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Title: The biography and typography of William Caxton, England's first printer
Author: William Blades
Release date: May 11, 2026 [eBook #78654]
Language: English
Original publication: New York: Scribner and Welford, 1882
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/78654
Credits: deaurider, Terry Jeffress, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive) Last Edit of Project Info
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BIOGRAPHY AND TYPOGRAPHY OF WILLIAM CAXTON, ENGLAND'S FIRST PRINTER ***
WILLIAM CAXTON.
THE BIOGRAPHY AND TYPOGRAPHY OF
WILLIAM CAXTON,
_ENGLAND’S FIRST PRINTER_.
BY WILLIAM BLADES.
_SECOND EDITION._
~New York~:
SCRIBNER AND WELFORD.
1882.
[Illustration]
PREFACE.
In 1861 was published in quarto the first volume of “The Life and
Typography of William Caxton, England’s First Printer, with evidence of
his typographical connection with Colard Mansion the Printer at Bruges.
Compiled from original sources by William Blades;” the second volume
appearing in 1863.
In 1877, the year of the Caxton Celebration, a condensed edition of the
quarto work was issued in one volume octavo by Messrs. Trübner & Co.
In this some alterations and additions rendered necessary by recent
discoveries were incorporated.
The same publishers now offer a revised reprint, containing all the
matter and all the plates of the previous octavo issue, with the
addition of remarks upon the meaning and origin of Caxton’s Device,
and upon his system of punctuation.
A real study of our early printed books brings with it the knowledge,
more or less, of all the arts and sciences generally taught in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. In this lies one of its chief
attractions to the bibliographer. The invention of printing gave new
life to all branches of knowledge, and if we thoughtfully consider
the wonderful effects which have proceeded from it--effects far more
important to mankind than even the discovery of steam power, electric
power, or any other invention--we shall surely feel deeply interested
in all that concerns its introduction and spread in our own country.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CONTENTS.
~Part I.~
CHAPTER I.
Caxton’s birthplace and parentage--Flemish settlers in the
Weald of Kent--Eyren = Egges--The families of Cauxton
and Causton--John Caxton of Canterbury--Date of Caxton’s
birth--Usual term of apprenticeship _page_ 1-6
CHAPTER II.
Caxton an apprentice--John Large: his household; his
mayoralty and death; his widow and her vow--Scenes in
London during Caxton’s apprenticeship--He goes abroad 7-14
CHAPTER III.
Bruges and the Merchant Adventurers--Caxton’s position
there--Journey to London--Fined for not attending
the “riding” on Lord Mayor’s Day--Account of the
Merchant Adventurers--Caxton appointed Governor; his
duties and emoluments--Correspondence between the
Mercers Company in London and Caxton at Bruges--Trade
treaties--Embassy--Marriage of the Duke of Burgundy
to Margaret of York--Caxton begins to translate “Le
Recueil”--Caxton as arbitrator--Presented with “vins
d’honneur”--Edward IV, a fugitive, takes refuge in
Bruges--Caxton in the service of the Duchess of
Burgundy--Resigns and turns Printer--Caxton’s marriage 15-32
CHAPTER IV.
Literature in the fifteenth century--Libraries of French
kings and Burgundian princes--Philip the Good--Edward
IV.--Louis de Bruges--Duke Humphrey--Guild of St. John
and of St. Luke and their manufacture of books--Caxton
starts to set up printing in England 33-38
CHAPTER V.
The gradual development of Books--Manuscripts compared with
printed books in their technical aspect--Shape of the
letters--Justification of types--Table of books--Tests
by which to recognise the dates of undated books 39-48
CHAPTER VI.
Colard Mansion: his history; workshop; landlords; his
printing compared with printing by William Caxton 49-54
CHAPTER VII.
Caxton a printer at Westminster--Dates of his first
productions and evidence of the place and date
of production--The “Bartholomeus” said to be by
Caxton--Printers’ errors--Wynken de Worde’s careless
mistakes--Sequence of Caxton’s books 55-68
CHAPTER VIII.
Caxton at Westminster--Position of his press--Not in the
Abbey--William Pratt--Maude Caxton--Chronological table
of all the books from the Westminster Press--Caxton
as a translator--His choice of works to print--His
death--His property and will--Legacies--His prologues
and epilogues--a Yorkist--His moralisations--Caxton
a linguist and translator--R. Atkyns and his
forgery--Caxton’s portrait--His character 69-92
CHAPTER IX.
Caxton as a master--His men--Peculiarities of
his books--The paper--Paper-marks--The
types--Compositor--Punctuation--Pressman--Printing
ink--Binder--Rubricator--Illuminator and wood
engraver--Early typefounders--B. Franklin--Type moulds
and punches--Particulars of all the five types, together
with the titles of the books used for each type--The
compositors--Pressmen--Bookbinder--Collation 93-142
APPENDIX.
Extracts from records and wardens’ accounts of the Mercers’
Company--Will of Robert Large--Records at Bruges--St.
Margaret’s Church records--Guild of our Lady in same
church--The treaty of Burgundy--Caxton’s marriage
certificate 143-166
~Part II.~
DESCRIPTION OF PRINTED BOOKS.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 1._
1. The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye.
2. Le Recueil des histoires de Troyes.
3. The game and playe of the chesse, moralised. First Edition.
4. Les fais et prouesses du noble et vaillant chevalier Jason.
5. Meditacions sur les sept pseaulmes penitenciaulx.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2._
6. Les quatre derrennieres choses.
7. The history of Jason.
8. The dictes and sayinges of the Philosophers. First Edition.
9. Horæ ad usum Sarum.
10. Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales. First Edition.
11. The moral prouerbes of Chrystine.
12. Propositio Johannis Russell.
13. Stans puer ad mensam. First Edition.
14. Parvus Catho. First Edition.
15. Parvus Catho. Second Edition.
16. The Horse, the Shepe, and the Ghoos. First Edition.
17. The Horse, the Shepe, and the Ghoos. Second Edition.
18. Infancia Saluatoris.
19. The Temple of Glass.
20. The Chorle and the Bird. First Edition.
21. The Chorle and the Bird. Second Edition.
22. The Temple of Brass, or the Parlement of Fowls.
23. The Book of Curtesye. First Edition.
24. Queen Anelida.
25. Boecius de consolacione.
26. Cordyale; or the Four Last Things.
27. Fratris Laur. Guil. de Saona Margarita.
28. The dictes and sayinges of the Philosophers. Second Edition.
29. Indulgence from Pope Sixtus IV.
30. Parvus et Magnus Catho. Third Edition.
31. The Mirrour of the World. First Edition.
32. Reynard the Fox. First Edition.
33. Tully of olde age.
34. The game and playe of the chesse. Second Edition.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 3._
35. An Advertisement.
36. Directorium Sacerdotum. First Version.
37. Horæ ad usum Sarum. Second Edition.
38. Psalterium.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 4 AND 4*._
39. The Chronicles of England. First Edition.
40. The description of Britain.
41. Curia Sapientiæ.
42. Godfrey of Boloyne.
43. Indulgence from Sixtus IV. Second Edition.
44. Indulgence from Sixtus IV. Third Edition.
45. The Chronicles of England. Second Edition.
46. Polychronicon.
47. Pylgremage of the Sowle.
48. A Vocabulary.
49. The Festial. First Edition.
50. Four Sermons. First Edition.
51. Servitium de Visitatione beatæ V. Mariæ.
52. Sex Epistolæ.
53. Confessio Amantis.
54. The Knight of the Tower.
55. Caton.
56. The Golden Legende. First Edition.
57. Death-bed Prayers.
58. Æsop.
59. The Ordre of Chivalrye.
60. Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales. Second Edition.
61. The Book of Fame.
62. The Curial.
63. Troilus and Creside.
64. The lyf of oure Ladye.
65. The lyf of Saynte Wenefrede.
66. Kyng Arthur.
67. Charles the Great.
68. Paris and Vienne.
69. The Golden Legende. Second Edition.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 5._
70. The booke of good maners.
71. Speculum Vite Christi. First Edition.
72. Directorium Sacerdotum. Second Version, First Edition.
73. Horæ ad usum Sarum. Third Edition.
74. The Royal Book.
75. Image of Pity.
76. The doctrynal of Sapyence.
77. Speculum Vite Christi. Second Edition.
78. Commemoratio lamentationis B. V. M.
79. Servitium de Transfiguratione.
80. Horæ ad usum Sarum. Fourth Edition.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 6._
81. Fayttes of Arms.
82. Statutes of England.
83. The gouernayle of Helthe.
84. Reynard the Fox. Second Edition.
85. Blanchardyn and Eglantyne.
86. The four Sons of Aymon.
87. Directorium Sacerdotum. Second Version, first Edition.
88. Eneydos.
89. The dictes and sayinges of the philosophers. Third Edition.
90. The Mirrour of the Worlde. Second Edition.
91. Divers Ghostly Matters.
92. The Fifteen Oes.
93. The Arte and Crafte to know well to dye.
94. The Book of Curtesye. Second Edition.
95. The Festial. Second Edition.
96. Four Sermons. Second Edition.
97. Ars moriendi.
98. The chastysing of goddes chyldern.
99. The treatise of Loue.
_POSTHUMOUS AND DOUBTFUL WORKS._
100. The life of St. Katheryne.
101. The Golden Legende. Third Edition.
102. The Siege of Rhodes.
103. Missale ad usum Sarum.
104. Bartholomeus de proprietatibus rerum.
105. Metamorphoses of Ovid.
106. The life and miracles of Robert Earl of Oxford.
107. A ballad.
The comparative rarity of books printed by Caxton.
INDEX.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER I.
_BIRTHPLACE AND PARENTAGE._
“I was born and lerned myn englissh in Kente in the weeld where I
doubte not is spoken as brode and rude englissh as is in ony place of
englond.” Thus briefly does William Caxton record the place of his
birth and early years, and not withstanding prolonged and careful
research nothing more precise has been ascertained.
The name of “weald,” rendered by Halliwell “forest,” or “woody
country,” betokens the nature of the district, which at the time of
the Conquest, and for centuries after, was covered with dense woods
where thousands of wild hogs roamed and fattened. This extensive tract
of country had no legally defined boundaries, and one can easily
understand how Lambarde, the Kentish historian, was so puzzled when he
attempted to describe it, that he declared it easier to deny altogether
the existence of the Weald than to define its boundaries with any
accuracy. An approximate idea of its geographical position may be
gained by observing that a traveller, starting from Edenbridge, and
journeying through Tunbridge, Marden, Biddenden, and Tenterden to the
Romney marshes, would pass through its centre.
A century before Caxton’s birth a great change had commenced in the
Weald of Kent. Hitherto the wool for which England was famous had been
purchased by merchants and carried over to Flanders, for the purpose
of being made into cloth, which was brought back for sale in England.
Edward III, struck by the wealth and power which accrued to Flanders
from the cloth manufacture established there, determined to try the
experiment of establishing a factory in England.
The Weald, covered as it then was with forests, was of little value
as land; and hither, aided in his design by the sanguinary feuds at
that time raging among the trade guilds of the Low Countries, the King
induced about eighty respectable Flemish families to migrate and carry
on the manufacture of cloth in the country which produced the wool.
Exempt from taxation, and favoured by the royal patronage and many
special privileges, the colony throve and grew rapidly. The Flemish
settlers soon became naturalised, and increased in wealth and influence
year by year; so that in the fifteenth century “their trade was of
great importance, and exercised by persons who possessed most of the
landed property in the weald.” Thus writes Hasted in 1778, and adds,
“Insomuch that almost all the antient families of these parts, now of
large estates, are sprung from ancestors who have used this staple
manufacture.”
We read Caxton’s narrative of his birth in a new light, when we bear
in mind that the inhabitants of the Weald had a strong admixture of
Flemish blood in their best families, and that cloth was their chief
and, probably, only manufacture. We understand why the Kentish dialect
was so broad and rude, and we enter more heartily into the amusing
anecdote in Caxton’s preface to the “Eneydos,” where he tells of the
good wife of Kent who knew what the Flemish word “eyren” meant, but
understood not the English word “eggs.” “Certayn marchaunts,” says
Caxton, “were in a ship in tamyse for to have sayled over the see into
zelande, and for lacke of wynde thei taryed atte forlond . and wente to
lande for to refreshe them And one of theym named sheffelde a mercer
cam in to an hows and axed for mete . and specyally he axed after eggys
And the good wyf answerde . that she coude speke no frenshe . And the
marchaunt was angry . for he also coude speke no frenshe . but wolde
have hadde egges, and she understode hym not, And thenne at last a
nother sayd that he wolde have eyren, then the good wyf sayd that she
understod hym wel.” Dr. Pegge, in his “Alphabet of Kenticisms,” gives
“eiren” as the equivalent of “eggs” in the Kentish dialect of old
English; and in any Dutch dictionary may be read: Eie, an egg; _pl._
eyren.
Here, then, in some rural homestead, surrounded by people who spoke
English “not to be understonden,” was Caxton born. Kentish historians,
anxious to localise the honour of having given birth to so famous a
man, claim the ancient manor of Caustons, near Hadlow, in the Weald
of Kent, as the original seat of the Caxton family. In the fifteenth
century the name Caxton was usually pronounced _Caux_ton or _Caus_ton,
the letter _a_ having a broad sound, and the _u_ being frequently
inserted after it. Numerous instances are given in the “Archæologia
Cantiana,” Vol. V, of names of Kentish towns having this broad
pronunciation. Thus Francklyn occurs in old deeds as Frauncklyn;
Malling as Mauling, and Wanting as Waunting. The letters _s_ and
_x_ were often interchanged, and so Caxton writes _Alisaunder_ for
_Alexander_, while to _ask_ appears in the “Chess Book” as to _axe_.
We may further note that _Caxton_, in Cambridgeshire, is spelt in old
documents, _Causton_, and, in the records of the Mercers’ Company, a
certain Thomas Cacston appears as one of the liverymen appointed to
welcome King Edward IV on his entry into London, and is immediately
after entered as Thomas Cawston. Many years before Caxton’s birth, the
manor of Caustons had been alienated from the Caxton family, by whom
it had long been held; and although some offshoots may have remained
in the neighbourhood, the most important branch appears to have taken
root in Essex, and there adopted the name of the old Kentish hundred
for their new residence; for among the wills now preserved at Somerset
House is that of Johannes Cawston, of Hadlow Hall, Essex, dated 1490.
Nothing, however, of interest can be gleaned from it.
We therefore conclude that William Caxton probably descended from
the old stock of the Caustons, who owned the manor of Caustons, near
Hadlow, in the Weald of Kent. The evidence is not strong, but yet there
is no other locality in the Weald in which can be traced the slightest
connection, either verbal or otherwise, with the family.
[Illustration: Three Cakes and a Tun]
Caxton’s pedigree is quite unknown, no trace of any of his relatives,
except a married daughter, having been discovered. The “William Caxton”
who was buried in 1478, in the church of St. Margaret, Westminster, is
asserted by some biographers to have been the father of our printer.
This may be possible; but no relationship can be assumed from mere
identity of name, for Caxtons, Caustons, or Cauxtons are to be found in
many parts of England during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
William de Caxtone owned a house in the parish of St. Mary Abchurch,
London, in 1311: a man of the same name paid his tax to the City
authorities in 1441: and there was a family of Caxtons famous for
centuries as merchants at Norwich, who used as their trade-mark three
Cakes and a Tun. The will of Robert Caxton, alias Causton, is preserved
at Canterbury; and at Sandwich, Tuxford, Newark, Beckenham, Westerham,
and frequently in the early records of London does the name appear. The
will of John Caxton, of Canterbury, likewise still exists: he was “of
the parish of St. Alphage, Mercer,” and left to the church some wooden
“deskys,” upon which the following device may still be seen.
[Illustration: Device of John Caxton]
When was Caxton born? To this question a more satisfactory answer
can be given, for the date of his apprenticeship has fortunately been
preserved in the records of the Mercers’ Company. It has generally been
assumed that 1412 was the date of his birth, upon the sole ground that
Caxton himself complained, in 1471, that he was growing old and weak,
from which the inference has been drawn that he must then have seen at
least sixty years. That this date, however, must be advanced is proved
by the following extract from the earliest volume of the “Wardens’
Accounts” in the Archives of the Mercers’ Company. The entry occurs in
a list of fees for the binding and enrolment of apprentices “pur lan
deūnt passe cest assauoir des Fest de Saynt John Bap^{te} lan xvj du
Roy Henr sisme;” that is, “for the year last passed that is to say from
the Feast of St. John Baptist in the 16th year of King Henry VI [June
24, 1438],” and is literally as follows:--
Entres des Appñtices.
Item John large, } les appñtices de
Item Will’m Caxston, } Robert Large iiij s
We have here recorded the interesting fact that in 1438 Caxton was
apprenticed to Robert Large. It is the first genuine date in his life
with which we are acquainted, and affords us a starting-point from
which can be reckoned, with some degree of certainty, the date of his
birth.
The age of twenty-one has always been considered as the period when
a man arrives at his _legal_ majority; but in the fifteenth century
there was also what may be termed the _civic_ majority, which was not
attained until three years later. This custom prevailed to the end
of the seventeenth century; for in 1693 an Act of Common Council was
passed enjoining the Chamberlain to ascertain that every candidate
for admission to the freedom of the City had “reached the full age
of twenty-four.” The phrase “quousque ad etatem suam xxiiij annorum
peruenerit,” so commonly found in old wills, refers to this custom; and
in view of it the indenture of an apprentice was always so drawn that
on the commencement of his twenty-fifth year he might _issue_ from his
apprenticeship. This necessarily caused a considerable variation in the
length of servitude, which ranged according to the age of the youth,
from seven years, the shortest term, to fourteen years. In the Archives
of the Corporation of London (Lib. Dunthorne, 398_b_) is recorded a
case brought before the Court of Aldermen in the year 1451. William
Skydmore was apprenticed to Thomas Falkener, Citizen and Mercer, of
London, for the term of _fourteen_ years; but Thomas Falkener having
died, and the widow being unable to instruct Skydmore in his trade, and
moreover keeping him badly clothed and worse fed, he appealed to the
Court to discharge him from his apprenticeship. To this request, after
inquiry, the Court acceded.
Taking the “entries” and “issues” in the Mercers’ records as a guide,
ten years appears to have been the term most usual in the fifteenth
century; but if we calculate his servitude to have lasted but seven
years, Caxton could not have been more than seventeen years of age when
apprenticed, and would therefore have been born not later than the year
1421. That he was not much younger is evident from the position he had
gained for himself at Bruges only eleven years after he entered his
apprenticeship, when he was accepted as surety for a sum equal to £1500
at the present day; so that we cannot be far wrong if we assume 1422-3
as the date of his birth.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER II.
_AN APPRENTICESHIP._
Caxton tells us, in his prologue to “Charles the Great,” that,
previously to his apprenticeship, he had been to school, but whether in
Kent or in London he does not say. He only thanks his parents for their
kind foresight in giving him a good education, by which he was enabled
in after years to earn an honest living. No other particulars of his
early history being known, we will pass at once to the year 1438, and
imagine him, fresh from the Weald, already installed in the household
of Alderman Large, and duly invested with all the rights and privileges
of a London apprentice.
When we remember how many of these apprentices were young men about
four-and-twenty years of age, we can readily believe that very strict
rules were required to keep them within bounds, and that when they
did break loose it was sometimes beyond the combined power of all the
city authorities to restrain them. The Evil May Day, as it was called,
in 1517, when the apprentices rose against the foreigners, especially
the French, and, notwithstanding the efforts of the Lord Mayor and
aldermen, ravaged the City, burning houses and killing many persons,
is recorded by the old chroniclers. The day was long remembered by the
masters with fear, and by the apprentices with pride--although twelve
of the latter ignominiously perished by the hands of the hangman after
the suppression of the riot by the King’s troops.
The master’s duties to his apprentice were to feed him, clothe him, and
teach him well and truly his art and craft. Failing the fulfilment of
these duties, the apprentice could, on complaint and proof shown before
the Court of Aldermen, have his indentures cancelled, or be turned over
to another master. On the other side, the apprentice made oath to serve
his master well and truly, to keep all his secrets, to use no traffic
on his own account, and to obey all lawful commands.
The London merchants of those days were very exclusive in their
reception of apprentices, and perhaps none of them more so than the
Mercers, who took precedence of all the City companies. The leading
men of the great companies, as was natural, apprenticed their sons to
one another, and thus the family names of Caxton’s fellow-apprentices
are the names also of the wardens, and the most substantial citizens
of the period. The family name of “Caxton” does not, indeed, figure
among those of the City magnates, but William Caxton’s admission to
the household of one of London’s most eminent merchants, and his being
apprenticed at the same time as his master’s son, go far to prove the
family to have been well connected. In one case only does there seem
a probability of relationship. The records of the Mercers’ Company
contain many notices of the “entries” and “issues” of apprentices, and
in 1447 it is recorded that one Richard Caxton finished his term of
servitude with John Harrowe, whose son was one of the apprentices of
Robert Large at the same time as William Caxton. Large and Harrowe were
fellow Mercers, and evidently on friendly terms, so that it is probable
the two young Caxtons were of the same family.
Robert Large, Caxton’s master, was one of the richest and most
influential merchants in the City. He was a Mercer, and the son of
a Mercer, and a native of the City of London. In 1430 he filled the
office of Sheriff, and in 1439-40 that of Lord Mayor. The Mercers’
Company was then, as now, the oldest chartered company in existence,
and among its members were comprised the merchants of highest standing
in the City. It paid more money to the king’s revenue, sent to a
“riding” more well-mounted men, spent larger sums on its “liveries,”
and yielded from its ranks more sheriffs and mayors than any two
City companies besides. Large was elected “Gardein” (the old term for
Warden) in 1427, and appears to have made himself very popular, if we
may judge from the unusual expenditure on the Lord Mayor’s Day when
he succeeded to the mayoralty. Carriages not having yet come into
use, the procession to Westminster was on horseback, the Mercers on
that occasion riding in new robes, preceded by sixteen trumpeters,
blowing silver trumpets purchased for the occasion. A few liverymen who
absented themselves were heavily fined.
[Illustration: Plate I.
_From Aggas’s Map of London, showing the House of Alderman Large,
Caxton’s Master (marked †). The Arms of Large in right hand corner._]
The house in which Alderman Large resided no doubt presented a
great contrast to Caxton’s home in the Weald. It stood at the north
end of the Old Jewry, and appears to have been a very ancient and
extensive mansion. Stow, writing in 1598, gives a curious account of
its vicissitudes, and sums up its history thus:--“sometime a Jews’
Synagogue, since a house of friars, then a nobleman’s house, after that
a merchant’s house, wherein mayoralties have been kept, but now a wine
tavern.” Large resided there until his death.
The household of which Caxton had become a member consisted of at least
eighteen persons, exclusive of domestic servants--Alderman Robert
Large and his second wife Johanna; four sons, Robert, Thomas, Richard,
and John, all under age (24 years), the last being bound apprentice
at the same time as Caxton; two daughters, Alice and Elizabeth, both
under age (21 years); two “servants,” or men who had served their
apprenticeship, and eight apprentices. Large did not long survive his
mayoralty. His will is dated April 11th, 1441, and he died on the 24th
of the same month. He was buried in St. Olave’s, Old Jewry, in the
same grave as his first wife Elizabeth, and their monument, with the
following inscription, existed in the time of Stow:--“Hic requiescat
in Gratia et misericordia Dei, ROBERTUS LARGE, quondam Mercerus et
Maior istius civitatis.” A copy of Large’s will is preserved in the
Principal Registry of the Court of Probate at Somerset House. From
it we learn that he owned the manor of Horham, in Essex, and that he
left various sums to the parish churches of Shakeston, Aldestre, and
Overton, where some of his relatives were buried. It would have been
interesting to find that Large had a family connection with Caxton’s
native county; but although no trace of this can be discovered, it is
remarkable that two of his apprentices should have had Kentish names,
Caxton being merely another form of Causton, a manor near Hadlow, and
the hundred of Strete being represented by Caxton’s fellow-apprentice,
Randolph Streete. He left liberal bequests to his parish church of St.
Olave, Old Jewry, and for religious purposes generally, as well as
considerable sums for the completion of a new aqueduct then in course
of construction, for the repair of London Bridge, for cleansing the
watercourse of Walbrook, for marriage portions of poor girls, for
relief of domestic servants, and for the use of various hospitals of
London, among which may be noticed “Bedleem,” Bishopsgate Without,
St. Thomas of Southwark, and the Leper Houses at “Hakeney-les-lokes.”
Among the many bequests in Large’s will, the following are worthy of
notice as showing the names and approximate ages of Caxton’s fellow
apprentices, of whom he appears, both by the order in which he is
mentioned, and by the dates in the Mercers’ records, to have been the
youngest.
Richard Bonyfaunt (issued 1440) 50 marks.
Henry Okmanton (entered 1434) 50 pounds.
Robert Dedes ( ) 20 marks.
Christopher Heton (issued 1443) 20 pounds.
William Caxton (entered 1437) 20 marks.
Besides the above there were Randolph Streete, who issued in the same
year as that in which Caxton was bound, Thomas Neche, who issued in
1440, and John Harrowe, who issued in 1443. These are all entered in
the Mercers’ books as “appñtices de Rob^{t.} Large.”
Before proceeding with the account of Caxton, we may here briefly state
what is known of the subsequent history of the family in which he
lived. Mistress Large (whose son Richard Turnat, by her first husband,
is mentioned in Large’s will) was now again a widow, with a large
fortune of her own and the care of two stepsons, each of whom was also
well provided for. Her second bereavement appears for a time to have
affected her most deeply. Over the body of her deceased husband she
thus solemnly and publicly vowed to devote the remainder of her days
to charity and chastity:--“I, Johanna, that was sometime the wife of
Robert Large, make mine avow to God and the high blissful Trinity, to
our Lady Saint Mary, and to all the blissful company of Heaven, to live
in chastity and cleanness of my body from this time forward as long
as my life lasteth, and never to take other spouse but only Christ
Jesu.” At the same time a ring was placed upon her wedding finger, and
a coarse brown veil thrown over her by the priest. Her celibacy was
not, however, of long duration, as in about three years she married
for the third time, as we learn from the following quaint entry in the
second edition of Stow’s “Survey of London.” Writing of John Gedney,
Lord Mayor in 1427, he says, “This Godnay in the yeare 1444 wedded the
widdow of Robert Large late Maior, which widdow had taken the Mantell
and ring, and the vow to liue chast to God tearme of her life, for the
breach whereof, the marriage done they were troubled by the Church, and
put to penance, both he and she.”
