made for the Government at the Revolution,
and in the year 1715. We have been preparing to defend ourselves the
best we could; But now all my Fears are dissipate, as I am informed you
are marching to attack those Rebells, when I think of your abilitys and
experience, no doubt can remain with me, but that the Highlanders will
run before you. I wish you from my heart all Success. I have sent the
Bearer a cousin of mine who has served several years in the army, to
give you all the Information he can, and to assure you of my zeal for
the Support of his Majestys Service and Government, I am with esteem,
Sir, etc.
[516] This date is wrong; Cope reached Ruthven 27th August; Dalrachny’s
(Carrbridge) 28th August; Inverness 29th August. (See _Itinerary_ and
authorities there quoted.)
[517] All this is disingenuous and quite anachronic. The Duke of Perth,
it is true, had fled from Drummond Castle on 24th July, and taken
refuge in Braemar, but he had left long before this, for he was back at
Machany in Perthshire on 9th August. (_Jac. Lairds of Gask_, pp. 103,
104.) Cluny Macpherson at this time had declared openly for government,
had accepted a commission as captain in Lord Loudoun’s Highland
regiment, and was now actually raising his men for King George. He was
seized by Lochiel on 28th August, carried prisoner to Perth, and not
released until the 9th or 10th September, when he undertook to join the
Prince. He returned to Badenoch, and not until then raised his men for
the Stuart Cause. The Mackintoshes at this time were arming for King
George, under their chief, who was a captain in the Highland regiment
(Black Watch); it was not until considerably later that they deserted
their chief to join Prince Charles under Lady Mackintosh.
[518] Alexander Brodie of Brodie, Morayshire; M.P. Inverness Burghs;
appointed Lyon-King-of-Arms 1727; d. 1754. His daughter married John,
eldest son of Macleod of the ’45.
[519] APP. 4. _C. of G._, ii. 149. A letter of indignant remonstrance.
Cope cannot attack highlanders in their passes or strongholds without
highlanders to flank the regular troops. If the king’s highland
friends fail him we are undone, and all of us must be at the mercy
of the rebels. The writer is told that Grant’s people refuse to join
him (Grant) if he joins Cope or marches out of his own country. Let
him beware of counsels that will lead to his ruin. Grant should not
give himself the airs of having a clan that can support and serve the
government if when it comes to the push they tell him they won’t go
along with him. Grant had written to Cope expressing his readiness
to join and assist him, but he would neither join him nor assist him
with one man, nor go near him, although Cope stopped at Aviemore and
spent the night at Dalrachny’s (Carrbridge) within ten miles of Grant.
Rose of Kilravock, Lord Moray, General Cope and President Forbes are
all disappointed with him. Grant’s uncle, the major (governor of Fort
George, Inverness Castle) is very angry. It would have been far better
if Grant had given no assurances if he were not sure he could fulfil
them. The writer is distressed about what people are saying of Grant
at Inverness. How glorious it would have been if he had been the first
man in the country to join the king’s forces. The President has got two
hundred stand of arms for the laird of Mackintosh, who is to join Cope
with two hundred men. Munro, Mackays, Sutherland, Seaforth and others
are raising their men for government. The writer is to meet Cope and
President Forbes on Tuesday (3rd September), what is he to say of or
for Grant at that interview?
A separate piece of paper contains this rider, ‘I would not have been
so strong if it had not been with a design, that you might show it to
those of your own people that I am told are not for leaving your own
countrey; so hope you’ll forgive any strong expressions, as my meaning
is to serve you.’
[520] Ludovick Grant’s uncle.
[521] APP. 5. _C. of G._, ii. 152. Duke of Gordon claims a right
to the superiority over Morange, and Glenbucket (the Duke’s former
commissioner) was threatening the people if they did not join him.
[522] App. 6. _C. of G._, ii. 155. Grant’s situation had made it
absolutely impossible to wait on Cope when in his neighbourhood;
tells of Glenbucket’s movements; also that very few have joined the
Pretender’s son north of Badenoch; Glenbucket only got 130 men from
Strathdoune (Strathavon) and Glenlivet.
[523] James Ogilvy, eldest son of the 5th Earl of Findlater and 2nd
Earl of Seafield; b. 1715; suc. as 6th Earl 1764; d. 1770. He was a
brother-in-law of Lord George Murray, being married to his step-sister
Lady Mary. He was also brother-in-law to Ludovick Grant, who married
(1735) Deskford’s sister, Lady Margaret, a union which two generations
later (1811) brought the Earldom of Seafield (but not of Findlater) to
the Grant family.
[524] APP. 7. _C. of G._, ii. 160. Protests against the granting of
one company only, but Lord Deskford has explained and he acquiesces;
he names as officers for the independent company--Capt., Grant of
Rothiemurchus; Lieut., Robert Grant, son of Easter Duthill; Ensign,
William Grant, yr., of Dellachapple.
[525] APP. 8. _C. of G._, ii. 160. (From Culloden.)
[526] APP. 9. _C. of G._, ii. 162. (From Culloden.)
[527] The Macphersons under Cluny joined the Prince at Edinburgh (nine
or ten marches distant) on 31st October. The Mackintoshes joined the
reserves at Perth (five marches) on 30th October.
[528] Accidentally shot at Falkirk the day after the battle.
[529] APP. 10. _Angus MacDonell, second son to Glengerry, to the
Baillie of Urquhart, dated Delchannie, 30th Sept._--This serves to
give you notice, that I am this far on my way to Glengerry, and being
clad with the Princes orders to burn and harrass all People that does
not immediately join the Standart and as I have particular orders to
raise your Country, I do by these begg the Favour of you on receipt of
this to have at least 100 men ready in 5 days after receipt of this to
join my Standart at Invergarry, and tho contrary to my Inclinations,
in case of not due Obedience to this my demand, I shall march to
your Country with the Gentlemen here in Company, Keppoch’s Brother
and Tirnadrish,[659] etc. and shall put my orders in Execution with
all Rigour. And as I have the Greatest Regard for Grant and all his
Concerns, I begg you’ll neither give your Country nor me any Trouble,
I do not chuse to give, and your ready Compliance with this will much
oblige him, who is sincerely, Dr. Sir, your most humble servant.
_P.S._--Let me have your answer p bearer, which will determine me how
to behave.
APP. 11. _Mr. Grant to the Gentlemen of Urquhart, dated Castle Grant,
6th Oct._--Auchmony has communicate to me the Subject you have had
lately under your deliberation. All the Return I will give you,
considering what I formerly wrote to my Chamberlain, and which he
communicate to you is this, That whoever among you dont comply with my
directions in this present conjuncture, which is to remain peaceable at
home, and to be ready to receive my Directions as your Superior, and as
Master of my own Estate, must resolve to obey me at your own Peril. And
as I have firmly determined that whosoever shall insult me or disturb
any part of my Estate shall meet with the Returns such an Insult shall
merite. I am hopefull none of my neighbours will act a part by me,
which I could not nor cannot allow myself to think them capable of. I
cannot conceive the least title any man can have to command any of my
vassals or Tenants, but myself, therefore whoever deserts me to follow
any other at this Time, I must look upon it as a disobedience to me,
which I will never forgive or forget to them and theirs. I am perfectly
persuaded all the tenants will adhere and keep firm to me, if they are
not led astray by bad advice, which I hope they will not follow.--I am,
Gentlemen, your Friend and will continue so, if not your own Fault.
APP. 12. _The Baillie of Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated Bellmackaen, 8th
Oct._--In obedience to your orders I convened all the Tenents of this
Country this day, in order to March them to Strathspey, and there was
only 60 or 70 of the Tenents, that agreed to go with me. Dell and I
came with all the men that joined us the length of Drumbuie, so far
on our way to Strathspey, and Coll MacDonald and all the Gentlemen of
this Country came up with us there, and one and all of the Gentlemen
but Sheuglie and his son swore publickly to the Tenents, if they did
not return immediately or two nights thereafter, that all their Corns
would be burnt and destroyed, and all their Cattle carried away. And
when the Tenents were so much threatned by the Gentlemen as well as by
Mr. MacDonald, they would not follow me one foot further. And upon the
Tenents returning Mr. MacDonald assured me, that this Country would be
quite safe from any hurt from him and not only so; but as some of the
Gentlemen that came north with him, had the same orders as he had to
destroy this Country, if we did not join them, he sincerely assured me,
he would do all he could to prevent these Gentlemen from coming. And if
he could not prevail upon them to keep back, that he would run me an
Express in a few days to put me on my guard, and acquaint me of their
coming; but one thing I assure you of e’er ten days that this Country
will be ruined. Lord Lovat has not appointed a day for his marching as
yet; for I am told that he has the Meal to make that he carrys along
with him for his Men’s subsistance. There is a Report here this day
that there is 2000 French landed at Cromarty last Saturday with Prince
Charles Brother. You’ll please let me have your advice how to behave;
for I am in a very bad situation. Please excuse this confused Letter,
being in haste and ever am, Honourable sir, Your most faithfull hubl
sert.
_P._ Auchmony[660] did not act a right part.
APP. 13. _Mr. Grant to the Chamberlain of Urquhart, dated Castle Grant,
10th Oct._--I received yours of the 8th this day about Dinner Time. I
am not at all surprised at the Conduct of the Gentlemen of Urquhart;
for as they seem determined to disobey my repeated Orders, they want
to prevail with my Tenents to do so likeways. However now that they
must have heard, that General Legonier with at least 18,000 of our
troops that have come from Flanders and the Dutch, and that there is
12,000 Danes, and the Remainder of the British Troops dayly expected,
and that nobody even at Edinburgh pretended to say, that the French
can spare any of their troops, I fancy they will soon see their Folly,
and they must be satisfied in a little Time, I will make them repent
their Conduct, and they will see the numbers they believed would join
the Rebells, dwindle to a very few, if any at all. Whenever you hear
any Motions among your neighbours make the best of your way for this
Place and see to bring these men with you, who were coming last day and
as many more as you can, and assure them I will see what Losses they
sustain repaid. And shall do all in my power afterwards to save them
when others must fly the country. Dont let any of the Gentlemen know
the day you design to march over with the men, other ways they might
bring a Possy to stop you, which will not be in their Power if you be
upon your Guard. I think you ought to have Spyes in the neighbouring
Countries. See that you get money from the Tenents, who are due, that
we may clear when you come over.
[530] APP. 14. _C. of G._, ii. 170. (From Inverness.) Claims Grant as
a relation and friend whom he finds, with great satisfaction, acting
so distinguished a part. The king has appointed Loudoun to command the
troops in this country; it gives him the greatest pleasure to know that
he has so powerful and faithful a friend to support him in time of need.
[531] APP. 15. _C. of G._, ii. 171. (From Culloden.) Urging Grant
to press forward his company; any expense after his men are brought
together shall be made good. Believes that ‘the thing will blow over
without much harm,’ but Grant should have his eye on as many of his
people as he can arm, to be ready for any emergency; ‘ways and means
shall be fallen on to subsist them.’
[532] APP. 16. _C. of G._, ii. 175. Mr. Grant’s heart is full of
zeal for the preservation of our religion and liberties, and will
exert himself to do everything in his power for H. M. service, and
is perfectly happy ‘that we who are the friends of government’ have
Loudoun to advise and direct us. The delay in his company’s joining
Loudoun is caused by all his clan vassals being ready, and he wishes
the company to be all volunteers. He foresees that there will be
occasion to convene all his men and he wants Rothiemurchus with him,
and asks for certain alterations in the commissions to his officers.
All the men of his company will have swords and most of them pistols
and dirks. Hopes to capture Capt. Gordon, who is levying cess on his
party as their arms will be useful. He is determined to let none of the
clans now in motion enter his county.
[533] APP. 17. _John Grant in Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated 21st
Oct._--The MacDonalds and Glenmoristones came into this Country
Saturdays night late, and Sundays morning. And this day we expected
the Master of Lovat with 200 men to join the MacDonalds, who were in
number six score, in order to spreath [ravage] the Country, if the
whole people did not join them. The countrymen were all acquainted to
meet this day at Milntown, but few of them attended. And as the Master
did not come this day, as he appointed, sent word that he would be here
tomorrow morning, so that I am made to understand, that they design to
raise all their Cattle, and by that method are of opinion, that the men
will come present, and condescend to march directly to the army before
their Effects are carried off, but I made the Bearer, who is the only
one I could trust in, advise the People to keep at a distance and allow
them to carry off their cattle, as I assured them that you would repay
them in what damage they might suffer that way. I cannot acquaint you
at this Time of the Gentlemens Disposition, but tomorrow I shall send
an Express, and give you a full account of our Fate. Belintombs house
was attacked; but I procured a party from the Colonel to guard it this
night. Is all on haste but that I remain as becometh, Hon^{ble} Sir
your most ob. humble servant.
I am informed they design to march by Inverlaidnan. Barrisdale came
this day from the north to this country; but did not bring any men
alongst with him.
APP. 18. _John Grant in Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated 22nd Oct._--The
most of the Countrymen met this day at Bellymore where Barrisdale came
with a Commission from his Colonel to them, assuring if they did not
join him, that he was fully resolved to spreath the whole Country. They
all unanimously replyed that in any Event, they would not disobey their
masters orders and his positive commands to them to sit peaceable at
home, and swore that while there was a drop of Blood in their Bodys,
they would not allow the Macdonalds to carry off their Cattle. In a
short Time thereafter the Master of Lovat accompanied with all the
Stratherrick Gentlemen came to Milntown, and after a long Conference
with Mr. MacDonald of Barrisdale, he agreed that the MacDonalds in
the Country might be compelled to join the Colonel, as he was not
in readiness to march his men this week, but in the Event that this
did not satisfy Mr. MacDonald, he was to come in person with 200 men
tomorrow, to prevent their carrying off the Cattle, and secure the
rest of the men for his own use, as he believed he had a better Title
to them than any MacDonald in life. As they could not agree upon the
above terms, Barrisdale went with the Master to Castle Downie to know
my Lord’s sentiments, and act accordingly. As this happens to be the
case we are as yet uncertain of our Fate, but shall to the outmost of
our Power, resist the MacDonalds if not assisted by the Frasers Is all
but that I remain as becometh, Honourable Sir, Your most obed^t humble
serv^t.
[534] APP. 19. _C. of G._, ii. 179. (From Culloden.) A letter to Lord
Deskford from the Lord President countersigned by Lord Loudoun. In
addition to what Grant quotes, they cannot understand the unaccountable
folly of his people that they deliberate in entering the company and
hope that they may be persuaded to form it forthwith.
[535] APP. 20. _Lord Lewis Gordon to Mr. Grant, dated St. Bridget,[661]
3rd Nov._--I take this opportunity to assure you of the Esteem and
Regard I have for yourself and all your Family, and that I shall be
always glad to do all in my Power to maintain the good Correspondence
that has so long subsisted between the Familys of Grant and Gordon.
And as you are very sensible of the Situation of Scotland at present,
I shall take this occasion of delivering you the Prince Regents
Complements, and how much he would be obliged to you for your aid at
this important Time; and if you dont appear active yourself, that
you would not oppose the rising of your Clan, which is so capable
of Serving the King and Country. I hope you will be so good, as to
consider this seriously, and to excuse this Liberty from a Friend,
who does it with a pure Intention of Serving his Country. I begg my
Complements to Lady Margaret and all your Family, as also to Lord and
Lady Findlater and Lord Deskfoord, to whom please tell, that what I am
to do for the Princes Cause in Banffshire, shall be executed in the
mildest and easiest manner in my Power. Glenbucket will deliver this
to you, and believe me to be, Dr. Sir, with great Sincerity Your most
affectionate ffriend and Servant.
[536] This was the ancestral home of the family of John Roy Stewart,
the Jacobite soldier-poet.
[537] APP. 21. _C. of G._, ii. 184. (From Inverness.) Grant’s company
had arrived the previous day, was a very good one, the best clothed
Loudoun had seen. Was sorry that Lord Lewis Gordon had risen, but the
Duke (of Gordon) had given orders to his people not to join him. Few
had done so. If Grant were attacked his own power should make Lord
Lewis repent; if not strong enough Loudoun would do what he could for
him.
[538] APP. 22. _C. of G._, ii. 183. (From Culloden.)
[539] APP. 23. _C. of G._, ii. 186. (From Castle Grant.)
[540] APP. 24. _C. of G._, ii. 187. (From Inverness.) Lord Loudoun
declines to send the company back to Mr. Grant, as he proposes to march
through Stratherrick to Fort Augustus.
[541] Thomas Grant of Achoynanie, Keith, afterwards of Arndilly, a
cadet of Grant of Grant, best known as the early patron of James
Ferguson the astronomer. (Henderson, _Life of Ferguson_, p. 18.)
[542] Alexander Grant of Tochineal, near Cullen.
[543] APP. 25. _Lord Lewis Gordon to Thomas Grant of Auchynany, dated
Huntly Castle, 6th Dec._--As Lord Lieutenant of the Countys of Aberdeen
and Banff, I am to raise a man for each £100 of valued Rent within the
same, and where Fractions happen the same is to yield a Man. I hope,
therefore, you will be so good as to send to Keith Tuesday next such
a number of ablebodied men, as will answer to the Valuation of your
estate well cloathed in short cloaths, Plaid, new Shoes, and three
pair of hose and accoutred with shoulder belt, gun, pistol and sword.
I have appointed a proper officer to attend at Keith the above day
for receiving the men. I need not tell a man of your good sense and
knowledge the hazard of not complying with the demand. Your Prudence
will no doubt direct you to avoid hardships of military execution,
wherein you’ll extremely oblige, Sir, your most humble servant.
APP. 26. _C. of G._, ii. 190. _Thomas Grant of Auchynanie to Mr. Grant,
11th Dec._ (From Arndillie.) Lord Lewis Gordon has only 300 men, and
of these only 100 have joined: mostly herds and hire-men from about
Strathbogie and unacquainted with the use of arms; many of them are
pressed and intend to desert; 100 or 150 of Grant’s men would drive
them to the devil, and capture Lord Lewis and his prime minister
Abbachy (Gordon of Avochie). Lord Findlater’s tenants and the people
of Keith are being ruined by Abbachy and look to Grant as their only
saviour. If Lord Loudoun would take possession of old Balveny Castle it
would spoil Lord Lewis’s recruiting.
APP. 27. _Lord Findlater’s Steward[542] to his Lordship, dated 11th
Dec._--I had a Letter from John Saunders in Keith upon Sabbath day
night, informing me that there had 60 of Lord Lewis men come to that
place upon Saturdays night, under command of one White and that he and
others in that place much wanted advice what to do. To whom I wrote for
Answer, that I had a letter from Lord Lewis Gordon for your Lordship,
which I forwarded by Express, was very peremptor, Lord Lewis had given
no orders for making the least demand upon your Lordships Estate before
its Return, so I expected that none concerned in him, would offer to do
it before that Time, yet notwithstanding thereof, I had the inclosed
this day from William Taylor, to which I answered that as I sent Lord
Lewis Letter to your Lordship per Express, I could neither give answer
nor advice to his Letter, but that I expected that none concerned in
Lord Lewis would have made any demand of your Lop. Estate before I had
your Answer. As likeways that they would have defered compounding the
matter untill that Time. David Tulloch[662] is just now at Banff with
about 60 or 80 men and as I am told demands no fewer Levies from that
Town as 200 men. Birkenbush was here last night, and told me that as
it is not in his power to get your Lordships Estate saved in such a
way as he would have desired has utterly refused having any Concern in
uplifting the Levies from that Bounds, for which I have been very angry
at him; but it cannot now help. To appearance Mr. Tulloch or Abbachy
will be soon here, and unless your Lordship fall upon some shift for
relief to us, we shall suffer extremely.
[544] APP. 28. _C. of G._, ii. 192. (From Castle Grant.)
[545] APP. 29. _Earl of Findlater to Mr. Grant, dated 13th Dec._--After
despatching the short letter I wrote you this morning, which is
inclosed, I received the Inclosed from the President. All that I shall
say is, that all their Proceedings will not secure our Safety unless
a Sufficient right and Trusty Party is left in Banffshire for Lord
Lewis’s small partys will stir as soon as they are past, if there is
not force enough to suppress them. You know the State of my health
makes it impossible for me to attend Lord Loudoun and make things
agreeable to him as I would wish. I have writ to Tochineil[663] and
John and William Ogilvies Sheriffs deputes to do their duty the best
they can in all respects; but I am not without my own Fears that Fear
and trembling for after Consequences may make some if not all of them
extremely unwilling to act. Perhaps even they may decline it. You
know you have full Power in everything that concerns me, to do what
you think proper and I have full confidence you will do whatever you
think right; but least some thing more formal should be requisite, with
regard to the office of Sheriff I hereby give you full Power to act
as Sheriff Depute of Banffshire and to employ such substitutes under
you as you shall think fitt, for which this shall be to you and them a
sufficient warrant and Commission, I always am most affectionately and
entirely yours.