All the children mentioned by Large in his will were by Elizabeth,
his first wife. Robert and Thomas did not long survive their father;
John died soon after the expiration of his apprenticeship, which,
as we have seen, was contemporaneous with that of Caxton, and his
name, accordingly, does not occur in Large’s will. Richard, the sole
survivor, succeeded, as was his father’s wish, to all the property
devised to his two elder brothers, and his claims were allowed by
the Court of Aldermen on his “attaining his age of 24 years” in the
year 1444. Large’s daughter Alice does not appear to have claimed
her patrimony on arriving at her majority; she therefore, in all
probability, died previously; but Elizabeth married soon after her
father’s death, and her husband, Thomas Eyre, son of the Lord Mayor,
received her dowry in 1446.
The three years which Caxton passed as apprentice with Large were very
eventful, and, as it was during this period that he must have received
his most vivid impressions of life, it may not be amiss to take a rapid
glance at a few of the events which agitated the minds of the people.
Caxton, no doubt, was witness of the great jousts in Smithfield in
1438, which lasted three weeks, and are so graphically described in one
of the Lansdowne Manuscripts in the British Museum (No. 285), and his
intense love for knightly sports may have there been first developed.
But though sights of knights at tournaments were to be seen for
nothing, common bread was very dear, and many deaths from starvation
occurred in the same year. An old chronicle tells us that, “Men ate
rye bread and barly, and bred mad of benes, peses, and fetches: and
wel were hym that myghte haue ynowe thereof.” In his own additions to
the “Polycronicon” Caxton is more than usually minute in his record
of the events which occurred during the time of his apprenticeship.
Speaking of this year, he recounts that “Corne was soo skarce that in
some places poure peple made hem brede of fern rotes.” This makes one
cease to wonder at tumults and rebellion, and possibly some chord of
pity was struck in Caxton’s breast when certain men from his native
county of Kent, called “Risers,” were beheaded, and the heads of five
of them were stuck on poles and left to rot over the southern gateway
of London Bridge. In 1439 Large was elected Mayor, and at his “riding”
to Westminster and back, all his apprentices no doubt assisted to swell
the shout in honour of their master, and to drink the wine which flowed
freely from the conduits. But ere that year was ended a sad spectacle
was seen on Tower Hill, when Richard Wyche, Vicar of Deptford, an
old man of eighty years of age, was burnt for Lollardism. An old
chronicler, at the end of his account of this martyrdom, adds, “for
the which Sir Richard was made grete _mone_ among the comyn peple;”
and well they might moan, for his love and charity had won for him the
strongest affection among the poor. He was first degraded “at Powly’s,”
and then taken away to Tower Hill, where he was roasted alive over a
slow fire. The excitement among the people was intense, and on the
night of this event all the watches throughout the city were doubled,
so great were the fears entertained of a general rising. The impression
made on the mind of Caxton by this event may be gathered from his own
relation:--“This yere Syr Rychard wiche, vycary of hermettesworth was
degrated of his prysthode, at powlys, and brente at toure hylle as for
an heretyk on saynt Botolphus day, how wel at his deth, he deyde a good
crysten man, wherefore after his dethe moche people cam to the place
where he hadde ben brente, and offryd and made a heepe of stones, and
sette vp a crosse of tree, and helde hym for a saynt till the mayer
and shreves, by commaundement of the kynge and bisshops destroyed it,
and made there a donghyll.” Another grievous event appears, in the
following year, to have excited the compassion of our young apprentice.
On three alternate days Eleanor Chobham, the beautiful wife of Duke
Humphrey, was landed on the banks of the Thames, and, accompanied by
the mayor, sheriffs, and guilds of the city, walked to St. Paul’s
barefooted, clad in a white sheet, and holding a taper, as a penance
for her presumed sorceries with the witch of Eye. Caxton has narrated
this at unusual length. There were great tournaments again this year
in the Tower, as well as a desperate fight between the citizens and a
body of courtiers, for which the former, although first invaded and
then attacked, were heavily fined by the king. The old chronicler
describes the fray as “a great debate by the night time, where through
shots of bows there were many hurt foul and slain.” But the chief event
of this period, considered in its bearing upon Caxton’s destiny, was
the conclusion of a three years’ peace between England and Flanders.
This, coupled with the termination of the war which had raged furiously
between Holland and Zealand and Hamburgh, was probably a material cause
in determining Caxton’s departure from England.
We do not know what were the exact duties which devolved upon Caxton
during his apprenticeship; but as an assistant to Large, who had
extensive connections, and was doubtless in frequent correspondence
with Bruges, the great centre of English commerce abroad, he must have
obtained considerable insight into the customs of foreign trade, and
become personally known to many Flemish merchants, who, when in London,
would probably stay in Large’s house.
We must not forget that Caxton was not released from his indentures
by the death of his master. If he wished to continue his career as a
merchant, whether in England or abroad, he was obliged to serve out
his apprenticeship; and that he did so we gather from his admission in
after years to the livery of the Mercers’ Company. Executors were bound
to provide the apprentices of a deceased trader with a new home; and it
would seem that the original master might appoint a new master by his
will, or of his own accord assign the apprentice during his lifetime,
without making the apprentice himself a party to the assignment. So
far as we know, Large made no arrangement of this kind; and it appears
probable that the usual course of providing a new master for the
bereaved apprentice was adopted by the executors in Caxton’s case.
Moreover, it was not uncommon for young men in his position to be sent
to some foreign town to obtain experience in trade. Wheeler says, “The
Merchants Adventurers send their yong men, sonnes, and servantes or
apprentices, who for the most parte are Gentlemens sonnes, to the Marte
Townes beyonde the seas, there to learne good facions and knowledge
in trade.” Whether Caxton left England by his own desire, or at the
instance of his new master, or by the invitation of a foreign friend,
is unknown; but that he took up his abode in the Low Countries, and
probably at Bruges, in 1441, the year in which his first master died,
we gather from his own words in the prologue to “The Recuyell,” where
he states that he had then, in 1471, been abroad for thirty years.
Thither probably he carried with him no more than the twenty marks
(equal to about £150 at the present day) bequeathed to him by Alderman
Large.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER III.
_CAXTON ABROAD._
The City of Bruges had long been not only the seat of government of
the Dukes of Burgundy, but also the metropolis of trade for all the
neighbouring countries. Thither resorted merchants from all parts of
Europe, certain of finding there the best market for their wares.
English traders especially abounded, having been greatly favoured
by Philip the Good, who had been almost from a child brought up in
the Court of England, and who in 1446 gave great privileges to the
_Merchant Adventurers_ under the name of _The English Nation_, by
which title they were ever after commonly known in foreign parts. So
greatly were the Duke’s dominions indebted to the trade in wool and
cloth with England, that Philip the Good, when he instituted in 1429 a
new Order of Knighthood, adopted for its title and badge “The Golden
Fleece.” The “Athenæum” for December 5th, 1863, gives a curious account
of the choice of this name. “Philip, wearied with suggestions for the
name and badge of his new Order, at last said it might be named in
some reference to the season of the year in which the matter had been
discussed. That season included the months of July, August, September,
October, and November. As the initial letters of those months (the same
in French and Dutch as in English) made the word Jason, the name of the
Hero of the Golden Fleece, the conclusion was hilariously arrived at
that the new Order should be named accordingly.”
Caxton issued out of his apprenticeship about 1446, and became a
freeman of his guild, though, as this happened abroad, no notice of
it occurs in the Company’s books. It would appear that he immediately
entered into business on his own account, and that he prospered, for
in 1450 we find him in Bruges, and so far successful as to be thought
sufficient security for the sum of £110 sterling, more than equal to
£1500 now. This appears from the following curious law proceedings
preserved in the Archives of the City of Bruges. William Craes, an
English merchant, in the year 1450, sued in the Town Hall of Bruges,
before the burgomasters, merchants, and councillors of the city, John
Selle and William Caxton, both English merchants, for a sum of money.
William Craes deposed that John Granton, of the Staple at Calais, was
indebted to him in the sum of £110 sterling, for which the said John
Selle and William Caxton had become sureties, and that the said John
Granton having departed from the city without payment made, he, the
said Craes, had caused his sureties to be arrested. The defendants
admitted that they were the sureties for John Granton, but pleaded
that as Granton was very rich, complainant should wait and look to
him for payment, if indeed the money had not been already paid.
Judgment was given by Roeland de Vos and Guerard le Groote in favour
of the complainant, the defendants having to give security for the
sum demanded, but it was also decreed that if John Granton on his
return to Bruges should prove payment previously to his departure, the
complainant should then pay a fine double in amount to that of the sum
claimed.
We learn from their records that the Mercers were, at this period,
engaged in a considerable trade with the Low Countries, but this soon
after received a check from an edict of the Duke of Burgundy which
prohibited the importation of all English cloths. The item in the
Mercers’ accounts--“To Richard Burgh for bearing of a letter over the
sea, 6_s_ 8_d_”--probably refers to this, although from the small sum
paid in comparison with several similar entries, it may be inferred
that he was not a special messenger, but that he took charge of the
letter, having to go to Bruges on his own account.
The date when Caxton was admitted to the freedom of his Company does
not appear, but it was doubtless shortly after he had issued from
his apprenticeship. It must have occurred before 1453, for in that
year he made a journey from Bruges to London, accompanied by Richaert
Burgh and Esmond Redeknape, when all three were admitted to the Livery
of the Mercers’ Company, a privilege to which the admission to the
freedom was a necessary step. Like Caxton, Burgh and Redeknape were
probably English traders settled at Bruges: Redeknape was most likely
a relative of the W. Redeknape of London, who appears farther on as
a merchant trading with Bruges, and we have already noticed Burgh as
the bearer of a letter to that city. We may likewise remark that the
usual fees on their taking up the livery seem to have been remitted,
the whole entry in the volume of accounts being erased by the pen. The
Mercers’ accounts of the same year show charges for sending two letters
to the Duchess of Burgundy, who was not above trading in cloth on her
own account, with the special privilege from her brother, Edward IV,
of being freed from the payment of import and export duties. In 1453
Geoffrey Felding, Mercer, was mayor, and the names of William Caxton,
Ric. Burgh, Thos. Bryce, and William Pratt appear, charged with fines
of 3_s._ 4_d._ each for not attending at his riding (quils fautent de
chiuachier ouesque le mair).
As an English merchant residing in Bruges, Caxton would necessarily be
subject to the laws and regulations of the Chartered Company called the
MERCHANT ADVENTURERS, whose Governor had control over all English and
Scotch traders in those parts. All foreign trade was then carried on by
means of Trading Guilds. These associations, which occupy a prominent
position in the early history of European commerce, had in most cities
a common place of residence, and were governed by laws and charters
granted on one side by the government of their own country, and on the
other side by the government of the country in which they had settled.
They appear to have originated in a common necessity. The trader in a
foreign country was always an object of suspicion to the inhabitants,
and often found himself restricted by its laws as to the articles he
should buy or sell, and to the prices he should give or receive. These
laws being frequently unjust and subversive of all legitimate trade,
besides being often strained to the great injury of individuals, it
was found expedient for all traders in foreign lands to unite, and by
combined action to secure that recognition of their rights which the
individual could not obtain. Hence arose the Association of _Merchant
Adventurers_, which consisted of English merchants, who ventured their
goods in foreign markets. The Mercers, whose foreign trade far exceeded
that of all other Companies, appear to have originated this Association
in the thirteenth century, under the name of the Guild or Fraternity
of St. Thomas-à-Becket, and to have retained the principal management
of its affairs until their disconnection in the sixteenth century.
Although Grocers, Drapers, Fishmongers, and several other trade guilds
yielded their quota of members, and added their influence when support
was needed, yet there were more Mercers among the Merchant Adventurers
than liverymen of any other company; the meetings of the Association
at their headquarters in London were held in Mercers’ Hall, and their
transactions entered in the same minute-book with those of the Mercers’
Company itself until 1526, when they became entirely independent,
although the last link was not severed until the Great Fire of London
in 1666 destroyed the office which the Merchant Adventurers held of
the Mercers under their Hall. It appears, however, from the records
of the Founders’ Company, that the Merchant Adventurers became their
tenants in 1565; that the Founders borrowed a large sum of money from
them, for which, in 1647, £200 was paid for interest; and that in
1683 the Founders leased the Sising Room and the Gown Room of their
new Hall in Lothbury to the Merchant Adventurers for £16 per annum.
Several charters were granted by English kings to the “Adventurers” in
various parts of Europe for their internal government. In 1407, Henry
IV granted authority to the English merchants in Holland, Flanders,
Prussia, and other States, to assemble and elect governors, with power
to rule all English merchants repairing thither, and to make reasonable
ordinances. Henry VI renewed these powers in 1444. On the accession
of the House of York, the Mercers consulted the City Recorder and
“Rigby” respecting their Corporation, and by the statute 1 Ed. IV, c.
i., passed for confirming the titles of those who held under grants
of any of the three preceding kings, therein described as “in fact
and not in right” kings of England, all grants to the wardens of the
Mercers were specially confirmed. The Merchant Adventurers now obtained
a larger charter, dated April 16th, 1462, which Hakluyt calls “The
Merchant Adventurers’ Patent,” for the better government of the English
merchants residing in Brabant, Flanders, &c., and under its provisions
William Obray was appointed “Governor of the English Merchants” at
Bruges.
Whether Obray died about this time is not known, but he does not appear
to have acted long in his new capacity, for between June 24th, 1462,
and June 24th, 1463, the Mercers’ books record that William Caxton was
performing the official duties of governor, and was in correspondence
not only with the wardens of the Mercers’ Company, but also with the
Lord Chancellor, writing to both about the best method of regulating
the buying of ware at Bruges. The charge for boathire incurred by the
wardens in delivering Caxton’s letter to the Lord Chancellor is thus
entered in the annual accounts:--
Item for botehyre for to shewe to ye lords of ye coũsell the l’re
y^t came from Caxton & ye felaship by yond ye See vj d.
When Caxton’s name next appears in the Mercers’ books there is no doubt
of his position, as he is addressed by the title of “governor.” It was
one of the duties of the governor at Bruges by his “correctors” to see
that all goods exported to England were of just weight and measure,
and at a Court of Adventurers, held in Mercers’ Hall on August 16th,
1465, William Redeknape, William Hende, and John Sutton complained that
they had received both cloth and lawn deficient in breadth as well as
length; whereupon it was decided that a letter should be despatched
to “WILLIAM CAXTON, _Governor beyond the Sea_” for reformation of the
abuse. This being an unusually interesting entry, we quote it here as
it is on folio cxl. of the original minute-book:--
A_{o} xiiij_{c} lxv°. Courte of aventurers holden the xvj daye of
August the yere aboue written.
ffor euell mesure | ffor asmuche as Will^m Redeknape Will hende
of cloth & lawne. | & John Sutton w^t other complayne as well for
| lak of mesure in all white clothe and brown
| clothe as in brede of the same/ and in lykewise
| in lawne nyvell & purpell hit is accorded that a
| letter shal be made to Will^m Caxton goũno^r by
| yonde the see as well for refourmacion of the
| p’sidentes as other &c.
|
| A lettre of the same and other was sent by henry
| Bomsted the iiij^{th} day of September A° R^s
| E. iiij^{ti} iiij^{to}.
Whether Henry Bomsted was a special courier does not appear; but the
same year another letter was sent at a cost representing more than £15
at the present day, and entered thus:--
Item to Jenyne Bakker, Currour for berying a letter
to Caxton ovir ye see xviiij s viij d
Caxton being now established in the city of Bruges, in the influential
position of Governor of the English Nation in the Low Countries, it
may be as well to take a brief survey of his duties and emoluments
at this period. These are expressly laid down in the charter already
noticed, granted only two years before. The governor had full power
to govern by himself or deputies all merchants and mariners, to make
such minor regulations for the conduct of trade (not contrary to the
International Treaties) as seemed needful, to decide all quarrels,
and to pass sentence in a court composed of himself as governor and
twelve justicers to counsel and advise him; the justicers to be chosen
by the “common merchants and mariners,” subject to his approval, six
sergeants being allowed “to do the executions and arrests of the
said court.” He was to appoint at pleasure correctors and brokers to
witness all bargains, as well as folders and packers to make up the
packs of the merchants (who were not allowed to pack their own goods,
lest any prohibited articles should be included), and he was to be
present at the unpacking of goods newly arrived. No parcel was to
leave the city without being sealed. The officers were paid by a fee
charged on packing or unpacking every pack: the governor being paid
at the rate of 2_d._ for every pack sealed for exportation, and 1_d_.
for every bargain witnessed by his deputies, besides several smaller
levies which are not mentioned in the charter, except under the term
“accustomed dues.” From all this it will be seen that the governor
ruled over his countrymen with almost unlimited authority. His duties
must at times have been very onerous, involving much responsibility,
and requiring talents of no mean order. To him likewise would be made
all communications from the Government under which they lived, and to
his diplomatic skill and influence would be due to a large extent the
comfort or discomfort of all the English residents.
By the charter Obray would appear to have been the nominee of the king
himself, but this was only a form, as the custom seems to have been for
the Court of the Adventurers to recommend “a fit person” to the king,
who thereupon appointed him. The following example will show in whose
hands the executive power really resided:--The name of John Pykering
appears in the Mercers’ books as the successor of Caxton in the office
of “Governor of the English Nation.” This Pykering, who was a Mercer of
renown, having spoken against the wardens of his Company, was summoned
before an assembly of the “Adventurers of the different Fellowships”
in London. There disdaining to “stond bare hed,” and speaking “alle
hawty and roiall,” he was by the advice of the Court of the Mercers
discharged from his office of governor, and heavily fined. Shortly
after, he appears to have repented his boldness, for we find him
humbly asking pardon on his knees before a full Court. Nothing could
more fully prove the power exercised by the Mercers’ Company, which
was, in fact, mainly instrumental in obtaining the new charter for the
Adventurers, or, as they are usually termed, “our felawship by yond the
See,” for which charter in the year following they are charged by the
Mercers’ Company £47 0_s._ 10_d._
[Illustration: Plate II.
_The House in which Caxton lived at Bruges._]
The “English Nation,” as we have already remarked, was a very important
body at Bruges, and like the Esterlings, the Florentines, and other
merchants, had their own “House,” which existed in its original
state when Sanderus, who calls it “Prætorium peramplum,” wrote his
“Flandria Illustrata.” The engraving of the Domus Angliæ, occupied by
the Merchant Adventurers, and in which William Caxton resided for many
years, is taken from this work, which contains numerous illustrations
of the ancient buildings of Bruges, including the residences of the
various guilds.
A great similarity prevailed in the internal management of all foreign
guilds, arising from the fact that foreigners were regarded by the
natives with jealousy and suspicion. The laws which governed the
Esterlings in London, who lived in a strongly-built enclosure, called
the Steel Yard, the site of which is now occupied by the City station
of the South Eastern Railway Company, were much the same as those under
which the English Nation lived in Bruges and other cities. The foreign
merchant had, in Caxton’s time, to brave a large amount of popular
dislike, and to put up with great restraints on his liberty. Not only
did he trade under harassing restrictions, but he resigned all hopes of
domestic ties and family life. As in a monastery, each member had his
own dormitory, whilst at meal-times there was a common table. Marriage
was out of the question, and concubinage was followed by expulsion.
Every member was bound to sleep in the house, and to be indoors by a
fixed time in the evening, and for the sake of good order no woman of
any description was allowed within the walls.
When Caxton entered upon his duties as governor, he acted under the
articles of a treaty of trade between the two countries, which had
been many years in force, but which would terminate on November 1st,
1465. It was highly necessary that a renewal of this treaty should be
made before that date, and we accordingly find that the king issued a
commission, dated October 24th, 1464, in which he showed great wisdom
by joining in one mission a clever statesman and a successful merchant.
These were Sir Richard Whitehill, who had already been employed in
several important embassies, and William Caxton, who, as the chief
Englishman in Bruges, and well acquainted with all trade questions, was
“a most fit person.” They were, however, unsuccessful, although for
what reason does not appear, and the treaty being still unrenewed, a
“convencion of lordes” was fixed to meet at St. Omer on October 1st,
1465, to consider the matter. This convention does not appear to have
taken place, for on the 14th of the same month, the wardens of the
Mercers’ Company wrote a long letter to Caxton, informing him that
“the convention holdeth not;” that the king, taking into consideration
the near approach of the term of the existing treaty, had written to
the mayor of London requesting him “to provide a person” to go over to
the Duke of Burgundy about the “prorogation of the intercourse;” that
the wardens of the Mercers with the wardens of divers Fellowships,
Adventurers, considering that hitherto in similar cases the king, “with
the advice of his council, had made provision in that behalf,” and
that it was not their part to take upon themselves a matter of such
great weight, had urged the mayor to write a letter to the king in the
most pleasant wise that he could, beseeching him “to provide for this
matter;” and that, considering the near approach of the term of the
treaty and the uncertainty of any speedy action by the king, Caxton had
better consult with his fellow merchants at Bruges in as “goodly haste”
as possible as to the best means of protecting their goods and persons
until such time as the treaty might be renewed. This interesting
letter, which appears in full in the Mercers’ books, was signed by the
four wardens, and addressed “a W. Caxton.”
A very anxious year must this have been with Caxton, for not only was
the treaty unrenewed, but the Duke of Burgundy decreed the exclusion
of all English-made cloth from his dominions. This of course induced
retaliation, and the importation of all Flemish goods into England
was prohibited by Act of Parliament; but neither the Flemish nor the
English merchants could suffer their trade to be paralyzed, and so the
traffic was carried on by a more circuitous and expensive route, being
smuggled through the neighbouring States. Next year the Earl of Warwick
(the nobleman to whom Caxton afterwards dedicated the first edition of
his “Chess Book”) wrote to Caxton, calling upon him to enforce the Act
of Parliament forbidding the purchase of wares by English traders in
the Duke of Burgundy’s dominions. Caxton immediately communicated this
order to the lord mayor and to the wardens of the Mercery at London,
in a letter dated 27th May, 1466, desiring to be informed what the
“lordes intent” was, and whether they had received a letter which he
had sent by way of St. Omer, at the same time requesting early news of
any “ioperdy that shulde fall.” The letter arrived in London on June
3rd, when a full court of Adventurers was instantly summoned, at which
it was determined that an immediate answer should be returned. This was
accordingly despatched next day by the hands of Simon Preste, addressed
“a Will^{m.} Caxton, Gūnor de la nac’ deng^{s.}” and signed by the
four wardens. In it Caxton was instructed that the Act of Parliament
must be observed and the fines enforced in every case of infringement;
that, being themselves ignorant of the intention of the Lords, they
could give no information on that point; and, that as to any threatened
jeopardy, it was likely to be known sooner in Bruges than in London.[1]
Matters remained in this unsatisfactory state until the death of Philip
the Good, June 15th, 1467, who was succeeded by his son, Charles the
Bold.
The tide of affairs now turned in favour of England, and in the
following year the Lords Hastings and Scales, John Russell, and others
were sent as ambassadors to conclude a treaty of marriage between
Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, and the Princess Margaret, sister
of King Edward IV. Lord Scales, afterwards Earl Rivers, was in later
years one of Caxton’s most liberal patrons, and his translation of
“The Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers” was the first book with
the date of imprint which issued from Caxton’s press. John Russell,
“Docteur en Decret, and Arcediacre de Berksuir,” who subsequently
became Bishop of Lincoln and Lord High Chancellor, appears to have
been an ancestor of the Bedford family, and his oration delivered at
the investiture of the Duke of Burgundy with the Order of Garter,
on February 4th, 1470, is also one of the earliest works printed by
Caxton. The marriage was solemnized in Bruges on the 5th of June, 1468,
with the greatest possible pomp; and long accounts of the splendour
of the ceremony, and of the accompanying festivities, are given by the
old chroniclers. Caxton, by reason of his position as “governor,” would
no doubt take part in them, and be in close intercourse with the many
English nobles frequenting the Flemish court. It is not improbable that
it was at this period that he attracted the notice, and gained the
good-will, of the duchess herself, for he was certainly in her service
two years later.
The nuptial feasts were soon followed by negotiations for treaties
of trade. The king having, by the advice of his counsel, determined
to send an embassy to the Duke of Burgundy for the “enlarging of
woollen cloth in his dominions,” issued a special command to the
Mercers’ Company that they would present unto him certain persons of
their number “to go out in embassage with diverse ambassadors into
Flaunders,” the Mercers thereupon nominated William Redeknape, John
Pykering, and William Caxton. This took place on September 9th, 1468,
and the three ambassadors having been approved by the king, the Court
of the Mercers met again on the 28th of the same month, and voted £40
“out of the Cundith mony” for the costs and charges of Redeknape and
Pykering in this embassy. The omission of Caxton’s name from this
grant leads us to infer that he was then engaged in the discharge of
the duties of governor at Bruges, and would therefore not require any
travelling expenses. The mission was successful, and the intercourse
was renewed between the two countries in October of the same year.
The duties of Caxton’s office must necessarily have occupied a great
portion of his time, and obliged him, in the interests of the traders
he represented, to pay visits to the various towns in which the
English merchants resided. The old records of Utrecht of the years
1464, 1465, and 1467, mention free passports having been granted to
Caxton, his servants and goods. Nevertheless, he seems to have found
leisure for those literary pursuits to which he was so much attached.
It was in March, 1468, or, as we should now say, 1469, that he began to
translate the favourite romance of that age, “Le Recueil des Histoires
de Troye.” This, he informs us in a Prologue, he undertook to avoid
sloth and idleness; and indeed the constant use of phrases in which he
excuses himself for his translations by urging the duty of eschewing
sloth and idleness, would almost lead one to imagine that Caxton was
of an indolent nature, did not the whole of his life, and especially
those few last years in which he performed such prodigies of literary
labour, give a satisfactory denial. Phrases of this kind were among the
conventionalities of the age, and nearly every writer in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries seems to have considered the avoidance of
sloth as the proper excuse for bringing forward any literary work. In
the manuscripts of Caxton’s time, these deprecatory prefaces are very
common; and a comparison with the French original will show that these
sentiments, although adopted by Caxton, are in reality those of the
original author, and not the spontaneous avowal of the translator. This
explanation is necessary in order to prevent too great weight being
attached to Caxton’s phraseology in the Prologue to the “Histories of
Troy,” for he was still “governor,” an office necessarily entailing
a considerable amount of responsibility and work, when he commenced
that translation. Indeed, if Anderson be correct when he states in his
“History of Commerce,” that there were at this period sometimes more
than a hundred vessels in Sluis, the port of Bruges, Caxton must have
had ample work upon his hands. But whether he really had “no great
charge or occupation,” or whether he was too busy to devote the needful
time to his translation, he himself tells us that he then proceeded no
further than with five or six quires. Each quire or section consisting
of eight or ten leaves, this would amount to between forty and sixty
leaves of manuscript. At this point, dissatisfied with the results
of his labour, he laid them aside, without any intention of ever
completing his translation.