_P._--My son intends to go down by Forress to wait of Lord Loudoun
tomorrow; but as he continues extremely ill off the Cold I am uncertain
if he will be really able to go. I begg you will send the Inclosed to
Tochineil by some sturdy clever Man because the bearer is feckless and
too well known, and may be searched for Letters. It contains orders for
Tochineil, John and William Ogilvies to attend my Lord Loudoun. Keep
the Presidents letter. Your wife opened the inclosed from Robert Grant.
[546] APP. 30. _C. of G._, ii. 189. (From Culloden.) This letter
contains a postscript saying that Lord Loudoun ‘had prevailed with Lord
Lovat to come in with him to town [Inverness] to reside at liberty
there till the present confusions are over, to deliver up what arms he
has, and to sign all proper orders to his clan to remain quiet. Loudoun
brings him on with him to-day 11th [Dec.] 9 a clock in the morning.’
[547] Boat o’ Bridge, the ferry on the Spey near the mouth of the
Mulben burn, now superseded by a road and a railway bridge.
[548] Sir Harry Innes of Innes (Morayshire), 5th bart. Suc. 1721; d.
1762. He was a brother-in-law of Ludovick Grant, married to his sister
Anne. Innes’s son James suc. as Duke of Roxburghe on the death of the
4th duke in 1805.
[549] APP. 31. _C. of G._, ii. 193. (From Elgin.) Macleod will most
cheerfully act in conjunction with Grant in everything thought proper.
[550] Bog, the local name for the site of Gordon Castle, built on the
Bog o’ Gight (windy bog). The ferry there was known as the Boat o’ Bog;
it is now superseded by Fochabers Bridge.
[551] APP. 32. _Mr. Grant to M‘Leod, dated 15th Dec._--I have just
now the Pleasure of yours by our Friend Sir Harry Innes. I shall as
soon as I get my Men conveened march to Fochabers and endeavour to get
Possession of the Boats, and shall do all in my Power to secure the
passage for the Men under your Command. I am hopefull the Rebells wont
be able to give much disturbance.
[552] APP. 33. _Lord Lewis Gordon to Mr. Grant, dated Fyvie, 16th
Dec._--I was a little surprised this morning to hear that you had
marched a body of your Men to the low Country so far as Mulben. Your
Reason for such Proceedings I cant find out, as you have not got the
least disturbance from the Prince, or any of his Friends, since his
Royal Highness arrival in Scotland. And for my part I have not given
you the least disturbance, since my coming to the North. So far from
it, that I have given positive orders to the Gentlemen employed by
me to raise the Levies, not to meddle with any of your Estate no not
so much as to raise a man from a little Place called Delnaboe, which
holds of the Duke of Gordon, to the men of which last place, I had a
natural Title. I now desire to know, if you are to take any Concern
in protecting the Estates of any but your own. If that is the case, I
must take my Measures accordingly, and as the Consequence must be fatal
you have none to blame but yourself. I am this minute writing to Lord
John Drummond that he may march his Troops directly to this Country to
join the men I have already raised; but if you withdraw your men, and
give no further disturbance, it may move me to alter my Resolutions
with respect to you. I wrote you a Letter from Strathdoune but was
not favoured with any Return, but must insist on an answer to this in
writing or by some Gentleman of Character. Offer my Complements to Lady
Margaret and your young Family.--I am with much Respect, etc.
_Copy Printed Declaration of Lord John Drummond, Commander-in-Chief
of his Most Christian Majesty’s Forces in Scotland._--We, Lord John
Drummond, Commander-in-Chief of his most Christian Majesty’s Forces
in Scotland, do hereby declare, that we are come to this kingdom with
written orders to make war against the King of England, Elector of
Hannover, and all his adherents, and that the positive orders we have
from his most Christian Majesty are to attack all his ennemys in this
Kingdom, whom he has declared to be those, who will not immediately
join or assist as far as will ly in their power, the Prince of
Wales, Regent of Scotland his Ally, and whom he is resolved with the
concurrence of the King of Spain to support in the taking possession of
Scotland, England and Ireland, if necessary at the expence of all the
men and money he is master of, to which three Kingdoms the Family of
Stewart have so just and indisputable a title. And his most Christian
Majesty’s positive orders are, that his ennemys should be used in this
Kingdom in proportion to the harm they do, or intend to his Royal
Highness’s cause. Given at Montrose, the 2nd day of December 1745 years.
J. DRUMMOND.
_Copy Printed Letter from Earl Marshall to Lord John Drummond, dated
Paris, 1st Nov._--MY LORD,--As I am now obliged to attend the Duke
of York to England, with a body of French Troops, I desire that you
will be so good as to see if possible, or send word to the people that
depend on me or have any regard for me in Aberdeenshire, or the Mearns,
that are not with the Prince, that I expect they will immediately rise
in arms, and make the best figure they can in this affair, which cannot
now fail to succeed, and that they will take from you, my Cousin German
directions, as to the manner they are to behave on this occasion.
I am sorry that just now it is not in my power to head them myself; but
as soon as this affair will be over, I intend to go down to my native
country and they may depend of my being always ready to do them what
service will ly in my power.
MARSHAL.[664]
Directed to Lord John Drummond, Brigadier of the King’s Army and
Colonel of the Royal Scots at Dunkirk.
_Copy Printed Letter from Lord John Drummond to William Moir of
Loanmay, Esquire, Aberdeen 11th Dec._--SIR,--You will be pleased to
communicate the contents of this letter to such gentlemen of your
country as are well affected to the Prince Regent, and who retain
regard for the Earl Marshall, and assure them that what may be
necessary for effectuating the ends proposed shall be heartily supplied
by me, and I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
J. DRUMMOND.
Addressed to Willm. Moir of Loanmay, Esq., Deputy Governor of
Aberdeen.
[553] APP. 34. _C. of G._, ii. 199. (From Cullen.) Grant’s letter gives
him vast joy; Culcairn will be with Grant to-morrow, while Macleod will
go to Banff and thence to Turriff and Old Meldrum.
_Culcairn to Mr. Grant, dated 17th Dec._--I came here this day with
Captain William Macintoshes Company and mine, and have written to the
Laird of M‘Leod telling my coming here and Resolution of going tomorrow
to Cullen etc. and therefore pray acquaint me how affaires are with
you. I wrote also to the Laird of M‘Leod to acquaint me how affaires
are with him.--I am, D^r Sir, yours etc.
The following note was inclosed--
All the Information that is known here about the Rebells, who fled
Out of Fochabers, is that they all marched to Huntly, and about 6 men
as computed abode in Newmilns Sunday night and on Monday followed to
Huntly. There is no word yet from Lord Loudon.
[554] APP. 35. _Declaration published at Strathbogie by Mr. Grant,
dated 18th Dec._--Whereas many of his Majesty Subjects have been
compelled by Force and Threats to enlist in the Service of the
Pretender, whilst there was no Force sufficient to protect them.
If any such shall resort to me, and deliver up their arms, I shall
signify their dutiful Behaviour in this point, to the end that it may
be a motive to obtain their pardon from his Majestys Grace and will
endeavour to free all of illegal and treasonable Levies of men and
money; but such as presumes to persist in their treasonable Practices
and to resist will be treated as Traitors.
[555] APP. 36. _C. of G._, ii. 194. (From Inverness.) Loudoun’s letter
after applauding Grant’s zeal is very much the same as Lord Deskford’s
letter which follows.
[556] APP. 37. _Lord Deskfoord to Mr. Grant, dated 14th Dec._--I am
now with Lord Loudon and in a conversation with him, I find that he
is Sorry he has not Sufficient authority as yet from the Government
either to give Pay to any Clan, except when an immediate necessity
which cannot be answered by the Troops upon the establishment requires
it, nor has he any arms to dispose of to the Friends of the Government,
scarcely having sufficient arms here for the independent companies and
his own Regiment. This being the Case and the Service in the Countrys
of Banff and Aberdeenshire being sufficiently provided for by the 700
men already sent to that Country, it is impossible for him to take your
men into Pay, and as your arms are certainly not extremely good, and
he cannot give you others, I believe he would be as well pleased, that
your People should go back to Strathspey; but he does not care to take
it upon him to order them back, as the thing was undertaken without
his Commands. If you carry your People home, he wishes you gave M‘Leod
Information of it because he must regulate his motions accordingly
with the independent Companys. He says he wont fail to represent your
Zeal and that of your People, and wishes for the future nothing may
be undertaken but in concert with those who have the Direction of the
Kings affaires in this Country. Pray let us hear what you do. Loudon
who is much your Friend assures me of another Thing which is that the
first opportunity that offers of employing any People in a way to make
them make a figure he will most certainly throw it into your hands. I
hear there are more Troops to march eastward tomorrow. When Lord Loudon
sets out himself is not certain.--I am, Dear Sir, etc.
As the Governor commands here in Lord Loudons absence My Lord says he
will chuse to leave the Grants here with him, that he may have one
Company that he may entirely depend upon.
[557] APP. 38. _C. of G._, ii. 201. (From Huntly.) Grant writes he has
a letter from Loudoun intimating he should not have marched further
than Keith, and he will return there next day. Culcairn and Mackintosh
want to join Macleod at Inverurie to-morrow night.
An enclosure contains the following lines, which naturally were not
sent up to Government, and are not in the Record Office. They are taken
from _The Chiefs of Grant_:--
‘Lord Loudoun will not act as Cope,
Whose ribbon now is call’d a rope;
If Grant is armed to join M‘Leod
The enemy is soon subdued.’
[558] APP. 39. _C. of G._, ii. 200. (From Banff.) Macleod very sorry
that Grant is not to join him at Inverurie, but he knows best what
Loudoun has directed.
[559] APP. 40. _C. of G._, ii. 202. (From Castle Grant.)
[560] APP. 41. _C. of G._, ii. 205. (From Elgin.)
[561] For a detailed account of the action at Inverurie on 23rd
December, see _ante_, p. 140 _et seq._
[562] APP. 42. _Mr. Grant to the Magistrates of Elgin, dated 29th
Dec., in answer to their Letter following._--I received your Letter of
yesterdays date signed by you and the Magistrates of Elgin, informing
me that Macleod and his men were then marching from your Town towards
Inverness and that you are now exposed to the same oppression with the
other Burghs to the East. As you had Intelligence that there are 500
men ready at Strathbogie to come over, who have sworn heavy vengeance
against you. How far it may be in my Power to give them a check, and to
prevent the oppression they threaten you with, I dare not positively
say; but I assure you, I have all the Inclinations in the world to
be of as much Service to my Friends and neighbours during these
troublesome Times as I possibly can. Upon the 10th of this month I was
informed that the Party under Abbachys Command was levying the Cess and
raising men in a most oppressive manner in Banffshire, and that they
were to detach a large Party to your Town, and were threatning to use
the same acts of violence against you. As at that Time I knew nothing
of the Relief that was acoming to you from Inverness. I conveened upon
the 12th the most of the Gentlemen of the Country and about 500 of the
men, and marched directly to Mulben with an Intention to cover your
Town and Country, and to assist my Friends and neighbours in the County
of Banff. All this I did without any advice or Concert with those
entrusted at Inverness, only the very day I marched from this, I wrote
and acquainted them of my Intention; but as they imagined they had
sent Force sufficient to clear all betwixt them and Aberdeen, I found
it was not expected that I should proceed further than Keith or my own
Estate of Mulben; however as I was resolved to chase the Rebells out of
Banffshire, if in my Power I proceeded to Strathbogg where I remained
two nights, and then finding that I was not desired or encouraged to go
further, I returned home, leaving a party of 60 men, with officers in
Mulben to prevent any small partys of the Rebells either from visiting
you or oppressing that neighbourhood. My Party continued there till all
the M‘Leods had passed in their way to Elgin; but then the officers
there thought it was not proper for so small a body to remain longer,
when Such numbers of the Rebells were so near them. My present opinion
is that you may all be easy, unless you hear that a much greater body
come from Aberdeen to join that at Strathbogie for these at Strathbogie
will never venture to cross Spey, when I am above them and Lord Loudon
is so near them. Altho the MacLeods have marched to Inverness, I am
persuaded Lord Loudon will send another body sufficient to give a
check to those at Strathbogie. In the situation I am at present in I
am uncertain whether I am to be attacked from Perth or by those at
Aberdeen and Strathbogie for my late March. I dare not promise to march
with any body of Men but in Concert and with Lord Loudons Directions.
And at the same Time I have demanded to be assisted with arms, and
encouraged to keep my Men in the proper way. There is no body can
wish the Peace and happiness of my Friends in the Town of Elgin than
I do. And I shall always be ready to use my best Endeavours towards
preserving the Tranquility you at present enjoy.--I am, etc.
_The Magistrates of Elgins Letter to Mr. Grant, dated December 28th,
1745._--The Laird of M‘Leod and his Men are this moment marching from
this Place towards Inverness, so that we are left exposed to the like
Ravage and oppression which other Burghs and Counties to the East
of us labour under. And unless we be immediately favoured with your
Protection, we and many others of the principal Inhabitants must remove
with our best effects to some Place of Safety without loss of Time.
By Intelligence we have from the other side of Spey there are 500 at
Strathbogie ready to come over and who have threatned a heavy vengeance
upon us, so that we have all the Reason in the World to guard against
the Blow in some shape or other. We therefore begg you may give us a
positive and Speedy Answer. And we are respectfully, Hon^{ble} Sir,
Your most humble Servants.
[563] APP. 43. _Sir Harry Innes to Mr. Grant, dated 28th Dec._--The
desertion among all the Companys has been so great that M‘Leod is
resolved to march to Forress, and for ought I know to Inverness. This
will lay this Town and Country open to the Insults of the Rebells.
Therefore the Magistrates have writ you and have desired me to do the
same, desiring you may march Such a body of your Men here as will
secure the Peace of the Country and Town; but as you are best Judge of
this.--I am, D^r Sir, etc.
_P.S._--We had yesterday the accounts of the Highland Armys being
totally routed and dispersed betwixt Manchester and Preston betwixt
the 13th and 14th. The Prince as he is called flying in great haste
with about 100 horse. The Duke of Perth amongst the Prisoners. If
M‘Leod marches I must with him or go to you, but I think I shall go to
Inverness for I am not liked at present by many.
_Sir Harry Innes to Mr. Grant, dated 28th Dec., probably from Innes
House._--I wrote you this forenoon from Elgin, which I suppose would
or will be delivered to you by one of the Council of Elgin. As M‘Leod
was then resolved upon Marching here, they were determined to apply to
you for some Relief and Support for their Town and Country in General.
I have and must do M‘Leod Justice. He is far from loading you with
any share of their late unlucky disaster, and would willingly act in
Concert with you for the Common well, but to his great Surprise when he
came here, he found that his men who had deserted in place of going to
Inverness had mostly past from Findorn to the Ross side. So he does not
know when or where they may meet. This has hindered him from writing to
you to desire you to bring your men to Elgin in order to act with his.
Altho he had desired this from no other authority, or any Reasons, but
your doing the best for the common Cause, but this unlucky passing of
his men at Findorn has prevented his writing as he told the Provost of
Elgin he was to do. For these Reasons I run you this Express that you
may think how to act. I go to Lord Loudon and the President tomorrow,
and will return to M‘Leod Monday forenoon.--My Complements, etc.
_P._--The President writ me that Lord Deskfoord is gone for London in
the _Hound_ and that they sailed the 25th.
[564] APP. 44. _C. of G._, ii. 208. (From Inverness.)
[565] APP. 45. _Mr. Grant to Lord Loudon, dated the 9th Jany
1745-6._--Inclosed your Lordship has a letter I received this day from
John Grant Chamberlain of Urquhart. The subject contained in it gives
me the greatest uneasiness. I thought I had taken such measures as to
prevent any of the Gentlemen or Tenants of that country from so much
as thinking to favour the Rebells far less to join them. I have sent
the Bearer James Grant my Chamberlain of Strathspey, who has several
Relations in that Country to concur with John Grant my Chamberlain of
Urquhart in every Measure that can prevent these unhappy People from
pursuing their Intentions of joining the Rebells. And I have ordered
him to obey any further Orders or Instructions your Lordship shall give
him for that purpose, and I am hopefull I’ll get the better of that mad
villain Currymony who is misleading that poor unhappy People.
That I may not weary your Lordship, I’ll leave to him to tell you all
that he knows relating to that country. I have just now received the
Inclosed from Lord Strechin by Mr. Sime Minister of Longmay: My Lord
Strichen did all in his Power to save my Friend Lieutenant Grant from
being taken Prisoner, even to the hazard of his own Life. I would
gladly march to relieve him as my Lord Strichen suggests in his Letter,
but I take it for granted that that Thing is impossible, for I could
not march to that Country with any Body of men but the Rebells must
have notice of it, and would send my Friend to Aberdeen and so forward
to Glames, where the rest of the Prisoners are. I am hopeful the
Kinghorn Boat on board of which my Friend came to Fraserburgh is by
this time arrived at Inverness, but least it should not, I send your
Lordship with the Bearer the two last Newspapers from Edin^r, which
came by Lieutenant Grant who luckily delivered them with my Letters to
Lord Strichen, before he was made Prisoner. And I must refer it to the
Bearer to inform your Lorp. of the manner of Mr. Grant’s landing and
being taken Prisoner. Mr. Syme who brought me Lord Strichens letter
informs that Mr. Grant told that part of the Duke of Cumberland’s
horse arrived at Edinburgh Wednesday last. That the Duke of Cumberland
arrived at Edinburgh on Thursday last with a great body of horse, and
the foot were following. I think it my duty to take notice to your Lop.
that the Rebells are exerting themselves in every corner of the North
to increase their army. I therefore think it absolutely necessary that
all the Friends of the Government should use their outmost efforts to
disconcert and disperse them. I had a meeting yesterday with all the
Gentlemen of this Country, and I can assure your Lop. we wait only
your orders and Directions, and there is nothing in our Power, but
we will do upon this important occasion for the Service of our King
and Country. I wish it was possible to assist us with some arms, and
money to be sure also would be necessary; but give me Leave to assure
your Lordship that the last farthing I or any of my Friends have, or
what our Credite can procure us, shall be employed in supporting of
our men upon any Expedition your Lordship shall direct us to undertake
for this glorious Cause we are engaged in. I wish to God your Lordship
and the Lord President would think of some measure of conveening the
whole body of the Kings Friends in the north together, and I would
gladly hope we would form such a body, as would in a great measure
disconcert and strike a damp upon the army of the Rebells in the South,
and effectually put a stop to any further Junctions they may expect
benorth Stirling and at the same Time surely we might prevent their
being masters of so much of the North Coast, and also hinder many of
the Kings Subjects from being oppressed by the exorbitant sums of money
the Rebells are presently levying from them. Complements etc.
[566] APP. 46. _Lord Loudon to Mr. Grant, dated 16 Jany. 1745-6._--I
have had the Honour of two Letters from you since I had an opportunity
of writing to you. I think your scheme of relieving the low Country is
a very good one; but in the present situation until I have a Return of
the Letters I have sent for Instructions, and a little more certainty
of the motions of the Rebells, I dare not give them any opportunity
of Slipping by the short road over the hills into this Country and of
course into possession of the Fort. Whilst I am in the low Country,
as soon as Instructions arrive, I shall be sure to acquaint you, and
consult with you the most effectual way of doing real Service to our
Master and our Country. I begg my Complements etc.
[567] The Prince arrived at Blair Castle 6th February, and left on the
9th.
[568] APP. 47. _C. of G._, ii. 222. (From Inverness.) Giving news of
the abandonment of the siege of Stirling Castle by the Jacobites and
their retreat to the north. The desertion among them has been very
great, and it will take time to re-collect their people before they can
hurt us.
[569] APP. 48. _Intelligence sent to Lord Loudon by Mr. Grant, 9th
February 1746._--Last Thursday Mr. Grant sent by a Ministers son
not having had time to write, being busied in his own Preparations,
Intelligence of the Rebells motions, and what was said by some of their
leaders to be their Intention.
Saturday morning he wrote M‘Leod the substance of it with the orders
then brought to Badenoch, which as M‘Leod would forward was unnecessary
for Mr. Grant to do. Since the above many confirmations of it have
arrived but nothing new all this day.
The inclosed is a copy of their Resolutions taken at their Meeting in
Badenoch, where Cluny was present and approved of them.
Many of the M‘phersons came home before Cluny and many of them
expressed Resolutions not to be further concerned; but how far they
will be steady is uncertain.
It is said by pretty good authority, that the Glengerry men after the
Interment of Angus MacDonald openly and in a body left the army, and
many of the Camerons followed their example. It is certain most of
Keppoch’s men were at home some time ago, but people are sent to use
their outmost Endeavours to bring all the above back, and influence
what more they can, for which purpose it is said they will remain at
least two days at Badenoch.
Their Prince was said to be at Cluny last night, but the men remaining
with him, and coming through the hills to be only in the Country this
night.
A deserter from those coming by the Coast, and who only left them in
Angus, says Duke Cumberland was entering Stirling, as last of their
army was going out, Confirms the great desertion since the battle, and
asserts it continues dayly, also that there is no division coming by
Braemar.
The above Deserters and others and Letters say that Clanhatton,
Farquharsons, French, Pitsligo, Angus, Mearns and Aberdeenshire
People came by the Coast for whom Billets were ordered last Wednesday
at Aberdeen, and that some M‘Donalds, M‘Kenzies, Frasers, M‘Leods,
Camerons, Stewarts, M‘Phersons, Athole and Drummond men are coming by
the Hills.
Some Clatters say they wont disturb Strathspey, and others that it is
their formed Plan to march through and disarm it, and join the rest in
Murray. The Truth is not yet known. There are some Rumours from the
South that part of the Duke’s Army are following briskly by the Coast,
and that upon the Rebells leaving Stirling, two Regiments were ordered
to embark for Inverness. Mr. Grant and all his Friends have been alert
as desired. Many spyes are employed and what is material shall be
communicated.
The Bearer will explain Mr. Grants numbers and present distribution of
them, with the various Instructions given for the different occurences
that may happen. In the general it may be depended upon, that Mr. Grant
will act zealously with his whole Power in every shape that shall be
judged best, suitable to the hearty Professions he hath all along
made, and upon a closer scrutiny finds he could bring furth 5 or 600
more good and trusty men if he had arms, than he can in the present
condition. If there are arms to be given the Bearer will concert their
Conveyance.
Sunday 8 at night. This moment fresh Intelligence arrived from
Rothemurkus as follows. It confirms most of what is above.
They are ignorant in Badenoch of the present root of the army, and
conceal their Losses as much as possible, but acknowledge they lost
considerably before Stirling, and obliged to leave behind them seven
heavy cannon of their own, and part of their Ammunition and Baggage,
with all the Cannon and Ammunition taken from the King’s army.
That they have brought north all their Prisoners. The Duke was advanced
as far as Perth. Their Prince is to be at Ruthven tomorrow where his
Fieldpieces and five, and some say 9 battering Cannon is arrived. Tho
they conceal their designs with great secrecy the Prisoner officers
conjecture their design is against Inverness. All the men of Strathern
are gone home and to meet the Army in its way to Inverness, which is to
go through Strathspey, and the Division coming by the Coast to march
through Murray. They call these in Badenoch seven Regiments, made up of
the people above mentioned.
That many the writer conversed with declared they were sick of the
present Business, and wish for a sufficient Force to protect them at
home.
One man says he heard their Prince declare he would quarter next
Tuesday in the house of Rothemurkus.
Some means are employed to endeavour to increase the desertion and to
create some dissention. If they prove effectual the Conclusion will be
quicker and easier.
[570] APP. 49. _C. of G._, ii. 225. (From Castle Grant.) A long letter
of various items of intelligence.
[571] APP. 50. C. OF G., ii. 224. (From Inverness.) Though a supply of
arms has come it is impossible to send them and men must come for them.
He will be glad to consult and co-operate with Grant. He has brought
back troops from Forres and needs money: will Grant send him the cess
he has collected.
APP. 51. _C. of G._, ii. 223. (From Culloden.) The Aberdeen rebels
much discouraged, for the most part separated, and will not easily
be brought together again. The Jacobites’ intention is to capture
Inverness and force all the neighbourhood into their service.
Glengarry’s and Keppoch’s people and the Camerons are almost all gone
home, but leaders are sent to fetch them out. All this will give time
to the friends of government.
[572] APP. 52. _C. of G._, ii. 232. (From Castle Grant.) A long letter
of details of intelligence of the movements of the Jacobite army.
[573] APP. 53. _Further Intelligence, dated 15th Feb. 1746, Saturday 7
o’clock at night._--Two persons confirm that Letters from Lord Loudon,
etc., were stopt at Ruthven. One of them says the Bearer was hanged
this morning. Both agree the Bridges on the road to Athole are broke
doun, That the Castle of Ruthven was burnt last night, and stables
this morning. The Prince to be at Inverlaidnan this night, some of
his People in Strathern,[665] the last at Avemore. The Macphersons to
march to-morrow all for Inverness. Best Judges call them about 5000.
The Campbells were at Blair. The Duke certainly at Perth the 12th. The
Hessians certainly landed at Leith. Several Expresses for this are
stopt. You know better than we do what is doing in Murray.
[574] Near Carrbridge.
[575] APP. 54. _Lord Loudon to Mr. Grant, dated Inverness, 15th
Feb._--I have been honoured with a Letter from you last night, and
another this morning, and I have seen yours to the Governor, all with
the Intelligence which you have got for which I am very much obliged
to you, and as we have had notice some time I hope if they do come,
we shall be able to give them such a Reception as they will not like.
I expect to be reinforced with 900 or 1000 men in two days, and every
day to grow stronger. I have thought seriously on every method of
sending you arms; but do not see as we are threatned with an attack,
that I can answer sending such a detachment from hence. A march that
must take up 4 days, as well bring the arms safe to you. Consider the
Clan hattonn[666] are all come home. The Frasers and the Gentlemen of
Badenoch are appointed to intercept them, and if we have any Business
it must be over before they return. As to the number you mention, you
know how small the number is, I have to give, and how many demands are
made on me, and by people who are none of them near so well provided
as you are. If you can send down 300 men, I shall endeavour to provide
them as well as I can that is the outmost I can do. You are very good
as you be advanced to send us constantly what accounts you get, but by
all I can learn your accounts magnify their numbers greatly. I beg you
will make my Compliment to all ffriends.--I am with real Esteem and
Sincerity, Dr. Sir, yours etc.
[576] This date not quite right. The ‘Rout of Moy’ took place on the
17th. Loudoun evacuated Inverness on the 18th, and the Jacobite army
reached the town the same day. The castle (Fort George), garrisoned
partly by Grant’s company and commanded by his uncle, surrendered to
the Prince on February 20th. (_Scots Mag._, viii. p. 92.)
[577] Sir Everard Fawkener, secretary to the Duke of Cumberland;
b. 1684; originally a London mercer and silk merchant; the friend
and host of Voltaire in England 1726-29; abandoned commerce for
diplomacy; knighted and sent as ambassador to Constantinople 1735;
became secretary to the Duke of Cumberland, and served with him in the
Flanders campaign; for his services was made joint postmaster-general
1745; accompanied the Duke throughout his campaign in Scotland 1746; d.
1758.
[578] The Duke of Cumberland arrived at Aberdeen on February 27th or
28th.
[579] Not the modern Castle Forbes on the Don, in Keig parish, but the
old Castle Forbes at Druminnor, in the parish of Auchindoir and Kearn.
[580] Cumberland crossed the Spey on April 12th.
[581] Fort Augustus surrendered to the Jacobites, March 5th.
[582] Alexander, the father, had died, a prisoner, before 29th July.
He died a natural death, but in Glenurquhart it was believed that he
was burned to death in a barrel of tar. (Wm. Mackay, _Urquhart and
Glenmoriston_, p. 288.)
[583] Not dated, but must have been written before 29th July, _i.e._
prior to Sheugly’s death.
[584] Sir Dudley Ryder (1691-1756) was Attorney-General 1737-54;
prosecuted the Jacobite prisoners of 1746; appointed Lord
Chief-Justice, 1754; cr. Baron Ryder of Harrowby 1756, and died the
same year.
[585] Hon. William Murray (1705-92), fourth son of David, 5th Viscount
Stormont. He was Solicitor-General 1742-54, and the active prosecutor
of Lord Lovat; Attorney-General 1754-56; Lord Chief-Justice 1756-88;
created Baron Mansfield 1756, and Earl of Mansfield 1776. His father
and eldest brother were denounced as rebels, fined and imprisoned for
their conduct in 1715. His brother James (_c._ 1690-1770) attached
himself to the court of the Chevalier de St. George; in 1718 he was
plenipotentiary for negotiating the marriage of James. In 1721 he was
created (Jacobite) Earl of Dunbar, and he was Secretary of State at the
court in Rome, 1727 to 1747; he was dismissed in the latter year at the
desire of Prince Charles, who deemed him responsible for the Duke of
York’s entering the Church; he retired to Avignon, where he died _s.p._
in 1770.
Murray’s sisters entertained Prince Charles in the house of their
brother, Lord Stormont, at Perth from the 4th to the 10th April 1745.
[586] Solicitor to the Treasury.
[587] This report is printed, _post_, p. 400.
[588] Alexander Grossett, a captain in Price’s Regiment (14th, now
P. of W. O. West Yorkshire). An engraving, dated 14th Jan. 1747,
entitled ‘Rebel Gratitude,’ depicts the death of Lord Robert Ker and
Captain Grossett at Culloden. About the latter the following legend is
engraved on the print: ‘Captain Grosett, Engineer and Aid de Camp to
the General.’ The rebel ‘shot Captain Grosett dead with his own pistol
which happened accidentally to fall from him as he was on Horseback,
under pretence of restoring the same to the Captain.’ Grossett had been
aide-de-camp to General Handasyde; he was serving on General Bland’s
staff at Culloden, according to family tradition.
[589] Sir John Shaw of Greenock, 3rd bart.; he was a cousin of
Grossett’s. I have failed to find his name in any record of officers
connected with the customs or excise at this time. His father, whom he
succeeded in 1702, had been ‘one of H.M. principal tacksmen for the
Customs and Excise,’ a pre-Union appointment, and it is possible that
the son succeeded to his father’s office or to some of its perquisites.
Sir John was M.P. for Renfrewshire 1708-10; for Clackmannanshire
1722-27; and again for Renfrewshire 1727-34. He married Margaret, d. of
Sir Hew Dalrymple of North Berwick 1700, and died 1752.
[590] Letter i. p. 379.
[591] Brigadier-General Thomas Fowke was the officer left by Cope in
command of the cavalry stationed at Stirling and Edinburgh when he
went on his march to the Highlands. Fowke fled with the cavalry on
the approach of the Jacobite army, and joined Cope at Dunbar. He was
present, second in command, at Prestonpans. His conduct, along with
that of Cope and Colonel Peregrine Lascelles, was investigated by a
military court of inquiry, presided over by Field-Marshal Wade in 1746.
All were acquitted.
[592] I have failed to find this narrative, but it matters little, as
all that Grossett had to say was probably given in his evidence at
the trial of Lord Provost Stewart, an account of which was printed in
Edinburgh, 1747. It is accessible in public libraries.
[593] See _ante_, p. 127.
[594] This refers to the capture of Charles Spalding of Whitefield,
Strathardle in Atholl, a captain in the Atholl brigade. He was sent
from Moffat on 7th November by William, (Jacobite) Duke of Atholl,
to Perthshire with despatches, and carried a large number of private
letters, which are preserved in the Record Office. He was made prisoner
near Kilsyth. There is no mention of Grossett’s presence in the
journals of the day, the credit of the capture being given to Brown,
the factor of Campbell of Shawfield. (_Chron. Atholl and Tullibardine_,
iii. 86; _Scots Mag._, vii. 540.) Spalding was tried for his life at
Carlisle the following October and acquitted.
[595] The Lord Justice-Clerk had retired to Berwick when the Jacobite
army occupied Edinburgh. That army left Edinburgh for good on 1st
November, but the Justice-Clerk and the officers of State did not
return until the 13th.
[596] Lieut.-Gen. Roger Handasyde superseded Lieut.-Gen. Guest as
Commander-in-Chief in Scotland on his arrival in Edinburgh on 14th
November, and held that office until December 5th, when he returned
to England. Guest again acted as Commander-in-Chief until relieved by
Lieut.-General Hawley, who arrived in Edinburgh on 6th January 1746.
The two infantry regiments that accompanied Handasyde were Price’s
(14th) and Ligonier’s (48th). They remained at Edinburgh until
December, but after the landing at Montrose of Lord John Drummond with
the French Auxiliaries (22nd November), it was felt necessary to guard
the passage of the Forth with a stronger force, and the Edinburgh
garrison was sent to Stirling, Price’s on 6th December and Ligonier’s
on the 9th, where they were joined by the Glasgow and the Paisley
militia. The cavalry were also sent to the neighbourhood of Stirling,
and Edinburgh was left with no defence but some volunteers and
afterwards by an Edinburgh regiment enlisted for three months’ service,
of which Lord Home was commandant.
[597] Letters ii.-iv. pp. 379-382.
[598] Letter v. p. 383.
[599] Letter viii. p. 385.
[600] Letter ix. p. 386.
[601] Letter x. p. 387.
[602] The Glasgow regiment was then five hundred strong. It was
commanded by the Earl of Home, who was also colonel of the Edinburgh
regiment. There were about a hundred and sixty men of the Paisley
regiment, of which the Earl of Glencairn was colonel. (_Scots Mag._,
viii. 30.)
[603] Grossett’s account gives the erroneous impression that the
infantry was moved to Edinburgh on account of its desertion by the
cavalry. According to the _Caledonian Mercury_ and the _Scots Mag._,
the cavalry and the main body of the regular infantry came in together
by forced marches from Stirling on the morning of the 24th, ‘men and
horses extremely fatigued.’ The west country militia arrived later, by
ship from Bo’ness, the intention originally being to send them on to
one of the East Lothian or Berwickshire ports (see Lord Justice-Clerk’s
letter, xvii. p. 390 _post_). It was decided, however, not to abandon
Edinburgh, so the infantry was kept in the town, but ‘all the dragoons
were marched eastward’; the text here locates Haddington as their
destination.
[604] Letters xii.-xviii. pp. 388, 391.
[605] Letter xiii. p. 388.
[606] The _Milford_, on 28th November, captured off Montrose the _Louis
XV._, one of Lord John Drummond’s transports; eighteen officers and
one hundred and sixty men were made prisoners, and a large quantity of
arms and military stores were taken. The prisoners were confined in
Edinburgh Castle until 26th December, when they were sent to Berwick.
[607] Letter xix. p. 391.
[608] Henry C. Hawley; b. _c._ 1679, d. 1757. Served at Almanza, where
he was taken prisoner; Sheriffmuir, where he was wounded; Dettingen
and Fontenoy; C.-in-C. at Falkirk; commanded the cavalry at Culloden.
Execrated by the Jacobites, and detested by his own soldiers, who
dubbed him for his cruelty the Lord Chief-Justice and hangman. He
arrived in Edinburgh on January 6th, 1746.
[609] In the ‘Narrative’ this sentence begins ‘Mr. Grossett having
received certain intelligence which he communicated to Lord Justice
Clarke that the rebells....’
[610] The ‘Narrative’ says ‘one hundred.’ This agrees with Maxwell
of Kirkconnell ‘not above a hundred,’ but the number was continually
increasing.
[611] Lieut.-colonel of Blakeney’s regiment (27th, now the Royal
Inniskilling Fusiliers).
[612] Letter xx. p. 392.
[613] Letters xxi., xxii. pp. 392, 393.
[614] William Blakeney, an Irishman, born in Co. Limerick 1672;
brigadier-general 1741, major-general 1744, and appointed
lieut.-governor of Stirling Castle in that year. The office was a
sinecure in time of peace. When Cope left Edinburgh for his highland
march, Blakeney posted down to Scotland and took command at Stirling
Castle on 27th August. When summoned to surrender the Castle to Prince
Charles in January, before and again after the battle of Falkirk, he
replied that he had always been looked upon as a man of honour and the
rebels should find he would die so. His successful defence of Stirling
was rewarded by promotion to lieut.-general and the command of Minorca,
which he held for ten years. His defence of Minorca in 1756 against an
overwhelming French force won the admiration of Europe. For seventy
days this old man of eighty-four held out and never went to bed. On
capitulation the garrison was allowed to go free. Blakeney received an
Irish peerage for his defence of Minorca about the time that Admiral
Byng was executed for its abandonment.
[615] John Huske, 1692-1761, colonel of the 23rd (Royal Welsh
Fusiliers); was second in command at Falkirk, and commanded the second
line at Culloden. Major-general 1743; general 1756. He was second in
command to Blakeney at Minorca in 1756.
Huske’s division on their march consisted of four regiments of
infantry of the line, and the Glasgow regiment, with Ligonier’s (late
Gardiner’s) and Hamilton’s dragoons (now 13th and 14th Hussars).
[616] This is very misleading. Lord George Murray’s scheme was to wait
till the Government troops came up, and tempt them over the bridge:
when half had crossed he intended to turn and cut them off. Lord
Elcho had kept the enemy in sight all the time, and records that the
Jacobites retired ‘in such order that the dragoons never offered to
attack them’; moreover, before the highlanders ‘had passed the bridge
the dragoons, who were in front of the regulars, drew up close by the
bridge and very abusive language passed betwixt both sides.’
Even the picturesque touch of the substituted dinner must go. Lord
George particularly mentions both in a private letter to his wife and
in his historical letter to Hamilton of Bangour that they had dined at
Linlithgow, and the journals of the day state that the affair occurred
about 4 o’clock. Maxwell of Kirkconnell considers that if the dragoons
had been very enterprising they might have cut off Lord George’s rear.
(Elcho, _Affairs of Scotland_, p. 370; _Jac. Mem._, p. 79; _Chron. Ath.
and Tullib._, iii. 141; Kirkconnell’s _Narrative_, p. 98.)
[617] This is meant to be an account of the battle of Falkirk.
[618] The Argyllshire highlanders had joined Huske at Falkirk on
January 16th, and were present at the battle the following day. Their
colonel was John Campbell, younger, of Mamore (1723-1806). In 1745 he
was lieut.-colonel of the 54th Regiment, but he commanded the Argyll
Highlanders (militia) throughout the Scottish campaign, and was present
at Falkirk and Culloden. He succeeded his father (see _ante_, p. 259)
as 5th Duke of Argyll, 1770. He is best known to fame as the husband of
the beautiful Elizabeth Gunning, widow of the 6th Duke of Hamilton, and
as the host of Dr. Johnson and Boswell at Inverary in 1773.
[619] At Prestonpans (21st September) seventy-seven officers were taken
prisoners. Some of these were allowed entire freedom on parole, but
a large portion of them had been interned in Perthshire: they were
kindly treated, and had given their parole. In December a considerable
number had been removed to Glamis Castle, in Forfarshire, and to Cupar,
Leslie, Pitfirran, Culross, and St. Andrews in Fife. They were living
quietly in these places when about the second week in January their
retreats were raided and they ‘were forcibly hurried off by a great
number of people in arms and disguised, whom they could not resist, and
carried by the same violence to Edinburgh.’ (_Scots Mag._, viii. 43.)
Thirty-one officers arrived at Edinburgh on 19th January, and Grossett
was sent next day to recover those mentioned in the text.
[620] The Duke of Cumberland arrived in Edinburgh on 30th January.
[621] Not identified.
[622] Letter xxv. p. 394.
[623] This officer may have been the second major of the 3rd (Scots)
Guards, the only regimental officer of the name who held the rank of
colonel at this time.
[624] Letter xxviii. p. 395.
[625] Not identified.
[626] Letter xxix. p. 395.
[627] Should be Bligh’s regiment, the 20th, now the Lancashire
Fusiliers.
[628] Letter xxx. p. 396.
[629] Letter xxxi. p. 396.
[630] William, 8th earl, suc. 1720. In 1745 he was a captain in the 3rd
(Scots) Guards: he served on Cope’s staff at Prestonpans; commanded the
Glasgow (volunteer or militia) regiment at Falkirk; was also colonel of
the Edinburgh regiment. In 1757 he was appointed Governor of Gibraltar,
where he died in 1761, being then a lieut.-general.
[631] Letter xxxiii. p. 398.
[632] This is that Thomas Smith who, in 1728, for an act of consummate
audacity acquired vast fame, became for a while the darling of the
British nation, and in the Navy received the nickname of ‘Tom of Ten
Thousand.’ Although only junior lieut. of H.M.S. _Gosport_, while in
temporary command he forced the French corvette _Gironde_ to lower her
topsail as a salute to the British flag when passing out of Plymouth
Sound. For this exploit he was summarily dismissed the service on
the complaint of the French ambassador, but, according to tradition,
was reinstated the following day with the rank of post-captain
(see Thackeray’s _Roundabout Papers_, No. 4, ‘On Some Late Great
Victories’). Modern investigation has somewhat qualified the dramatic
story of the reinstatement, but not of the initial act. Smith was naval
commander-in-chief in Scotland from February 1746 to January 1747 when
he became rear-Admiral; in 1757, Admiral of the Blue. He presided at
the court-martial which condemned Admiral Byng. He died 1761.