About two months later Caxton appears to have had more “occupation”
than he could get through alone; for, although still acting as
“governor,” a judgment was delivered in his name, wherein he was styled
“William Caxton marchant dangleterre maistre et gouverneur des marchans
de la nation dangleterre par deca.” The case in dispute being between
an Englishman and a Genoese merchant, they agreed to submit it to the
arbitration of William Caxton and Thomas Perrot as mutual friends; but
Caxton being obliged to leave Bruges for some cause not mentioned in
the document, a full court of merchants was summoned, and the judgment
delivered in the names of the arbitrators. This judgment is dated May
12th, 1469, and is the latest instance, as yet discovered, in which
Caxton’s name appears in his official capacity.
There is, however, another notice of Caxton lately discovered in the
Archives at Bruges, but whether it is to be referred to a period
before or after his resignation of office is uncertain. It is a
document containing a list of persons who, on August 13th, 1469, were
considered by the town council to be of sufficient importance to share
in the gifts of the “Vins d’honneur” usually distributed on great
public occasions. Caxton received four kans of wine, but whether it
was presented to him as “governor,” or as an official in the service
of the Duchess of Burgundy, is unknown. Treaties were certainly being
negotiated by ambassadors from England who were at Bruges in 1469, and
received, on June 11th, a present of “trois pieces de vin,” but this
was two months earlier than the date of the gift to Caxton.
On February 4th, 1470, an imposing ceremony took place at Ghent,
ambassadors being sent by Edward IV to invest the Duke of Burgundy with
the Order of the Garter, but there is no direct evidence to support
the supposition that Caxton was present on this occasion. That he was
at Ghent, though apparently a year later, is stated in his Prologue to
“The Recuyell,” and he appears to have been connected with the printing
of the Latin oration delivered by Dr. Russell.
In October of the same year Edward IV, accompanied by many of his
nobles, took refuge in the capital of the duke’s dominions from the
machinations of the Earl of Warwick. Here Caxton, either as “governor”
or as a servant of the duchess, had an excellent opportunity of
assisting his countrymen, who were in great need, until the restoration
of their sovereign. That he did so may be inferred from the royal
favour extended to him in after years.
The exact date when Caxton entered the service of the duchess, as
well as that when he relinquished his governorship, is uncertain.
The two events may have borne the relationship of cause and effect.
Caxton’s own narrative shows that about two years after his first essay
at translating “The Recuyell,” or about March, 1471, he was in the
service of the duchess, receiving a yearly salary and other benefits.
He was then instructed to resume his literary work, and the “dreadful
command” of his royal mistress seems to have been obeyed with wonderful
alacrity; for, although he was at one time at Ghent and at another time
at Cologne, the translation was not again neglected till, on the 19th
of September, 1471, the whole was completed, and offered by Caxton to
the duchess, by whom he was handsomely rewarded for his trouble.
The nature of the service rendered by Caxton to the duchess is very
uncertain. He says of himself that he was her servant, receiving
a yearly fee, and other good and great benefits. That it was an
honourable office admits of no doubt, and that it was moreover one in
which Caxton’s knowledge and talents as a merchant would be serviceable
seems very probable. We must not forget that in those days princes,
nobles, and even ecclesiastics, did not consider it inconsistent with
their dignity to trade on their own account, and this they frequently
did under special exemptions from the taxes to which the ordinary
merchant had to submit. Edward IV and many of his nobility owned ships
of merchandise. In 1475 the Wardens of the Mercers’ Company wrote
to Antwerp concerning a ship called “The Sterre,” belonging to Earl
Rivers, and a document of the year 1472 throws some light on the nature
of the services which a merchant like Caxton might have rendered to
his royal mistress. Edward IV in that year granted to his sister, the
Duchess of Burgundy, special privileges and exemptions with regard to
her own private trading in English wool. The late duchess, wife of
Philip the Good, likewise engaged in similar transactions, in which, if
we may judge from the following entries in the Mercers’ accounts, her
ladies also were apparently in some degree interested:--
1450. Item paid to John Stubbes for perys to the
Gentilwoman of the Duchesse of Burgeyn vj d
1451. Item paid to Hewe Wyche for a writ directe
to Sandewyche for the gownys of the
gentil womans of the duches of Burgeyn ij s vj d
1454. Item--Pour la copie dune lettre enuoie a la
duchesse de Burg_{e} xij s
1455. Item--a M Gervers pour une lettre & la copie
enuoi a la duchesse de Burg_{e} xx s
The question naturally arises--How was it that Caxton, holding the
influential and lucrative position of “Governor of the English Nation”
at Bruges, resigned that post to enter upon duties of a much less
ambitious character? There is no reference in the Mercers’ records to
any disagreement between Caxton and the home authorities, nor had he
at this time (1469) entertained the idea of returning to his native
country. We must, however, remember that during a very eventful and
anxious period he had for some years held an office of the gravest
responsibility, and we may assume from his complaint of two years
later, that age was daily creeping upon him and enfeebling his body,
that the troubles of official life had undermined his health. We can,
therefore, easily imagine that he would gladly embrace the opportunity
of exchanging the cares of office for the easy service of the Duchess
of Burgundy, which would allow him to indulge in the congenial pursuit
of literature and the “strange meruaylous historyes” in which he so
much delighted. Or perchance his complaint of “age creeping upon him”
was simply one of the conventional self-depreciating remarks common
to writers of his time, while the real cause of his resignation was a
wish to marry and to enjoy those home blessings and comforts of which
hitherto he had been deprived.
It has been suggested that upon the death of Philip, Duke of Burgundy,
the dowager-duchess would find herself in a position of much less
influence and much less wealth. As a fact, this was not the case; for,
although Mary of Burgundy was duchess, the dowager-duchess, Caxton’s
“dread lady,” was so attached to the young princess, for whom she had
a maternal regard, that in all their counsels and all their travels
they were never separated. Nor was Caxton’s duchess straitened in
means by the death of the duke. She had large estates and a handsome
dowry which she managed well, living in great state in the very towns
which as ruling duchess she had preferred. There is then no reason
for supposing that the sudden death of the duke had any connection
with Caxton’s return to England. The whole history of Margaret of
York, while Dowager-Duchess of Burgundy, has been written lately, from
original documents, by L. Gatesloot (8vo. Bruges, 1879).
That Caxton was a married man, and that he could not have married much
later than 1469, is a new fact in the biography of Caxton, discovered
by Mr. Gairdner, of the Public Record Office, who recently came across
a paper document, without seals or signatures, and therefore only a
copy of the original, made for production in court in connection with
some lawsuit. It was found among the miscellaneous records of the
Exchequer, formerly preserved in the Chapter House at Westminster, and
was first printed in the “Academy” for April 4th, 1874. The tenor of
the document, which is given in full in the appendix, is as follows:--A
variance having arisen between Gerard Croppe, merchant tailor, of
Westminster, and Elizabeth his wife, daughter of William Caxton, the
matter was brought before the archdeacon and the king’s chaplain, who
heard the case in St. Stephen’s Chapel, Westminster. It was then agreed
that they should live apart, and not vex, sue, or trouble one another,
each being bound under a penalty of £100 (which would represent about
£1500 at the present day). Upon the signing of a deed to that effect,
the said Gerard Croppe was to receive from the executors of William
Caxton “twenty printed legends,” valued at 13_s._ 4_d._ each (the
sum total of which would now be equivalent to £200), and to give the
executors a full acquittance of any further claim upon the estate. This
document, which is dated May 20th, 1496, throws no light upon the cause
of quarrel, unless it were concerning a legacy left by Caxton to his
daughter.
Now, assuming that Caxton was married in 1469, which was about the
period when he resigned his official position and entered the royal
service, and that his daughter Elizabeth was born soon after, she would
have been about twenty-one years of age at the time of her father’s
death in 1491, and twenty-six years of age when separated from her
husband. We have already seen how John Stubbs and Hugh Wyche were in
communication with the gentlewomen of the Duchess of Burgundy. Caxton,
no doubt, was also in frequent attendance upon them, and may perhaps
have induced one of them to become his wife. Whether this was so or
not, it is now an ascertained fact that after some forty-six years of
compulsory celibacy, Caxton took to himself a wife, who, it may be
hoped, was truly his helpmate and the solace of his declining years.
It is not unlikely that the following entry in the Churchwardens’
Accounts of St. Margaret, Westminster, under the year 1490, may refer
to Caxton’s wife:--
“Item.--Atte bureying of Mawde Caxton for torches &
tapres iij s ij d.”
Reverting to the “Histories of Troye,” and the presentation of a
manuscript copy to the duchess, no doubt can be entertained that this
was the turning-point in Caxton’s life. In the Prologue to Book I he
narrates in simple language the causes which led him to undertake
the translation:--“Whan I remembre that euery man is bounden by the
comandement & counceyll of the wyse man to eschewe slouthe and ydelness
whyche is moder and nourysshar of vyces and ought to put myself vnto
vertuous occupacion and besyness/ Than I hauynge no grete charge of
ocupacion folowynge the sayd counceyll/ toke a frenche boke and redde
therein many strange and meruayllous historyes where in I had grete
pleasyr and delyte/ as well for the nouelte of the same as for the fayr
langage of frenshe . whyche was in prose so well and compendiously
sette and wreton/ whiche me thought I understood the sentence and
substance of euery mater/ And for so moche as this booke was newe and
late maad and drawen in to frenshe/ and neuer had seen hit in oure
englissh tongue/ I thought in my self hit shold be a good besynes to
translate hyt into oure englissh/ to thende that hyt myght be had as
well in the royame of Englond as in other landes/ and also for to passe
therwyth the tyme . and thus concluded in my self to begynne this sayd
worke.”
The new “Historie” was a welcome novelty to his countrymen, who had
hitherto been accustomed to read such works only in French, which
still retained its pre-eminence as the language of the court and of
literature, notwithstanding the great advance and improvement which
had been made in English. The demand for Caxton’s translation soon
became greater than could possibly be supplied. His hand grew “wery and
not stedfast” with much writing, as he states in the epilogue of the
printed edition, and his eyes were “dimed with overmoch lokyng on the
whit paper.” Then it was, with Colard Mansion at hand to teach and help
him, that he turned his attention to the new-born Art of Printing.
[Illustration]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Verbatim copies of all these letters may be seen in “The Life and
Typography of William Caxton.” 4to. 1863. Vol. I, pp. 90-92.
[Illustration]
CHAPTER IV.
_LITERATURE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY._
The revival of literature in Europe, commencing with the latter part
of the fourteenth century, its steady growth, and its wonderful
development in the succeeding age, have been dwelt upon by many
writers. Nowhere was this revival more strongly marked than in France
and the Low Countries.
The French kings and the princes of the royal blood had been for many
generations the constant patrons of authors and of all engaged in the
production of books. In 1350, John II, who has the credit of having
founded the library of the Louvre, ascended the throne of France.
No particulars concerning the library of this monarch have been
preserved, and it was probably of no great extent; but his literary
tastes descended to each of his four sons, and from the inventories
which have come down to us of the libraries of these princes, we obtain
very interesting information as to the number, the description, the
illuminations, the bindings, and the market value of the books which
they contained. Charles, the eldest son, who succeeded his father in
1364, had a highly-developed taste for everything connected with the
fine arts. He greatly increased the number of volumes in the Louvre
library, so that in the ninth year of his reign, when Gilles Mallet
drew up a catalogue, they amounted to 910, the greater number of
which were written on fine vellum, and were magnificently bound, and
enriched with gold clasps and precious stones. This library, the Duke
of Bedford, when Regent of France, is supposed to have transported
to England in 1429. In after years, a few of the volumes returned
to France, but the famous library of the Louvre never recovered its
ancient splendour. Louis, Duke of Anjou, second son of King John,
shared to a great degree the love of books and works of art displayed
by his elder brother. The third son, John, Duke of Berry, formed an
extensive library at his château at Bicêtre, near Paris, inferior only
to that of the king himself. But of all the king’s sons, Philip, who
soon equalled his eldest brother in power, far surpassed him in the
number and splendour of his literary treasures. King John’s second wife
was Jane, widow of the Duke of Burgundy, and in her right he succeeded
to that duchy on the death of her only son. When dividing his kingdom
among his four sons, King John apportioned Burgundy to the youngest,
Philip the Hardy, who, by his marriage with Margaret, only daughter
and heiress of Louis, Count of Flanders, inherited, on the death of
his father-in-law in 1384, a large extent of territory. Philip, who
has the character of having been a generous prince, was well read in
the literary lore of his age. He was passionately addicted to music
and to the collection of fine books, and he spared no expense in
the employment of artists, and in the purchase of their most choice
productions. Nor did he rest satisfied with the encouragement of
artists alone, but gathered round him some of the most learned and able
authors of his time, who enriched his library with new works. This
prince died in 1404, and was succeeded by his son, John the Fearless,
who, although distracted by continual wars, maintained and even added
somewhat to his father’s library. Christine de Pisan received one
hundred crowns for two books which she presented to him. But all
previous patronage is eclipsed by the encouragement given to literature
by Philip the Good, who succeeded to the dukedom of Burgundy upon the
decease of John in 1419. At Bruges, where he kept his court, he gave
continual employment to a crowd of authors, translators, copyists, and
illuminators, who enriched his library with their best productions,
and did not forget to sing the praises of their generous patron. David
Aubert, a celebrated scribe, thus describes the duke in 1457:--“This
renowned and virtuous prince has been accustomed, for many years past,
to have ancient histories read to him daily. His library surpasses
all others, for from his youth he has had in his service numerous
translators, scholars, historians, and scribes in various countries,
all diligently working, so that now there is not a prince in all
Christendom who has so varied and so rich a library.” In the account
which M. Barrois gives of the library of this sovereign, he enumerates
nearly two thousand works, the greater part being magnificent folios on
vellum beautifully illuminated, and bound in velvet, satin, or damask,
studded with gems, and closed by gold clasps, jewelled and chased. Many
of these are still preserved in the Royal Library at Brussels.
The taste of successive rulers spread its influence among their
subjects, and fashion lent its aid in multiplying libraries. No present
was more acceptable than a beautifully-executed manuscript, and the
opulent nobles of the French and Burgundian courts offered costly books
to their sovereigns and their friends. The records and inventories of
this period contain numerous entries of such gifts, often with their
estimated value.
Among the nobles at the court of Philip the Good, many emulated the
literary taste of their sovereign, but none showed greater judgment
and liberality in the formation of his library than Louis de Bruges,
Seigneur de la Gruthuyse. This nobleman, who had risen by his talents
to the highest position, received, at his château of Oostcamp, near
Bruges, in 1470, Edward IV of England, when he sought refuge from the
Lancastrians in Flanders, and was afterwards rewarded by that king with
the title of Earl of Winchester. His library was scarcely inferior
to that of his sovereign, and nearly the whole of the manuscripts
were the production of Flemish artists at Bruges or Ghent. The large
size of the volumes, the beauty of the vellum, the elegance of the
writing, the artistic merit of the illuminations and ornaments, and
the luxury displayed in the bindings, are evidences of the deep
interest taken by the Seigneur de la Gruthuyse in the formation of his
library. On his death it passed to his son, Jean de Bruges, and was
soon after added to the collection already existing at the château of
Blois, belonging to the kings of France. Great pains were then taken
to obliterate the armorial bearings, devices, and monograms which
showed the former ownership of the manuscripts, which efforts were
but partially successful, as about a hundred volumes, now among the
most precious treasures of the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, still
attest that they once belonged to this celebrated collection. As the
patron of literary men and of artists, Louis de Bruges takes a high
place in the annals of his country, whilst the friendly attitude he
assumed towards Colard Mansion, in the early career of that unfortunate
pioneer of the press, should ever endear his name to bibliographers.
This passion for beautiful books was not confined to the dukedom of
Burgundy, but existed equally in France, Italy, Germany, England,
and other countries. Henry VI of England had a valuable library, and
many of the books written and illuminated for him are still among the
Royal MSS. in the British Museum. The Duke of Bedford, whose love for
literature was no doubt greatly stimulated during the time he held the
office of Regent of France, was surpassed by none of his countrymen in
his patronage of the fine arts, and the celebrated Missal, written and
illuminated for him, still remains as one of the choicest productions
of his age. Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, the protector of England
during the minority of Henry VI, was also greatly attached to his
library, and many manuscripts are extant, over which the antiquary
pauses with respect and interest as he reads the boldly-written
autograph, “Cest a moy Homfrey.”
Owing to these causes, the various artists connected with bookwriting
and bookbinding, as well as the trades necessary to them, received
much encouragement, while, to ensure rapidity as well as excellence
of workmanship, division of labour was carried out to a great extent.
Indeed, so important a branch of commerce had the manufacture of books
now become, and so numerous were the different classes of craftsmen
thus employed in Bruges, that there sprang up in that city a guild,
apparently very similar to the trade companies in London, to which,
in 1454, the duke granted a formal charter and special privileges.
The company is styled “der ghilde van sinte jan Ewāgz,” or “The Guild
of St. John the Evangelist,” who was the patron saint of scribes; and
the volume of receipts and expenditure of this guild, beginning with
the entrance fees of the original members, exists still in a perfect
state of preservation in the city Archives of Bruges. Van Praet gives
some interesting extracts from this volume, which show that the guild
comprised members of both sexes, to whose names their respective trades
are affixed, thus indicating the various branches of industry employed
at that time in the manufacture of books.
Librariers et bockverkopers (_Booksellers_).
Prenter-vercoopers (_Printsellers_).
Scilders (_Painters_).
Vinghette makers (_Painters of Vignettes_).
Scrivers et bouc-scrivers (_Scriveners and copyists of books_).
Verlichters (_Illuminators_).
Prenters (_Printers, whether from blocks or types_).
Bouc-binders (_Bookbinders_).
Reimmakers (_Curriers_).
Drooch-scherrers (_Cloth-shearers_).
Parkement makers et fransyn makers (_Parchment and Vellum makers_).
Guispel snyders (_Boss carvers_).
Letter sniders (_Letter engravers_).
Beelde makers (_Figure engravers_).
Similar corporations existed in other cities. Thus, at Antwerp, the
Guild of St. Luke was formed before 1450, and included trades like
those of the Guild of St. John at Bruges; and at Brussels there was
a guild of writers called “Les Frères de la Plume.” These guilds
supported their own chapel and chaplain, and sometimes had considerable
property. Nearly all the early printers, whose names are now famous in
the annals of Flemish typography were enrolled in one or other of these
associations.
The object of the foregoing sketch, and its bearings on the subject of
this memoir, will be evident to the reader who recalls to mind that it
was while the pursuit of literature in Bruges was most ardent--that
it was during the reign of the greatest bibliophile of the fifteenth
century, when Bruges teemed with authors, translators, scribes, and
illuminators, who resorted thither from all parts of Europe to Philip
the Good as to a second Mæcenas--that it was during the time when the
bibliographical treasures of Philip the Hardy, enriched by the numerous
additions of his son and grandson, and the libraries of Louis de Bruges
and other nobles of the Flemish court were concentrated in the same
city--that William Caxton was, for thirty-three years at least, a
resident in Bruges. Access to these libraries would be easy to him, and
that he availed himself of the privilege seems all the more probable,
since we find, without exception, that the books which he translated
for his own press may be traced in the catalogues of these noble
libraries. As “Governor of the English Nation,” through whom all the
negotiations between the English and the Burgundian governments would
be carried on, Caxton would be well acquainted with the nobles and
officers of the court, and hence he would naturally become the agent
for the literary wants of his countrymen. He would also be brought into
close contact with the most clever authors, scribes, and illuminators
of the time, among whom were Colard Mansion and Jean Brito, originally
artistic bookwriters, but afterwards the first to introduce the art of
printing into the city of Bruges.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER V.
_DEVELOPMENT._
Costume, that sure guide of the historian and the antiquary, is perhaps
nowhere more discernible than in literature, not merely in the dress
of language and expression, but also in the visible exponents of that
dress--writing and printing. Thus, a manuscript or a printed book
may, by the character of its writing or printing alone, be ascribed
to a determinate era. In other words, a careful investigation of the
mode of construction will, in most cases, enable us to determine
the approximate age of any book, from the early manuscript to the
machine-printed volume of the present day.
In tracing the early development of printing, we are able to note those
successive deviations from the form of its parent, Caligraphy, which
were necessitated by the peculiarities of the new art. Commencing
simply as a substitute for manuscript, it was naturally a close
imitation thereof, and hence the first printers laboured under many
inconveniences, which were shaken off as the capabilities of the new
discovery became better understood. These changes often afford the only
satisfactory evidence of the place and date of printing, as well as of
the printer’s name. We propose, therefore, as an aid to chronological
arrangement, to notice the points of similarity between the earliest
printed books and manuscripts, especially with reference to the
productions of Colard Mansion and William Caxton, and then to trace
the novelties, purely typographical, introduced by the printers.
1. There was a selection of material. The scribe naturally wrote his
choicest productions on fine vellum, carefully sorted in order to
secure evenness in tone and quality; and with the same idea the early
printers sorted out their paper before beginning to print. This is
frequently seen when two or three copies of the same book are compared
together. One is found to be printed entirely on thick, while another
is wholly on thin paper--one has no defects, whereas another is made
up of what the modern stationer calls “outsides.” The two copies of
Caxton’s “Knyght of the Toure” preserved in the British Museum present
a remarkable instance of this plan of selection.
2. It was a common practice with the scribes, when employing paper for
their books, to use parchment for the inmost sheet of every section.
The object of this was to give a firm hold to the thread of the binder,
and thus strengthen the volume, but the alternation of paper and
parchment did not present a pleasing appearance to the eye. Caxton
adopted a modification of this plan, and instead thereof pasted a strip
of vellum down the centre of the section. In books which have had the
good fortune to escape the modern bookbinder, the observer may still
see either the slips themselves or their traces in the brown stains
left by the paste.
3. When commencing a book, the scribes had a custom of passing over
the first leaf, and beginning on the third page, probably with the
intention of protecting the first page from soiling during the
execution and binding of the work. This practice was followed in the
early works which issued from the presses of Flanders and of England,
but unfortunately, in most of these books, on which an expensive modern
binding has been placed, the blank leaf has been rejected as too coarse
for a flyleaf, thus causing many volumes, although really perfect as
regards the print, to be described by bibliographers as wanting the
title-page.
4. The scribe necessarily wrote but one page at a time, and, curiously
enough, in this the early printers also assimilated their practice.
Whether from want of sufficient type to set up the requisite number of
pages, or from the small size of the platen of the early presses, there
is certain evidence of the first books from Caxton’s press having been
printed page by page. Thus, in all the books printed with type No. 1,
instances are found of pages on the same side of the sheet being out
of parallel, which could not occur if two pages were printed together.
A positive proof of the separate printing of the pages may, however,
be seen in a copy of “The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye,” in the
Bodleian Library; for there the ninth recto of the third quinternion
has never been printed at all, while the complimentary page, which
falls on the same side of the sheet, has been properly printed. A
variation in the colour of the ink, though often very noticeable,
is not a sure proof that the two pages so differing were printed
separately, as that may have occurred through imperfect inking.
5. Many bibliographers, neglecting the study of manuscripts, and
confining their examination of early books to the products of the
printing press, have written and argued as if “signatures” were an
invention of printers. This is an erroneous idea. It was as necessary
for the scribe to mark the sequence of the sheets which he wrote as for
the typographer to mark the order of those which he printed; because
when the sheets, whether manuscript or printed, had to be bound, it
was an absolute necessity for the binder to have every sheet signed,
for the signatures were his only guide in the collation of the volume.
There would seem to have been, for a long time, an antipathy to these
useful little signposts, which, being needed only so long as the book
remained unbound, were placed by the scribe as near as possible to the
bottom of the leaf, that they might disappear under the plough of the
binder. This is what has happened in the great majority of cases, but
in every instance of the manuscript being preserved uncut they may
still be seen.
It is interesting to notice the manner in which the early printers
adopted and afterwards modified this custom of the scribes. As it was
very inconvenient for them to print signatures of one or two letters
away from the solid page, at the extreme margin of the sheet, and as
the idea of disfiguring the text by making them a part of it was
objectionable, they continued the old practice for some time, and
actually signed every sheet by hand with pen and ink after it was
printed. The uncut copy of “The Recuyell,” at Windsor Castle, is an
example of a book with manuscript signatures at the extreme foot of
every sheet. After some time, however, the prejudice was overcome, and
the signatures were printed close up to the bottom line of the page.
They were first introduced at Cologne in 1472 and adopted by Caxton in
1480.
6. The upper portion of the first written leaf of a manuscript was
frequently left blank, for an illustration by the vignette-painter.
Space was also left at the beginning of every chapter, and sometimes of
every sentence, for an illuminated initial. For many years the early
printers likewise followed this plan, every book they issued requiring
the hand of the illuminator to complete it. This illumination was a
distinct branch of trade, and the workmen employed in it did nothing
but paint in the initials and paragraph marks. Through carelessness or
ignorance a wrong initial was occasionally painted in, but as far as
possible to prevent this, both scribes and printers inserted a small
letter as a guide, which was usually covered over by the coloured
capital.
7. When transcribing a book, it was seldom thought a matter of any
importance to add the date of transcription and the writer’s name,
though occasional instances of this are found. It was probably a
like feeling which made the early printers follow a practice which
has caused the modern bibliographer much doubt on many chronological
points of the greatest interest. So needless was it thought to inform
the reader when, where, or by whom a book was printed, that out
of twenty-one works known to have issued from the press of Colard
Mansion at Bruges, not more than five have a date affixed to them,
and of nearly one hundred publications assigned to Caxton’s press,
considerably more than two-thirds appear without any indication of the
year of imprint.
8. The similarity, amounting almost to identity, between the printed
characters of the early typographers and the written ones of their
contemporaries, must also be noted. It was this similarity which
probably first gave rise to the now admitted fable of Fust selling his
bibles at Paris as manuscripts, his impeachment before the parliament
as a sorcerer, and the necessity he was under of revealing his secret
to save his life.