To those interested in Jacobite history his memory should ever be
cherished as the benignant guardian, if jailer, of Flora Macdonald.
When Flora was first made prisoner in Skye in the second week of July,
she was taken on board the ship of the merciless Captain Ferguson
(_ante_, p. 244), in which she was detained for three weeks. Luckily
for her, General Campbell was also on board and treated Flora with
great kindness. The general handed her over to Commodore Smith, with
whom she remained a prisoner until her arrival in London in the
middle of November, a period of three and a half months. Home, in his
_History_, says that ‘this most worthy gentleman treated Flora not
as a stranger, nor a prisoner, but with the affection of a parent.’
Bishop Forbes tells the same story: he ‘behaved like a father to her,
and tendered her many good advices as to her behaviour in her ticklish
situation.’ Smith permitted Flora to go ashore in Skye to see her
mother. When lying in Leith roads he presented her with a handsome
suit of riding clothes and other garments, as well as an outfit for a
Highland maid who had hurriedly left Skye to accompany the lady in her
captivity.
[633] Guild Hall Relief Fund. See Appendix.
[634] The 8th now The King’s (Royal Liverpool) Regiment.
[635] Apparently meaning ‘notify.’
[636] Eyemouth.
[637] A bylander or bilander is a two-masted ship, rather
flat-bottomed, used chiefly in the canals of Holland.
[638] _Sic_ in copy, ‘and vissibly’ is probably a mistake for
‘invisibly.’
[639] Author of _Medical Heroes of the ’Forty-five_: Glasgow, 1897.
[640] Barclay acted as justice of the peace for Prince Charles,
enlisted men, and collected the excise.
[641] Maule was a writer in Stonehaven and procurator-fiscal of
Kincardine. He served as an ensign, probably in Lord Ogilvy’s regiment.
[642] Dr. Lawson seems to have been the father of John Lawson, junior,
who served in the Jacobite army.
[643] Keeper of a public-house in Stonehaven.
[644] The occasion of this Memorial and the circumstances attending its
production will be found fully detailed in chap. vi. of _The Last of
the Royal Stuarts_, by Herbert M. Vaughan: London, 1906.
[645] I am indebted to Miss Nairne, Salisbury, for this translation.
[646] These lists make no pretence to completeness. They are extracted
from a manuscript Jacobite army list which I have been compiling
for many years. In it I have noted down the name of every gentleman
properly authenticated that I have come across when studying the
history of the period.
[647] Clanranald, Boisdale, Glengarry, and Bishop Hugh Macdonald did
not rise in arms, but were all imprisoned for being concerned in the
Rising.
[648] Interesting information on the raising of Fairburn’s men is
given by the French envoy, writing to the French Foreign Minister:
Lady Mackintosh, he says, ‘a bien été imitée par une autre fort
jolie personne de son âge, nommée Barbe Gourdon, femme de Mekensie
de Ferbarn, le plus considérable des vassaux et des parens de milord
Seaforth. Celle-cy n’a pas banni son mari; mais, malgré luy, elle a
vendu ses diamants et sa vaisselle pour lever des hommes. Elle s’en a
ramassé cent ciquante des plus braves du païs, qu’elle a joint à ceux
de miladi Seaforth, sous la conduite de son beau-frère.’
This ‘beau-frère’ may mean Kenneth, her husband’s brother, or it may
mean Barisdale who was married to her husband’s sister. Young Lentron
in the _List of Persons concerned in the Rebellion_ is termed a
schoolboy. I find no mention of this Barbara Gordon in the Mackenzie
clan history.
[649] James Gordon, son of the laird of Glasterum, Banffshire. Born
1664; died 1746; consecrated secretly as Bishop of Nicopolis _in
partibus_, 1706; Vicar-apostolic in Scotland, 1718. Lord John Drummond,
Clanranald, and possibly Lady Clanranald (_née_ Macleod) were Roman
Catholics.
[650] Frederick of Hesse Cassel was the consort of Ulrica, sister and
successor of Charles XII. He was crowned King of Sweden 1720; died
1751. His nephew, Frederick, Prince, afterwards Landgrave, of Hesse,
married Princess Anne, daughter of George II., 1740: he brought Hessian
troops to Scotland in February 1746.
[651] Alexander Gordon of Auchintoul (Banffshire). Entered the
Russian service 1693; married the daughter of his kinsman, Patrick
Gordon of Achleuris, the celebrated General of Peter the Great. Was
a colonel at the battle of Narva (1700), where he was captured and
detained prisoner until Peter’s victory at Pultowa (1709). Rose to
be a Russian major-general. Joined Mar’s Rising, 1715, and was made
lieutenant-general (October 1715); commander-in-chief (February 1716)
of the Jacobite Army on Mar’s leaving Scotland. Was at Bordeaux, and
too ill to join the attempt of 1719. Though living in Banffshire in
1745, he felt too old to go ‘out.’ Died 1752. He wrote a _History of
Peter the Great_, published after his death, in Aberdeen, 1755.
[652] Captain Wm. Hay, groom of the bedchamber to the Chevalier.
[653] Robert (Gordon) but for the attainder Viscount of Kenmure; eldest
son of William, 6th Viscount, who was executed for his share in the
’15. He was an ardent Jacobite; he died in 1741, aged about thirty,
and was succeeded by his brother John, who joined Prince Charles at
Holyrood, accepted the command of a troop of horse, but deserted the
following day. See _Murray’s Memorials_, pp. 53, 227.
[654] Not identified; may be Nisbet of Dirleton and Callendar of
Craigforth.
[655] French Minister of Finance.
[656] Walter Stapleton, lieut.-col. of Berwick’s regiment; commandant
of the Irish picquets and brigadier in the French army; wounded at
Culloden and died of his wounds.
[657] Henry Ker of Graden, Teviotdale, heir of an ancient family of
moss troopers; b. 1702; served in the Spanish army, 1722-38, when
he returned to Scotland; was aide-de-camp to Lord George Murray
and titular aide-de-camp to the Prince; the best staff officer the
Jacobites possessed. Captured in May in the Braes of Angus; tried
for his life, and in vain pleaded his Spanish commission; sentenced
to death but reprieved; released in 1748; died a lieut.-col. in the
Spanish service 1751. (Leishman, _A Son of Knox_, p. 20.) Ker wrote
an account of the operations in the last two months of the campaign,
printed in _The Lyon_, i. 355.
[658] This statement of Daniel’s is opposed to all reliable evidence,
and the note in the Drummond Castle MS. is correct. The desire of his
enemies was to throw the blame of the disaster on Lord George Murray.
Even the Prince seems to have talked himself into a similar belief (see
_post_, p. 240). The responsibility lay on Prince Charles himself, as
is told in the Introduction.
[659] Keppoch’s brother Donald, killed at Culloden. Donald MacDonell
of Tirnadrish (or Tiendrish), a cousin of Keppoch; he was the only
Jacobite officer taken prisoner at Falkirk. He was executed at Carlisle
in October.
[660] Alexander Mackay of Auchmony, who long afterwards married
Angusia, d. of Angus Macdonell, Glengarry’s son, referred to on p. 277.
[661] The house of Gordon of Glenbucket at Tomintoul in Strathavon.
[662] See _ante_, p. 118.
[663] His chamberlain or steward.
[664] For the authenticity of this manifesto, see _ante_, p. 132.
[665] Generally ‘Strathdearn,’ the valley of the Findhorn.
[666] ‘Clan Chattan,’ the Macphersons, Mackintoshes and Farquharsons;
probably here meaning the Macphersons.
INDEX
Abercromby, Francis, of Fetterneir, 164 _n_.
Aberdeen, rebels in, 285-6;
presbyterian ministers preach against the rebels, 202;
no election of magistrates during the rebellion, 119, 124;
requests aid from lord Loudoun, 134;
rebels demand £215 of levy money from Old Aberdeen, 135;
masters of King’s College taxed, 136;
public fast observed, 136;
rebels attempt to cause a mutiny among the Macleods, 140;
the rebels march to engage the Macleods, 140;
skirmish at the fords of Don, 143-4;
the rebels collect levy money, 147, 150;
the citizens maltreated and plundered by Macgregors, 148;
rebels march through the town in their retreat from Stirling, 149;
arrival of the duke of Cumberland, 151;
Bisset’s sermon on the good behaviour of the rebels, 189 and _n_;
popish and non-jurant meeting houses destroyed, 56;
Gordon’s hospital garrisoned by the duke of Cumberland;
the duke leaves the town, 159;
militia raised and governors appointed, 160;
military law paramount, 162;
rioting by the soldiers, 163 and _n_.
---- George Gordon, 3rd earl of, 123 and _n_.
Aberdeenshire, the rebellion of 1715, 130;
lord Lewis Gordon issues his burning order, 134-5 and _n_.
Abernethy presbytery testify to the loyalty of Mr. John Grant,
minister of Abernethy, 317.
---- brother of Mayen, 121.
Abertarff, 89;
the presbytery exonerate rev. John Grant of Urquhart, 316.
Aboyne, earl of, 131.
Achires. _See_ Ogilvie.
Achoynanie. _See_ Grant, Thomas.
Adams, Mr., cipher name for the king of France, 63.
Agnew, sir Andrew, 206 _n_.
Aird, 89.
Airlie, Anne, countess of, 35 _n_.
---- James, earl of, 35 _n_.
---- John, earl of, 35 and _n_.
Albemarle, William, earl of, 163 _n_, 417.
Alisary, South Uist, 250 _n_.
Alloa, operations of rebels at, 353-8.
Altimarlach, battle of, between Sinclair of Keiss and Campbell of
Glenurchy, 71 _n_.
Amelot de Chaillou, M., 9 and _n_, 10, 12, 14, 15, 47, 57.
Ancrum, William, lord, afterw. marquess of Lothian, his expedition
to Curgaff, 152 and _n_;
orders the destruction of houses where arms were found,
161-2 and _n_, 163;
is removed from Aberdeen because of the rioting of the soldiers,
163 _n_;
succeeded by lord Sempill, 164 and _n_.
Anderson, captain, 61 _n_.
Appin, 86.
---- laird of. _See_ Stewart, Dugald.
Applecross, 75, 77.
Arbuthnott, Alexander, of Knox, commissioner of customs, 50 and _n_,
381, 385.
Ardgour, 84.
---- laird of. _See_ Maclean.
Ardloch, laird of. _See_ Mackenzie.
Ardnamurchan, 82-3.
Argyllshire Highlanders at the battle of Falkirk, 363 _n_, 364.
Arisaig, 81, 229 and _n_.
Assynt and its proprietors, 73-4 and _n_.
Atholl, William, [Jacobite] duke of, 344 _n_, 410.
Auchengaul. _See_ Crichton.
Auchlunkart (Auflunkart), 288, 290.
Auchmeddan. _See_ Baird, William.
Auchmony. _See_ Mackay, Alexander.
Auldearn, battle of, 76 _n_.
Avachy. _See_ Gordon.
Baggot, John, in command of the prince’s Hussars, 150 and _n_,
185, 202.
Baird, William, of Auchmeddan, 128 and _n_.
Baleshare, 243 _n_.
---- laird of. _See_ Macdonald, Hugh.
Balhaldy. _See_ Macgregor, William.
Balmerino, Arthur, lord, 173 _n_, 181 and _n_, 183, 190, 203;
his character as given by captain Daniel;
the quarrel with lord George Murray, 200;
at the battle of Falkirk, 410;
surrenders after Culloden, 216.
Balmoral, laird of. _See_ Farquharson.
Balnagowan, lairds of. _See_ Ross.
Baltimore, 244-5.
Balveny castle, 287 _n_.
Banffshire and the rebellion, 111-164;
lord Lewis Gordon issues his burning order, 134-5 and _n_.
Bannerman, sir Alexander, of Elsick, 148 and _n_, 149.
Barra, 79.
Barrel’s regiment, 152 _n_, 153.
Barry, Dr., 62.
Barrymore, James, 4th earl of, 21 and _n_, 23, 47.
Bartlet, writer in Aberdeen, taken prisoner by the rebels, 137.
Battereau’s regiment, 418.
Beinn Ruigh Choinnich, 249 _n_.
Belintomb, laird of, 281 _n_.
Benbecula, 230, 231, 237, 252 and _n_, 253.
Ben Nevis, 86.
Birkenbush, laird of. _See_ Gordon.
Bisset, John, minister in Aberdeen, his sermon on the good behaviour
of the Jacobite army in Aberdeen, 189 and _n_.
Black Watch soldiers shot in the Tower for desertion, 42 and _n_.
Blair castle, siege of, 206 and _n_.
Blakeney, William, lieut.-governor of Stirling castle, 358 and _n_,
385, 418;
letter to, from general Hawley, 393.
Bland, Humphrey, major-general, enters Aberdeen, 151;
at Old Meldrum, 153 and _n_;
marches to Huntly, 154.
Blelack. _See_ Gordon, Charles.
Bligh’s regiment, 368 and _n_, 417.
Boat o’ Bridge, 289 and _n_.
Bog o’ Gight, 290 and _n_.
Boisdale. _See_ Macdonald, Alex.
Bonar, near Creich, 110.
Borradale house, 229 and _n_.
_Bourbon_, the, taken by the English, 151 _n_.
Boyne, Banffshire, 120 and _n_.
Braco. _See_ Duff, William.
Braemar, 92.
Breadalbane, John, 1st earl of, defeats the Sinclairs at Altimarlach,
71 _n_.
Brett, colonel, secretary to the duchess of Buckingham, 11 and _n_.
Bright, Mr., cipher name of the earl of Traquair, _q.v._
Brodie, Alex., of Brodie, writes to Ludovick Grant, upbraiding him
for not joining Cope, 272 and _n_, 274.
Brown, captain, of Lally’s regiment, escapes from Carlisle,
192 and _n_.
---- J., cipher name of Murray of Broughton, _q.v._
Bruce, Robert, minister of Edinburgh, 90 and _n_.
Brucehill. _See_ Forbes.
Buchan of Achmacoy, 124.
Buckingham, Katherine, duchess of, 10 and _n_, 16, 21, 23.
Burke, Edmund, 227, 229 _n_, 231 _n_, 234 _n_.
Burnet, Mr., cipher name of prince Charles. _See_ Stuart.
---- of Kemnay, 124, 132, 147, 162.
Burnett, sir Alex., of Leys, 124.
Butler, Mr., 47, 48, 57.
Caithness and the Jacobite rising, 71-2 and _n_.
---- George Sinclair, earl of, defeated by Campbell of Glenurchy at
Altimarlach, 71 _n_.
Callendar, of Craigforth, 33 _n_.
Cameron, Alexander, killed by Grant of Knockando, 103 _n_.
---- ---- S. J., brother of Lochiel, 87 and _n_.
---- Dr. Archibald, 97 _n_, 217, 219.
---- Donald, of Glenpean, 229.
---- ---- of Lochiel, 5 and _n_, 15 _n_, 17, 24-8 _n_, 34, 36, 38,
41, 44-6, 48, 58, 65-7;
his interview with Murray of Broughton in Edinburgh, 16;
opposes the conversion of his people to Romanism, 87;
sends prince Charles’s Declaration to Forbes of Culloden, 95;
at the battle of Falkirk, 413;
at Culloden, 416.
Cameron, Ludovick, of Torcastle, 84 and _n_.
---- Margaret, sister of Lochiel, 82 _n_.
Cameronian covenanters, 43 and _n_.
Camerons, 87;
at the battle of Prestonpans, 407;
at the battle of Falkirk, 409, 411;
at Culloden, 417.
---- of Morven, 84.
Campbell, lieut., of the Edinburgh regiment, 364.
---- of Inverawe, attempts to capture the duke of Perth, 118 _n_.
---- Alexander, lieut., taken prisoner at Keith by the rebels, 155.
---- ---- minister of Inverary, 85.
---- Co., commissioner of customs, 381, 385.
---- Donald, befriends the prince in Harris, 233 and _n_, 235.
---- sir Donald, of Ardnamurchan, 83 and _n_.
---- Dugald, of Achacrossan, 244 _n_.
---- Duncan, 260.
---- sir Duncan, of Lochnell, 83.
---- sir James, of Auchenbreck, 6 and _n_, 14 _n_, 16, 26, 45 _n_,
48, 52, 58.
---- John, of Mamore [aftw. duke of Argyll], 259 and _n_, 373 _n_.
---- ---- yr. of Mamore, col. of the Argyllshire Highlanders,
363 and _n_, 364, 373 _n_, 410.
---- sir John, of Glenurchy, aftw. earl of Breadalbane, _q.v._
---- Primrose, wife of lord Lovat, 44 _n_.
Campbells of Argyll at Culloden, 418.
Campo Florido, Spanish ambassador at Paris, 22 _n_.
Carberry hill, 405, 408.
Carlisle, surrender of, 118 _n_;
occupied by the rebels, 173 _n_;
the siege, 182 _n_, 192-3;
Jacobite prisoners, 187 and _n_.
Carlyle, Alex., his _Autobiography_, 44 _n_.
Carnusy. _See_ Gordon.
Carron water, 351, 384.
Carse’s Nook, 348-9, 383.
Castle Forbes, 154.
Castle Fraser (Muchals), Aberdeenshire, 98 _n_.
Castlelaw, Mr., collector of customs at Dunbar, 371.
Castle Leod, Strathpeffer, 78 _n_.
Cecil, William, Jacobite agent in England, 11 and _n_, 15, 16 _n_,
21, 23, 28.
Chalmers, George, principal of King’s College, Aberdeen, 138;
taken prisoner by the rebels, 145.
_Charité_, the, taken by the English, 151 _n_.
Chisholm, Roderick, of Comar, 90.
---- ---- of Strathglass, 90, 99 and _n_.
---- ---- og, killed at Culloden, 100 _n_.
---- William, son of Strathglass, physician in, and provost of
Inverness, 100 _n_.
Chisholms join the rebels, 99.
Cholmondeley’s regiment, 411, 417.
Church of Scotland clergy loyal to the government, 124-5;
threatened by the rebels, 149;
ridiculed by the soldiers, 162.
Clate, kirktown of, 153-4.
Clephan, captain, 61 _n_.
Clesterton, laird of. _See_ Fea, James.
Clifton, skirmish at, 185-6 and _n_.
Cobham’s dragoons, 410, 418.
Cochrane, captain, prisoner with the rebels, 364.
---- Dr., of Roughfoil, 51 _n_.
---- Alex., of Barbachlaw, 51 _n_.
Cockburn, Adam, hosier, 62 and _n_.
Cogach and the Macleods, 74-5, 96.
Colyear’s regiment, 61 and _n_.
Commissioners of customs, letter to, from Walter Grossett, 383;
letter from, to Grossett, 385.
Congleton, 175.
Cope, sir John, 95, 103, 273;
his march to the north, 270 and _n_;
in Inverness, 271 _n_;
in Aberdeen, 114 and _n_, 115;
removes the town’s arms, 117;
at Dunbar, 341, 405;
position of his troops at Prestonpans, 405-6;
defeated, 408;
succeeded by Hawley, 409.
Coren, captain, 365 and _n_;
letter to, from the lord justice-clerk, 394.
Corn sent from the north of England to the rebels in Lochaber,
370, 396-7.
Corradale, South Uist, 238 and _n_, 239 and _n_, 246.
Craigie, Robert, of Glendoick, lord advocate, aftw. lord president,
269 and _n_;
letter from, to Walter Grossett, 379.
Crawford, major, 155.
---- John, earl of, 26 and _n_, 42 _n_.
Creich, 110.
Crichton of Auchengaul, joins lord Lewis Gordon, 130.
Crofts, lieut., taken prisoner at Falkirk, 158 and _n_.
Cromar, 92.
Cromarty, George, 1st earl of, 74 and _n_, 78 _n_.
---- George, 3rd earl, 75, 91, 109, 410, 415;
joins the rising, 95-97 and _n_;
claims to be chief of the Mackenzies, 100.
Crosby, captain, 159.
Culcairn, now Kincraig, 103 _n_.
---- laird of. _See_ Munro, George.
Cullen, 205-7, 290.
---- house plundered by the rebels, 157 and _n_, 208.
Culloden, estimate of Jacobite forces, 178 _n_;
the rebels’ useless night march, 210-11 and _n_;
lord George Murray in favour of making a stand at Culloden,
212-213 and _n_;
prince Charles persuaded by lord George Murray to give the place
of honour to the Athole men, 239;
the prince adverse to giving battle, 240;
account of the battle, 414-19;
Daniel’s account of the battle, 213-15.