The first printer, when he set about forming his alphabet, could not
have been troubled as to the shape he should give his letters. The
form which would naturally occur to him would be that to which both
he and the people to whom he hoped to sell his productions had been
accustomed. It is not therefore at all wonderful, that the types used
in the earliest printed books should closely resemble the written
characters of the period, nor that this imitation should be extended to
all the combinations of letters which were then in use by the scribes.
Thus the bibles and psalters which appeared in Germany, among the first
productions of the press, were printed in the characters used by the
scribes for ecclesiastical service-books, while the general literature
was printed in the common bastard-roman. There is nothing whatever to
support the assertion frequently met with, that the first printers made
their books purposely like the old manuscripts in order to deceive
purchasers into paying a good price for them. This view truly is the
genuine outcome of the nineteenth century.
When Sweynheym and Pannartz, emigrating from Germany, took up their
abode in the famous monastery of Subiaco, near Rome, they cut the
punches for their new types in imitation of the Roman letters
indigenous to the country, without an idea that they could do anything
else. In the dominions of the Duke of Burgundy, where the labours
of the scribes had been most extensively encouraged, the same plan
was pursued. Colard Mansion, the first printer at Bruges, was also a
celebrated caligrapher, and the close resemblance between his printed
books and the best manuscripts of his time is very marked. The same
character of writing was also in use in England, and Caxton’s types
accordingly bear the closest resemblance to the handwriting in the
Mercers’ books, and to the volumes of that period in the Archives at
Guildhall. Nevertheless Dibdin thus censures Caxton for not adopting
Roman types:--“That perfect order and symmetry of press-work, so
immediately striking in the pages of foreign books of this period,
are in vain to be sought for among the volumes which have issued
from Caxton’s press; and the uniform rejection of the Roman letter
so successfully introduced by the Spiras, Jenson, and Sweynheym and
Pannartz is, unquestionably, a blemish on our printer’s typographical
reputation.”
9. The short spacing of the early printers also deserves
remark.[2]--The uneven length of the lines, so noticeable in
manuscripts, was a necessity, as the writer could not forecast the
space between the words so as to make all the lines of an even length.
But it certainly was no necessity with the printer; for although in
this respect the time-honoured custom of the scribes was followed
for a few years, the improved appearance which evenness gave to the
work was soon observed, and thus a typographical step in advance was
established. At Mentz and Cologne this occurred at a very early stage.
The first Psalter, printed in 1457, and the Mazarine Bible of 1455
show, now and then, lines slightly deficient in length, as do some of
the earliest productions of Ulric Zel; but this rudeness soon gave way
to a systematic plan of spacing the lines to one even length. In the
early specimens from the Bruges and Westminster presses, the practice
of placing all the spare space at the end of the lines, instead of
dividing it between the words, gives a very rude appearance to the
page, and in these books it is carried to a greater extent than in
the works of any German, Italian, or French printers. Colard Mansion
abandoned this practice in 1479, and Caxton in 1480.
It will be apparent, from the foregoing remarks, that the books of our
first printers bore no slight resemblance to manuscripts, and indeed,
until quite recently, a copy of the Mazarine Bible, in the Library
of Lambeth Palace, was so regarded;[3] but this resemblance was soon
modified, in many particulars, to suit the requirements of typography.
The execution of manuscript capitals being both tedious and expensive
led to the early introduction of large letters engraved on wood,
which were either printed in black at the same impression as the
other portion, or in red by a subsequent operation. Colard Mansion
seems never to have adopted them, although several of his books
are illustrated by large and numerous woodcuts. Caxton inserted
illustrations engraved on wood in two or three books before 1484, the
date of “Æsop,” in which woodcut initials first appear.
Title-pages, likewise, are purely typographical in their origin, the
scribes having been content with heading their page with “Hic incipit”
and the name of the treatise. Caxton followed the usage of the scribes
in this particular; for, with one exception only, and at the very end
of his career, where the title of the book is printed alone in the
centre of the first page, his books appear without any title-page
whatever.
Wynken de Worde adopted the use of title-pages immediately
after the death of his master, but Machlinia of London, and the
schoolmaster-printer of St. Alban’s, never used them.
These minute details may appear, at first sight, to be hardly worthy
of record; but when we remember that two-thirds of Caxton’s books are
without any date, and that, by careful examination of the workmanship,
we can trace the printer gradually developing the changes from
manuscript to typographical character, we appreciate the existence of
a mass of technical evidence which, like the strata of the earth, or
the mouldings of a cathedral arch, affords chronological data quite
independent of any other source, and enables us, with a near approach
to accuracy, to determine the age of any undated book. To this evidence
may be added some other important signs which sometimes bear witness
to the date when a book was printed. Such are the size of the printed
page, its depth and width, the number of lines in a page, the number
of sheets in a section, and, above all, the sequence in the use of
various types. In Caxton’s books this sequence is very remarkable, as
will be seen by the annexed table, where only books with fixed dates
are entered, so that the reader may form his own judgment as to the
chronological order of the above-mentioned peculiarities.
Some interesting facts may be gathered from this table.
1. The types used by Caxton bear a definite chronological relation to
one another. Type No. 1 goes out of use, and is succeeded, in 1477,
by No. 2. Type No. 3 is principally employed for headlines during the
use of Nos. 2 and 4. In 1480 type No. 4 makes its appearance, but
not till No. 2 is about to disappear. In 1483 type No. 4* supersedes
its predecessor, and, in its turn, makes way for Nos. 5 and 6, which
close the list. If the books were added which give the dates of their
translation, which almost always coincide with those of their printing,
the result would be the same.
2. All the books printed before 1480 were with lines of an uneven
length, whilst all printed subsequently were spaced out evenly.
3. Signatures and even spacing of the lines were synchronous
improvements, and both, when once adopted, were never afterwards
abandoned. In the signatures themselves a curious fact may be
noted--that whereas the custom of Caxton was generally to use letters
and Roman numerals, as ~b j~, for his signatures, yet in the three
years 1481 to 1483, and at no other period, he used Arabic numerals,
thus ~b~ 1, or 2 1.
┌────────────────────────┬────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐
│ │ Date of Printing. │
│ │ │ No. of Type. │
│ │ │ │ Length of Line. │
│ │ │ │ Inches. │
│ │ │ │ │ Lines spaced out to │
│ │ │ │ │ the end or not. │
│ │ │ │ │ │ Length of Page.
│ │ │ │ │ │ Lines. │
│ │ │ │ │ │ │ Sig.│ │
│ Title. │ │ │ │ │ │ │Init|
├────────────────────────┼─────────────────┼───────┼────┼─────┼────┼─────┼────┤
│ The Recuyell │ Before 1477 │ 1 │ 5 │ No │ 31 │none │none│
│ The Game of Chess, │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 1st ed. │ Do. │ 1 │ 5 │ No │ 31 │none │none│
│ The Life of Jason │ Do. │ 2 │ 5 │ No │ 29 │none │none│
│ Dictes, 1st ed. │ Nov. 18th, 1477 │ 2 │ 5 │ No │ 29 │none │none│
│ Moral Proverbs │ Feb. 20th, 1478 │ 2 │ In Metre.│ 28 │none │none│
│ Cordyale │ Mar. 24th, 1479 │ 2 & 3 │ 5 │ No │ 29 │none │none│
│ Chronicles, 1st ed. │ June 10th, 1480 │ 4 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 40 │roman│none│
│ Reynard, 1st ed. │ June 6th, 1481 │ 2 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 29 │arab.│none│
│ Tulle │ Aug. 12th, 1481 │ 2 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 29 │arab.│none│
│ Godfrey │ Nov. 20th, 1481 │ 4 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 40 │arab.│none│
│ Polycronicon │ July 2d, 1482 │ 4 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 40 │arab.│none│
│ Chronicles, 2d ed. │ Oct. 8th, 1482 │ 4 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 40 │arab.│none│
│ Pilgrimage of the Soul │ June 6th, 1483 │ 4 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 40 │roman│none│
│ Liber Festivalis, │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ 1st ed. │ June 30th, 1483 │ 4* │ 5 │ Yes │ 38 │roman│none│
│ Confessio Amantis │ Sept. 2d, 1483 │ 4 │ 2¾ │ Yes │ 46 │arab.│none│
│ Knight of the Tower │ Jan. 31st, 1484 │ 4* │ 5 │ Yes │ 38 │roman│none│
│ Æsop │ Mar. 26th, 1484 │ 4* │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 38 │roman│wood│
│ King Arthur │ July 31st, 1485 │ 4* │ 3¼ │ Yes │ 26 │roman│wood│
│ Charles the Great │ Dec. 1st, 1485 │ 4* │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 38 │roman│wood│
│ Paris and Vienne │ Dec. 19th, 1485 │ 4* │ 2⅜ │ Yes │ 39 │roman│wood│
│ Book of Good Manners │ May 11th, 1487 │ 5 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 34 │roman│wood│
│ Directorium │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ Sacerdotum, 2d ed. │ ---- 1489 │ 6 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 31 │roman│wood│
│ Art and Craft │ June 15th, 1490 │ 6 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 31 │roman│wood│
│ Eneydos │ June 22d, 1490 │ 6 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 31 │roman│wood│
│ Fayts of Arms │ July 14th, 1490 │ 6 │ 4¾ │ Yes │ 31 │roman│wood│
└────────────────────────┴─────────────────┴───────┴────┴─────┴────┴─────┴────┘
KEY
Heading “Sig.” = “Signatures.”
Heading “Init” = “Initials.”
Under “Lines spaced out to the end or not”: No = “not”, Yes = “spaced out”
Under “Sig.”: roman = “rom. num.”, arab. = “arab. figs.”
We may further add that the use of the paragraph mark (ℂ) never appears
before 1483; that the great device makes no appearance till 1487, the
printed date to the third edition of the “Dictes” notwithstanding; and
that initials in wood first appear in the “Æsop” in 1484.
By the application of these tests to the undated books we are enabled
to assign each of them, with tolerable certainty, to a particular
period.
[Illustration]
FOOTNOTES:
[2] We may here observe, that bibliographers often misuse the word
“justification” when referring to the practice of placing all the
space at the end of lines. The printer’s term “justification” does not
necessarily refer to the spacing out of the words in a line. Every line
in a page must be “justified” or made of the normal length, and the
last line in a paragraph, containing perhaps no more than one word,
must be justified equally with the full-length line. Short lines are
justified with quadrats, or pieces of metal, which fill up the line,
but, being lower than the type, do not print. What is called “short,”
or “bad,” or “imperfect justification,” is sure to reveal itself, to
the dismay of the compositor, by allowing the faulty line to drop out
when the “forme,” or mass of type, is lifted. The probable reason why
Colard Mansion and Caxton did not space their lines to an even length
is, that at that time they had not begun to use the _setting-rule_.
This useful little slip of metal enables each letter as it is picked
up by the compositor to be passed along on an even surface to its
destination, instead of catching in every unevenness or burr of the
previous line. Its absence would entail many obstructions to the
spacing-out of lines, and render the plan of leaving all the spare
space at the end, which was actually adopted by Caxton, at once more
easy, expeditious, and free from accident.
[3] In 1856, an old established bookseller, in one of our largest
cathedral towns, marked a copy of Caxton’s “Statutes of Hen. VII” as an
old MS., _and sold it for 2s. 6d._! See also the remarks on Verard’s
“Euryalus et Lucrece,” in the Catalogue of the Harleian MSS., Vol. III,
No. 4392.
[Illustration]
CHAPTER VI.
_COLARD MANSION._
Bruges, the old metropolis of Flanders, offers many points of the
greatest interest to the historian and the antiquary. In the fifteenth
century, it was the chosen residence of the sovereigns of the House
of Burgundy, and to its marts resorted the most opulent merchants of
Europe. There the arts, as well as commerce, were developed to a degree
of excellence unequalled since the Augustan age, and even Paris was
surpassed in literary and artistic treasures. Artists and craftsmen
were consequently numerous, and, as we have already seen, those of them
who were connected with the production of books, were enrolled as a
trade guild. And this pre-eminence is not immaterial to our inquiry,
for William Caxton was not only for more than thirty years a constant
resident in Bruges, holding for a considerable period a position of
great authority, but in this city likewise took his first lessons in
typography and obtained the materials necessary for the introduction of
the New Art into his native country.
Colard Mansion is generally admitted to have been the first printer
at Bruges, but of his history little is known. His name occurs many
times in the old records still preserved in the municipal library, and
always in connection either with his trade of fine-manuscript writer,
or with the guild of St. John. The first time it appears it is written
“Collinet,” a diminutive of Collaert, from which Van Praet, his first
biographer, thinks he was at that time under age. In 1450 “Collinet”
received fifty-four livres from the Duke of Burgundy for a novel,
entitled “Romuleon,” beautifully illuminated and bound in velvet. This
copy is now in the Royal Library at Brussels, and another copy, written
in characters exactly like the types used twenty years later by Colard
Mansion, is in the British Museum. Both the Seigneur de la Gruthuyse
and the Seigneur de Creveceur were his patrons; the former, indeed,
was at one time on such friendly and familiar terms with Mansion,
that he stood godfather to one of his children. It does not, however,
appear that in later years, when poverty laid its heavy hand on the
unfortunate printer, any of his patrons came to his assistance.
From 1454 to 1473 name of Mansion is found, year by year, as a
contributor to the guild of St. John, the formation of which has been
already noticed. In 1471 he was “doyen” or dean, an office which he
held for two years, at the expiration of which time he is supposed
to have left Bruges for a twelvemonth in order to learn the new art
of printing. This is a needless assumption, grounded solely on his
subscription for 1473 having been paid through a brother of the guild.
From 1476 to 1482 his name does not appear at all as a contributor,
although the dates of the “Boece,” the “Quadrilogue,” and the “Somme
rurale,” show that he was still at Bruges, and pursuing his vocation.
His subscription to the guild is again entered in 1483, and his name
occurs in the guild records for the last time in 1484. This was a
disastrous year to Colard Mansion; for, although not overtaken by
death, as his early biographers have assumed, disgrace, poverty,
and expatriation awaited him. He appears to have been in straitened
circumstances for some years, as in 1480 he could not execute the
commission of Monseigneur de Gazebeke for an illuminated copy of
“Valerius Maximus,” in two volumes, without several advances of money.
The receipts for these instalments are still preserved, as is also a
notice of Mansion’s place of residence, which was in one of the poorest
streets in Bruges, leading out of the Rue des Carmes. His typographical
labours were carried on in one of two rooms over the porch of the
church of St. Donatus, for which we may assume that he paid the same
rent as the next tenant, six livres per annum. It was in this room that
Colard Mansion, in May 1484, finished his beautiful edition of Ovid’s
“Metamorphoses,” a magnificent folio of 386 leaves, full of woodcuts,
printed-in separately from the text. We know nothing of the sale of
this noble production; but the expenses connected with it were probably
his ruin, for about three months later he left the city. The Chapter of
St. Donatus, feeling uneasy about their rent, soon made inquiries as to
the probability of his return, there being an opportunity of letting
the room to a better tenant; but all was in vain, and in October 1484
the apartment in which Mansion had for so many years been labouring at
those volumes which are now prized as among the glories of Bruges, was
made over to Jean Gossin, a member of the same guild as Mansion, and,
like him, engaged in the manufacture of books. The Chapter, however,
took care not to lose by their tenant’s flight, for the conditions upon
which his room (and probably a large stock of printed sheets besides)
was made over to Gossin were that the latter should pay up all arrears
of rent. Nothing more is known of Mansion after this sad event; and
it is mournful to contemplate the poor man turning his back upon his
native city, to begin life anew at the age of nearly sixty, after so
many years spent in literary labour. It has been suggested that he took
refuge in Paris, as the names of Paul and Robert Mansion appear as
printers in that city in 1650; but on this point there is no evidence
whatever.
In examining the productions of Colard Mansion’s press, it is somewhat
perplexing to the lover of accuracy to find that he, like all the
earliest printers, issued most of his productions without date, and
many without even name or place. In this he merely followed the example
of his predecessors, the scribes, who seldom affixed their names, or
the date of the transcript. Van Praet enumerates twenty-one works from
his press, and another has been since discovered. These, to the eye of
a printer, naturally divide themselves into two classes.
1st. Those printed in a large bold Secretary type.
2nd. Those printed in a smaller semi-roman character, known as “Lettres
de Somme.”
No one acquainted, although but slightly, with the practical features
of typography can doubt that the early books attributed to Caxton, and
the early books issued by Mansion, came from the same press. Mansion
employed for his first type a very bold secretary, exactly similar in
character to the type first used at Westminster. In Pl. II and III
they may be seen in juxtaposition. It also closely resembled in shape
and in size the character in which Mansion was accustomed to execute
his manuscripts. He likewise printed, at the head of each chapter, the
summary in red ink; and here he displayed so curious an instance of
typographical ingenuity that the reader’s attention is particularly
requested to it. If we closely examine into the appearance which the
red ink, as used by Mansion in his “Boccace,” “Boece,” “Somme rurale,”
and “Ovide,” presents, it will be noticed that it is very dirty in
colour, and moreover that the black lines, nearest the red, have their
edges tipped with red, a defect which the separate printing of lines in
red ink affords no opportunity for producing. The following explanation
will satisfactorily show the _modus operandi_. The two colours were
printed by one and the same pull of the press, all the type, both for
black and red, being included in the same form. But it was impossible
to beat the form with the balls, and leave a single line in the middle
untouched; so the whole page was inked black, and then (a space for
play being always left above and below) the black line was carefully
wiped from the intended red line, and that line re-inked with red by
the finger, or by other means, after which the sheet was pulled. A
twofold inconvenience attended this clumsy process,--the black could
never be removed so completely that it would not taint the ensuing red,
and the utmost care would not usually prevent the black lines nearest
the red receiving a slight touch from the red finger, or ball. In fact,
both these defects appear in every book printed by Colard Mansion, in
which the two colours were used, and to these was frequently added
a third--the loss of a portion of the black ink nearest to the red
caused by the wiping process. Actual experiment shows that this mode of
working both colours at once is the only solution of the appearance,
and the inducement for its adoption was in all probability the perfect
accuracy of “register” it secured, as there was thus no fear of the
red lines not fitting exactly in their proper places--an accuracy
very difficult to obtain, by separate printings, at a rudimentary
press. This peculiarity of workmanship in the Bruges printer is not
found in any book from the Mentz or Cologne presses; indeed all the
typographical habits of the Bruges and Cologne printers were so
distinct and opposite that it is difficult to believe in any connection
between them.
It has been already shown that in early books uneven spacing is a sure
sign that the workmanship is prior to that of books from the same press
in which the lines are all of equal length. The dated books of Colard
Mansion are only six in number, which fully bear this out.
Le Jardin de Dévotion before 1476 uneven lines
Boccace du Déchiet des Nobles Hommes 1476 ”
Boece de la Consolation de Philosophie 1477 ”
Le Quadrilogue d’Alain Chartier 1478[4] even lines
La Somme rurale 1479 ”
Les Metamorphoses d’Ovide 1484 ”
Taking, then, 1478 as the year in which Mansion changed his practice,
we may assume, without fear of error, that all the undated books, with
short-spaced lines, were anterior, and all the undated books, with
their lines spaced to one length, posterior to the “Quadrilogue.” On
this basis his undated productions may be thus arranged.
Before 1478, having lines of an uneven length:--
Les Dits moraux des Philosophes short-spaced
Les Invectives contre la Secte de Vauderie ”
La Controversie de Noblesse ”
Débat entre trois valeureux Princes ”
After 1478, having lines of an even length:--
Les Advineaux amoureux. Edit. 1 full-spaced
La Doctrinal du temps présent ”
La Doctrine de bien vivre ”
L’Art de bien mourir ”
La Purgatoire des mauvais Maris ”
L’Abuse en court ”
Les Evangiles des Quenouilles ”
Le Donat espirituel ”
Les Adeuineaux amoreux. Edit. 2 ”
Dionysii Areopagiticæ liber ”
Colard Mansion seems never to have produced works from his press with
rapidity; therefore, as the “Boccace” of 1476 contained nearly 600
pages in large folio, and the “Boece” of 1477 about the same, we may
fairly assume that the five other short-spaced works were anterior to
the “Boccace.” This hypothesis would make Mansion a printer in Bruges
about the time when Caxton finished his translation of “Le Recueil des
Histoires de Troyes.”
In the next Chapter it is proposed to show how all the peculiarities
noticeable in the printed productions of Colard Mansion may be traced
in those attributed to William Caxton.
FOOTNOTES:
[4] The only date in the volume is 1477, which was the year when the
Prologue was composed: the printing must have been later than this.
[Illustration]
[Illustration: Plate III.
_Type No. 1._
_From “The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye.”_
_From “Le Recueil des Histories de Troye.”_]
[Illustration: Plate IV.
_Colard Mansion’s, Gros Bâtarde Type. Showing the hand of the same
Artist that cut Caxton’s No. 2._
_Taken from “La Controversie de Noblesse,” c. 1477._]
[Illustration: Plate V.
_Caxton’s Type No. 2*._
_Taken from “Fratris Laur. Gul. de Saona,” c. 1479._]
[Illustration]
CHAPTER VII.
_CAXTON A PRINTER._
The evidence as to where and from whom Caxton acquired his knowledge of
the Art of Printing has been considered by nearly every bibliographer
as being confined entirely to the information obtained from Caxton’s
own Prologues and Epilogues, with the one addition of the well-known
quatrain of Wynken de Worde, at the end of his “Bartholomæus de
Proprietatibus Rerum.” The argument from technical peculiarities in the
books themselves has hitherto been almost entirely overlooked, although
a mass of the truest, because unintentional evidence may be found from
the attentive study of these dumb witnesses.
Mr. Bradshaw, of Cambridge, has most truly observed, in his “Classified
Index,” that the bibliographer should “make such an accurate and
methodical study of the _types_ used and _habits of printing_
observable at different presses as to enable him to observe and be
guided by these characteristics in settling the date of a book which
bears no date upon the surface.”[5] But the great difficulty in the way
of this systematic study is the impossibility of having the books side
by side, for their rarity is so great that in no one existing library
can they all be found.
The books printed in Caxton’s type No. 1, used only at Bruges, are five
in number, although we can trace his direct connection with but two of
them.
1. “The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye,” with Prologues and
Epilogues.
2. “Le Recueil des Histoires de Troye.”
3. “The Game and Playe of the Chesse,” with Prologue by Caxton.
4. “Les Fais et Proesses du Chevalier Jason.”
5. “Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes penitenciaulx.”
To these must be added one book printed at Bruges in type
No. 2.
6. “Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses.”
Before analysing the evidence supplied by Caxton’s remarks and dates,
it is necessary to explain how easily a mistake may be made, and an
erroneous conclusion drawn, unless care be taken to remember the effect
of the change of style upon the commencement of the year. In England,
from the thirteenth century until 1752, the new year began on March
25th; while in Holland and Flanders it commenced on Easter Day. Neglect
of this fact has led to many historical errors. Thus, one historian
states that Charles I was beheaded on January 30th, 1648, whereas
others assert that the event took place on the same day in 1649; one
dates the flight of James II from his kingdom in February, 1688, whilst
others date it in 1689. In these and many other instances one writer
takes the old style of beginning the year, whilst others take the new
style, each being right from his own standpoint. In a lately discovered
tract printed by Caxton, and known as the “Sex Epistolae,” we have the
text of several letters which passed between the Pope and the Doge of
Venice, which will be more particularly described under “Books in type
No. 4.” It is merely mentioned here as affording an apt illustration
of the foregoing remarks. The letters commence on December 11th,
1482, and succeed one another in due order until the 7th of January,
1482, and the end of February, 1482. This was no blunder, for the old
year continued until March 25th, which was New-Year’s Day, 1483.
Returning now to the consideration of Caxton’s first lessons in the
Art of Printing, we will examine each of the books attributed to him,
commencing with
“THE RECUYELL.”--This occupies the foremost place, because Caxton
himself tells us that with it he began his career as a printer. Its
Prologues and Epilogues contain curious and interesting gossip from
Caxton’s own pen, telling us how the Duchess of Burgundy, in whose
service he then was, commanded him to complete the translation, which
he had begun but not advanced with. He tells us that he began to
translate the work at Bruges on March 1st, 1468, which, as the year in
Flanders did not then commence till Easter, was really 1469, that he
continued it at Ghent, and finished at Cologne on September 19th, 1471,
thus making a period of two years and a half; that on its completion
he presented it to the duchess, who rewarded him handsomely; that many
persons desired copies of it, so that, finding the labour of writing
too wearisome for him, and not expeditious enough for his friends, he
had practised and learnt, at his great charge and expense, to ordain
the book in print, to the end that every man might have them at once.
As was natural to a person making practical acquaintance for the first
time with the effects of typography, Caxton ends with noticing what in
his eyes, accustomed to see one copy finished before another was begun,
was the most wonderful feature of the new art, namely, that all the
copies were begun upon one day, and were finished upon one day.
The periods of time here mentioned by Caxton require notice. He began
to translate on March 1st, 1469, but soon relinquished his self-imposed
task, after writing no more than five or six quires (or sections of
four or five sheets each). After the lapse of two years, in March,
1471, he resumed the translation, and in the following September he
presented the duchess with the completed work. Now, six months would
have been a very likely time for the translation and a fair copy
thereof to take; but it would have been impossible to have accomplished
the printing also in that space of time, especially as the whole
translation was finished before the first sheet was printed, as will
be hereafter shown. We may also notice, that the duration of Caxton’s
visit to Cologne must have been very short, as his absence from Bruges
lasted no more than six months.