---- house attacked by Frasers, 106.
Culraik, 415-16.
Cumberland, William, duke of, 187 and _n_;
takes Carlisle, 192-3 and _n_;
in Edinburgh, 299 _n_, 365 and _n_;
in Stirling, 365;
at Perth, 303 _n_, 305 _n_, 367;
in Aberdeen, 151, 307 and _n_;
orders the destruction of nonjurant meeting places, 156;
withdraws his protection from the houses of Park and Durn, on
account of the rebels pillaging Cullen house, 157;
leaves Aberdeen, 159 and _n_, 208 and _n_;
at Nairn, 414;
at Culloden, 99 _n_;
disposition of his forces, 417;
the battle, 213-15, 414-19.
Cuming, of Kinninmonth, 121.
Cuming, yr. of Pitully, 121.
Cupbairdy. _See_ Gordon.
Curgaff, 152.
Cuthbert, of Castlehill, 140 _n_.
---- major, brother of Castlehill, 140 and _n_, 143.
Dan, Mr., cipher name of Donald Cameron, of Lochiel, _q.v._
Daniel, captain John, his _Account of his Progress with Prince
Charles_, 165-224;
joins the Jacobite army in Lancashire, 168;
endeavours to obtain followers for the prince, 169;
gets the better of a quaker, 169-70;
obtains a captain’s commission, 171;
joins Elcho’s guards, 173;
billeted in Derby, 176;
meets the duke of Perth, 181;
his horse stolen by the Jacobite soldiers;
deserted by his servant, 182;
helps himself to a horse, 183;
his intimacy with Balmerino, 183, 190-200, 203;
rescues two women at the crossing of the Esk, 188;
on the good behaviour of the army in England, 189;
marches north to Aberdeen, 202;
loses his company in a snowstorm, 203;
revives himself and horse with whisky, 203-4;
rejoins the army at Old Meldrum, 204;
receives from the prince a standard taken at Falkirk, 205;
his testimony to the influence of Forbes of Culloden, 207;
holds lord George Murray to be responsible for Culloden, 212;
his description of the battle, 213-15;
leaves the field with lord John Drummond, 215;
his wanderings after Culloden, 216-17;
his description of the naval fight between the English and
French, 220;
sails for France, 223.
Danish forts in Glenelg, 80.
Derby, 175-6.
Deskford, lord, 275 and _n_, 276, 283, 294 and _n_, 298 _n_.
Dickson, John, of Hartree, 52 _n_.
---- William, lieut. in Wolfe’s regiment, 399.
Dingwall, merchant in Aberdeen, taken prisoner by the rebels, 137.
Dougall, George, of the _Janet_, 398.
Dounan church, 113 _n_.
Drimnin, laird of. _See_ Maclean, Charles.
Drumelzier, 19 _n_.
---- laird of. _See_ Hay, Alexander.
Drummond, lord George, 208-9.
---- captain John, 66 and _n_.
---- lord John, 16, 17 _n_, 20, 49, 159, 194, 291, 354;
lands with troops in Scotland, 132 and _n_, 178 and _n_, 345;
one of his transports taken, 352 and _n_;
his _Declaration_, 132, 292 _n_;
letter to, from earl Marischal commanding his friends to join
lord John Drummond, 132, 292 _n_;
the authenticity of the letter, 132-3;
proposes to hang a few of the clergy of the church of
Scotland, 149;
at the battle of Falkirk, 409-10, 413;
at Culloden, 215, 415-17;
letter from, to Moir of Lonmay, 293 _n_.
---- lord Lewis, 132 and _n_.
---- William, of Balhaldy. _See_ Macgregor.
Duff, of Premnay, 124.
---- William, of Braco, 113 and _n_, 114, 123 and _n_.
Dumfries, rebel army in, 190 and _n_.
Dunbar, lady, of Durn, 157.
---- James, [Jacobite] earl of, 331 _n_.
---- sir William, of Durn, 121.
---- ---- of Hemprigs, 72.
Dunbars of Caithness, 72 and _n_.
Dunbennan, 118 _n_.
Dundas, captain, prisoner with the rebels, 364.
---- Robert, of Arniston, lord president of the court of session,
50 and _n_.
Dundonald, Thomas Cochrane, earl of, 18 and _n_.
Duntulm castle, 262 _n_.
Durn. _See_ Dunbar, sir William.
Durness parish, 73.
Dutch troops land at Berwick and the Tyne, 184 _n_.
Eccleston, 169.
Edgar, David, of Keithock, 3 _n_.
---- James, secretary to the Chevalier de St. George, 32 _n_, 34-5;
letters from, to Murray of Broughton, 3 and _n_, 18-19, 30;
letters to, from Murray of Broughton, 20 and _n_-27, 37-41,
45 and _n_.
Edinburgh, the provost declines to defend the town, 341;
in possession of the rebels, 342;
garrisoned by English troops, 345 and _n_, 351;
cannon for the city walls, 352;
crowded with Jacobite prisoners, 352 and _n_.
Edinburgh regiment, 372 _n_.
Edwards, J., cipher name of the Chevalier. _See_ Stuart.
Eguilles, marquis d’, 100 _n_, 101 _n_, 223 _n_.
Elcho, David Wemyss, lord, 43 and _n_, 61, 173 _n_, 361 and _n_, 410.
Elgin, magistrates request the laird of Grant to march to their
assistance, 297 _n_;
Grant’s letter explaining why he is unable to come, 296 _n_.
Ellis, Mr., cipher name of the Chevalier. _See_ Stuart.
Ellon, 158.
Elphingstone, 355-7, 384.
--- colonel. _See_ Balmerino, lord.
Elsick. _See_ Bannerman, sir Alexander.
Enzie, Banffshire, 92, 120 and _n_.
Errol, James, earl of, 121 _n_.
---- Mary, countess of, 121 and _n_.
Erskine, Anne. _See_ Airlie, countess of.
---- James, lord Grange, 45 _n_, 90 _n_.
Fachfield. _See_ Thomson.
Falconer, Alexander, 121 _n_.
---- (Fawkener), sir Everard, secretary to the duke of Cumberland,
306 and _n_, 335 and _n_;
report by, on the services of Walter Grossett, 400-2.
Falkirk, battle of, 194-8, 228 _n_, 278 _n_, 362-3, 409-13.
Fall, Mr., magistrate in Dunbar, 371.
Farquharson, of Balmoral, 118 and _n_.
---- Anne, wife of Æneas Mackintosh of Mackintosh. _See_ Mackintosh.
---- James, of Invercauld, 101 _n_, 117-18, 131.
---- ---- of Monaltrie, 117 _n_-18.
Farquharsons, 277;
at the battle of Falkirk, 409;
at Culloden, 417.
Fea, James, of Clesterton, Jacobite leader in Orkney, 71 _n_.
Fergus, Mr., cipher name of the duke of Perth, _q.v._
Ferguson, John, captain of the _Furness_, 87 _n_, 90 _n_, 228 _n_,
230 _n_, 244 and _n_, 248 _n_, 373 _n_.
Ferrindonall, 90.
Fielding, Henry, 173 _n_.
Findlater, James Ogilvie, earl of, 123 and _n_, 286, 307;
his house of Cullen plundered by rebels, 157, 208;
letter to, from his chamberlain, on the recruiting demands of
lord Lewis Gordon, 287 _n_;
appoints Grant sheriff-depute of Banffshire, 289 _n_.
Fisher, Mr., cipher name of prince Charles. _See_ Stuart.
Fitzjames, the comte de, taken prisoner by the English, 151 _n_.
Fitzjames’s regiment, 151 and _n_, 152 and _n_, 178 _n_, 206, 227, 417.
Fleming’s regiment, 161-3 _n_, 417.
Fletcher, Andrew, lord justice-clerk, 50 and _n_, 340-1,
344-5 and _n_, 346-7, 349, 352-3, 358-9, 362-9, 370-1, 373-6;
issues warrant for the apprehension of the duke of Perth, 393;
letter from, to the commissioners of customs, 381;
letter from, to captain Coren, 394;
letters from, to Grossett, 385, 390, 392-6, 399;
letter to, from Grossett, 397.
Fleury, André Hercule de, cardinal, 4 and _n_, 14 _n_;
his death, 8, 9,11, 12 and _n_, 21-3, 57.
Foothy (Foot O’ Dee), 115 and _n_.
Fochabers, 155, 207, 288.
Forbes of Blackford, 124.
---- of Brucehill, 121.
---- of Echt, 138;
taken prisoner by the rebels, 145.
---- of Inverernan, 114.
---- of New, 114.
---- of Scheves, 124, 138.
---- Alexander, lord Forbes of Pitsligo, 119 and _n_, 122,
151 _n_, 410.
---- sir Arthur, 124.
---- Duncan, of Culloden, 99 _n_, 104, 107 _n_, 109, 205, 227 _n_,
270, 280 and _n_, 283;
attempts to dissuade Lochiel from joining the rebellion, 95 and _n_;
his offer of only one company to the Grants resented, 275;
his explanation satisfactory, 276;
described by captain Daniel, 206-7 and _n_.
---- George, of Skeleter, 113 and _n_, 152, 307.
---- James, lord, 123 and _n_.
---- Robert, printer, son of Forbes of New, 114 _n_.
Formartine, 124 and _n_, 131.
Fort Augustus, 206;
siege of, 182 _n_;
taken by the rebels, 313.
Fort George, taken by the rebels, 306 _n_.
Fortrose, Kenneth, lord, 75, 77, 91, 104 and _n_-5, 110, 205.
Fort William, siege of, 183 _n_.
Fouay. _See_ Fuyia.
Foudline hill, 154.
Fowke, Thomas, brigadier-general, 340 and _n_, 341.
Fraser, brother to Inverallochy, 121.
---- Archibald Campbell, son of lord Lovat, 44 and _n_.
---- Charles, 4th lord, 98 _n_.
---- ---- of Castle Fraser, 98 _n_.
---- ---- of Inverallochy, 98 and _n_, 99 _n_.
---- James, of Foyers, 99 and _n_.
---- Simon. _See_ Lovat, lord.
---- ---- master of Lovat, 98 and _n_, 281 _n_, 282, 320-1.
---- Thomas, moderator of Abertarf presbytery, 316.
---- ---- of Gortuleg, entertains prince Charles, 228 and _n_.
---- William, of Inverallochy, 98 _n_.
Frasers of Aird, 76 _n_.
---- of Lovat, at the battle of Falkirk, 409;
at Culloden, 417.
Frederick, king of Sweden, 22 _n_.
---- landgrave of Hesse, 22 _n_.
Freebairn, Robert, bishop of Edinburgh, 18 and _n_.
Fuyia, 245 and _n_, 253.
Garden, of Troup, 124.
Gardiner, colonel, 340.
Garrioch, 131.
Garstang, 168-9.
Garviemore, 216.
Geanies, 107 _n_.
---- lairds of. _See_ Macleod.
Geohagan. _See_ Gorogan.
Gibson, Herbert Mends, attorney, 166.
Gilchrist, James, minister at Thurso, 72 and _n_.
Glascoe, major Nicolas, 155 _n_, 208.
Glasgow, fined by the rebels, 191 and _n_.
---- regiment, 345 _n_, 350 and _n_, 351, 359 _n_;
at the battle of Falkirk, 372 _n_, 411, 413.
Glasterum. _See_ Gordon.
Glenbucket, garrisoned, 161.
---- estate, 116.
---- laird of. _See_ Gordon, John.
Glencoe, 86.
---- laird of. _See_ Macdonald, Alexander.
Glenelg, 80.
Glengarry people are papists and notorious thieves, 88.
---- laird of. _See_ Macdonald.
Glenkindy, laird of. _See_ Leith.
Glenlivat, 91, 92, 274.
Glenmoriston, 89.
---- lairds of. _See_ Grant.
Glennevis, 86.
Glen Quoich (Glenkuaak), 240.
Glenshiel or Muick, 76 and _n_, 77.
Gordon, major, 140.
---- of Aberlour, 136.
---- yr. of Ardoch, 107.
---- of Ardvach, 145.
---- of Avochy, 114, 128, 130, 136, 141, 143, 287.
---- of Birkenbush, 144, 288 _n_.
---- of Carnusy, 121.
---- of Cupbairdy, 121.
---- Mrs., of Cupbairdy, 157 and _n_.
---- of Glasterum, 121.
---- of Hallhead, 121.
---- of Mill of Kincardine, 121.
---- yr. of Logie, 121.
---- lady, of Park, 157.
---- Alexander, minister of Kintore, 141.
---- ---- of Auchintoul, 25 and _n_.
---- lady Anne, 123 _n_.
---- Barbara, wife of Mackenzie of Fairburn, 100 _n_.
---- Catherine, duchess of, 209 and _n_.
---- Charles, of Blelack, 118, 129.
---- Christiana, wife of Gordon of Glenbucket, 113 _n_.
---- Cosmo, duke of, 86-7, 92, 123, 128 _n_, 131, 274 _n_, 284 _n_.
---- Henrietta, duchess of, 128 and _n_, 342.
---- Isabella, wife of George, earl of Cromartie, 95 _n_.
---- James, roman catholic bishop, 17 _n_.
----John, of Glenbucket, 25 _n_, 103-4, 113 and _n_-116, 149, 152,
161, 274 and _n_, 307, 410.
---- lord Lewis, 92, 150;
joins the rebels, 102, 127 and _n_-128;
lord lieut. of Aberdeenshire, 128;
obtains recruits by threats, 129;
interview with lord John Drummond, 132;
issues his burning order, 134-5 and _n_;
at the battle of Inverury, 107, 140, 143-6, 178 and _n_;
letter from, to the laird of Grant on recruiting for prince
Charles, 283-4;
his arbitrary conduct and insolence, 148;
letter from, to Grant of Achoynanie, making a demand for men with
accoutrements, 287 _n_;
letter from, to Grant, demanding to know what his intentions are,
291 _n_;
at the battle of Falkirk, 410.
---- Mirabel de, 182 _n_, 192 and _n_.
---- Patrick, of Achleuris, 25 _n_.
---- Theodore, moderator, 152.
---- Thomas, professor in King’s College, Aberdeen, 138.
---- sir Thomas, of Earlston, 43 and _n_.
---- sir William, of Invergordon, 95 _n_.
---- ---- of Park, 121.
---- castle, 205, 290 _n_.
Gorogan, or Geohagan, captain, 171 and _n_.
Gortuleg, laird of. _See_ Fraser, Thomas.
Grant, governor of Fort George, 273-4.
---- lieut., a prisoner with the rebels, 299 _n_.
---- Mrs., of Ballindalloch, 274.
---- of Daldeagan, 324.
---- of Glenmoriston, 322.
---- of Knockando, 103 _n_.
---- of Rothiemurchus, 276 _n_, 280 _n_.
---- Alex., of Corriemony, 299 _n_.
---- ---- of Sheuglie, 279 _n_;
denies having had any correspondence with the Pretender’s son, 323;
induces Grants of Glenmoriston to surrender, 324;
treacherously made prisoner at Inverness, 315, 325, 328;
admits that some of his children joined the Pretender against his
advice;
dies a prisoner, 326 _n_;
his petition to the duke of Newcastle, 329 and _n_.
---- ---- of Tochineal, Findlater’s chamberlain, 289 _n_;
letter from, to lord Findlater on the demands on the estate by
lord Lewis Gordon, 287.
---- Allan, of Innerwick, 89 _n_.
---- sir Archibald, of Monymusk, 124, 138 and _n_.
---- George, of Culbin, governor of Inverness castle, 108 _n_, 109.
---- James, of Dell, 283.
---- ---- of Sheugly, 315, 323;
after assisting Grant of Grant in obtaining surrenders he is made
prisoner by his orders, 325-30;
examination of, in London, 326;
denies any participation in the rising, 327-8;
his petition to the duke of Newcastle, 329;
to be admitted to bail and tried in Edinburgh, 331.
---- ---- chamberlain of Strathspey, 299 and _n_, 302 and _n_.
---- sir James, of Grant, 108 _n_, 269, 306.
---- colonel James Alexander, master of ordnance to prince Charles,
182 and _n_, 206.
---- Jean, wife of Forbes of Skeleter, 113 _n_.
---- John, chamberlain of Urquhart, 299 _n_, 319, 323;
threatening letter to, from Angus Macdonald, ordering him to send
men to join the rebel standard, 278;
letter to, from Grant of Grant, requiring the gentlemen of
Urquhart to remain peaceably at home, 278 _n_;
writes to Grant giving an account of his difficult position,
278 _n_;
letters from, to Grant, on the threat of the Macdonalds and on
the refusal of the Urquhart men to join the rebels, 281 _n_, 282.
---- ---- minister at Urquhart, hardships endured because of his
loyalty, 313, 318;
his house attacked by Macdonalds;
mobbed for praying for king George, 314;
persecuted by the laird of Grant, 315-16, 330;
imprisoned in Inverness, 316, 328;
exonerated by Abertarf presbytery, 316;
removed to London, 317;
Abernethy presbytery bear witness to his loyalty, 317;
examined in London, 319;
declares that the laird of Grant had no objection to some of his
clan joining the rebels;
refuses offer of chaplaincy to the rebels, 320;
his life threatened, 321;
denies having ever aided the rebels, 322;
his petition to the duke of Newcastle, 329.
---- Ludovick, of Grant, 91-2, 153-4;
receives intelligence of the rising of the clans, 269-70;
informs Cope of his efforts against the rebels, 270-1;
sends men to guide Cope through the passes, 272;
Brodie of Brodie sends him a letter of remonstrance for not
assisting Cope, 272 and _n_, 274;
his conditional offer to help Cope;
sends men to drive Glenbucket from Strathaven, 274;
interview with Forbes of Culloden, 274-5;
accepts the lord president’s offer of a company, 275-6;
writes to the gentlemen of Urquhart, ordering them to remain
peaceably at home, 278 _n_;
the chamberlain of Urquhart gives him an account of his
difficult position, 279;
letter of instructions to the chamberlain, 279 _n_;
requested by the lord president to hold his men in readiness;
informs Loudoun of his anxiety to do all in his power for the
king’s service, 280 and _n_;
letters to, from his chamberlain on the Macdonalds threatening
to ravage the country in case of men not joining the rebels,
281 and _n_;
his tenants in Urquhart refuse to join the rebels, 281 _n_, 282;
marches with 600 men for Inverness, 282;
dismisses them on learning that no preparations had been made, 283;
letter to, from lord Lewis Gordon, asking permission to recruit
among his people for prince Charles, 283 _n_;
frustrates lord Lewis’s schemes for raising men, 284;
appointed sheriff-depute of Banffshire, 289 _n_;
sends men to secure the Boat o’ Bridge, 289;
assists Macleod at Cullen, 291;
lord Lewis Gordon writes demanding to know what his intentions
are, 291;
his reply, 292-3 and _n_;
marches to Strathbogie, and issues his Declaration as to men
forced to join the rebels, 293 and _n_;
Loudoun and Deskford suggest that as he had no orders for such
an expedition, he should return to Strathspey, 294 and _n_;
garrisons his house of Mulben, 295, 297 _n_;
letter to Elgin magistrates explaining why he cannot march to
their assistance, 296 _n_, 297;
letters to, from sir Harry Innes, on the need for protecting
Elgin, 298 _n_;
writes to lord Loudoun expressing his desire to do everything
possible for the service of the government, 299 _n_, 300;
Loudoun’s reply, 301 and _n_;
on learning of the arrival of the rebels at Blair he again calls
out his men, 301-2 and _n_;
watches the movements of the rebels, and renews request for arms,
304-5 _n_;
Loudoun is unable to comply, 305 _n_;
reproached by Murray of Broughton for aiding the rebels, 306;
joins the duke of Cumberland in Aberdeen, 307;
forms an advance guard to Strathspey, 308;
returns to Castle Grant;
his persecution of John Grant, minister of Urquhart, 315;
said to be playing double, 319-20, 327;
might have been of great service to the government if so
disposed, 322, 328;
after Culloden he obtains the surrender of the Grants of
Glenmoriston and Urquhart, 324;
his treachery towards the Grants of Sheugly, 325, 330-2;
his possible indiscretions the result of zeal for the weal
of the country, 309.
---- Patrick, moderator of Abernethy presbytery, 319.
---- Robert, adjutant in Loudoun’s regiment, 271.
---- ---- son of Easter Duthill, 276.
---- Thomas, of Achoynanie, 286 and _n_;
letter to, from lord Lewis Gordon, demanding able-bodied men
for the rebels, 287 _n_.
---- William, yr. of Dellachapple, 276 _n_.
Grants surrender at Inverness, 322, 324, 328.
---- of Glenmoriston, 89 and _n_;
at Prestonpans, 407.