“LE RECUEIL” has but one date, and that evidently refers to the
literary compilation alone, and affords no clue whatever to the year
of printing. Indeed, the numerous copies still extant in manuscript
prove that the work enjoyed considerable popularity before it came
under the hands of the printer. The date of the printing of this
book has been fixed, by several writers, between 1464 and 1467, from
the consideration that Le Fèvre, the compiler, is spoken of in the
prologue as chaplain to the Duke of Burgundy, and in such a manner as
to signify that the duke was then living. But in the English version
there is a material difference: Le Fèvre is not styled there as in the
French, “Chappellain de montres redoubte seigneur Monseigneur le Duc
Phillipe de Bourgoingne,” but “chapelayn vnto the ryght noble glorious
and mighty prynce, _in his tyme_, Phelip duc of Bourgoyne.” Philip,
therefore, was alive when “Le Recueil” was printed, but dead when “The
Recuyell” went to press. The duke died in 1467; and it is therefore
inferred that “Le Recueil” must date between 1464 and 1467, while “The
Recuyell” must be later than 1467. That this should be considered as
proving anything more than that the original French was compiled during
the lifetime of Philip, and that when Caxton translated the same the
duke was dead, seems unaccountable. All the copies of “Le Recueil,”
both manuscript and printed, followed the wording of the original, and
the printer would no more think of altering it in 1476, the probable
date of imprint, than the transcriber would in copying the same
twenty-five years later. The National Library at Paris has a manuscript
of this very book written after 1500, but reproducing exactly the
clause which, in the printed edition, is considered to be a proof of
its having been executed prior to 1467. Caxton altered the prologue
of Le Fèvre to suit his own time, because he was translating; but, in
printing from the manuscript of another (assuming his connection with
“Le Recueil”), he would have been in opposition to the practice of
his age had he altered the original. His translation was in its turn
printed and reprinted, word for word, long after it was out of date.
There is, therefore, no reason whatever for asserting that “Le Recueil,”
written in 1464, was printed before “The Recuyell,” translated in 1474,
and sent to press about the same date. In fact, the whole tone of the
epilogue to Book III of “The Recuyell,” leads unquestionably to the
conclusion that _that_ was the very first occasion on which Caxton
had busied himself with typography. He would never have said, “I have
learned to ordain _this book_ in printe at my great charge and expense,”
if he had already printed one or two others. M. Bernard assumes that
Caxton had nothing to do with the printing of “Le Recueil,” and that it
was executed before he turned his attention to the new art. This
opinion, however, has not a single fact to support it.
“THE CHESS BOOK” affords but little evidence of value, its prologue
being, for the most part, merely a translation of that written by
Jehan de Vignay for the French original. It offers, indeed, one date;
but that is open to question in its application. “Fynysshid the last
day of marche, 1474,” are the concluding words of the epilogue. But
what was finished, the translation, or the printing? From the context
it was probably the translation, although the printing was not many
months later. This date also must be advanced a year; for, as already
noticed, the new year did not commence, in Flanders, till Easter Day,
which fell, in that year, on April 10th; so that March 31st, 1474, was,
according to the modern reckoning, March 31st, 1475.
The prologue to the second edition throws a little light on the history
of the first. Caxton there says, in reference to his connection with
the book: “... an excellent doctor of divinity ... made a book of the
Chess moralised, which, _at such time as I was resident in Bruges_,
came into my hands.... And to the end that some which have not seen
it, nor understand french nor latin, I deliberated in myself to
translate into our maternal tongue; and when I had so achieved the
said translation, _I did do set in imprinte_, a certain number of them
which anon were depesshed and sold.” He here appears to mean that upon
the completion of the translation he employed some one else to print
it:--“I did do set in imprinte.” “Did do,” according to the idiom of
those days, was commonly used for doing a thing through the medium of
another. The phrase was borrowed from the French--“plain pouoir de
prendre et faire prendre les larrons,” is the wording of an ordinance
dated in the fifteenth century. “He did do be said to the messenger,”
for “he caused to be said,” is found on folio 22 of the “History of
Jason.” “The Emperor did do make a gate of marble” occurs in the second
edition of the “Chess Book,” fol. 85. Similar examples abound, so that
we may fairly conclude that Caxton did not himself print the first
edition of the “Chess Book,” but that both the translation and the
printing were executed in Bruges.
[Illustration: Plate VI.
_Type No. 1._
_From “The Chess-book,” 1st Edition._]
The other books, namely, the French “Jason,” the “Meditacions,” and the
“Quatre Derrennieres Choses,” contain the bare text without remark or
date of any kind, being, as bibliographers say, _sine ullâ notâ_.
The whole of the literary evidence therefore may be briefly summed up
thus: “The Recuyell” was translated in 1471, and printed some time
after; the “Chess Book” was printed after 1474, and probably in the
latter half of 1475; and “Le Recueil” was compiled in 1464, but, like
the other four, affords no evidence of date of the printing, which was
probably about 1476.
We will now examine the testimony afforded by a comparison of the
technical peculiarities of these six books. In collating “The
Recuyell,” the make-up of the sections, at the beginning of the volume,
is worth noting. It was the practice of Caxton, as of other printers,
to commence the printing of his books with the text, any preface which
might be requisite, being added afterwards in a separate section,
with a different kind of signature. When, however, the whole of the
manuscript, prologue as well as text, was complete before it came into
the printer’s hands, there was no occasion for any such arrangement.
This appears to have been the case with regard to “The Recuyell,” where
nothing has been added at the beginning, as the first section of five
sheets includes all the introductory matter, as well as a portion of
the text. Now the first page, which bears the date of the conclusion
of the translation, being on the same sheet as a portion of the text,
it is evident that the whole volume must have been in manuscript
before any part was set up in type. We may infer, indeed, from his
own description of the effect that so much writing had upon him, that
Caxton issued several manuscript copies before he thought of using
the printing-press. The copy presented to the duchess was undoubtedly
manuscript; or else how could Caxton have chronicled in the printed
work her acceptance of the book and his reward for the present? And
this again leads to the supposition that the portion of the epilogue
relating to the printing was added by Caxton to his original manuscript
when he determined to print it.
For precisely similar reasons, Caxton’s prologue to the “Chess Book,”
which was a translation or adaptation of the original French, is also
a portion of the first section of the volume. None of the other books
under review having prologues, we will proceed to a comparison of some
other typographical particulars.
The following table will show some of the technical features of each
book, and some of what may be called the “habits” of the printer:--
┌─────────────────────────────┬──────────────────────────────────────────┐
│ │ Type No. │
│ │ │ No. of Sheets in a Section. │
│ │ │ │ No. of Lines in a Page. │
│ │ │ │ │ Measurement of a Page.-- │
│ │ │ │ │ Inches. │
│ │ │ │ │ │ Spacing of │
│ │ │ │ │ │ Lines │
│ No. Title. Size. │ │ │ │ │ │ Signature │
├─────────────────────────────┼───┼───┼────┼────────┼────────┼───────────┤
│ 1 The Recuyell Fol. │ 1 │ 5 │ 31 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ uneven │ none │
│ 2 Le Recueil Fol. │ 1 │ 5 │ 31 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ uneven │ none │
│ 3 The Chess Book Fol. │ 1 │ 4 │ 31 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ uneven │ none │
│ 4 Les Fais du Jason Fol. │ 1 │ 4 │ 31 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ even │ none │
│ 5 Meditacions Fol. │ 1 │ 4 │ 31 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ even │ none │
│ 6 Les 4^{tre} │ │ │ │ │ │ │
│ derrennieres choses Fol. │ 2 │ 4 │ 28 │ 5 × 7⅜ │ uneven │ none │
└─────────────────────────────┴───┴───┴────┴────────┴────────┴───────────┘
From this table we perceive,--
First, That the first five books are printed with the same types, are
all of the same size, and all without signatures; that all agree
exactly in the size of the page; and that the even spacing of the lines
in the “Meditacions” and the “Jason” proves that they were produced
later than the others.
Secondly, That the five books in type No. 1 may be considered as the
production of one printer.
Who, then, was this printer? When we attentively examine the shape of
the letters in type No. 1, we notice a remarkable similarity between it
and that of the writing of many Bruges manuscripts of the same period,
which would induce us, at first sight, to attribute the design of the
type to some artist of that city.
M. Bernard, whose opinion is of great weight, where his nationality
is not concerned, traces the pattern of type No. 1 directly to Colard
Mansion of Bruges. Speaking of a manuscript in the National Library at
Paris, written by Colard Mansion’s own hand, he says, “This book is
written in old bâtarde, and in exactly the same character as the types
of ‘Le Recueil des histoires de Troyes;’” yet he attributes the cutting
of the types to a French artist, and the printing to a German, Ulric
Zel. The paper he also claims for a French mill, on account of the
_fleurs de lis_, and the Gothic ~p~ with the quatrefoil, ignoring the
fact that these are common Flemish watermarks of the fifteenth century,
and found in abundance in the books from the Bruges and Westminster
presses.
That any of these books in type No. 1 were printed by Ulric Zel, or any
other Cologne printer, I cannot for a moment believe. It is possible,
of course, that Zel, if employed to do so, could have designed and
cut types of the gros-bâtarde pattern, although, as a fact, he never
used such types himself; but all the Cologne printers of that period
had their own peculiarities and habits, which were not at all those of
the Bruges printers. Zel, from an early period, printed two pages at a
time, as may be easily verified where a crooked page occurs; for the
other page printed on the same side of the sheet will in every case be
found crooked also. Now, “The Recuyell” was certainly printed page by
page, as were likewise all the books from Mansion’s press. And Caxton,
when printing his quarto books, cut the paper up and still printed
but one page at a time. This accounts for the entire rejection by
Mansion,[6] and the sparing use by Caxton of the quarto size for their
productions, as it necessitated twice as much press-work as the larger
size. But stronger evidence is to be found in the fact that Zel, after
1467, always spaced out the lines of his books to an even length, and
would have taught any one learning the art from him to do the same;
yet this improvement was not adopted by either Mansion or Caxton until
several years later. Whoever may have been the instructor of Mansion
and Caxton, and whatever may have been the origin of their typography,
the opinion that either of them, after learning the art in an advanced
school such as that of Cologne, would have adopted in their first
productions, without any necessity for so doing, primitive customs
which they had never been taught, and returned in after years by slow
degrees to the rules of their original tuition, has only to be plainly
stated to render it untenable.
The printer of all these works was undoubtedly Colard Mansion,
who had just before established his press at Bruges--who cast the
types on his own model for Caxton, and instructed him in the art
while printing _with_ and _for_ him “The Recuyell” and the “Chess
Book”--who _certainly_ printed “Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses”--who
supplied Caxton with the material for the establishment of a press in
England--who, about the time of Caxton’s departure, used the same type
for “Le Recueil”--and who, at a still later period, printed alone the
“Jason” and the “Meditacions.”
We will now examine “Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses,” of which the only
copy known is in the Old Royal collection in the British Museum. Like
all Colard Mansion’s books, and unlike any one of Caxton’s, it is in
French. It is printed in type No. 2, the type of the “Dictes” of 1477,
and all the early books which issued from the Westminster press. Then
the peculiar appearance of the red ink at once attracts attention. The
two colours have been evidently printed at the same pull of the press,
as was Colard Mansion’s practice. Here the same process of wiping
the black ink off lines purposely isolated, and then re-inking them
with red, has been resorted to; and here, too, as in the acknowledged
productions of the Bruges press, the same defects have been produced;
the red ink having a tarnished appearance from the subjacent remains
of the black, and the black lines nearest the red having received a
red edging, which, however interesting as a connecting link between
two celebrated printers, by no means increases their typographical
beauty. Now, as no Cologne printer is known to have resorted to this
unique method of working in colours, I feel no hesitation in ascribing
“Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses” either to Colard Mansion or to Caxton
working under his tuition; and as this peculiarity is nowhere found in
Caxton’s productions of the Westminster press, the former would seem
the more likely conjecture.
The connection thus established between the types used by Caxton in his
first attempts in England and those used by Colard Mansion is still
further strengthened by the fact that the form of the &c., peculiar
to type No. 1, is in several instances, by an evident mixing of the
founts, used instead of the proper sort belonging to type No. 2. This
furnishes positive proof that the two founts were _under one roof_,
whether at Cologne or Bruges, or elsewhere. Whoever printed the five
books in type No. 1 most certainly owned type No. 2 also.
Against all this, however, has to be placed the direct assertion
of Wynken de Worde, who, in the proheme to his undated edition of
“Bartholomæus de Proprietatibus Rerum,” gives the following rhyme:--
“And also of your charyte call to remembraunce
The soule of William Caxton first prynter of this boke
In laten tonge at Coleyn hyself to auaũce
That euery well disposyd man may thereon loke.”
The phraseology of this verse is very ambiguous. Are we to understand
that the _editio princeps_ of “Bartholomæus” proceeded from Caxton’s
press, or that he only printed the first Cologne edition? that he
issued a _translation_ of his own, which is the only way in which
the production of the work could advance him in the Latin tongue?
or, that he printed in Latin to advance his own interests? The last
seems the most probable reading. But though the words will bear
many constructions, they are evidently intended to mean that Caxton
printed “Bartholomæus” at Cologne. Now this seems to be merely a
careless statement of Wynken de Worde; for if Caxton did really print
“Bartholomæus” in that city, it must have been with his own types and
presses, as the workmanship of his early volumes proves that he had no
connection with the Cologne printers, whose practices were entirely
different. The time necessary for the production of so extensive a work
would have been considerable; therefore, as Caxton’s stay at Cologne
on the occasion of his finishing the translation of “Le Recueil” was
but short, the printing of this apocryphal “Bartholomæus” would have
been at a subsequent visit, of which there is no record. No edition
has yet been discovered which can, by any stretch of the imagination,
be attributed to Caxton, although there is more than one old undated
edition belonging to the German school of printing. Accuracy of
information was in those days not much studied, and to a general
carelessness about names and dates Wynken de Worde added a negligence
peculiarly his own. We may excuse him for using Caxton’s device in
several books which by their dates and types are known to have been
printed by himself, as well as for putting Caxton’s name as printer
to the edition of the “Golden Legend,” printed in 1493, two years
after his master’s death. Such inaccuracies were thought but little
of at that time. But how can we account for the blundering alteration
in the 1495 edition of the “Polycronicon,” where Wynken de Worde,
making himself the speaker in Caxton’s prologue, four years after his
master’s death, promises to carry the history down to 1485; or for the
still greater error in the “Dictes” of 1528, in which, while adopting
Caxton’s epilogue, but substituting his own for Caxton’s name, he makes
all the transactions there related happen between Earl Rivers (who
had been fifty years in his grave) and himself? Wynken de Worde’s
blunders in statements are well matched by his blunders in workmanship,
of which, however, we will quote but two. In Caxton’s edition of the
“Stans Puer ad Mensam,” the third and fourth pages of the poem were
accidentally transposed; yet Wynken de Worde, notwithstanding the break
of sequence, blindly reprints the error! Again, in his edition of
“The Horse, the Shepe, and the Ghoos,” he actually omits a whole page
without discovering his mistake! Other examples might easily be quoted,
but enough has been adduced to show that Wynken de Worde was by no
means careful in his statements.[7]
We must remember that Wynken de Worde, moreover, was too young to
have had any personal knowledge of Caxton’s early efforts, and that
the vast importance of the art to the entire world, and the interest
attaching to its origin, were ideas which would find no place in the
mind of a fifteenth-century printer. We must not, therefore, regard
De Worde’s statement as deliberately made for the purpose of telling
posterity something about Caxton. Lewis, Caxton’s first biographer, was
very sceptical concerning this Cologne edition of “Bartholomæus.” “Its
having a Latin title,” he says, “might possibly deceive De Worde, and
make him think it was printed in Latin. However this may be, it does
not appear that any edition of it, printed by Caxton or any one else,
either in Latin or English, that year, is now in being.”
Perhaps De Worde, who reprinted “The Recuyell,” had some vague
recollection of Caxton having stated that he had been at Cologne, and
carelessly adopted the idea as giving point and rhyme to his verses.
The following anecdotes illustrate in a curious manner the
typographical connection between Mansion and Caxton. A bookseller
of Paris purchased an old volume for the moderate sum of one louis.
Ignorant of its great value, he took it to M. de La Serna Santander,
and asked him if he thought two louis too dear. “No,” replied the
wary bibliographer, and gave him the money. That volume is now in
the National Library at Paris, and contains, bound together in the
_original_ boards, the “Quadrilogue,” printed by Mansion at Bruges,
and the French “Jason,” printed in Caxton’s type No. 1. Something
similar to this happened in 1853, when Mr. Winter Jones discovered in
the Library of the British Museum, “Les Quatre Derrennieres Choses,”
in Caxton’s type No. 2, bound up with the “Meditacions,” in type No.
1, and with contemporary handwriting running from the last page of
one work to the first of the other, the volume being evidently in its
original state, just as it was printed and bound at Bruges, in the
little workshop of Colard Mansion over the church porch of St. Donatus.
Here, perhaps, I may be excused if I venture to build a brief
history, founded, in the absence of sure foundation, in many parts on
probability only, but which may nevertheless be welcome to some as an
attempt to draw into a consistent narrative the scattered threads of
Caxton’s career between 1471 and his establishment at Westminster.
Caxton, having finished and been rewarded for his trouble in
translating “Le Recueil” for the Duchess of Burgundy, found his book in
great request. The English nobles at Bruges wished to have copies of
this the most favourite romance of the age, and Caxton found himself
unable to supply the demand with sufficient rapidity. This brings us
to the year 1472 or 1473. Colard Mansion, a skilful caligrapher, must
have been known to Caxton, and may even have been employed by him to
execute commissions. Mansion, who had obtained some knowledge of the
art of printing, although certainly not from Cologne, had just begun
his typographical labours at Bruges, and was ready to produce copies by
means of the press, if supported by the necessary patronage and funds.
Caxton found the money, and Mansion the requisite knowledge, by the
aid of which appeared “The Recuyell,” the first book printed in the
new type, and moreover the first book printed in the English language.
This, probably, was not accomplished till 1474, and was succeeded,
on Caxton’s part, in another year, by an issue of the “Chess Book,”
which, as we are informed in a second edition, was “anone depesshed and
solde.” Mansion, finding success attended the new adventure, printed
the French “Recueil,” and, after Caxton’s return to England, the French
“Jason” and the “Meditacions.” The three French works were doubtless
published by Mansion alone, as Caxton is not known to have printed
a single book in French, although perfectly acquainted with that
language. Caxton, having thus printed at Bruges “The Recuyell” and the
“Chess Book” with types either wholly or in part belonging to Mansion,
now obtained a new fount of the pattern of the large bâtarde already in
use by Mansion, but smaller in size, with the intention of practising
the art in England. To test its capabilities, “Les Quatre Derrennieres
Choses” was then produced under the immediate supervision of Mansion.
Early in 1476 Caxton appears to have taken leave of the city where he
had resided for five and thirty years, and to have returned to his
native land laden with a more precious freight than the most opulent
merchant-adventurer ever dreamt of, and to endow his country with a
blessing greater than any other which had ever been bestowed, save only
the introduction of Christianity.
FOOTNOTES:
[5] A classified Index of the fifteenth-century books in the collection
of M. J. de Meyer. 8vo. London, 1870.
[6] Van Praet, Brunet, and especially Campbell in his “Annales de la
Typographie Néerlandaise,” err in describing “Le Purgatoire des mauvais
Maris,” printed by Colard Mansion, as a “petit in-4°.” The copy
described is cut a little more than usual, but the watermark which _is
in the middle of the page_ proves the size to be folio, whereas had it
been quarto the watermark must have been in the back and partly hidden
by the binding.
[7] William Caxton, except in the occasional interchange of _i_ and
_y_, which were at that period considered as equivalents, never altered
the orthography of his name, a fact the more noticeable as the name
certainly varied in pronunciation: but Wynken de Worde, although
mentioning his master’s name but eight times, contrived to make the
four variations of Caxton, Caxston, Caston, and Caxon. With regard to
his own name Wynken de Worde appears to have tried how many variations
he _could_ invent, of which the following list is not even complete:--
Wynken de Worde.
Wynden de Worde.
Wynkyn de Worde.
Wynkyn Theworde.
Wynkyn the Worde.
Wynkyn de Word.
VVinquin de VVorde.
Wynandus de Worde.
Wynandus de word.
winandus de worde.
Vunandus de worde.
Vuinandi de vuorde.
VVinand i VVordensi.
Winandi de Wordensis.
[Illustration]
CHAPTER VIII.
_WESTMINSTER._
In the preceding chapters Caxton’s career as an Apprentice, as a
Merchant, as Governor of the Merchant-Adventurers, as a Magistrate, and
as an Ambassador, has been traced; the revival of literary tastes in
Europe has been briefly sketched, as well as the literary influences
by which Caxton was surrounded; and we have seen his translation of
a romance for the Duchess of Burgundy obtain such popularity that
he was forced to have recourse to the new art of printing, in order
to multiply copies quickly: but we have yet to investigate the most
important period of his history--those last fifteen years, to which
the whole of his former life seems but the introduction--that short
period which alone has caused the name of Caxton to be inscribed on the
tablets of history, and the typographical relics of which form the best
and only memorial which England possesses of her first printer.[8]
We left Caxton early in 1476 preparing to return to England, after
having disposed of his printed copies of the “Chess Book” in Bruges.
The next certain notice of him is after his settlement at Westminster,
when, in November 1477, he had printed his first edition of the “Dictes
and Sayings of the Philosophers.” This book is, in fact, the earliest
we have from Caxton’s press with an indisputable imprint. It is
evident that his arrangements for settling in England, the engagement
of assistants, and all the other matters inseparable from a novel
undertaking, must have occupied a considerable time. If, therefore, we
assume that Caxton commenced his new career in this country about the
latter half of 1476 we cannot be far wrong. A cautions man, he began to
try his powers, and ascertain the probable sale for his productions,
by printing small pieces. Copland, one of his workmen, who served
with Wynken de Worde after his first master’s death, has a curious
remark upon this in the prologue to his edition of “Kynge Apolyn of
Thyre,” with which romance he appears to have commenced his career as
a printer. “Whiche booke I, Roberte Copland, have me applyed for to
translate oute of the Frenshe language into our maternal tongue, at the
exhortacyon of my forsayd mayster [Wynken de Worde], gladly followynge
the trace of my mayster Caxton, _begynnynge with small storyes and
pamfletes, and so to other_.” That Westminster was the locality in
which Caxton first settled, there is, fortunately, no room to doubt;
but as the exact spot has given rise to considerable discussion, it may
be useful to collect all the instances in which Caxton connects his own
name with a definite locality. We therefore give the following extracts
taken _verbatim et literatim_ from his works:--
1477. DICTES AND SAYINGS. First edition. Epilogue.
_enprynted by me william Caxton at westmestre._
1478. MORAL PROVERBS. Colophon. _I haue enprinted_....
_At westmestre._
1480. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. First edition. Colophon.
_enprinted by me William Caxton Jn thabbey of westmynstre by
london._
1480. DESCRIPTION OF BRITAIN. First edition. Prologue. _the
comyn cronicles of englond ben_ ... _now late enprinted at
westmynstre_.
1481. MIRROUR OF THE WORLD. First edition. Prologue. _And
emprised by me_ ... _to translate it into our maternal
tongue_ ... _in thabbay of westmestre by london_.
1481. REYNARD THE FOX. First edition. Epilogue. _by me
will’m Caxton translated_ ... _in thabbey of westmestre_.
1481. GODFREY OF BOLOGNE. Epilogue. _sette in forme and
emprynted_ ... _in thabbey of westmester_.
1483. PILGRIMAGE OF THE SOUL. Colophon. _Emprynted at
westmestre by william Caxton._
1483. LIBER FESTIVALIS. First edition. Colophon. _Emprynted
at Westmynster by wyllyam Caxton._
1483. QUATUOR SERMONES. First edition. Colophon. _Enprynted
by Wylliam Caxton at Westmestre._
1483. CONFESSIO AMANTIS. Colophon. _Emprynted at westmestre
by me willyam Caxton._
1483. GOLDEN LEGEND. First edition. Epilogue. _fynysshed it
at westmestre._
1483. CATON. Colophon. _Translated_ ... _by William
Caxton in thabbey of Westmynstre_.
1483. KNIGHT OF THE TOWER. Colophon. _enprynted at
Westmynstre._
1484. ÆSOP. Epilogue. _enprynted by me william Caxton at
westmynstre in thabbay._
1484. THE ORDER OF CHIVALRY. Epilogue. _translated_
... _by me William Caxton dwellynge in Westmynstre besyde
london_.
1485. KING ARTHUR. Colophon. _emprynted and fynysshed in
thabbey westmestre._
1485. PARIS AND VIENNE. Colophon. _translated_ ...
_by wylliam Caxton at Westmestre_.
[1489.] DIRECTORIUM SACERDOTUM. Colophon. _Impressum_
... _apud Westmonesterium_.
1489. DOCTRINAL OF SAPIENCE. Colophon. _translated_
... _by wyllyam Caxton at Westmestre_.
To these must be added Caxton’s Advertisement, printed about 1480.
“If it plese ony man spirituel or temporel to bye ony pyes of two and
thre comemoraciōs of salisburi vse enpryntid after the forme of this
presēt lettre whiche ben wel and truly correct, _late hym come to
westmonester in to the almonesrye at the reed pale_ and he shal haue
them good chepe.”
The following quotations are from titles or colophons of books printed
by Wynken de Worde in the house of his late master, only three of which
are dated.
SCALA PERFECTIONIS, 1493.
And Wynkyn de Worde this hath sett in print.
_In William Caxstons hows_ so fyll the case.
DIRECTORIUM SACERDOTUM, 1495. _In domo Caxton Wynkyn fieri fecit._
LYNDEWODE’S CONSTITUTIONES, 1496. _Apud Westmonasterium. In domo
caxston._
THE XII PROFYTES OF TRIBULACYON. _Enprynted at Westmyster in Caxtons
hous._
DONATUS MINOR. _In domo Caxton in westmonasterio._
WHITAL’S DICTIONARY. _Imprynted in the late hous of William Caxton._
ACCEDENCE. _Prynted in Caxons house at westmynstre._
THE CHORLE AND THE BYRDE. _Emprynted at westmestre in Caxtons house._
DOCTRYNALLE OF DETHE. _Enprynted at westmynster Jn Caxtons hous._
ORTUS VOCABULORUM. _prope celeberrimum monasterium quod westmynstre
appellatur impressum._
Adding to the foregoing the testimony of Stow, we shall have before us
all the evidence of any authority.
“Neare vnto this house westward was an old chappel of S. Anne, ouer
against the which the Lady Margaret, mother to King H. the 7. erected
an Almeshouse for poore women.... the place wherein this chappell
and Almeshouse standeth was called the Elemosinary or Almory, now
corruptly the Ambry, for that the Almes of the Abbey were there
distributed to the poore. And therin Islip, Abbot of Westmin.
erected the first Presse of booke printing that euer was in England
about the yeare of Christ 1471. William Caxton, cittizen of London,
mercer, brought it into England, and was the first that practised it
in the sayde Abbey.”