Grossett, Alexander, captain in Price’s regiment, killed at
Culloden, 336 and _n_, 343, 401.
---- Walter, of Logie, collector of customs at Alloa, his narrative
of services performed, with an account of money disposed in
the service of the government during the rebellion, 333-76;
letters and orders from his correspondence, 377-99;
rebels plunder his house in Alloa, and drive off his cattle,
375-6, 402;
his narrative certified by the lord justice-clerk, etc., 375-6;
letter of instructions to masters of transports;
list of transports, 398;
report on his services by sir Everard Falconer and John Sharpe,
solicitor to the treasury, 400-2;
letter from, to the commissioners of customs, 383;
letter from, to the lord justice-clerk, 397;
letter to, from the commissioners of customs, 381;
letter to, from Robert Craigie, advocate general, 379;
letter to, from lieut.-general Handasyde, 379-80;
letter to, from captain Knight of the _Happy Janet_, 387;
letters to, from the lord justice-clerk, 385, 390, 392-3,
394-6, 399;
letters to, from general Guest, 383, 386, 388-9, 391;
letters to, from the earl of Home, 388, 391, 398.
Guest, Joshua, commander-in-chief in Scotland, 51 and _n_, 340,
345 _n_, 347-9, 352, 376;
letter from, to the commissioners of customs, 381;
letters from, to Walter Grossett, 383, 385-6, 388-9, 391;
letter from, to captain Knight of the _Happy Janet_, 389.
Halket, colonel, a prisoner with the rebels, 364.
---- John, schoolmaster in Prestonpans, 44 _n_.
Hallhead. _See_ Gordon.
Halyburton, John, 132-3 and _n_.
Hamilton, bailie, in Kinghorn, 399.
---- duke of, 56.
---- governor of Carlisle, 193.
---- John, factor to the duke of Gordon, his insolent conduct in
Aberdeen, 118-19 and _n_.
Handasyde, lieut.-general Roger, 343, 345 and _n_, 346, 376;
letters from, to Walter Grossett, 379, 380.
Hanway, captain, of the _Milford_, captures the _Louis XV._
transport, 352 and _n_.
Harper, William, of Edinburgh, 11 _n_.
Harris, island of, 78.
Harrison, William, catholic priest, 221 and _n_.
Hartree, Peeblesshire, 52 and _n_.
Hawley, general Henry C., 99 _n_, 345 _n_, 353 and _n_, 358,
361-6, 394-5;
succeeds Cope, 409;
defeated at Falkirk, 194-6, 410-13;
letter from, to general Blakeney, 393.
Hay, yr. of Ranas, 121.
---- Alexander, of Drumelzier, 19 and _n_, 26.
---- John, of Restalrig, W.S., 49 _n_, 219, 223 and _n_.
---- Thomas, of Huntington, keeper of the signet, 49 and _n_.
---- William, brother of Drumelzier, 19 and _n_, 26.
---- ---- captain, 25 _n_.
Henry, Mr., 368 and _n_.
Hessians, 184 and _n_, 206;
land at Leith, 305 _n_, 366, 395.
Higgins Nook, near Alloa, 383-4, 348-9, 354, 387, 389, 394.
Highland soldiers shot in the Tower for desertion, 42 and _n_.
Highlands, their deplorable condition previous to the rising, 38.
Home, John, author of _Douglas_, 198 _n_.
---- William, earl of, 345 _n_, 350 _n_, 351, 372 and _n_, 376;
letters from, to Grossett, 388, 391, 398.
Honeywood, general, defeated by the rebels at Clifton, 185-6 and _n_.
Horn, of Westhall, 124, 132, 139, 146.
How, captain Thomas, of the _Baltimore_, 236.
Howard’s regiment, 418.
‘Humlys,’ 145 and _n_.
Hunter, of Polmood, death of, 51 and _n_.
---- Robert, of Burnside, 155 and _n_.
Huntly Lodge [formerly Sanstoun], 118 _n_.
Huske, John, major-general, 353-4, 359 and _n_, 361;
at Culloden, 417;
letter from, to Walter Grossett, 392.
Inglis, sir John, of Cramond, 50 and _n_.
Innes, sir Harry, of Innes, 290 and _n_, 295;
letter to Grant on the need for protecting Elgin, 298 _n_.
Inverallochy, 98 _n_, 99 _n_.
---- lairds of. _See_ Fraser.
Inverernan, laird of. _See_ Forbes.
Invergarry castle, 228.
Inverlaidnan, 305 and _n_.
Inverness pays indemnity to Keppoch, 88;
taken by the rebels, 306 and _n_.
---- castle, 105 _n_, 108;
besieged and taken by the rebels, 109.
Invershin pass, 110.
Inverurie, skirmish at, 142-6, 295, 298 _n_.
Irving, of Drum, 122.
James Francis Stuart. _See_ Stuart.
Johnshaven, 115 and _n_.
Keith, 207-8, 287-8;
rebels surprise a party of Campbells at, 155-6.
---- George. _See_ Marischal, earl.
---- James, field-marshal, 7 and _n_, 26, 31, 36.
---- Robert, bishop of Caithness and the Isles, 17 _n_, 20 and _n_, 39.
Kelly’s regiment, 149 and _n_.
Kendal, 184-5.
Kenmure, John, viscount, 25 _n_, 43, 52.
---- Robert, viscount, 25 _n_.
---- William, viscount, 25 _n_.
Ker, Henry, of Graden, 405;
at the battle of Culloden, 213 _n_.
---- lord Mark, killed at Culloden, 152 _n_, 161.
---- lord Robert, killed at Culloden, 336 _n_.
Kessock ferry, 108 and _n_.
Kilmarnock, earl of, at the battle of Culloden, 214.
Kilmarnock’s Horse, 151 _n_.
Kincraig. _See_ Culcairn.
Kingairloch, 84-5.
Kingsburgh. _See_ Macdonald, Alexander.
Kinloch Moidart, laird of. _See_ Macdonald, Donald.
Kintail parish, 76 and _n_.
Kintore, John Keith, earl of, 120, 123 and _n_, 145-6.
Knight, John, captain of the _Happy Janet_, letter from, to
Grossett, 387;
letter to, from general Guest, 389.
Knoydart people ‘all papists and mostly thieves,’ 81.
Larrey, captain, 171.
Lascelles, colonel Peregrine, 340 _n_.
Laurence, Robt., of the _Speedwell_, 398.
Law, George, nonjurant minister, 127 and _n_.
Lead mines of Strontian, 83 and _n_.
Legrand, Mr., collector of the customs at Leith, 346.
Leighton (Layton), colonel, 354 and _n_, 358.
Leith, of Freefield, 124, 147.
---- of Glenkindy, 114, 124.
Levy or militia money, 133-4.
Lewis, island of, acquired by the Mackenzies, 78.
Leys. _See_ Burnett, sir Alex.
Liddel, John, in Haugh of Dalderse, 388.
Ligonier, Francis, colonel, 177 _n_.
---- sir John, 177 and _n_.
Ligonier’s regiment, 345 _n_, 349, 359 _n_, 410, 417.
Lining, Thomas, minister of Lesmahagow, 83 _n_.
Linlithgow, 359-60.
Lismore, 84.
Lochaber, 217, 396.
Loch Alsh, battle at, between Mackenzies and Macdonalds, 75 and _n_.
Locharkaig, 86.
Lochaskivay, 246.
Loch Boisdale, 248-9 _n_.
Loch Broom, 75, 96.
Loch Carron, 75, 77.
Loch Eynort (Lochynort), 250.
Loch Hourn or Hell Loch, 80.
Lochiel, 84, 86.
_See_ Cameron, Donald.
Loch Maddy, 233.
Lochskiport, 253.
Loch Uskavagh (Lochisguiway), 260.
Lochynort, South Uist, 246.
Lockhart, major, taken prisoner at Falkirk, 199 and _n_.
Logie, merchant in Aberdeen, 138.
Long Island, 78 and _n_.
Lonmay. _See_ Moir, William.
Loudoun, John Campbell, earl of, 104, 106-7, 109, 110, 134 and _n_,
162 _n_, 206, 271 _n_, 280 and _n_, 282-284, 298;
at the Rout of Moy, 101 _n_, 108 and _n_;
defeated by lord Lewis Gordon at Inverury, 143-6, 178 and _n_;
prevails upon Lovat to prevent his clan from rising, 289 _n_;
censures the laird of Grant for acting without orders, 294 and _n_;
letter to, from Grant, expressing his anxiety to do everything
possible for the government, 299 _n_-300;
Loudoun’s reply, 301 and _n_;
writes to Grant regretting he is unable to supply his men with
arms, 305 and _n_, 306.
Lovat, Simon Fraser, lord, 26, 41-2, 44 _n_, 45-6, 48, 82 _n_,
90 and _n_, 96, 106, 228 and _n_, 244 _n_, 279 _n_, 289 _n_.
Lumly, Mr., cipher name of lord Semple, _q.v._
Lumsden, James, minister of Towey, 114.
Lundie house, Fife, 393.
Macaulay, Aulay, minister of Harris, 232 and _n_.
---- John, minister of South Uist, 232 and _n_, 234.
MacAulays of Kintail, 76 _n_.
Macbain, Alexander, minister of Inverness, his _Memorial concerning
the Highlands_, 69-92.
---- Gillise, of Dalmagarrie, major in lady Mackintosh’s regiment,
killed at Culloden, 101 and _n_.
Macbains join the rebels, 101.
M‘Cay. _See_ Mackay.
MacCrimmon, Donald Ban, piper of Macleod, taken prisoner by the
rebels at Inverurie, 145 and _n_;
killed at the Rout of Moy, 108 _n_, 145 _n_.
M‘Culloch, Roderick, of Glastulich, 98 and _n_.
Macdonald, Mrs., suspected of being the prince in disguise, 263.
---- of the Isles, earl of Ross, 79.
---- of Moidart, 79.
---- of Morar, 81 and _n_.
---- Æneas, banker in Paris, 8 and _n_;
accompanies prince Charles to Scotland, 82 _n_;
note on, 83 _n_.
---- Alexander, of Boisdale, 242;
refuses to join the rebels, 83 _n_;
taken prisoner, 245 and _n_;
his house plundered, 249.
---- ---- of Glencoe, 86 and _n_.
---- ---- yr. of Glengarry, 66 _n_, 67, 132 _n_.
---- ---- of Keppoch, 88 _n_.
---- ---- of Kingsburgh, 263 and _n_;
his interview with the prince near Monkstat house, 264.
---- sir Alexander, of Sleat, 25 _n_, 35 and _n_, 38, 39 _n_, 45,
63 _n_, 79, 83 _n_, 104, 207, 227 _n_, 243 _n_, 250 _n_,
262 and _n_, 263, 324.
---- Allan, of Morar, 81 and _n_, 82 _n_.
---- ---- son of Scotus, 81 _n_.
---- ---- [MacDowell], chaplain with the rebel army, 228 and _n_,
230, 231 _n_, 233.
---- Angus, of Borradale, 229 and _n_, 231.
---- ---- yr. of Glengarry, killed at the battle of
Sgeir-na-Caillich [1603], 75.
---- ---- son of Glengarry, 97 _n_;
letter from, to the bailie of Urquhart, threatening to ravage
the country if men do not join his standard, 277-8;
accidentally killed at Falkirk, 277 and _n_, 302 _n_.
---- ---- of Milltown, 259-60.
---- ---- of Scotus, 81 and _n_.
---- ---- [MacEachain], surgeon in Glengarry’s regiment, 229 and _n_.
---- Angusia, 279 _n_.
---- Archibald, of Barisdale [d. 1752], 96 and _n_.
---- ---- [d. 1787], son of Coll, of Barisdale, 97 _n_.
---- Catherine, wife of Macleod of Bernera, 242 _n_.
---- Coll, of Barisdale, 74, 96 _n_, 100 _n_, 230, 240, 279 _n_,
281 _n_, 282, 320-1, 415;
sketch of his career, 96 and _n_.
---- ---- [‘Coll of the Cows’], of Keppoch, defeats M‘Intosh at
the battle of Mulroy, 87 and _n_;
his people papists and thieves, 88.
---- Donald, 231-2.
---- ---- son of Clanranald, 242 and _n_.
---- ---- brother of Glencoe, 86 _n_.
---- ---- brother of Keppoch, 278 and _n_.
---- ---- of Kinloch Moidart, 82 and _n_;
hanged in Carlisle, 83 _n_.
---- ---- of Scotus, at Culloden, 81 _n_.
---- ---- of Tiendrish, 278 and _n_.
---- ---- Roy, 233 _n_.
---- Dougall, of Clanranald, 81 _n_.
---- Flora, 229 _n_, 230 _n_, 233 _n_, 250, 256, 266;
her first meeting with prince Charles, 251;
dresses the prince to pass as her maid, 260;
accompanies him to Trotternish, 262;
informs lady Macdonald of the prince’s whereabouts, 263;
a prisoner in London, 373 _n_.
---- Hugh, of Armadale, 244, 249 and _n_.
---- ---- of Baleshare, 233 _n_, 243 and _n_.
---- ---- vicar-apostolic of the Highlands, 82 _n_, 90 _n_.
---- James, brother of Glencoe, 86 _n_.
---- ---- brother of Kinloch-Moidart, 83 _n_.
---- John, boatman, 259, 260.
---- ---- doctor, 83 _n_.
---- ---- of Glengarry, 25 _n_, 38.
---- ---- of Guidale, 82 _n_.
---- ---- son of Morar, 82 _n_.
---- ---- son of Scotus, 81 _n_.
---- colonel John Andrew, of Glenaladale, 229 _n_.
---- lady Margaret, of Sleat, 243 _n_, 250 and _n_.
---- [MacEachain], Neil, his narrative of the wanderings of prince
Charles in the Hebrides, 225-66.
---- Ranald, of Clanranald, 38, 79, 232, 237, 241.
---- lady, of Clanranald, 17 _n_, 20, 243 _n_, 246, 259, 260.
---- Ranald, yr. of Clanranald, 82 _n_, 230.
---- ---- brother of Neil Maceachain, 238 and _n_.
---- ---- of Kinloch-Moidart, 82 _n_.
---- ---- brother of Kinloch-Moidart, 83 _n_.
---- ---- son of Donald of Scotus, 81 _n_.
---- ---- ‘Walpole,’ 253.
---- Rory, 231, 248, 259, 260.
Macdonalds lacking in loyalty to the throne, 79, 314;
defeated by Mackenzies at Sgeir-na-Caillich [1603], 75 and _n_;
at the battle of Prestonpans, 407;
many desertions during the retreat to the north, 302 _n_-304 _n_;
at the battle of Falkirk, 195, 409, 411;
at Culloden, 213, 239, 417.
---- of Barisdale, 81 and _n_.
---- of Kinloch Moidart, 81.
M‘Dougall, William, merchant in Edinburgh, 51 and _n_.
MacDowell, Allan. _See_ Macdonald.
M‘Eachan, Alexander, of Domondrack, 229.
---- or Macdonald, Neil. _See_ Macdonald.
MacEachan-Macdonald of Drimindarach, 229 _n_.
MacEachans of Howbeg, 229 _n_.
M‘Gill, commander, 369.
M‘Gillivray (M‘Ilivrae), Alexander, of Dunmaglas, 101 and _n_, 147.
MacGillivrays join the rebels, 101.
Macgregor, Gregor, of Glengyle, 415.
---- or Drummond, William, of Balhaldy, 3-6, 8, 9, 12, 14 and _n_,
15 and _n_, 17, 19, 22, 28-30 and _n_, 32 _n_, 33 _n_, 39,
45-8, 54, 57, 58, 60, 66.
Macgregors, 92;
at the battle of Prestonpans, 407;
at the battle of Falkirk, 409, 411;
ill-treat and plunder citizens of Aberdeen, 148.
Machany, Perthshire, 271 _n_.
Macivor, Finlay, piper, author of ‘The Campbells are Coming,’ 71 _n_.
Mackay, Alexander, of Auchmony, 279 and _n_.
---- (M‘Cay), Alexander, son of lord Reay, 103.
---- George, 3rd lord Reay, _q.v._
Mackays of Strathnavar, 73.
Mackenzie, captain, 244.
---- of Culcoy, 100.
---- of Lentron, 100.
---- of Scatwell, refuses to join the rebels, 100.
---- Alex., of Fairburn, 91, 97 _n_, 100 and _n_.
---- Mrs., of Fairburn, 104 _n_.
---- Colin, earl of Seaforth, _q.v._
---- ---- minister of Lochs, 232 and _n_.
---- ---- of Kildun, 235 _n_.
---- Mrs., of Kildun, 235.
---- George, of Balmuchie, 97 _n_.
---- James, of Cappoch, 75.
---- John, of Ardloch, 71 _n_, 74, 75.
---- ---- of Kintail, 78 _n_.
---- Kenneth, lord Fortrose, _q.v._
---- ---- captain in Barisdale’s regiment, 100 _n_.
---- Roderick, of Coigeach, 78 _n_.
---- sir Roderick, tutor of Kintail, 74 _n_, 78 _n_.
Mackenzies acquire Assynt, 73-4 _n_;
and the lands of Macleod of Lewis, 78 _n_;
defeat Macdonalds at Sgeir-na-Caillich, 75 and _n_;
join the rebels, 100.
---- of Applecross and Loch Carron, 75.
---- of Gairloch, 75.
---- of Loch Broom, 75.
---- of Seaforth, 90.
M‘Kilikin, John, minister of Loch Alsh, 77.
Mackinnon, John, of Mackinnon, 80 and _n_.
Mackintosh, bailie in Inverness, 104.
---- Æneas, of Mackintosh, refuses to join the rebels, 101 and _n_;
taken prisoner at Dornoch, 101 _n_;
sent home by the prince, 102 _n_.
---- Anne, wife of Mackintosh of Mackintosh, 101, 108 _n_, 205;
raises a regiment for prince Charles, 101 and _n_;
her reception of her husband after his liberation;
meets the duke of Cumberland in London, 102 _n_.
---- Lachlan, of Mackintosh, defeated by Keppoch at Mulroy,
87 and _n_, 88.
---- captain William, 293 _n_.
Mackintoshes, 277 and _n_;
arm for king George, aftw. join prince Charles, 101, 271 _n_;
at the battle of Falkirk, 409;
at Culloden, 417.
M‘Lachlan, rev. John, of Kilchoan, 85 and _n_.
---- Lachlan, of MacLachlan, killed at Culloden, 85 and _n_.
MacLauchlans, 407;
in Ardnamurchan, 83;
at Culloden, 85 _n_.
---- of Morven, 84.
Maclean of Ardgour, 84.
---- of Coll, 80.
---- of Dowart, 85.
---- of Kingairloch, 84.
---- of Lochbuie, 85.
---- Allan, of Brolas, 85 _n_.
---- Charles, of Drimnin, killed at Culloden, 85 _n_.
---- sir Hector, of Duart, 85 and _n_.
Macleans in the ’45, 85 and _n_;
at Culloden, 85 _n_, 417.
---- of Morven, 84.
MacLennans of Glenshiel, 76 _n_.
Macleod, Alexander, advocate, and aide-de-camp to prince Charles,
52 _n_, 227 and _n_, 228.
---- ---- lieut. in the Macleod militia, 263 and _n_.
---- ---- of Luskintyre, 242 and _n_.
---- ---- of Ulinish, 244 and _n_.
---- Donald, of Geanies, 107 _n_.
---- ---- of Gualtergil, 230 and _n_, 231 and _n_, 233, 234.
---- Hugh, of Geanies, 74, 104, 107 and _n_, 110, 285.
---- Janet, wife of sir James Campbell, of Auchenbreck, 6 _n_.
---- John, lord, son of George, earl of Cromartie, 71 _n_, 72 _n_,
96 and _n_, 97, 104 _n_.
---- ---- father of Donald, of Geanies, 107 _n_.
---- ---- of Muiravonside, 52 and _n_, 227 and _n_.
---- Margaret, 242 _n_.
---- Margaret, wife of sir Roderick Mackenzie, tutor of Kintail,
74 and _n_.
---- Neil, betrayer of Montrose, 107 _n_.
---- ---- the last of the Macleods of Assynt, 74 _n_.
---- Norman, of Macleod, 44 and _n_, 65, 95, 104, 110,
136-46, 227 _n_, 284, 290-1, 293 and _n_, 298.
---- sir Norman, of Bernera, 227 _n_, 242 _n_.
---- Roderick, the last of the Macleods of Lewis, 78 _n_.
---- Torquil, of Lewis, 74 _n_.
---- ---- Connanach, 78 _n_.
---- William, of Luskintyre, 242.
Macleods, 284-5;
at the battle of Falkirk, 409;
at Culloden, 417.