Reviewing the foregoing quotations, it will be noticed that although
the precise expression, _Printed in the Abbey of Westminster_, is
affixed to some books, yet the more general phrase _Printed at
Westminster_ is also used, and evidently refers to the same locality,
for otherwise we must suppose Caxton to have carried on two separate
printing-offices for many years. The word “Abbey” did not assume
its modern sense, as applicable only to the fabric, until after the
Reformation; and the phrase “dwelling at Westminster,” used in 1484,
just _after_ “printed in the Abbey,” 1483, and _before_ “printed in the
Abbey,” 1485, proves that Caxton himself attached to the word no very
restrictive idea. We find also, from the above-mentioned advertisement,
that “Westminster” in that instance meant “The Almonesrye,” where
Caxton occupied a tenement, called “The Red-pale.” The Almonry was a
space within the Abbey precincts, where alms were distributed to the
poor; and here the Lady Margaret, mother of King Henry VII, and one of
Caxton’s patronesses, built almshouses. Other houses were also there;
and we therefore conclude that by the words _in the Abbey_ Caxton meant
nothing more than that he resided within the Abbey precincts.
The position of St. Anne’s Chapel and the Almonry, in relation to
that of the Abbey Church, seems to have been misunderstood by all
the biographers of Caxton. Dr. Dibdin, Charles Knight, and others,
place them on the site of the Chapel of Henry VII, which is the east
end of the Abbey. The Almonry was considerably to the west, and the
following statements, gathered from Stow, will give its exact locality.
After describing the monastery and the king’s palace, he proceeds to
say, “now will I speake of the gate house, and of Totehill streete,
stretching from the _west_ part of the Close.... The gate towards
the _west_ is a Gaile for offenders.... On the _Southside_ of this
gate, king H. the 7. founded an almeshouse.... Neare vnto this house
_westward_ was an old chappel of S. Anne ... the place wherein this
chappel ... standeth was called the Almory.” The Almonry was therefore
west-south-west of the western front of the Abbey.
It has been argued that Caxton was permitted by the abbot to use the
“Scriptorium” of the abbey as a printing-office. Printing, even in
these days of improvement, is necessarily in some parts a very unclean
operation, but it was much more so in its earlier years, some of the
processes employed being extremely filthy and pungent. The Abbot of
Westminster would never have admitted into the scriptorium anything
so defiling, much less within the sacred walls of the church itself.
There is, indeed, no evidence that any portion of the abbey was ever
appropriated as a scriptorium: no mention of such a place is made by
any historian, nor has any manuscript been recognised as having issued
thence.
The Abbot of Westminster, at the time of Caxton’s arrival in England,
was John Esteney, who succeeded to that office in 1474, upon the
promotion of Thomas Milling to the Bishopric of Hereford. Those writers
who maintain that Caxton returned to England before 1474 have mentioned
Milling as his patron. George Fascet succeeded Abbot Esteney in 1498,
and was in turn succeeded by John Islip in 1500. Stow’s chronology is
very faulty in ascribing to Abbot Islip any connection with Caxton,
whose death occurred about nine years before Islip’s election to the
abbacy.
There is nothing to lead to the supposition that Caxton and Abbot
Esteney were on intimate terms; indeed, the probability is that they
knew but little of each other. Our printer mentions Esteney but once,
and that only casually, as illustrating the difficulty which even
educated men experienced in deciphering documents of a bygone age.
In the prologue to the “Eneydos,” Caxton says, “My lord abbot of
Westmynster _did do shewe_ to me late certayn euydences wryton in old
Englisshe, for to reduce it into our Englisshe now vsid.” The sense
of “did do shewe,” as already noticed, would seem merely to signify
“caused to be shewn;” or in other words, the abbot only _sent_ the
documents. Caxton always appears to have recorded, in prologue or
epilogue, the names of those by whom he was employed; and if he had
received any favour or patronage from the abbot, he would in all
likelihood have dedicated one of his numerous translations to him, as
he did to so many of his patrons, some of whom, like Hugh Bryce and
William Praat, were plain “Mercers” only.
It is unlikely, therefore, that Caxton went to Westminster by
invitation of the abbot, or that he occupied any place within the
church itself, or that he stood in any other relation to the abbot than
that of tenant. The rent-roll of the abbey was under the immediate
charge of the abbot’s chamberlain, and with him Caxton would have to
agree as to his tenure of “The Red-pale” in the Almonry.
The reason of Caxton’s preference for the Almonry is not at all
evident, though his being a Mercer may, possibly, have had some
connection with his choice, as the Mercers’ Company held certain
tenements of the abbots of Westminster. Some of these were in the
parish of St. Martin Otewich (Broad Street Ward), within the city
walls; and there was also a tenement called “The Pye,” and another
called “The Grehounde,” the localities of which are not mentioned.
The rents paid for these are duly entered in the “Renter Wardens’
Account-books,” at Mercers’ Hall. But whatever induced Caxton to
settle at Westminster, we may safely infer, from his own mention, not
more than two or three years later, of “The Red-pale” as his house,
that it was there he originally established himself, that there his
translations were made and works printed, and that there, surrounded
by his books and presses, and soothed by the loving attentions of his
daughter, he breathed his last.
Wynken de Worde, his immediate successor, printed several books in
the same place, dating them from “Caxton’s house in Westminster.”
This phrase was considered, by the early biographers of Caxton, as
proving that he had migrated from the side chapel, where they assumed
he first set up his press, and established himself in a new residence.
Bagford, with his usual fertility of invention, identified the very
street and house into which Caxton moved, and assigned reasons for his
ejection from the abbey. For many years an old house in the Almonry
was currently believed to have been that in which our first printer
dwelt; but Mr. Nichols, who, as well as Knight, gives a woodcut of
it, is of opinion that the house could not be older than the time of
Charles I. Upon its demolition in 1846, portions of the beams were made
into walking-sticks and snuffboxes, and presented to various patrons
of literature as genuine relics of the famous printer. Interesting,
indeed, would it have been if we could have identified the exact spot
where the first press was placed on English soil, and still more so
if we could have stood in the very room where Caxton worked; but
uncertainty hangs over all this part of our history.
[Illustration: Crest]
The printers of the fifteenth century, especially in Holland and
Flanders, very frequently used armorial bearings for their trade-marks,
the shield being represented as hanging from the branch of a tree. A
broad band down the centre of the shield is, in heraldic language,
called a “pale,” and this, if painted red, would be a “red pale.”
Doubtless this was the sign used by Caxton to designate his house. The
woodcut opposite, taken from Holtrop’s “Monumens Typographiques,” pl.
71, shows a house of the fifteenth century, which has two tenants, both
printers, each of whom has a sign. This was in Antwerp. The printers at
Delff, in Holland, used a “black pale” for their marks.
We have already mentioned “The Greyhound” as being held by the Mercers’
Company from the Abbots of Westminster. From the same “Account-book” it
appears that in 1477 the “livelihode” made a “visitation,” and “kept
a dinner” at “The Greyhound,” which cost them 26_s._ 8_d._, besides
2_d._ for washing the table-cloth. There is nothing to indicate the
locality of this tenement; but from the fact that mercers, as well
as drapers, dealt largely in cloth and various woollen goods, they
would necessarily be much interested in the great staple of wool,
held at fixed intervals, not far from the abbey walls.[9] They would
therefore require a place in the neighbourhood for meeting during
their visitation, which would, at the same time, afford them good
accommodation for a dinner at its close.
[Illustration Building with three crests displayed]
And here we may remark that, although so much of his attention
was devoted to translating and printing, Caxton probably still
took considerable interest in his old vocation. The wool-staple at
Westminster was an important mart, and many of the merchants resorting
thither were fellow-mercers and benefactors to St. Margaret’s
Church. Some of them were also fellow-members with Caxton of the
“Fraternity or Guild of our Blessed Lady Assumption.” Several of the
“Account-books” of this brotherhood are still preserved in the vestry
of St. Margaret’s; and although they nowhere state its objects, it
seems, from the entries of salaries paid to priests, from money spent
in obits, wax, and vestments, and from the granting of a few pensions,
to have been somewhat like the “benefit societies” of the present day,
with the additional advantage of prayers for the repose of the souls
of deceased members. And yet, if only a religious guild, it is not
apparent why they required certain tenements in Aldermary, which they
leased of the Mercers’ Company, not far from the Steel Yard of the
Hanse merchants, where large quantities of raw wool were stapled. But
whatever may have been the objects of this guild, their accounts, made
up by their clerk every three years, show that towards the end of the
fifteenth century they were in a flourishing state, with a good balance
to their credit; and that, on Midsummer-day, they, too, had a “general
feast,” on which they spent a large portion of their income. The
expenses of these lavish feasts, each time filling at least two folio
pages, are entered in the accounts with great minuteness, from the
amount paid to the “chief cok” as a reward (which was more than twelve
guineas of modern money), down to the boat-hire for the “turbuts,” and
nearly £4 for “pottes broken and wasted at the same fest.”[10] Of this
guild Caxton was a member for some years before his death.
It is pleasant to think of our printer as retaining the friendship of
the City merchants after all official relationship between them had
been dissolved. That this was the case is proved by his warm eulogy of
the City of London, and his continuance as a member of the Mercers’
Company. He, no doubt, had many personal friends and supporters;
indeed, it would be hardly a stretch of the imagination to fancy
that, during the holding of the great wool-staple at Westminster,
Caxton would be no disinterested observer, and that at its close,
when the wardens and the “livelihode” flocked to the “dener kept at
the grehounde,” if not there by right as a liveryman of the Mercers’
Company, the printer would be always a welcome guest. Surely, before
parting, in remembrance of past associations and services, one of the
drinking-pledges would be, “The health of William Caxton, late governor
of our fellowship beyond the sea.”
But to return to facts. There is no doubt that Caxton was residing in
his tenement in the Almonry when he printed the “Dictes” in 1477. He
would, therefore, be in the parish of St. Margaret: and it is somewhat
remarkable that a person bearing the same name was buried there about
two years later. In 1479 parochial records show an entry among the
receipts of the burial fees of twenty pence for two torches and three
tapers at a low mass for William Caxton. Dibdin assumes this man to
have been our printer’s father: possibly so, but there is no evidence
of kindred. We may notice, however, that although the amount paid may
to us seem trifling, yet it was more than double the average burial
fees of that period, as is evidenced by the same accounts. About this
time the king ordered a payment of £30 (equal to £400 or £450 now) to
be made to Caxton for “certain causes or matters performed by him for
the said Lord the King.” Might not this have been for assistance to
Edward IV and his retinue when fugitives at Bruges?
Caxton, as might be expected, held a high position in his parish; and,
within a very short time of his arrival, his name appears as auditor of
the parish accounts. The parish audit seems to have been a very simple
affair. It was open to all the parishioners, and the accounts were
probably read aloud by the clerk who was engaged by the churchwardens
to keep them. The balance in cash, and the custody of the “treasures”
in the church, were then handed over to the incoming wardens, and the
names of the most substantial parishioners present were added by the
clerk to the usual form declaring the correctness of the accounts. The
business on these occasions was fitly concluded by a good “supper.”
Caxton’s name appears annexed to the audit for the years 1478-80,
1480-82, 1482-84; and it would have been most gratifying to have found
that the signatures at the end of these and other accounts were genuine
autographs. All the names, however, are in the same handwriting, which
is that of the scribe or priest engaged to keep the parish books.
Caxton did not enter upon his new adventure of printing books without
good and able patronage. Edward IV, as we have seen, paid him a sum of
money for certain services performed; and Caxton printed “Tully” and
“Godfrey” under the king’s “protection.” The king’s sister Margaret,
Duchess of Burgundy, was his friend and supporter, and perchance may
have paid a visit to her old servant at the “Red-pale,” when she
visited England in 1480. Margaret, Countess of Richmond, mother of
King Henry VII, also favoured his designs. Earl Rivers, brother to
the queen, was a fast friend, with whom Caxton seems to have enjoyed
a considerable degree of intimacy, and the Earl of Warwick likewise
must have had some knowledge of him, as Caxton dedicated to him the
“Chess-Book.” The “Order of Chivalry” was dedicated to Richard III.
Henry VII personally desired Caxton to translate and print the “Fayts
of Arms,” and the “Eneydos” was specially presented to Arthur, Prince
of Wales. Master William Daubeney, King Henry VI’s treasurer, was
his “good and synguler friend.” William, Earl of Arundel, took great
interest in his progress, and allowed him the “yearly fee” of a buck in
summer and a doe in winter. Sir John Fastolf, a great lover of books,
of whose library several volumes still exist; Hugh Bryce, mercer and
king’s ambassador; William Pratt, a rich mercer; and divers unnamed
“gentylmen and ladyes,” are known to have employed him. Some of these,
like the “noble lady with many faire doughters,” for whom he produced
“The Knyght of the Toure,” engaged him to translate as well as to print.
In 1486 death deprived Caxton of his old friend William Pratt, who,
on his death-bed, requested him to print “The Book of Good Manners.”
The terms in which Caxton mentions Pratt as a fellow mercer, an honest
man, and “a singular friend of old knowledge,” show that a close
bond of union existed between the two. It is to be hoped that their
mutual object--“the amendment of manners, and the increase of virtuous
living”--was promoted by the publication.
In 1490 died, and was buried at St. Margaret’s, one “Mawde Caxton,”
of whose relationship to William Caxton there is no direct evidence.
It may have been the Maude who, twenty-nine years earlier, became his
wife while he was yet in Bruges: if so, it will explain, in a most
interesting manner, the reason why he in that year suspended printing
the “Fayts of Arms,” until he had finished a new undertaking, “The Arte
and Crafte to Die Well.”
The history of Caxton after his settlement at Westminster is almost
confined to a catalogue of the productions of his press. Fortunately
many were printed from his own manuscript, and have additions which
often afford the date of translation or of printing. The following
table presents an arrangement of these books, from which we may obtain
some idea of the time occupied in their translation and printing. The
majority of Caxton’s works, however, bear no date whatever; and here
the only basis of a correct arrangement must be a careful examination
and comparison of the peculiarities of the various types. In this table
variations may be noticed from some of the dates as printed by Caxton;
but these are merely apparent discrepancies caused by the difference
between the old and new style of reckoning the commencement of the
year, and also by the custom, then so common, of dating by the regnal
year of the sovereign.
┌───────────────┬──────────────────────────┬─────────────────────────────┐
│ DATES. │ TRANSLATION. │ PRINTING. │
├───────────────┼──────────────────────────┼─────────────────────────────┤
│ 1477--Nov. 18 │ │ Dictes, 1st edition (_e_) │
│ 1478--Feb. 20 │ │ Moral Proverbs (_e_) │
│ 1479--Feb. 3 │ │ Cordyale (_b_) │
│ Mar. 24 │ │ Cordyale (_e_) │
│ 1480--Apr. 22 │ Ovid, 15th Book (_e_) │ │
│ June 10 │ │ Chronicles, 1st edit. (_e_) │
│ Aug. 18 │ │ Description, 1st ed. (_e_) │
│ 1481--Jan. 2 │ Mirrour, 1st edit. (_b_) │ │
│ Mar. 8 │ Mirrour, 1st edit. (_e_) │ │
│ Mar. 12 │ Godfrey (_b_) │ │
│ June 6 │ Reynart, 1st edit. (_e_) │ │
│ June 7 │ Godfrey (_e_) │ │
│ Aug. 12 │ │ Tully (_e_) │
│ Nov. 20 │ │ Godfrey (_e_) │
│ 1482--July 2 │ Polycronicon (_e_) │ │
│ Oct. 8 │ │ Chronicles, 2nd ed .(_e_) │
│ 1483--June 1 │ Knight of the Toure (_e_)│ │
│ ” │ Æsop (_e_) │ │
│ June 6 │ │ Pylgremage (_e_) │
│ June 30 │ │ Festival (_e_) │
│ Sep. 2 │ │ Confessio (_e_) │
│ Nov. 20 │ │ Golden Legend (_e_) │
│ Dec. 23 │ Caton (_e_) │ │
│ 1484--Jan. 31 │ │ Knight of the Toure (_e_) │
│ Mar. 26 │ │ Æsop (_e_) │
│ ” │ │ Order of Chivalry (_e_) │
│ Sep. 13 │ Ryal Book (_e_) │ │
│ 1485--June 18 │ Charles (_e_) │ │
│ July 31 │ │ King Arthur (_e_) │
│ │ │ │
│ Aug. 31 │ Paris and Vienne (_e_) │ │
│ Dec. 1 │ │ Charles (_e_) │
│ Dec. 19 │ │ Paris and Vienne (_e_) │
│ 1486--June 8 │ Good Manners (_e_) │ │
│ 1487--May 11 │ │ Good Manners (_e_) │
│ 1489--Jan. 23 │ Fayts (_b_) │ │
│ May 7 │ Doctrinal (_e_) │ │
│ July 8 │ Fayts (_e_) │ │
│ ” │ │ Directorium, 2nd ed. (_e_) │
│ 1490--June 15 │ Art and Craft (_e_) │ │
│ June 22 │ Eneydos (_e_) │ │
│ July 14 │ │ Fayts (_e_) │
└───────────────┴──────────────────────────┴─────────────────────────────┘
(_b_) means _begun_. (_e_) means _ended_.
The same table shows that Caxton took ten weeks for the translation
of the “Mirrour of the World,” containing 198 pages; twelve weeks for
“Godefroy of Bologne,” 284 pages; and nearly six months for “Fayts
of Arms,” 286 pages. The period occupied in printing “Cordyale,” 152
pages, was only seven weeks, whilst “Godfrey,” supposing the printing
immediately to follow the completion of the translation, took nearly
six months. The “Knight of the Tower,” 208 pages, required eight
months; “Charles the Great,” 188 pages, five and a half months; “Paris
and Vienne,” 70 pages, three and a half months; “Good Manners,” 132
pages, eleven months; and “Fayts of Arms,” 286 pages, more than a year.
Caxton’s own translations made in this country were The Whole Life of
Jason; the Mirror of the World; Reynart the Fox; Godfrey of Bulloyn;
the Golden Legend; the book called Caton; the Knight of the Tower;
Æsop’s Fables; the Order of Chivalry; the Royal Book; the Life of
Charles the Great; the History of the Knight Paris and the Fair Vienne;
the Book of Good Manners; the Doctrinal of Sapience; the Fayts of Arms;
the Art and Craft to Die Well; Eneydos; the Curial; the Life of St.
Winifred; Blanchardin and Eglantine; the Four Sons of Aymon; and the
Gouvernayle of Health. These contain more than 4,500 printed pages.
The total produce of his press, excluding the books printed at Bruges,
reaches to above 18,000 pages, nearly all of folio size. These figures
speak more forcibly than any argument for the great industry and
perseverance of Caxton; and to this list must be added the translation
of the “Vitæ Patrum,” which he finished only a few hours before his
death, but did not live to print.
Those who have blamed Caxton for not choosing the Bible, or the Greek
and Latin classics, for the use and instruction of his countrymen, have
quite overlooked the impossibility of making a business profitable
(and Caxton tells us, in “Charles the Great,” that he earned his
living by it), unless it supplied the wants of the age. The demand in
England in the fifteenth century was not for Bibles in the vernacular,
nor for Horace, nor for Homer, whose writings very few could read in
the original texts;[11] but the clergy wanted Service-books, and
Caxton accordingly provided them with Psalters, Commemorations, and
Directories; the preachers wanted Sermons, and were supplied with the
“Golden Legend,” and other similar books; the “prynces, lordes, barons,
knyghtes & gentilmen” were craving for “joyous and pleysaunt historyes”
of chivalry, and the press at the “Red-pale” produced a fresh romance
nearly every year. Poetry and history require for their appreciation a
more advanced mental education, and of these, therefore, the issue was
more scanty. By thus bringing his commercial experience to bear upon
his new vocation, and by accommodating the supply to the demand, while,
at the same time, he in no slight degree directed the channel in which
that demand should flow, Caxton contrived to earn an honest living by
the produce of his press, and to avoid the fate of his typographical
brethren at Rome, Sweynheim and Pannartz, who, having printed too many
works of the classic authors, about 12,000 volumes in five years,
became bankrupt, and sank under the dead weight of their unsold volumes.
Thus, in the selection of books for his press, some of which he
obtained “with grete instaunce, labour, and coste”--in translating
and printing--in friendly communication and intercourse with the best
educated men of his day--in the discharge of the social duties of his
position--Caxton passed the few remaining years of his life. In 1491,
when close upon seventy years of age, but still in full vigour of mind,
he undertook the translation of the “Vitæ Patrum.” Whether disease
was at this time gradually undermining his health, or whether, as the
following colophon renders more probable, he was taken off suddenly,
is unknown; but it is an interesting fact that he was spared to work at
his favourite task of translation till within a few hours of his death.
The following is Wynken de Worde’s colophon to the “Vitæ
Patrum:”--“Thus endyth the moost vertuouse hystorye of the deuoute
and right renowned lyves of holy faders lyuynge in deserte, worthy of
remembraunce to all wel dysposed persones which hath bē translated oute
of Frenche into Englisshe by William Caxton of Westmynstre late deed
and fynysshed at the laste daye of hys lyff.”
The exact date of his death has not been ascertained; but the burial
is entered in the parish accounts for 1490-92, and from the position
of the entry would appear to have taken place towards the close of
the year 1491. This date is confirmed by the following manuscript
note, quoted by Ames:--“There is wrote down in a very old hand in
a _Fructus Temporum_ of my friend Mr. Ballard’s, of Cambden, in
Gloucestershire:--‘Of your charitee pray for the soul of Mayster
Wyllyam Caxton, that in hys time was a man of moche ornate and moche
renommed wysdome and connyng, and decessed ful crystenly the yere of
our Lord MCCCC LXXXXJ.’”
“Moder of Merci shyld him fro thorribul fynd,
And bryng hym to lyff eternall that neuyr hath ynd.”
He was buried in his own parish churchyard, and in the account-books of
the churchwardens appear the following funeral charges:--
Item atte Bureyng of William Caxton for iiij torches vj s viij d
Item for the belle atte same bureyng vj d
These fees are considerably higher than those paid by the majority of
the parishioners, and are equalled in but very few instances; they thus
afford further evidence of the superior position held by our printer in
his parish.
Caxton’s property consisted probably of little more than his stock in
trade. He nevertheless left a will, as fifteen copies of the “Golden
Legend” are recorded in the parish accounts as having been “bequothen
to the chirch behove by William Caxston.” The “Golden Legend” was
first printed in 1484, but the second edition, of which the bequest
probably consisted, was not executed till four or five years later. By
the churchwardens’ account for 1496-98, it appears that by that time
they had disposed of three of the fifteen copies: one for 6_s_ 8_d_,
and another for 6_s_ 4_d_, by the agency of William Ryolle; and one
for 6_s_ 8_d_ to the parish priest, probably for his own use. Within
the next two years William Geiffe took five copies at an average of
5_s_ 4_d_ each; John Crosse one copy at 5_s_ 8_d_; Walter Marten one
at 5_s_ 11_d_; and Daniel Aforge one at 5_s_ 10_d_; another being sold
in “Westmynster halle” for 5_s_ 8_d_. This should have left remaining,
in 1500, _four_ copies to be accounted for, but the “Memorandum”
acknowledges only _three_; probably one copy had been appropriated by
the churchwardens to the use of their church. Two more copies were sold
in the ensuing two years, and one left unaccounted for.
The discovery of Caxton’s will would probably settle satisfactorily
many questions about his family and relations, but all the registries
in which it might possibly have been deposited have been searched
without success.
That our knowledge of William Caxton is confined almost entirely to
his public life, is much to be regretted. We can trace to some extent
his career in commerce as well as in diplomacy. As a printer too, we
can judge of him by an examination of his works; but when we wish to
portray the man as a master, or in domestic life, or we desire to
know what his neighbours thought of him, we fail for want of reliable
material. From his appending a bitter satire on “women” to the “Dictes
and Sayings of the Philosophers,” we might have inclined to think him
a bachelor, did we not know that he had a wife and daughter when he
came to England; but that he was unmarried while “governor” at Bruges
is almost certain, as the rules of celibacy were very strict among
merchants living out of their own countries. The Steel Yard merchants
had a stringent law on the subject, and the Merchant Adventurers were
doubtless guided by the same policy.
We naturally turn to the prologues and epilogues attached to Caxton’s
translations for traits of character, but here again, we are
surrounded by difficulties. There existed in those days no rights
in literature. Every author took from others what best suited his
purpose, and that without acknowledgment, except to give authority
to his own opinions. This practice has involved many of the works of
that period in considerable obscurity. Caxton was not free from this
characteristic of his age, and we accordingly find him appropriating
whole prologues and epilogues from the French originals, altering
them only when inapplicable to himself. Such instances may be seen
in the “Chess Book,” the “Mirror,” the “Golden Legend,” “Charles,”
and others. Great care is therefore requisite to distinguish between
Caxton’s own thoughts and the mere translation of those of others.
But, after making due allowance for all this, there yet remains, in
Caxton’s prologues and epilogues, a substratum of individuality, which
must be the basis for any right appreciation of his character. His
repeated eulogies of Edward IV, and the members of his family, indicate
that all his political sympathies were with the House of York. This
was but natural, for the development of trade consequent upon amity
between England and the princes of the Low Countries, made all the
English merchants staunch adherents to the White Rose. His writings
also reveal that he had a deep sense of religion, and was strict in the
observance of his Christian duties. Although in one sense the greatest
reformer that this country has ever known, he was quite unconscious of
the tendency of the art which he introduced. In the tone of his mind
he was indeed eminently conservative, comparing the good old times of
his apprenticeship with the degeneracy of the succeeding generations,
when in the youth of London there was “no kernel nor good corn found,
but chaff for the most part.” Much concerned was he to note in his
latter days the decline of chivalry, and he urged his Sovereign to take
immediate measures for its revival, even to the extent of engaging in
a new crusade against the Turks for the recovery of the “holy cyte of
Jherusalem.” Conservative as he was in theory, there seems reason to
believe that he was no less so in practice. Caxton never gave in to
the new-fangled ideas of printers about the advantage of title-pages
to books, though if we may judge from the fact of Wynken de Worde
using them immediately after his master’s death, he was of the reverse
opinion. In the adoption of signatures, initials, and lines of an even
length, he was very tardy, and from the use of red ink he was evidently
averse.
As a linguist, Caxton undoubtedly excelled. In his native tongue,
notwithstanding his self-depreciation, he seems to have been a master.
His writings, and the style of his translations, will bear comparison
with Lydgate, with Gower, with Earl Rivers, the Earl of Worcester, and
other contemporaneous writers. Many of his readers, indeed, thought
him too “ornate” and “over curious” in his diction, and desired him
to use more homely terms; but, since others found fault with him for
not using polished and courtly phrases, we may fairly presume that
he attained the happy medium, “ne over rude, ne over curious,” at
which he aimed. When excited by a favourite subject, as the “Order of
Chivalry,” he waxed quite eloquent; and the appeal of Caxton to the
knighthood of England has been often quoted as a remarkable specimen of
fifteenth-century declamation. With the French tongue he was thoroughly
conversant, although he had never been in France; but Bruges was almost
French, and in the Court of Burgundy, as well as in that of England,
French was the chief medium of conversation. With Flemish he was also
well acquainted, as shown by his translation of “Reynart;” indeed, this
language, after so long a residence in Bruges, must have become almost
his mother-tongue.
Caxton’s knowledge of Latin has often been denied or underrated; but
as governor of the English nation in Bruges, and as ambassador, he
must have been able to read the treaties he assisted to conclude, and
the correspondence with the king’s council. Moreover, he printed books
entirely in the Latin tongue, some of which were full of contractions,
and could only have been undertaken by one well acquainted with that
language. These were the “Infancia Salvatoris,” three editions of
the “Directorium Sacerdotum,” a “Psalterium,” “Horæ,” “Tractatus de
Transfiguracione,” and several “Indulgences.” To “ordain in print”
a Latin manuscript of the fourteenth or fifteenth century required
a knowledge of the language on the part of the workman as well as
of the master; for, as the letters _n_ and _u_ were identical in
shape, and as _m_ and _i_ varied only in the number of strokes, the
latter being without a dot, it was impossible to read some words--for
instance, ~minimum~ (minimum), where fifteen parallel strokes distract
the eye--apart from their context. We have, however, in the English
translation of the “Golden Legend” positive evidence on this point;
for, in the “Life of Saynt Rocke,” the printer says, “which lyff is
translated oute of latyn in to englysshe by me wyllyam Caxton.”
As translator, editor, and author, Caxton has not received his due
meed of praise. The works which he undertook at the suggestion of his
patrons, as well as those selected by himself, are honestly translated,
and, considering the age in which he lived, are well chosen. Romances,
the favourite literature of his age, were Caxton’s great delight--and
that not merely for the feats of personal prowess which they narrated,
although no quality was more desirable in the fifteenth century, but
rather, as he himself says, for the examples of “courtesy, humanity,
friendliness, hardiness, love, cowardice, murder, hate, virtue, and
sin,” which “inflamed the hearts of the readers and hearers to eschew
and flee works vicious and dishonest.” In Poetry Caxton shows to
great advantage, for he printed all the works of any merit which then
existed. The prologue to his second edition of the “Canterbury Tales”
proves how anxious he was to be correct, and at the same time shows
the difficulty he had in obtaining manuscripts free from error. The
poetical reverence with which Caxton speaks of Chaucer, “the first
founder of _ornate_ eloquence in our English,” and the pains he took to
reprint the “Canterbury Tales” when a purer text than that of his first
edition was offered to him, show his high appreciation of England’s
first great poet. In History the only available works in English were
the “Chronicle of Brute” and the “Polycronicon;” the latter Caxton
carried down, to the best of his ability, to nearly his own time. It
was, indeed, as a writer of history that Caxton was best known to our
older authors, some of whom, while including his name among those of
English historians, have overlooked the far more important fact that
he was also England’s prototypographer.
All reference to the literary forgery of Atkyns, who, in the
seventeenth century, to support his claim to certain exclusive
privileges of printing under the king’s patent, invented the foolish
story of the abduction, by Turnour and Caxton, of one of the Haarlem
workmen, and his settlement at Oxford in 1464, has here been purposely
omitted. The whole account is so evidently false, so entirely at
variance with the known facts in Caxton’s history, and has been so
often disproved in works on English typography, that it needs no
further refutation.
As to Caxton’s industry, it was marvellous: at an age when most
men begin to take life easily, he not only embarked in an entirely
new trade, but added to the duties of its general supervision and
management, which could never have been light, the task of supplying
his workmen with copy from his own pen. The extraordinary amount of
printed matter, original, and translated, which he put forth has
already been noticed; but there seems reason to believe that some of
his works, both printed and manuscript, have been entirely lost. Of
his translation of the “Metamorphoses of Ovid,” only Book XV has been
preserved; but we may be certain that Caxton never would have begun
to translate at the end of a work; and it seems probable, as the
manuscript is evidently intended for the press, that the whole was
printed as well as translated. Moreover several of Caxton’s works being
unique, and others having been but recently discovered, we may conclude
that time will yet reveal to us other specimens.
Several pretended autographs of Caxton have been claimed since the
public exhibition of his books at South Kensington Museum, but great
care should be taken before giving credence to them.
Great interest would attach to a veritable portrait of Caxton, but
although two or three have been published, they are all apocryphal. The
only one that has any appearance of probability is the small defaced
illumination in the manuscript of “Dictes and Sayings” at Lambeth
Palace, which has received too much praise from Horace Walpole, who
engraved it for his “Royal and Noble Authors.” King Edward IV is
represented on his throne, with the young prince (to whom Earl Rivers
was tutor) standing by his side: there are two kneeling figures, one
of which, Earl Rivers, is presenting to the king a copy of his own
translation, which Horace Walpole assumes to have been printed by
the other, who of course would then be Caxton. If this were the case
it would be very interesting; but unfortunately the second figure is
evidently an ecclesiastic, as shown by his tonsure, and apparently
represents “Haywarde” the scribe, who engrossed the copy, and probably
executed the illumination. The portrait commonly received as that of
Caxton, and which first appeared in his “Life,” by Lewis, is thus
accounted for by Dr. Dibdin:--“A portrait of _Burchiello_, the Italian
poet, from an octavo edition of his work on Tuscan poetry, of the date
of 1554, was inaccurately copied by Faithorne for Sir Hans Sloane,
as the portrait of Caxton.” In Lewis’s “Life,” this portrait was
“improved” by adding a thick beard to Burchiello’s chin, and otherwise
altering his character; and in this form the Italian poet made his
appearance, upon copper, as Caxton. Ames, Herbert, Marchand, and others
have reproduced this absurd engraving. From a note, however, written by
Lewis to Ames, it appears that, although Lewis admitted the portrait,
it was Bagford’s creative genius that invented it, as may also be
inferred from Lewis’s own subscription “_inv. Bagford_,” upon the plate.
As an instance of his appreciation of a higher life than can be
obtained from riches alone, we will quote an anecdote which Caxton
himself wrote, and added as an appendix to “Æsop’s Fables.”
“There were dwelling in Oxford two priests, both Masters of Art, of
whom that one was quick and could put himself forth, and that other
was a good simple priest. And so it happened that the master that was
pert and quick was anon promoted to a benefice or two, and after to
prebends, and for to be a dean. So after long time this worshipful
man, this dean, came riding into a good parish with ten or twelve
horses, like a prelate, and came into the church of the said parish,
and found there this good simple man, sometime his fellow, which came
and welcomed him lowly. And that other bade him, Good morrow, Master
John, and took him slightly by the hand and axed him where he dwelled.
And the good man said, In this parish. How! said he. Are ye here a
soul-priest or a parish-priest? Nay, sir, said he; for lack of a better
I am parson and curate of this parish. Then that other availed his
bonnet and said, Master parson, I pray you be not displeased, I had
supposed you not to be beneficed; but, master, said he, I pray you,
what is this benefice worth to you a year? Forsooth, said the good
simple man, I wot not, for I make never account thereof, although I
have had it four or five years. And know you not what it is worth! it
should seem a good benefice? No, forsooth, said he; but I wot well
what it shall be worth to me. Why, said he, what shall it be worth?
Forsooth, if I do my true diligence in the cure of my parishioners in
preaching and teaching, and do the part belonging to my cure, I shall
have heaven therefor. And if their souls be lost, or one of them by my
default, I shall be punished therefor, and hereof am I sure. And with
that word the rich dean was abashed. This was a good answer of a good
priest and an honest.”
No attempt has been made in the preceding sketch to exalt Caxton at
the expense of historical truth. As England’s first typographer, a
never-dying interest will surround his name. Except as a printer, he
nowhere shines forth pre-eminent. But although we cannot attribute to
him those rare mental powers which can grasp the hidden laws of nature,
nor the still more rare creative genius which endures throughout all
time, we can claim for him a character which attracted the love and
respect of his associates--a character on which history has chronicled
no stain--a character which, although surrounded, through a long period
of civil war, by the worst forms of cruelty, hypocrisy, and injustice
in Church and State, retained to the last its innate simplicity and
truthfulness.
FOOTNOTES:
[8] There is certainly the Roxburghe tablet in St. Margaret’s Church,
Westminster; and, better still, there is a “_Caxton Pension_” in
connection with the “Printers’ Corporation,” by which the needs of some
afflicted successors in Caxton’s craft are alleviated; but a memorial
worthy of our first printer and of his countrymen has never yet been
attempted.
[9] Stow says the Abbots of Westminster had six wool-houses in the
Staple granted them by King Henry VI.
[10] After an entry of the payment of six priests’ salaries, there
occur--
“Costes and pcelles allowed by the hole Brotherhode toward thexpences
of the geñall fest in iij^{de} yere of this accompt.”
These “Costs and Parcels” occupy two folio pages, and contain the
following among other items:--
“A tonn of wyne vj li”
“Paide to John Drayton chief cok for his reward xxv s”
“Also for the hire of xxiiij doseyn of erthen
pottes for ale & wyne iiij s”
“Also for erthen pottes broken & wasted at
the same fest vj s viij d”
“Also to iiij players for their labour xij s x d”
“Also to iij mynstrelles ix s x d”
“Also for the mete of diuers strangers xvj s”
“Also for russhes iij s iiij d”
“Also for vj doseyn of white cuppes iiij s”
“Also for portage and botehyre of the Turbut iiij d”
“Also for ix Turbutts xv s ij d”
Besides scores of “Capons, chekyns, gese, conyes, and peiones”
(pigeons), the chief “cok” provided them with “swannys” and “herons,”
with all sorts of fish, including oysters and “see pranys,” or prawns,
with all sorts of meats and game, with jellies in “ix dosen gely
dishes,” and with abundance of fruits. The quantity of ale, wine, and
ypocras provided by the butler is marvellous, and one cannot wonder at
the heavy entries for “pottes and cuppes broken and wasted.” The cook
seems to have been paid much more liberally than the wardens, who had
but xxx s between them “for their diligence.”
[11] The historian Gibbon regrets that in the choice of authors
Caxton “was reduced to comply with the vicious taste of his readers;
to gratify the nobles with treatises on heraldry, hawking [_Caxton
printed nothing of the sort_], and the game of Chess; and to amuse the
popular credulity with romances of fabulous knights and legends of some
fabulous saints. The father of printing expresses a laudable desire to
elucidate the history of his country; but instead of publishing the
Latin chronicle of Radulphus Higden [_which very few could have read_]
he could only venture on the English version by John de Trevisa ... the
world is not indebted to England for one _first_ edition of a classic
author!”
[Illustration]
CHAPTER IX.
_THE MASTER PRINTER._
The question of the exact spot upon which England’s first printing
press was established has already been discussed. The well-known
advertisement of Caxton, which states that pies of Salisbury use were
on sale at the “Red-pale,” in the almonry, at Westminster, not only
indicates the position of his house, but also the sign by which it was
known. The precise appearance of the almonry in the fifteenth century
must be to some extent imaginary, but we know that almshouses were
there, and probably two or three structures besides that occupied by
Caxton.
We will now ask the reader to imagine fourteen years passed since
Caxton first began working at his new art. It is not difficult to
picture the wooden building in the almonry occupied by his sedate but
busy workmen. We can look in at yonder window, and see the venerable
master printer himself “sittyng in his studye where lay many and
dyuerse paunflettis and bookys.” The great towers of Westminster
Abbey cast their shadow across the room, for he is an early riser
and already at work upon his translation of the new French romance,
called “Eneydos.” The “fayre and ornate termes” of his author give
him “grete plasyr,” and he labours, almost without intermission,
till the low sun, blazing from the western windows, warns him of the
day’s decline. Again, we watch him pass with observant eye through
the rooms where his servants are at work; we see the movements of the
compositors, who ply their rapid fingers close to the narrow windows;
we hear the thud-thud of the wooden presses as the workmen “pull to”
and “send home” the “bar,” discussing meanwhile the latest news; and we
sympathise with the binder, who, hammering away at the volume between
his knees, looks in despair at the ever-increasing progeny of his
master’s art. Piles of books and printed “quayers” rise on all sides,
and many a wise head is ominously shaken at the folly of supposing that
purchasers can be found for so many books. Nevertheless Caxton pursues
his busy course, ever at work with mind and body, preparing copy for
the press, and guiding and instructing his workmen in the art which he
had learned in Bruges at “grete charge and dispense,” and the practices
of which are to be explained in the following chapter.
Of all the workmen employed at the “Red-pale,” the names of three only
have descended to us.
WYNKEN DE WORDE, who was probably a native of the town of Worth in
Belgium, appears to have been the chief man. When he entered Caxton’s
service is unknown; it was probably at an early age, as he was still
living in the year 1535. In 1491 he succeeded to the stock in trade of
his deceased master, but he did not append his own name to his books
until 1493. He used many varieties of Caxton’s “mark.”
RICHARD PYNSON speaks respectfully of Caxton as “my worshipful master.”
He at first set up a press just outside Temple Bar, and used Caxton’s
device in his books.
WILLIAM COPLAND remained for some time after Caxton’s death in the
service of Wynken de Worde. He, too, in his prologue to “Kynge Apolyne
of Thyre,” mentions “my master Caxton.” Doubtless there were many
others, and some have supposed that Machlinia, Lettou, and Treveris
were among the number; but there is no evidence that these printers
were ever reckoned among Caxton’s workmen.
We come now to the mechanical means by which, during fourteen years,
Caxton carried on his business. Was the process of book-making the
same as it is at the present time? What sorts of types, and how many
founts were used? How were the types made, and what were their sizes?
Did the compositors use upper and lower case, sticks, chases, brass
rule, reglets, furniture, and the various appliances of a modern
composing-room? What were the presses like, and the practices of
the pressmen? And lastly, In what form were Caxton’s books issued
to the public? To most of these questions it would, at first sight,
seem as though no definite answer could be given; but when attention
is directed to the books themselves, undesigned, and therefore most
trustworthy, evidence will be found in them as to many technical
customs and peculiarities of the early printers.
Before the invention of printing, the art of book-making, mechanically
considered, was divided into three departments: the manufacture of the
material upon which to write, almost entirely parchment or vellum; the
ink making and the writing, the scribe being his own ink maker; and
the binding. Illuminators there were, of course, but their work was
merely ornamental, and by no means necessary to the idea of a book. In
monasteries famous for the diffusion of learning all these branches
were carried on together. So has it been with printers, who, from the
infancy of their art to the present time, have occasionally included
everything necessary to a perfect book in one establishment. If all the
trades which, either directly or indirectly, are called into operation
by printers were to be enumerated, few indeed would be omitted;
nevertheless, the absolute necessaries for the production of a book
are--the material upon which to print, the types and presses with which
to print, and the workmen to handle them. We will, therefore, consider
Caxton’s books under the following heads:--
The paper.
The types.
The compositor.
The press, the pressman, and the ink.
The bookbinder.
To these may be added, although not as necessary assistants:
The rubricator, illuminator, and wood-engraver.
THE PAPER.
Fortunately, there is no need to enter here upon the obscure origin of
the manufacture of paper. The only question which concerns us is--What
kind of paper did Caxton use, and whence did he obtain it? He certainly
had several sizes; the largest, which was probably found too unwieldy,
was used only for the first two editions of the “Golden Legend,” an
uncut copy of which, in the University Library at Cambridge, gives 22
× 15¾ inches for the full measurement of a whole sheet. The large size
of this book was, doubtless, suited to its intended use--in the public
services of the church. He likewise used several smaller sizes, which
varied according to the moulds in which the sheets were made, from 18½
× 13 inches to 16 × 11 inches.
The quality of the paper varied considerably, though not to the extent
apparent in the books as they now exist--chemical “doctoring” and
washing, which have in many instances been resorted to for cleansing
purposes, having weakened and rotted much of the paper so treated,
whilst the untouched specimens remain strong and fibrous. We observe in
books still in the original bindings, and apparently untouched, that
the paper was rough--sometimes very rough--on the surface, with long
hairs frequently imbedded in it, and marks where many more had been
removed; of a strong fibrous texture, unbleached, and of a clear mellow
whiteness, indicating an absence of colouring matter in the pulp.
The accompanying woodcut shows a paper-mill of this period. A
water-wheel was arranged to turn a wooden shaft upon which were rows of
cogs which continually lifted up to the height of a few inches a number
of wooden pestles, and then let them fall upon the material, which
was always in shallow water. The whole of the fibre was thus retained
with its length and strength uninjured. When the pulp was ready it was
taken up, in small quantities, into the hand-mould, and formed into a
sheet. There would be no difficulty whatever in making paper nowadays
in a similar manner, only no one in the trade would spare the time and
labour, and no one out of the trade would pay for the cost and trouble
of its production.
[Illustration]
The unevenness in thickness and colour to which the manufacture was
liable at this early period, appears to have necessitated a sorting of
the sheets after they came from the mill; those nearest to each other
in colour and weight being put together. This system of selection
was adopted occasionally for single copies, economy being doubtless
the inducement. When two or three examples of a book can be compared
together this fact is often very evident, as in the two copies of
“The Knight of the Tower” which are in the British Museum, where the
variation in quality is too great to be accounted for except by this
practice of selection. Several other instances show that Caxton, when
preparing to print a new volume, told off the paper separately for
certain copies. This custom also accounts for the astonishing variety
of water-marks frequently found in one volume.
Some possessors of uncut specimens of Caxton’s press have imagined
them to be “large-paper copies,” but we have no evidence that Caxton
designedly printed special copies, except, perhaps, in the instances of
the vellum “Doctrinal” and “Directorium,” hereafter to be noticed, but
of these the appearance is by no means that of _livres de luxe_.
_Watermarks_ are of much less value in bibliography than some writers
have imagined. In but very few instances can a limit of time be fixed
for their use; and as the marks might be repeated, or the paper itself
kept for any length of time, and imported to any place, they cannot be
used as evidence either of the date when, or the place where, a book
passed through the press. The arms of France--three _fleurs-de-lis_ on
a shield, surmounted by a crown--which appear as a watermark in “Le
Recueil des Histoires de Troyes,” have been adduced by M. Bernard as
evidence of the French origin of the printed work. He was doubtless
unaware that the same watermark appears in “The Recuyell,” “Canterbury
Tales,” 1st edition, “Mirrour,” 1st edition, “Jason,” “Chronicles,”
“Polycronicon,” “Speculum Vitæ Christi,” “Dictes,” 2nd edition, and
many others, embracing the whole of Caxton’s typographical career.
When, however, paper bears the arms of a nation or a city, we may,
in such a case, fairly conjecture, although not with certainty, the
seat of its manufacture. It appears likely that all Caxton’s paper
was imported from the Low Countries, and it was in all probability
purchased from some old connection in the great mart of Bruges. But
wherever obtained, there was a great intermixture of qualities,
including the make of several mills. We have never yet seen one of
Caxton’s books in which the same watermark runs through the whole
volume, and in many cases the variety is astonishing. Thus, in a copy
of the first edition of the “Canterbury Tales,” now in the library of
Mr. Huth, there appear no less than fifteen distinct watermarks.
A few of the marks found in Caxton’s books are here given. As already
remarked, they indicate the Low Countries as the land of their origin,
and most of them are found also in the block-books, the works of Colard
Mansion, Gerard Leeu, and other early printers.
No. 1. The Bull’s Head, which appears in the earliest specimens of
paper known, and was a favourite symbol with paper makers of
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The varieties of it are
very numerous.
No. 2. The Arms of John the Fearless, son of Philip the Hardy. As
eldest son the field is charged with a label: the superimposed
cross referring to his crusade in 1395.
This and the six succeeding marks have a direct connection
with the riding dynasty in Flanders and the Low Countries.
No. 3. The letter ~p~ is very common in Caxton’s books, and is
perhaps the initial of Philip the Good; although paper bearing
a ~p~ had also been made in the reign of Philip the Hardy. Its
varieties are very numerous.
No. 4. The letter ~y~ is thought by Sotheby to be the initial of
Ysabel, third wife of Philip the Good.
Mr. Sotheby, in his list of Caxton’s watermarks, mentions the
~p~ and ~y~ combined, as occurring in the British Museum copy
of “Jason.” During a careful search, however, in the same
copy, I was unable to detect any such mark.
No. 5. The Unicorn--a symbol of power adopted by Philip the Good,
who chose two unicorns as supporters of his coat-of-arms. The
same figure was used extensively as an ornament in his palace
and furniture.
No. 6. The Arms of France. These were frequently used by
paper-makers of the Low Countries, probably in reference to
the direct descent of the House of Burgundy from the Kings of
France.
No. 7. The Arms of Champagne. This province was ceded to the Duke
of Burgundy in 1430 by the King of France.
No. 8. The Hand, over which is a single _fleur-de-lis_, the
peculiar badge of the House of Burgundy.
In Caxton’s books the ~p~ is the most common among the watermarks, the
order of frequency among the others being as follows:--The Hand or
Glove; the Arms of Champagne; the Bull’s Head; the Arms of France; the
Greyhound; the Arms of John the Fearless; Shears; a Pot; an Anchor; an
Unicorn; a Bull; a Cross; Grapes; a Pelican, &c.
[Illustration: No. 1.]
[Illustration: No. 2.]
[Illustration: No. 3.]
[Illustration: No. 4.]
[Illustration: No. 5.]
[Illustration: No. 6.]
[Illustration: No. 7.]
[Illustration: No. 8.]
The reader curious on this point may see numerous other watermarks
figured by Mr. Sotheby in the third volume of his “Principia
Typographica.” Many of these are merely variations of the mark, the
paper being made in the same mould. An accidental injury, or even the
wear and tear of the mould by constant use, often caused a contortion
of the wires. In rare instances the watermark occurs uninjured in
shape, but quite at the edge of the paper. This has been accounted
for by supposing the fine wires which held the watermark in its place
on the mould to have become loosened by decay, or some accident, and
so allowed the mark to slide along the face of the mould, but it is
more probably caused by the use of large sheets of paper cut down to a
smaller size.
Of the value of paper in Caxton’s time we may form some idea from the
prices paid by the directors of the Ripoli press, at Florence, between
1474 and 1483. An original “Cost book” of this establishment is still
extant in the Magliabechian library at Florence. It is one of the most
interesting documents connected with early typography, and has been
edited and published by the Padre Vincenzio Fineschi. From this it
appears that the following nine sizes or qualities of paper were then
in use, the English prices given being about the present equivalent,
reckoning the lira at 3_s_ 9_d_.
PER REAM.
1. Large paper of Bologna in common folio, about £1 4 2
2. Middling ditto ditto 0 13 2½
3. Small ditto ditto 0 11 3
4. Paper of Fabriano, with a _crossbow_ for
watermark 0 12 4½
5. Ditto, with a _cross_ for watermark 0 8 7½
6. Paper of Colle 0 8 7½
7. Paper of Prato 0 9 4½
8. Paper of Pescia, with _spectacles_ for watermark 0 10 10½
9. The same, with a _glove_ for watermark 0 9 0
Zanetti quotes a document, dated 1483, which states the price of paper
in Florence to have been, at that period, for “Carta reale, quaderni 10
... 3 lir. 6 sol. 8d;” and for “Carta da scrivere il quaderno ... 18
sol.;” that is, royal paper about 12s 5d per ten quires, and writing
paper 3s 4½d per quire.
The first paper maker in England was John Tate. He manufactured
specially for Caxton’s successor, Wynken de Worde, who thus announces
the fact in his edition of “Bartholomæus de Proprietatibus,” printed
about the year 1498:--
“And John Tate the younger,
Joye mote he broke,
Whiche late hath in Englond doo
Made this paper thynne,
That now in our englisshe
This boke is prynted Inne.”
Tate, who died in 1514, and whose will is preserved in the principal
registry of the Court of Probate, left considerable property, several
of his legacies being in paper.
It is somewhat remarkable that Caxton should have made so sparing a use
of vellum for his books, and should have been so indifferent about the
quality of the skins which he did employ. The only examples known are
a copy of the “Doctrinal of Sapience,” at Windsor Castle, for a long
time thought to be unique, and a “Speculum vitæ Christi,” now in the
British Museum, to which may be added a few slips on which Indulgences
are printed.
THE TYPES.
The question of the invention of moveable types, like that of the
origin of paper, is one into which we have no need here to enter. The
majority of writers on this subject having been unacquainted with the
characteristics of type, have strayed far and wide in the discussion.
M. Bernard, however, writing as a practical printer, has done much to
dispel numerous misapprehensions, and especially that common error of
supposing that the first moveable types were cut in wood.
We now proceed to lay before the reader the earliest notices of
typefounders, and such evidence as may explain the mechanics of
typefounding in the fifteenth century, especially with reference to the
types of Caxton.
Perhaps no part of the Typographic Art is hidden in more utter
darkness than the early manufacture of the types. Considerable secrecy
no doubt accompanied all the operations of the first printers, and
was maintained down to a comparatively late period. Moreover, it
was but natural that the results of the new art should hold a more
prominent place in men’s minds than the processes by which those
results were produced; and thus, although printers and printing were
often mentioned, we find nothing concerning the mechanical part of
typefounding anterior to that curious little book of trades, with
illustrations by Jost Amman, which was issued at Frankfort in 1568.
The author, in the few lines which accompany the illustration,
omits all reference to the process, but, from the woodcut of the
“Schrifftgiesser” and his tools, we shall draw some practical
inferences concerning early typefounding.
Whether Caxton, whose account of his first typographical venture is
contained in the prologue to the Third Book of “The Recuyell,” made
himself acquainted with the manufacture as well as with the use of his
types there is no evidence to prove. He simply remarks, “Therefore I
have practysed and lerned at my grete charge and dispense to ordeyne
this said book in prynte.” If he only procured types and presses, and
acquired the requisite knowledge to control their use, it no doubt
cost him a large sum. The probability is that his first two founts
were cast at Bruges according to his instructions, and that he brought
the second over with him to Westminster. But, when once settled in
his native country, we may well consider whether he would not, for
convenience sake, have become his own typefounder. No stray hint or
remark can be found to incline us to the one opinion or the other.