---- of Assynt, 73-4.
---- of Cogach, 74.
---- of Lewis, 78 and _n_.
Macmillan, Alexander, of Dunmore, keeper of the signet, 49 _n_.
M‘Murich, John, 260.
Macneil, Anne, wife of Macdonald of Boisdale, 247 and _n_, 248-9.
---- Roderick, of Barra, 79 and _n_.
MacNicols of Assynt, 74 _n_.
Macpherson of Cluny, 186, 240, 271 _n_, 415.
---- Malcolm, corporal in the Black Watch, shot for desertion, 43 _n_.
---- Samuel, corporal in the Black Watch, shot for desertion, 43 _n_.
Macphersons, 277 and _n_, 305 _n_.
---- of Cluny, at the battle of Falkirk, 409;
at Culloden, 417.
Macrae (MacRaw), captain in Glengarry’s regiment, 77 _n_.
---- Alexander, lieut., 77 _n_.
---- (Macgrath or M‘Kra), Gilchrist, 77 _n_.
---- (Macraith), James, captain in Berwick’s regiment, 77 _n_.
---- (M‘Raw) Murdoch, hanged as a spy, 77 _n_.
M‘Raes of Kintail, said to be descended from the Campbells,
76 and _n_-77.
Maillebois, maréchal de, 12 and _n_.
Maitland, of Pitrichy, 124, 138;
taken prisoner by the rebels, 145-6.
Malt tax, 122, 134.
Mamore, 86.
Manchester, 171;
the bells having been rung for the rebels, 171;
now ring for the enemy, 179.
Manchester regiment, 171-4.
March, William Douglas, 3rd earl of, aftw. Queensberry, duke of, _q.v._
Marischal, George Keith, 10th earl, 7 and _n_, 11, 21, 26, 29, 38, 58;
letter to, from Murray of Broughton, 27-8 and _n_;
letter from, commanding his people to join lord John Drummond,
132, 292 _n_;
its authenticity, 132.
Masterman, Thomas, of the _Ann_, 398.
Mathesons of Loch Alsh, 75.
Maxwell, Dr., 372.
---- Mr., cipher name of Macgregor of Balhaldy, _q.v._
---- William, of Carruchan, escapes from Carlisle, 193 and _n_.
Menzies of Pitfodels, 122.
Mercer, Mr., 121.
Metcalf, John, road-maker and musician, 158 _n_.
Middleton, of Seaton, 124, 162.
Moidart, 81.
Moir, Charles, brother of Stonywood, 122.
---- James, of Stonywood, 102, 116-117, 122, 128, 130, 133,
135 _n_, 138, 151.
---- William, of Lonmay, 121 and _n_, 128, 136, 150-1;
letter to, from lord John Drummond, 293 _n_.
Monaltrie. _See_ Farquharson, James.
Monkstat house, 262 and _n_.
Monro. _See_ Munro.
Moore, Mr., cipher name of Dr. Barry, _q.v._
Morar, 81-2.
---- laird of. _See_ Macdonald, Allan.
Mordaunt, brigadier-general, 418.
Morgan, captain, arrested for rioting in Aberdeen, 163 _n_.
---- David, barrister and ‘the pretender’s counsellor,’ 172 and _n_.
Morison, Roderick, minister of Kintail, on the descent of the
Macraes, 76 _n_.
Morris, Mr., cipher name for Charles Smith, _q.v._
Morven, 84, 85.
Moy, the ‘Rout of Moy,’ 101 _n_, 108 and _n_, 145 _n_, 306 and _n_.
Muchals. _See_ Castle Fraser.
Muckle Ferry, near Dornoch, 110.
Muick or Glenshiel, 76 and _n_.
Muiravonside, 227 _n_.
---- laird of. _See_ Macleod, John.
Mulben, 290, 295.
Mull, island of, 85.
Mulroy, battle of [1688], 87 and _n_.
Munro, Daniel, minister of Tain, his _Account of the late Rebellion
from Ross and Sutherland_, 93-110.
---- Dr. Duncan, killed at the battle of Falkirk, 198 and _n_.
---- George, of Culcairn, 103 and _n_, 104, 107, 115, 136-7, 139,
142, 293 and _n_.
---- sir Harry, of Foulis, 103.
---- Hugh, of Teaninich, 103.
---- sir Robert, of Foulis, 103 _n_;
killed at the battle of Falkirk, 198 and _n_, 413.
---- William, of Achany, 103.
Munros and their loyalty to the government, 46 and _n_, 103.
Murchisons of Loch Alsh, 75.
Murray, lady Anna, 123 _n_.
---- sir David, of Stanhope, 83 and _n_.
---- lord George, 149, 158 _n_, 174 and _n_, 186 _n_, 206 and _n_,
354, 361;
at the battle of Prestonpans, 407;
the quarrel with Balmerino, 200;
at the battle of Falkirk, 194-6 and _n_, 409, 411, 413;
his night attack on Cumberland’s forces at Nairn, 415;
at Culloden, 211 and _n_, 212-13 and _n_, 239-40, 417;
his flight from the battlefield, 216;
attributes much of the disaster of the battle to Hay of
Restalrig, 223.
---- sir James, of Stanhope, 83 _n_.
---- John, of Broughton, his _History of the first Rise and
Progress of the late Rebellion_, 1742-1744, 1-66;
letter from, to the Chevalier, 36-7, 54-60;
letter from, to prince Charles, 60-8;
letters from, to Edgar, 20 and _n_-27, 37-41, 45 and _n_;
letter from, to the earl
marischal, 27-8 and _n_;
letters to, from the Chevalier, 30-4;
letters to, from Edgar, 18-19, 30.
---- lord John, 219.
---- Margaret, dau. of lord James Murray, 101 _n_.
---- sir Patrick, of Ochtertyre, attempts to capture the duke of
Perth, 118 _n_.
---- Veronica, 51 _n_.
---- hon. William, solicitor-general, 331 and _n_.
Nairn, 210.
Nairne, lord, 406-7.
Narsom, cipher name for John Murray, _q.v._
New, laird of. _See_ Forbes.
Newcastle, duke of, 228 _n_, 370, 401;
letter to, from general Price, 396;
petition to, from Grant of Sheugly, James, yr. of Sheugly, and
John Grant, minister of Urquhart, 329;
letter to, from the attorney-general recommending that Grant of
Sheugly be admitted to bail and tried in Edinburgh, 331.
Newton Pow, 351.
Nicolson, cipher name for Macleod of Macleod, _q.v._
Nisbet, of Dirleton, 33 _n_, 64.
Nonjurant clergy in Aberdeen and Banff favour the Jacobites, 126;
their meeting houses destroyed in Aberdeen, 156.
North Uist, 79.
Nuntown, in Benbecula, 256 and _n_.
Ogilvie, lord, 208, 214, 410;
his regiment, 149 and _n_.
---- of Achires, 121.
---- Janet, dau. of the earl of Findlater and wife of Forbes of
Skeleter, 113 _n_.
---- John, 289 _n_.
---- lady Margaret, 275 _n_.
---- William, 289 _n_.
Old Aberdeen ordered by the rebels to provide £215 of levy money, 135.
Old Meldrum, 153.
Oliphant, yr. of Gask, at the battle of Falkirk, 412.
O’Neil, captain Felix, 230 and _n_, 231 _n_, 237 _n_, 249, 250,
252, 256, 258-60.
Orrery, lord, 47 and _n_.
Orri, M., French minister of finance, 66.
Osborne, John, principal of Marischal College, 152.
O’Sullivan, colonel John William, 196 _n_, 210, 228, 230 and _n_,
231 _n_, 237 _n_, 249;
at Culloden, 416.
Paisley regiment, 345 _n_, 350 and _n_, 351.
Papists of Aberdeen and Banff support the Jacobites, 127.
Park. _See_ Gordon, sir William.
Paterson, sir Hugh, of Bannockburn, 11 _n_.
Paton, of Grandam, 124, 147.
Peirson, John, master of the _Pretty Janet_, 387.
Perth, James, [Jacobite] duke of, 7, 15 and _n_, 16, 17, 25 _n_,
35-7, 64, 67-8, 159, 181, 183, 206, 210, 212, 219, 222,
271 and _n_, 298 _n_;
proposes to take Stirling castle, 31 and _n_, 40;
rejected by a lady in York, 37;
suspected by the government, 48, 49;
attempts to take him prisoner, 53 and _n_, 118 and _n_;
at the battle of Prestonpans, 168, 170, 174 and _n_, 175, 407;
on the way north is attacked at Kendal, 184;
warrant issued for his apprehension, 393;
assists his soldiers in the crossing of the Esk, 188;
at the battle of Falkirk, 410;
at Culloden, 214, 415-17;
in Ruthven of Badenoch, 216;
sails for France, 222-3;
buried at sea, 224.
Petrie, James, advocate in Aberdeen, 128;
reads the pretender’s manifesto at the Cross, 119 and _n_;
joins the rebels under Pitsligo, 121;
causes Maitland of Pitrichy to be taken by the rebels, 145-6.
Pitcalnie, lairds of. _See_ Ross.
Pitsligo. _See_ Forbes, Alexander.
Pitully. _See_ Cuming.
Presbyterian ministers at the battle of Falkirk, 198 and _n_.
Preston, 170.
Prestonpans, battle of, 103-5 and _n_, 119, 122, 277, 343, 363, 405-9;
prisoners taken by the rebels interned in Perthshire and Fife,
364 and _n_.
Price, John, governor of Berwick, 370;
letter from, to the duke of Newcastle, 396.
Price’s regiment, 153, 345 _n_, 349, 410, 417.
Pulrossie, 110.
Pulteney’s regiment, 158 and _n_, 411, 418.
Queensberry, Charles Douglas, 3rd duke of, 6 and _n_.
---- William Douglas, 4th duke of, 6 _n_.
Rae, David, nonjuring minister in Edinburgh, father of lord
Eskgrove, 34.
Rattray, Thomas, of Craighall-Rattray, bp. of Dunkeld, 17 _n_,
18 and _n_, 20, 34, 39 and _n_.
Reay, George Mackay, 3rd lord, 72, 73 and _n_, 104, 109.
Reed, sir Alexander, of Barra, 124.
Reid, Patrick, minister of Clatt, 150 and _n_.
Rich, Robert, lieut.-colonel of Barrel’s regiment, 153 and _n_.
Robertsons of Strowan, 407.
Rose, of Kilravock, 273.
Roshiness, Benbecula, 231, 237, 252, 256-9.
Ross, the master of, 104, 105 and _n_, 108-9, 207.
---- of Balnagowan, 105 _n_.
---- of Inverchasley, 105, 106, 108-110.
---- hon. Charles, 105 _n_.
---- David, of Balnagowan, 105 _n_.
---- George, 13th lord, 105 _n_.
---- Malcolm, yr. of Pitcalnie, 105 and _n_;
his men having joined the government forces, he joins the rebels, 106.
---- earldom, 105 _n_.
Rosses of Ross-shire, 105 and _n_.
Rout of Moy, 101 _n_, 108 _n_, 145 _n_, 306 and _n_.
Roxburgh, John, of the _Jean_, 398.
Rueval hill, Benbecula, 259 and _n_.
Ruthven in Badenoch, 215, 271, 418;
barracks demolished by the highlanders, 204.
---- castle burnt, 305 _n_.
Rutton, Dr., 16 _n_.
Ryder, sir Dudley, attorney-general, letter to the duke of Newcastle,
recommending that, no evidence being produced, Grant of Sheugly
be admitted to bail and tried in Edinburgh, 331 and _n_.
St. Ninian’s church blown up, 201.
Salton, Alexander Fraser, lord, 123 and _n_.
Sandilands [Sanderson], Mr., in Aberdeen, 121-2.
Sanstoun. _See_ Huntly Lodge.
Saunders, John, in Keith, 287 _n_.
Scalpa, 233.
Scots Brigade, recruiting for service in the Netherlands, 43 and _n_.
Scott, captain Carolina Frederick, a relentless hunter of fugitive
Jacobites, 248 and _n_, 249.
Seaforth, countess of, 100 _n_.
---- Colin, earl of, 78 _n_, 90.
---- George, earl of, 91.
---- Kenneth, earl of, 91.
---- William, 5th earl of, 104 _n_.
Seaton, a priest, 127 and _n_.
Semple (Sempill), Hugh, lord, 3, 6, 8, 12-16, 19, 26-30, 39,
45 _n_, 46 _n_, 53, 58, 60, 66, 164 and _n_;
accusations against him by Cecil and Charles Smith, 21-3.
Semple’s regiment, 417.
Seton, of Touch, 11 _n_.
Shannon’s regiment, 181 _n_.
Shap, 185.
Sharpe, John, solicitor to the treasury, 332, 335 and _n_;
report by, on the services of Walter Grossett, 400-2.
Shaw, Farquhar, soldier in the Black Watch, shot for desertion, 43 _n_.
---- sir John, 337 and _n_, 397.
Sheridan, Thomas, private secretary to James II., 223 _n_.
---- sir Thomas, 219;
sails for France, 223 and _n_.
Sime or Syme, John, minister of Lonmay, 299 _n_.
Simpson, James, 388.
Sinclair, George, of Geese, 72 _n_.
---- ---- of Keiss, aftw. earl of Caithness, _q.v._
Sinclair’s regiment, 410, 417.
Skeleter, laird of. _See_ Forbes, George.
Skye, island of, the inhabitants converted to protestantism, 80 and _n_.
Smith, of Menie, 131.
----- Charles, banker in Boulogne, 11 and _n_, 15-16 and _n_, 18,
21, 26-8, 38, 62 _n_, 99 _n_.
---- James, minister at Creich, 77.
---- commodore Thomas, 372 and _n_;
Flora Macdonald a prisoner in his charge, 373 _n_.
Smuggling on the increase, 336.
Somers, Richard, commissioner of the customs, 381, 385.
Spalding, Charles, of Whitefield, taken prisoner by the rebels,
344 and _n_.
Spanish ship arrives at Peterhead with supplies for the rebels, 148.
Spengadale, 110.
Stapleton, Walter, lieut.-colonel, 409;
at Culloden, 213 _n_, 417.
Stewart, captain, a prisoner with the rebels, 364.
---- hon. Anne, wife of Alexander Hay of Drumelzier, 26 and _n_.
---- Archibald, lord provost of Edinburgh, 43, 341-2 and _n_.
---- Charles, of Ardshiel, 54 and _n_, 58, 86 _n_.
---- Dugald, of Appin, 38, 86 and _n_.
---- sir James, of Burray, 72 _n_.
---- ---- of Goodtrees, 43 and _n_, 52, 64, 99 _n_.
---- John, in Lochaber, 313.
---- ---- Roy, 149 and _n_, 153-5, 159, 367 and _n_, 374, 395;
at the battle of Falkirk, 410-11;
at Culloden, 417.
---- lady Mary, wife of lord Fortrose, 104 _n_.
Stewarts of Appin at the battle of Prestonpans, 407;
at the battle of Falkirk, 409, 411;
at Culloden, 417.
Stirling, taken by rebels, 192 and _n_.
---- castle, 31 and _n_;
the siege, 192, 199, 201, 302 _n_, 409.
Stonywood, 161.
---- laird of. _See_ Moir, James.
Stormont, David, 4th lord, 331 _n_.
Strathallan, lord, at the battle of Falkirk, 410, 412.
Strathallan’s Horse, 151 _n_.
Strathavon, 91, 92, 113 _n_, 274, 307.
Strathbogie, 92, 114-15, 118, 129, 153, 155.
Strathdearn, 91 and _n_, 113 _n_, 305 _n_.
Strathdown, now Strathavon, _q.v._
Stratherrick, 89, 228.
Strathglass, 90.
Strathlachlan, 85.
---- laird of. _See_ MacLachlan, Lachlan.
Strathlochy, 86.
Strathnairn, 91.
Strathnavar, 73.
Strathspey, 91.
Strichen, lord, 124, 299 _n_.
Strontian lead quarry, 83 and _n_.
Stuart, Charles Edward, lands in Scotland, 269, 323;
in Edinburgh, 342;
defeats Cope at Prestonpans, 343, 405-9;
marches into England, 174-6;
returns to Scotland, 177-87 and _n_;
in Glasgow, 191 and _n_;
besieges Stirling castle, 192, 199, 201, 302 _n_, 409;
defeats Hawley at Falkirk, 194-8, 409-10;
desertions from the army, 199, 201;
at Culloden house;
takes Inverness town and castle;
receives reinforcements, 205;
want of discipline in his army, 208;
at Drummossie muir, 414;
forced to fight or starve, 415;
the futile night march, 210-11 and _n_, 415-16;
disposition of his forces before the battle, 417;
his responsibility for the battle of Culloden, 212-13 and _n_;
meets lord Lovat at Gortuleg, 227-8 and _n_, 418;
at Borradale, 229 and _n_;
driven by a storm to Benbecula, 231 and _n_;
lands at Scalpa, in Harris, 233;
at Kildun, 235 and _n_;
returns to Scalpa, 235;
chased by the _Baltimore_, 236;
at Benbecula, in the care of Clanranald, 237 and _n_;
conducted by Neil Maceachain to Corradale, 238 and _n_;
describes the battle of Culloden to Neil Maceachain, 239;
blames lord George Murray, 239-40;
given to drink, 241, 242 and _n_, 247;
claims to have shot a whale, 241;
eight days in Fuyia, 245;
visited by lady Clanranald;
sails to Lochynort, 246;
learns of the enemy being at Boisdale, 249;
meets Flora Macdonald, 251;
in a storm of wind and rain to Roshiness, 254-5;
tortured by rain and midges, 257;
joined by lady Clanranald and Flora Macdonald, 259;
narrow escape from being taken by general Campbell, 259 and _n_;
disguised, 260;
his companions, 260;
at Watersay, 261;
at Trotternish, 262;
meets Kingsburgh, 264;
disguised as Betty Burke, 265;
letter to, from Murray of Broughton, 60-8.
---- Henry, cardinal. _See_ York, duke of.
---- James Francis, 67;
letter from the Chevalier to Murray of Broughton, 30-4;
letters to, from Murray, 36, 41, 54-60.
Sutherland, William, earl of, 73 and _n_, 104, 109.
Swedish troops for Scotland, 12 and _n_, 22 and _n_.
Symson, Patrick, minister at Fala, an ensign in Thornton’s company
of volunteers, 158 and _n_.
Taylor, William, 287 _n_.
---- ---- minister of New Deer, disarms a pillaging hussar, 151 and _n_.
---- of Fachfield, 121.
---- yr. of Fachfield, 121.
---- Mr., supervisor of excise, 138.
Thornton, William, of Thornville, 158 and _n_.
Tochineal. _See_ Grant, Alex.
Tongue presbytery, 73 _n_.
Torry, 115 and _n_.
Towneley, Charles, of Towneley Hall, 173 _n_.
---- Francis, joins the prince at Preston, 172 _n_;
made colonel of the Manchester regiment, 173 _n_;
governor of Carlisle, 118 _n_, 186, 193.
Traquair, countess of, 51.
---- Charles Stuart, earl of, 3 and _n_, 4, 5, 9, 14-17 and _n_,
20 and _n_, 22 _n_, 23, 25, 28 and _n_, 30, 32 _n_, 36, 39,
40-9, 51-9, 53, 56-7, 63-5, 67.
Trotternish, 262.
Tulloch, David, in Dunbennan, 118 and _n_, 288 _n_.
Turner, yr. of Turnerhall, 121.
Urquhart, 89.
---- chamberlain of. _See_ Grant, John.
---- colonel, 18.
Vaughan, William, joins the prince at Preston, 172 _n_.
Vint, Peggie, tavern-keeper in Prestonpans, 44 and _n_.
Waite, Thomas, 322, 329.
Walkinshaw, Clementina, 11 _n_.
Watersay, isle of Skye, 261.
Watson, Mr., cipher name of Macgregor of Balhaldy, _q.v._
Wedderburn, Alexander, ship master, 387.
Weir or Vere, captain, a government spy, 175 and _n_, 193.
Wemyss, lady Elizabeth, wife of the earl of Sutherland, 73 _n_.
---- lady Frances, wife of Stewart of Goodtrees, 43 and _n_.
Whitney, colonel, killed at the battle of Falkirk, 198, 413.
Wigan, 171.
Witherspoon, John, minister of Beith, 198 _n_.
Wolfe, James, at Culloden, 99 _n_.
Wolfe’s regiment, 374, 399, 411, 417.
Wynn, sir Watkin Williams, of Wynnstay, 47 and _n_, 172 _n_.
York mayor and aldermen promise 10,000 men on the landing of the
Chevalier, 35-7.
---- Henry Stuart, duke of, 37.
Yorkshire Hunters’ regiment, 183 and _n_.
Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty at the
Edinburgh University Press
_Scottish History Society._
THE EXECUTIVE.
1915-1916.
_President._
THE EARL OF ROSEBERY, K.G., K.T., LL.D.
_Chairman of Council._
DONALD CRAWFORD, K.C.
_Council._
THE HON. LORD GUTHRIE.
D. HAY FLEMING, LL.D.
JAMES MACLEHOSE, LL.D.
Sir JAMES BALFOUR PAUL, C.V.O., LL.D., Lyon King of Arms.
Sheriff SCOTT-MONCRIEFF.
A. FRANCIS STEUART, Advocate.
C. S. ROMANES, C.A.
Sir G. M. PAUL, D.K.S.
R. K. HANNAY.
Professor P. HUME BROWN, M.A., LL.D., Historiographer-Royal for
Scotland.
WILLIAM K. DICKSON, Advocate.
J. R. N. MACPHAIL, K.C.
_Corresponding Members of the Council._
Prof. C. H. FIRTH, LL.D., Oxford; Rev. W. D. MACRAY, Greenlands,
Bloxham, Banbury, Oxon.; Prof. C. SANFORD TERRY, Aberdeen.
_Hon. Treasurer._
J. T. CLARK, Crear Villa, 196 Ferry Road, Edinburgh.
_Hon. Secretary._
J. MAITLAND THOMSON, LL.D., Advocate, 3 Grosvenor Gardens, Edinburgh.
RULES
1. The object of the Society is the discovery and printing, under
selected editorship, of unpublished documents illustrative of the
civil, religious, and social history of Scotland. The Society will also
undertake, in exceptional cases, to issue translations of printed works
of a similar nature, which have not hitherto been accessible in English.
2. The number of Members of the Society shall be limited to 400.
3. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council, consisting
of a Chairman, Treasurer, Secretary, and twelve elected Members, five
to make a quorum. Three of the twelve elected Members shall retire
annually by ballot, but they shall be eligible for re-election.
4. The Annual Subscription to the Society shall be One Guinea. The
publications of the Society shall not be delivered to any Member whose
Subscription is in arrear, and no Member shall be permitted to receive
more than one copy of the Society’s publications.
5. The Society will undertake the issue of its own publications, _i.e._
without the intervention of a publisher or any other paid agent.
6. The Society will issue yearly two octavo volumes of about 320 pages
each.
7. An Annual General Meeting of the Society shall be held at the end of
October, or at an approximate date to be determined by the Council.
8. Two stated Meetings of the Council shall be held each year, one on
the last Tuesday of May, the other on the Tuesday preceding the day
upon which the Annual General Meeting shall be held. The Secretary,
on the request of three Members of the Council, shall call a special
meeting of the Council.
9. Editors shall receive 20 copies of each volume they edit for the
Society.
10. The owners of Manuscripts published by the Society will also be
presented with a certain number of copies.
11. The Annual Balance-Sheet, Rules, and List of Members shall be
printed.
12. No alteration shall be made in these Rules except at a General
Meeting of the Society. A fortnight’s notice of any alteration to be
proposed shall be given to the Members of the Council.
PUBLICATIONS OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
_For the year 1886-1887._
1. BISHOP POCOCKE’S TOURS IN SCOTLAND, 1747-1760. Edited by D. W.
KEMP.
2. DIARY AND ACCOUNT BOOK OF WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM OF CRAIGENDS,
1673-1680. Edited by the Rev. JAMES DODDS, D.D.
_For the year 1887-1888._
3. GRAMEIDOS LIBRI SEX: an heroic poem on the Campaign of 1689,
by JAMES PHILIP of Almerieclose. Translated and edited by the
Rev. A. D. MURDOCH.
4. THE REGISTER OF THE KIRK-SESSION OF ST. ANDREWS. Part I.
1559-1582. Edited by D. HAY FLEMING.
_For the year 1888-1889._
5. DIARY OF THE REV. JOHN MILL, Minister in Shetland, 1740-1803.
Edited by GILBERT GOUDIE.
6. NARRATIVE OF MR. JAMES NIMMO, A COVENANTER, 1654-1709. Edited
by W. G. SCOTT-MONCRIEFF.
7. THE REGISTER OF THE KIRK-SESSION OF ST. ANDREWS. Part II.
1583-1600. Edited by D. HAY FLEMING.
_For the year 1889-1890._
8. A LIST OF PERSONS CONCERNED IN THE REBELLION (1745). With a
Preface by the EARL OF ROSEBERY.
_Presented to the Society by the Earl of Rosebery._
9. GLAMIS PAPERS: The ‘BOOK OF RECORD,’ a Diary written by
PATRICK, FIRST EARL OF STRATHMORE, and other documents (1684-89).
Edited by A. H. MILLAR.
10. JOHN MAJOR’S HISTORY OF GREATER BRITAIN (1521). Translated
and edited by ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE.
_For the year 1890-1891._
11. THE RECORDS OF THE COMMISSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLIES,
1646-47. Edited by the Rev. Professor MITCHELL, D.D., and the
Rev. JAMES CHRISTIE, D.D.
12. COURT-BOOK OF THE BARONY OF URIE, 1604-1747. Edited by the
Rev. D. G. BARRON.
_For the year 1891-1892._
13. MEMOIRS OF SIR JOHN CLERK OF PENICUIK, Baronet. Extracted by
himself from his own Journals, 1676-1755. Edited by JOHN M. GRAY.
14. DIARY OF COL. THE HON. JOHN ERSKINE OF CARNOCK, 1683-1687.
Edited by the Rev. WALTER MACLEOD.
_For the year 1892-1893._
15. MISCELLANY OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, First
Volume.--THE LIBRARY OF JAMES VI., 1573-83. Edited by G. F.
Warner.--DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING CATHOLIC POLICY, 1596-98. T. G.
Law.--LETTERS OF SIR THOMAS HOPE, 1627-46. Rev. R. Paul.--CIVIL
WAR PAPERS, 1643-50. H. F. Morland Simpson.--LAUDERDALE
CORRESPONDENCE, 1660-77. Right Rev. John Dowden, D.D.--TURNBULL’S
DIARY, 1657-1704. Rev. R. Paul.--MASTERTON PAPERS, 1660-1719. V.
A. Noël Paton.--ACCOMPT OF EXPENSES IN EDINBURGH, 1715. A. H.
Millar.--REBELLION PAPERS, 1715 and 1745. H. Paton.
16. ACCOUNT BOOK OF SIR JOHN FOULIS OF RAVELSTON (1671-1707).
Edited by the Rev. A. W. CORNELIUS HALLEN.
_For the year 1893-1894._
17. LETTERS AND PAPERS ILLUSTRATING THE RELATIONS BETWEEN CHARLES
II. AND SCOTLAND IN 1650. Edited by SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER,
D.C.L., etc.
18. SCOTLAND AND THE COMMONWEALTH. LETTERS AND PAPERS RELATING TO
THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF SCOTLAND, Aug. 1651-Dec. 1653. Edited
by C. H. FIRTH, M.A.
_For the year 1894-1895._
19. THE JACOBITE ATTEMPT OF 1719. LETTERS OF JAMES, SECOND DUKE
OF ORMONDE. Edited by W. K. DICKSON.
20, 21. THE LYON IN MOURNING, OR A COLLECTION OF SPEECHES,
LETTERS, JOURNALS, ETC., RELATIVE TO THE AFFAIRS OF PRINCE
CHARLES EDWARD STUART, by BISHOP FORBES. 1746-1775. Edited by
HENRY PATON. Vols. I. and II.
_For the year 1895-1896._
22. THE LYON IN MOURNING. Vol. III.
23. ITINERARY OF PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD (Supplement to the Lyon in
Mourning). Compiled by W. B. BLAIKIE.
24. EXTRACTS FROM THE PRESBYTERY RECORDS OF INVERNESS AND
DINGWALL FROM 1638 TO 1688. Edited by WILLIAM MACKAY.
25. RECORDS OF THE COMMISSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLIES
(_continued_) for the years 1648 and 1649. Edited by the Rev.
Professor MITCHELL, D.D., and Rev. JAMES CHRISTIE, D.D.
_For the year 1896-1897._
26. WARISTON’S DIARY AND OTHER PAPERS--
JOHNSTON OF WARISTON’S DIARY, 1639. Edited by G. M.
Paul.--THE HONOURS OF SCOTLAND, 1651-52. C. R. A.
Howden.--THE EARL OF MAR’S LEGACIES, 1722, 1726. Hon.
S. Erskine.--LETTERS BY MRS. GRANT OF LAGGAN. J. R. N.
Macphail.
_Presented to the Society by Messrs. T. and A. Constable._
27. MEMORIALS OF JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON, 1740-1747. Edited by
R. FITZROY BELL.
28. THE COMPT BUIK OF DAVID WEDDERBURNE, MERCHANT OF DUNDEE,
1587-1630. Edited by A. H. MILLAR.
_For the year 1897-1898._
29, 30. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF DE MONTEREUL AND THE BROTHERS DE
BELLIÈVRE, FRENCH AMBASSADORS IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND, 1645-1648.
Edited, with Translation, by J. G. FOTHERINGHAM. 2 vols.
_For the year 1898-1899._
31. SCOTLAND AND THE PROTECTORATE. LETTERS AND PAPERS RELATING TO
THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF SCOTLAND, FROM JANUARY 1654 TO JUNE
1659. Edited by C. H. FIRTH, M.A.
32. PAPERS ILLUSTRATING THE HISTORY OF THE SCOTS BRIGADE IN THE
SERVICE OF THE UNITED NETHERLANDS, 1572-1782. Edited by JAMES
FERGUSON. Vol. I. 1572-1697.
33, 34. MACFARLANE’S GENEALOGICAL COLLECTIONS CONCERNING FAMILIES
IN SCOTLAND; Manuscripts in the Advocates’ Library. 2 vols.
Edited by J. T. CLARK, Keeper of the Library.
_Presented to the Society by the Trustees of the late Sir William
Fraser, K.C.B._
_For the year 1899-1900._
35. PAPERS ON THE SCOTS BRIGADE IN HOLLAND, 1572-1782. Edited by
JAMES FERGUSON. Vol. II. 1698-1782.
36. JOURNAL OF A FOREIGN TOUR IN 1665 AND 1666, ETC., BY SIR JOHN
LAUDER, LORD FOUNTAINHALL. Edited by DONALD CRAWFORD.
37. PAPAL NEGOTIATIONS WITH MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS DURING HER REIGN
IN SCOTLAND. Chiefly from the Vatican Archives. Edited by the
Rev. J. HUNGERFORD POLLEN, S.J.
_For the year 1900-1901._
38. PAPERS ON THE SCOTS BRIGADE IN HOLLAND, 1572-1782. Edited by
JAMES FERGUSON. Vol. III.
39. THE DIARY OF ANDREW HAY OF CRAIGNETHAN, 1659-60. Edited by A.
G. REID, F.S.A.Scot.
_For the year 1901-1902._
40. NEGOTIATIONS FOR THE UNION OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND IN
1651-53. Edited by C. SANFORD TERRY.
41. THE LOYALL DISSUASIVE. Written in 1703 by Sir ÆNEAS
MACPHERSON. Edited by the Rev. A. D. MURDOCH.
_For the year 1902-1903._
42. THE CHARTULARY OF LINDORES, 1195-1479. Edited by the Right
Rev. JOHN DOWDEN, D.D., Bishop of Edinburgh.
43. A LETTER FROM MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS TO THE DUKE OF GUISE, Jan.
1562. Reproduced in Facsimile. Edited by the Rev. J. HUNGERFORD
POLLEN, S.J.
_Presented to the Society by the family of the late Mr. Scott, of
Halkshill._
44. MISCELLANY OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, Second
Volume.--THE SCOTTISH KING’S HOUSEHOLD, 14th Century. Edited by
Mary Bateson.--THE SCOTTISH NATION IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ORLEANS,
1336-1538. John Kirkpatrick, LL.D.--THE FRENCH GARRISON AT
DUNBAR, 1563. Robert S. Rait.--DE ANTIQUITATE RELIGIONIS APUD
SCOTOS, 1594. Henry D. G. Law.--APOLOGY FOR WILLIAM MAITLAND
OF LETHINGTON, 1610. Andrew Lang.--LETTERS OF BISHOP GEORGE
GRÆME, 1602-38. L. G. Græme.--A SCOTTISH JOURNIE, 1641. C. H.
Firth.--NARRATIVES ILLUSTRATING THE DUKE OF HAMILTON’S EXPEDITION
TO ENGLAND, 1648. C. H. Firth.--BURNET-LEIGHTON PAPERS,
1648-168-. H. C. Foxcroft.--PAPERS OF ROBERT ERSKINE, Physician
to Peter the Great, 1677-1720. Rev. Robert Paul.--WILL OF THE
DUCHESS OF ALBANY, 1789. A. Francis Steuart.
45. LETTERS OF JOHN COCKBURN OF ORMISTOUN TO HIS GARDENER,
1727-1743. Edited by JAMES COLVILLE, D.Sc.
_For the year 1903-1904._
46. MINUTE BOOK OF THE MANAGERS OF THE NEW MILLS CLOTH
MANUFACTORY, 1681-1690. Edited by W. R. SCOTT.
47. CHRONICLES OF THE FRASERS; being the Wardlaw Manuscript
entitled ‘Polichronicon seu Policratica Temporum, or, the true
Genealogy of the Frasers.’ By Master JAMES FRASER. Edited by
WILLIAM MACKAY.
48. PROCEEDINGS OF THE JUSTICIARY COURT FROM 1661 TO 1678. Vol.
I. 1661-1669. Edited by Sheriff SCOTT-MONCRIEFF.
_For the year 1904-1905._
49. PROCEEDINGS OF THE JUSTICIARY COURT FROM 1661 TO 1678. Vol.
II. 1669-1678. Edited by Sheriff SCOTT-MONCRIEFF.
50. RECORDS OF THE BARON COURT OF STITCHILL, 1655-1807. Edited by
CLEMENT B. GUNN, M.D., Peebles.
51. MACFARLANE’S GEOGRAPHICAL COLLECTIONS. Vol. I. Edited by Sir
ARTHUR MITCHELL, K.C.B.
_For the year 1905-1906._
52, 53. MACFARLANE’S GEOGRAPHICAL COLLECTIONS. Vols. II. and III.
Edited by Sir ARTHUR MITCHELL, K.C.B.
54. STATUTA ECCLESIÆ SCOTICANÆ, 1225-1559. Translated and edited
by DAVID PATRICK, LL.D.
_For the year 1906-1907._
55. THE HOUSE BOOKE OF ACCOMPS, OCHTERTYRE, 1737-39. Edited by
JAMES COLVILLE, D.Sc.
(Oct. 1907.)
56. THE CHARTERS OF THE ABBEY OF INCHAFFRAY. Edited by W. A.
LINDSAY, K.C., the Right Rev. Bishop DOWDEN, D.D., and J.
MAITLAND THOMSON, LL.D.
(Feb. 1908.)
57. A SELECTION OF THE FORFEITED ESTATES PAPERS PRESERVED IN H.M.
GENERAL REGISTER HOUSE AND ELSEWHERE. Edited by A. H. MILLAR,
LL.D.
(Oct. 1909.)
_For the year 1907-1908._
58. RECORDS OF THE COMMISSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLIES
(_continued_), for the years 1650-52. Edited by the Rev. JAMES
CHRISTIE, D.D.
(Feb. 1909.)
59. PAPERS RELATING TO THE SCOTS IN POLAND. Edited by A. FRANCIS
STEUART.
(Nov. 1915.)
_For the year 1908-1909._
60. SIR THOMAS CRAIG’S DE UNIONE REGNORUM BRITANNIÆ TRACTATUS.
Edited, with an English Translation, by C. SANFORD TERRY.
(Nov. 1909.)
61. JOHNSTON OF WARISTON’S MEMENTO QUAMDIU VIVAS, AND DIARY FROM
1632 TO 1639. Edited by G. M. PAUL, LL.D., D.K.S.
(May 1911.)
SECOND SERIES.
_For the year 1909-1910._
1. THE HOUSEHOLD BOOK OF LADY GRISELL BAILLIE, 1692-1733. Edited
by R. SCOTT-MONCRIEFF, W.S.
(Oct. 1911.)
2. ORIGINS OF THE ’45 AND OTHER NARRATIVES. Edited by W. B.
BLAIKIE, LL.D.
(March 1916.)
3. CORRESPONDENCE OF JAMES, FOURTH EARL OF FINDLATER AND FIRST
EARL OF SEAFIELD, LORD CHANCELLOR OF SCOTLAND. Edited by JAMES
GRANT, M.A., LL.B.
(March 1912.)
_For the year 1910-1911._
4. RENTALE SANCTI ANDREE; BEING CHAMBERLAIN AND GRANITAR ACCOUNTS
OF THE ARCHBISHOPRIC IN THE TIME OF CARDINAL BETOUN, 1538-1546.
Translated and edited by ROBERT KERR HANNAY.
(February 1913.)
5. HIGHLAND PAPERS. Vol. I. Edited by J. R. N. MACPHAIL, K.C.
(May 1914.)
_For the year 1911-1912._
6. SELECTIONS FROM THE RECORDS OF THE REGALITY OF MELROSE. Vol.
I. Edited by C. S. ROMANES, C.A.
(November 1914.)
7. RECORDS OF THE EARLDOM OF ORKNEY. Edited by J. S. CLOUSTON.
(December 1914.)
_For the year 1912-1913._
8. SELECTIONS FROM THE RECORDS OF THE REGALITY OF MELROSE. Vol.
II. Edited by C. S. ROMANES, C.A.
(January 1915).
9. SELECTIONS FROM THE LETTER BOOKS OF JOHN STEUART, BAILIE OF
INVERNESS. Edited by WILLIAM MACKAY, LL.D.
(April 1915.)
_For the year 1913-1914._
10. RENTALE DUNKELDENSE; BEING THE ACCOUNTS OF THE CHAMBERLAIN OF
THE BISHOPRIC OF DUNKELD, A.D. 1506-1517. Edited by R. K. HANNAY.
(March 1915.)
11. LETTERS OF THE EARL OF SEAFIELD AND OTHERS, ILLUSTRATIVE OF
THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND DURING THE REIGN OF QUEEN ANNE. Edited by
Professor HUME BROWN.
(Nov. 1915.)
_For the year 1914-1915._
12. HIGHLAND PAPERS. Vol. II. Edited by J. R. N. MACPHAIL, K.C.
(March 1916.)
(_Note._--ORIGINS OF THE ’45, issued for 1909-1910, is issued also for
1914-1915.)
_For the year 1915-1916._
13. SELECTIONS FROM THE RECORDS OF THE REGALITY OF MELROSE. Vol.
III. Edited by C. S. ROMANES, C.A.
14. JOHNSTON OF WARISTON’S DIARY. Vol. II. Edited by D. HAY
FLEMING, LL.D.
_In preparation._
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TOPOGRAPHICAL WORKS RELATING TO SCOTLAND.
Compiled by the late Sir ARTHUR MITCHELL, and edited by C. G.
CASH.
RECORDS RELATING TO THE SCOTTISH ARMIES FROM 1638 TO 1650. Edited
by Professor C. SANFORD TERRY.
SEAFIELD CORRESPONDENCE. Vol. II. Edited by Major JAMES GRANT.
REGISTER OF THE CONSULTATIONS OF THE MINISTERS OF EDINBURGH,
AND SOME OTHER BRETHREN OF THE MINISTRY, SINCE THE INTERRUPTION
OF THE ASSEMBLY 1653, WITH OTHER PAPERS OF PUBLIC CONCERNMENT.
Edited by the Rev. W. STEPHEN, B.D.
MISCELLANY OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY. Third Volume.
CHARTERS AND DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE GREY FRIARS AND THE
CISTERCIAN NUNNERY OF HADDINGTON.--REGISTER OF INCHCOLM
MONASTERY. Edited by J. G. WALLACE-JAMES, M.B.
ANALYTICAL CATALOGUE OF THE WODROW COLLECTION OF MANUSCRIPTS IN
THE ADVOCATES’ LIBRARY. Edited by J. T. CLARK.
A TRANSLATION OF THE HISTORIA ABBATUM DE KYNLOS OF FERRERIUS.
PAPERS RELATING TO THE REBELLIONS OF 1715 AND 1745, with other
documents from the Municipal Archives of the City of Perth.
THE BALCARRES PAPERS.
Transcriber’s Notes
Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations
in hyphenation and accents have been standardised but all other
spelling and punctuation remains unchanged.
The Corrigenda and Errata (page vi) have been corrected in place.
Italics are represented thus _italic_, superscripts thus y^n.
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