Several generations of printers passed away before we find in any work
the slightest allusion to English typefounders. The earliest appears in
Archbishop Parker’s preface to Asser’s Chronicle of King Alfred, where,
in speaking of the Saxon types with which the book was printed, the
editor states that as far as he knew, Day, the printer, was the first
to cut them:--“Iam verò cum Dayus typographus primus (& omnium certè
quod sciam solus) has formulas æri inciderit: facilè quæ Saxonicis
literis perscripta sunt, iisdem typis diuulgabuntur.” This leads us to
suppose that John Day was only one typefounder among others, and that
therefore the art was at that time by no means a new one in England.
Seventy years later we find typefounding a distinct trade in London,
and under rigid Government protection, as we learn from the following
decree:--
“Decreed by the Court of Starre-Chamber, 11th July, 1637:--
“That there shall be Four Founders of letters for printing and no
more.
“That the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of London, with
Six other High Commissioners, shall supply the places of those
four as they shall become void.
“That no master Founder shall keep above two Apprentices at one time.”
Despite this restrictive care, however, the typefounders of Holland and
Flanders supplied English Printers with better types than native art
could produce, until the establishment of a foundry by the first Caslon.
The only English author before the rise of encyclopædias, who described
the process of type manufacture was Joseph Moxon. This ingenious
author, writing in 1683, gives an account of the whole Art of Printing,
as practised in an improved style by himself, and devotes several
chapters to the various methods of punch cutting, matrix sinking,
and type founding. The process then adopted was very similar to that
still in use, and differed greatly from that of Caxton, or Caxton’s
typefounder. The practice of Moxon, like that of modern typefounders,
was to cut each letter in relief on a piece of steel to form the
_punch_--to strike this punch into a small piece of copper, which made
the _matrix_--and then to fit this matrix to the bottom of an iron
_mould_ into which the liquid metal was poured. The mould, which formed
the shank of the type, was capable of a sliding adjustment, width wise,
to the width of the various letters (from an _i_ to an _Æ_); the depth
or size of the _body_ always remaining the same throughout the fount.
Thus, by using each matrix successively in the same mould, exactness in
size of body was insured.
The want of this exactness, indicated by the uneven appearance of
the lines, and other considerations, lead to the conclusion that the
fifteenth-century printers did not practise this method, but it is very
difficult even to speculate upon the process which they did employ.
The examination of many specimens has led me to conclude that at
first two distinct schools of typography existed together. The ruder
consisted of those printers who practised their art in Holland and the
Low Countries, and who, by degrees only, adopted the better and more
perfect methods of the school founded in Germany by the celebrated
trio--Fust, Gutenberg, and Schœffer. None of these divulged the secrets
of their art. One fact, however, we know with certainty, and that is,
that the German school employed the very best artists that Europe could
produce to cut the patterns, or rather punches, for their types. In an
interesting tract from the pen of Sir Anthony Panizzi it is proved that
the celebrated Bolognese goldsmith, medallist, and painter, Francia,
was the artist who cut all the Aldine types, the elegance of which will
for ever associate the name of Aldus with the perfection of printing.
From the “Cost Book” of the Ripoli press, at Florence, we find also
that steel, iron, and tin were used in the manufacture of types about
1480. But the English printers, whose practice seems to have been
derived from the Flemish school, were far behind their contemporaries
in the art. Their types show that a very rude process of founding was
practised, and the use, as will be described presently, of old types as
punches for new, evinces more of commercial expediency than of artistic
ambition.
That Caxton’s types were really cast is evident from identity in the
face of the same letter, where even a flaw may be noticed as recurring
continuously; but the material of which the matrices were formed must
be to a great extent conjectural. M. Bernard has given an interesting
account of some successful efforts to cast letters in sand, but his
specimen has not a single overhanging letter in it, and, from its size,
was certainly much easier to produce than would have been the small
types of Caxton; yet in one respect, the “bad lining,” or irregular
heights of the letter, it has an interesting similitude to Caxton’s
types. In the office of Messrs. Caslon there are still in existence
some large Roman capital letters (about 3-line pica), which an old
workman assured me he had himself used in by-gone years to form
sand-moulds for type, a practice then by no means uncommon.
We will now turn to the little book of engravings already mentioned as
giving the earliest notice of the art. We there see somewhat of the
practices of the Frankfort typefounders in 1568. The woodcut shows that
even a century after the invention of the art there was an important
difference from the modern plan, although probably the _principle_ of
punch, matrix, and mould was the same. There is a small furnace, with
the pan of metal sunk in the top; by the side are the bellows, basket
of charcoal, and tongs. Close to the typefounder is the bowl into which
he drops each type as it is cast; and the artist has correctly drawn
these types with the “break” of the letter still attached. The workman
holds the mould in his left hand, and is pouring in metal from a ladle.
On the table at his back is what appears to be a nest of very shallow
drawers, which hold the matrices in alphabetical arrangement, while
upon the top of the drawers are three or four matrices for immediate
use. On the wooden shelves opposite are three moulds, some sieves, and
crucibles. The sieves were probably for sifting the sand in which might
be cast the large types, and in which the small ingots for use in the
melting pot would be run. The main interest of this woodcut lies in the
type moulds, in which we notice a difference in shape from those now
used; while the absence of the long wire spring which holds the matrix
firm up to the mould indicates that, during its use, the matrix was a
fixture in the mould. The foremost of the three moulds on the shelf
shows in its side a hole which may possibly have been used for the
insertion of a matrix.
As the early moulds were so dissimilar to those of modern use, let us
look to the types themselves for evidence. Anticipating the result of
the analysis of the various founts used by Caxton (which will follow
in its proper place) we find the conclusion inevitable that hard-metal
punches were not used, and that even types themselves were used either
as punches, or in some analogous way for the production of new founts.
The use of large types to form matrices in sand (as in the case of
Messrs. Caslon’s foundry, above alluded to), was not uncommon in bygone
years; and that letters of a much smaller size can also be effectively
employed as punches is interestingly illustrated by the shifts to which
Benjamin Franklin, America’s pioneer-printer, was put in the early days
of the Transatlantic press. Franklin thus narrates his own practice:
“Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no letter-foundry
in America; I had seen types cast at James’s in London, but without
much attention to the manner; however, _I contrived a mould, and made
use of the letters we had as puncheons, struck the matrices in lead_,
and thus supplied, in a pretty tolerable way the deficiencies. _I also
engraved several things_ on occasion.”
The metal of which Caxton’s types were cast can only be conjectured.
The probability is that it was soft, and if even so soft as lead it
would have been sufficiently durable to have performed the work for
the small impression required of each book. In demonstration of this
the author procured, by the kindness of Messrs. Figgins, a fount of
their Caxton types in pure lead, and composed a page of Caxton’s
“Chess Book,” working it in the usual way, at a common hand press, and
numbering each impression as it came from the tympan in order to note
its gradual wear. The paper was royal cartridge of the common rough
quality, and was worked dry. After 500 pulls, perceiving no appreciable
wear, the author stopped the experiment, being sufficiently satisfied.
Our conclusions then, in respect of the founding, are mainly negative.
The moulds were _unlike_ those now in use, and the punches were
_not_ of steel. The process, whatever it may have been, admitted of
contrivances incompatible with our present mode; and we conjecture that
the type-metal, if not of lead, was yet sufficiently soft to allow of
it being easily trimmed up with a chisel. This trimming up, so often
visible in type No. 2*, misled the late Mr. Vincent Figgins, who, when
examining the second edition of the “Game and Play of the Chess,” came
to the erroneous conclusion that the whole book was printed from types
cut separately by hand, a conclusion which he would never have adopted
had he extended his examination to other and earlier works of Caxton in
the same types.
Let us now see what the founts of types really were that Caxton used.
When we look at the long list of English authors who have written
upon early typography, and when we recognise among the names those of
Moxon, Palmer, Smith, Bowyer, Nichols, Stower, Watson, Hansard, and
Timperley, all of whom were, as printers, practically acquainted with
the art which employed their pens, it is a matter of some surprise
that nothing like a correct account of Caxton’s types appeared. Nor
is it less remarkable that the only history of English typefounding
is that by Rowe Mores, a well-known antiquarian, who was brought up
for the Church, and who devoted many of the later years of his life to
the collection of old moulds and matrices. He purchased all the whole
stock of the last of the old race of letterfounders, Mr. James, of
Bartholomew Close, whose extensive collection was said to date from the
days of Wynken de Worde; and it is much to be regretted that, after
the death of Mr. Mores, his collections were not preserved intact.
His catalogues of matrices existing in his own day, or in his own
possession, are probably exact enough; but his account of the types
used by Caxton and Wynken de Worde is full of errors.
During Caxton’s career as a printer, viz., from about 1476 to 1491-2,
or a period of seventeen years, he used eight separate founts or
castings of letters. These eight founts we have called, according to
their chronological appearance, No. 1, No. 2, No. 2*, No. 3, No. 4, No.
4*, No. 5, and No. 6.
If we divide them into _character_ of letter we find three classes:--
1st. Type No. 1 is distinct in character, and unlike any other known
type. On comparison with a manuscript in the holograph of Colard
Mansion, of Bruges, M. Bernard came to the conclusion that it was
formed upon the handwriting of that celebrated caligrapher.
2nd. Types 2, 2*, 4, 4*, and 6, are of the same character as the early
type of Colard Mansion, known as “gros bâtarde.”
3rd. Types 3 and 5 were designed, like the characters of the Bible and
Psalter of the early Mentz printers, upon the Church Text of the
scribes, and approach nearer than any other of Caxton’s types to
what modern printers call “black letter.”
If, however, we divide the eight founts into distinct cuttings, we find
five:--
1st. Type No. 1.
2nd. Type No. 2, modified first into No. 2*, and again into No. 6.
3rd. Type No. 3.
4th. Type No. 4, modified into No. 4*.
5th. Type No. 5.
TYPE NO. 1.
Although we believe that Caxton had less to do with this than with any
of the later types, yet, as it is the first with which his name is
associated--as it is that by using which he obtained a knowledge of the
art of printing--and as it is the type of the first English-printed
book,--it is clothed with an interest peculiarly its own.
The only books printed with this fount are five:--
The Recuyell of the Histories of Troy 1472-74
The Game and Play of the Chess, 1st edition 1475-76
Le Recueil des Histoires de Troyes 1475-76
Les Fais du Chevalier Jason _after_ 1476
Les sept Pseaulmes penitenciaulx _after_ 1476
From the rarity of “Les Fais du Jason,” only one copy being in England,
and that inconvenient for prolonged examination, its peculiar features,
if any, are not noticed in the following remarks.
The first thing we observe in type No. 1 is, that its general
appearance is more free and manuscript-like than would be thought the
case from the square-set figure of each individual letter. This is, to
a considerable extent, caused by the great variety of letters, there
being only five for which there were not more than one matrix, either
as single letters or in combination: for, although the differences
between the various matrices of the same letter may be but very slight,
we have here the fundamental principle of freedom, namely, a recurrence
of modified sameness. The execution of the type is good, sharp, and
decided, with sufficient difference between the repetitions of the same
letter to indicate independence of tracing or mechanical contrivance;
hence probably the work of one accustomed to cut letters. The body of
the type, which is identical throughout the five books, is the same as
the recognised Great Primer of modern printers.
The complete fount embraced at least 163 sorts, of which we remark upon
the following:--
~ā~ is not used in the English books, but often occurs in the French
books.
~ē~ is not used in “The Recuyell” or the “Chess Book,” but often
occurs in “Le Recueil” and “Les sept Pseaulmes.”
~K~ is often used for an ~R~ in the French books, but always correctly
in the English books.
~Ω~.--This incongruous and badly-cut letter appears about twelve
times, in various grades of bad casting, before the recto of folio
36 of “The Recuyell,” after which it is not found.
~R~ is only found in the English books, where it is sometimes used for
a ~K~.
Arabic numerals do not occur in this fount.
There are only three marks of punctuation, which may be called--the
comma, or oblique stroke (/), the colon (:), and the full point
(.). They are used arbitrarily as to power, and in numerous
varieties of combination, such as,
[Illustration: .⸝ ./ /· ./· ·/. ⫽ :. .:. .·.:.·. &c., &c.]
From the foregoing remarks it will be seen that there are certain
letters peculiar to the English and others peculiar to the French books
printed in this type; and as these are not in any way attributable to
the fashion of the language, the fact strongly corroborates the opinion
that, although from the same printer, the compositor, and perhaps the
cases, were changed.
TYPE NO. 2.
This was the first fount used in England when Caxton set up his presses
at the “Red-pale” in the Almonry, and, before remarking upon its
peculiarities, we will give a list of the books known to have been
printed from it. Of these, as will be shown further on, there are two
easily-distinguished classes; those printed first, with type No. 2, and
those printed afterwards, with a re-casting of the fount, which we call
type No. 2*.
TYPE No. 2.
Les quatre derrennieres choses _ante_ 1477
History of Jason _circa_ 1477
Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 1st edition 1477
Horæ, 1st edition _circa_ 1477
Canterbury Tales, 1st edition _ante_ 1478
Moral Proverbs 1478
Anelida and Arcyte _circa_ 1478
Boethius de Consolatione Philosophiæ 1478
Propositio clarissimi Johannis Russell _ante_ 1479
Stans Puer ad Mensam _ante_ 1479
Parvus Catho and Magnus Catho, 1st edition _ante_ 1479
Ditto ditto 2nd edition _ante_ 1479
The Horse, the Sheep, and the Goose, 1st edition _ante_ 1479
Ditto ditto 2nd edition _ante_ 1479
Infancia Salvatoris _ante_ 1479
The Temple of Glass _ante_ 1479
The Chorle and the Bird, 1st edition _ante_ 1479
Ditto 2nd edition _ante_ 1479
The Temple of Brass _ante_ 1479
The Book of Courtesy, 1st edition _ante_ 1479
TYPE No. 2*.
Cordial 1479
Laurentius Gulielmus de Saona de Nova Rhethorica, _circa_ 1479
Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 2nd edit., _circa_ 1480
An Indulgence 1480
Parvus Catho and Magnus Catho, 3rd edition _circa_ 1480
Mirrour of the World, 1st edition 1480
Reynard the Fox, 1st edition 1480
Tully of Old Age, and of Friendship 1481
The Game and Play of the Chess, 2nd edition _circa_ 1481
This type has a more dashing, picturesque, and elaborate character
than type No. 1. It is an imitation of the “gros-bâtarde” type of
Colard Mansion, with some variation in the capital letters, which are
extremely irregular, not only in size but also in design, some being of
the simplest possible construction, whilst others have spurs, lines,
and flourishes.
The general appearance of type No. 2 is very different from that of
No. 2*, many letters in the earlier fount having a bolder and thicker
face than in the later; and the fact of there being a perfect division
of the books into two distinct classes prevents our attributing this
difference to either wear of type or faulty printing--the former would
be gradual, the latter irregular.
On comparing the two classes, letter by letter, we find several single
and compound letters occurring in the one and not in the other. Thus
~en~ (not final) is peculiar to the first class, while two forms of
~k~ without a loop in the head, double ~ll~ without loops, ~th~, ~wa~,
~we~, and ~wo~ are found in the second class only. Other letters are
so entirely different that a single example is convincing of their
not having been printed from the same founts; and the remainder,
although often very nearly alike, so constantly preserve some slight
characteristic peculiar to each section, that a close examination of
numerous instances, after making allowance for faulty printing, leads
to the conclusion that no letters of the first section are identical
with those of the second.
A minute examination discloses the general fact, that the letters of
Type No. 2* are somewhat thinner than those of Type No. 2, and that,
in numerous instances, the tops, the descending tails, and the titles
generally, have been truncated. For example, examine the letter ~f~
and its combinations in the two types; the second shows _always_ a
thinner-faced letter than the first. Again, notice how the tops of
the various ~d~s, the tails of ~en~ and ~in~, and the tails generally
appear in the second state. Observing that the two founts (2 and 2*)
are never mixed, and that all the books dated before 1479 occur in Type
No. 2, and all those dated after 1479 No. 2*, the two types appear
to indicate two distinct periods; and, taking into consideration the
peculiarities just noticed, it would seem that, upon the types becoming
worn, some of the best were selected, trimmed up with a graver, and
used for making matrices for a new casting. If this were not the case,
how should we account for the new fount being so nearly like the old?
for, the two not having been used together, there was no reason for
such care to make them match.
The body of Type No. 2 is the same as that of Type No. 2*, and is
exactly equal to two lines of “Long Primer” (Caslon’s standard), which
is very near to “Paragon.” A complete fount of Type No. 2 consisted of
217 sorts, and Type No. 2* of 254 sorts.
The ~&c~ of Type No. 1, which, if it occurred at all, might have been
expected in the first fount used in England, is found only in books
printed with Type No. 2*.
We may notice here that the sorts ~Iz~, ~ez~, ~br~, and others, presume
an intended French use of Type No. 2, a probability strengthened by the
~th~, and the combinations of ~w~, being later additions to the fount
in No. 2*.
TYPE NO. 3.
This grand type, which was in use from about 1479 to 1483, has perhaps
less direct interest for us than any of the others. No English book in
this type is known, and until a very recent period it was considered
merely as a supplementary fount used by Caxton for headings, &c.
But the discovery of a “Psalterium,” fragments of a “Horæ,” and a
“Directorium” proves that three works at least were printed entirely
with this fount. Upon these, especially the “Psalterium,” and upon the
headings of “Boethius,” the “Golden Legend,” and “Tully,” the following
remarks are based.
The small letters are an exact copy of those cast by the early German
founders, Fust and Schœffer, and are equally well executed. The capital
letters, however, are very unlike Fust’s, being for the most part a
modification of the Flemish “Secretary,” as already presented to us in
the gros-bâtarde type of Colard Mansion.
The body is identical, or very nearly so, with type No. 2, and is used
with it to distinguish proper names, &c., in the “Cordial” and in
“Tully,” but, having a much larger face, it is never in line.
The complete fount comprised 194 sorts. The stops generally are smaller
than those of type No. 2, which is remarkable, as the face of the
letter is much larger.
This type was intended for Latin works, as the contractions
sufficiently prove. All the books we have in it are in Latin, except
headings in the first edition of the “Golden Legend,” &c., and proper
names, as in the “Cordial” and “Tully.” Used almost entirely for Church
Service books, it does not seem to have been much in favour with
Caxton; but upon his death his successor, Wynken de Worde, came into
possession of it, and used it continually.
TYPE NO. 4.
Types No. 4 and 4* may be spoken of generally as _one_, there being
the same intimate connection between them as between Nos. 2 and 2*;
unlike them, however, there is a slight variation in the body, type
No. 4 being, as compared with the re-casting of it, or type No. 4*, as
20 is to 19. In other words, the body of type No. 4 is rather smaller
than that of Type No. 4*. This of course would only be possible by
direct intention with modern typefounders, who use the same moulds and
matrices for as many founts of the type as are required; but as is
shown in the chapter on typefounding, the moulds and matrices were in
those days very different.
The engraving of the types is neat, and appears to have been executed
by the same hand that cut type No. 2; but there is this difference
between the second states of the two founts--type No. 2* was, as
already shown, cast from matrices formed by the use of old casts of
type No. 2 as punches, after being trimmed by hand, but for types Nos.
4 and 4* there is the strongest evidence of the same punches having
been used, and therefore the variation of body is the more remarkable,
as it would have been as easy to make the re-casting agree in size
with the original as to make the letters of each fount agree among
themselves. The variation, however, is a fact.
The body of type No. 4 is very near indeed to modern English (Caslon’s
standard), and is the smallest of any used by Caxton. The re-casting,
or type No. 4* (which loses 1 in 20--that is to say, 19 lines of type
No. 4* take up only the same depth as 20 of type No. 4), is exactly two
lines of minion. The total number of sorts in type No. 4 appears to
have been 194, and in No. 4* 187, a few sorts not having been re-cast.
We will now give a list of the works for which this type, in its two
states, was employed.
TYPE No. 4.
The Chronicles of England, 1st edition 1480
The Description of Britain 1480
An Indulgence 1481
Curia Sapientiæ _circa_ 1481
Godfrey of Boloyne 1481
The Chronicles of England, 2nd edition 1482
Polycronicon 1482
The Pilgrimage of the Soul 1483
A Vocabulary 1483
Servitium de Visitatione _circa_ 1483
Confessio Amantis (_mostly_) 1483
Sex Epistolæ (_mostly_) 1483
The Knight of the Tower (_partly_) 1484
TYPE No. 4*.
The Festial, 1st edition 1483
Quatuor Sermones, 1st edition 1483
Confessio Amantis (_partly_) 1483
The Knight of the Tower (_mostly_) 1484
Caton _circa_ 1484
Golden Legend _circa_ 1484
Death-Bed Prayers _circa_ 1484
Æsop 1484
Order of Chivalry _circa_ 1484
Canterbury Tales, 2nd edition _circa_ 1484
Book of Fame _circa_ 1484
The Curial _circa_ 1484
Troylus and Creside _circa_ 1484
Life of our Lady _circa_ 1484
Life of St. Winifred _circa_ 1485
Life of King Arthur 1485
Life of Charles the Great 1485
Paris and Vienne 1485
The commas have a notable chronological bearing. The short comma
(~⸝~) was used alone up to the second edition of the “Chronicles,”
in 1482--is used occasionally with the long comma (~/~) in 1483--and
disappears entirely after that year.
A good test by which to distinguish 4 and 4* is the shape of the
lower-case ~w~; the letter with the curled top distinguishing the book
at once as belonging to type No. 4, whereas its absence is a sure sign
that the type is No. 4*.
Type No. 4* makes its first appearance among Caxton’s founts in a very
peculiar manner. In the autumn of 1483 he was engaged in printing two
works, Gower’s “Confessio Amantis” and the “Knight of the Tower.” At
sig. ~y~ of “Confessio Amantis” we find that the inmost sheet is in
type No. 4*, the three other sheets of the section being in type No.
4. Several pages in sig. ~z~; are also in No. 4*, and on sig. ~z iiij~
recto the first column is in No. 4, while the second column is in No.
4*. This mixture of founts by no means proves that the two were in
use at the same time; it only shows that before the cases containing
type No. 4 were finally emptied out to make room for the new fount,
one compositor had worked ahead of his fellows, who had not finished
their taking of copy when the new letter supplanted the old. The table,
although placed at the commencement of the book, was necessarily
printed last, and therefore, as a matter of course, we find type No.
4* used for it. In the “Knight of the Tower,” sig. ~f~ introduces the
new fount to us, all that follows, as well as the introductory matter,
being type No. 4*.
TYPE NO. 5.
There is much similarity of design between this and type No. 3, the
likeness between some of the letters being so close as to lead to the
conclusion that one artist cut both.
The books printed in this letter are as follows:--
The Royal Book _circa_ 1487
The Book of Good Manners 1487
Directorium Sacerdotum, 1st edition _circa_ 1487
Speculum Vitæ Christi _circa_ 1488
Commemoratio Lamentationis _circa_ 1488
The Doctrinal of Sapience 1489
Horæ _circa_ 1490
Servitium de Transfiguratione _circa_ 1491
In the 2nd edition of the “Golden Legend” (1487?), all the headings,
both of chapters and pages, are in this type.
Type No. 5 has no exact counterpart in the bodies of modern founders.
The nearest would be two lines of brevier, than which it is slightly
larger, losing one line in thirty-five. The total number of sorts
in use appears to have been 153. The comparative scarcity of double
letters is very noticeable. No Arabic numerals are used.
The large Lombardic capitals used with this fount have a bold and
striking appearance. Unlike any former fount of Caxton’s, they are
all cast with the largest face the body will bear, and without the
least beard. They are used, more or less, in every book printed with
this type, although in some books (_e.g._ “Royal” and “Speculum”) they
appear very seldom. They do not look at all well when used as initials
to a word, on account of their size preventing them ranging with the
sequent letters, and this may have been the cause why Caxton, except
in the “Directorium,” made a very sparing use of them, save indeed
that he converted them into quadrats. For this purpose they were
doubtless adapted by some shortening process, which, however, has not
prevented them cropping out continually in the blank spaces of the
head lines and signature lines, where they often assume a very puzzling
appearance. In the latest books printed with type No. 5 these Lombardic
capitals appear as _red_ initials, printed at a separate operation.
This use for them was, doubtless, the invention of Caxton’s successor,
Wynken de Worde, who appears to have inherited his master’s working
materials.
TYPE NO. 6.
The body of this fount is great primer (Caslon’s standard) within a
shade, being almost the same as type No. 1. The number of sorts in the
fount is, for Caxton, very small, amounting to only 138. It may be
called Caxton’s last fount, for it came into use in 1489, and was used
for books up to 1491, the date of Caxton’s death. Indeed, there seems
good reason for supposing that for some time after Caxton’s death it
served his successor, Wynken de Worde. With it the following works were
printed:--
The Fayts of Arms 1489
Statutes of Henry VII _circa_ 1489
The Gouvernal of Health _circa_ 1489
Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition _circa_ 1489
Blanchardin and Eglantine _circa_ 1489
The Four Sons of Aymon _circa_ 1489
Directorium Sacerdotum, 2nd edition _circa_ 1489
Eneydos _circa_ 1490
The Fifteen Oes, &c. _circa_ 1490
The Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers, 3rd edition _circa_ 1490
The Mirrour of the World, 2nd edition _circa_ 1490
Divers Ghostly Matters _circa_ 1490
The Art and Craft to know well to Die _circa_ 1491
The Book of Courtesy, 2nd edition _circa_ 1491
The Festial, 2nd edition _circa_ 1491
Quatuor Sermones, 2nd edition _circa_ 1491
The Chastising of God’s Children _circa_ 1491
A Treatise of Love _circa_ 1491
We have in this fount another remarkable instance of the contrivances
employed by the early typefounders. A new fount was required, but
whether Caxton gave the founders instructions concerning its size, or
whether the fount was cast first, and then sold to our printer, there
seems no possibility of discovering; but this we can prove from the
pages themselves, that the greater portion of type No. 6 was made from
the punches, or from old letters of Caxton’s Nos. 2 and 2*. The body
is rather smaller, nine lines occupying the same depth as eight lines
of No. 2; and it is amusing to observe the shifts and contrivances
resorted to for reducing those letters which, in type No. 2, occupied
the full body. For instance, the ~A~, ~M~, and ~N~ have the flourish
which passes under the letter brought close up to the letter itself.
The ~K~ was also treated in the same way, but the violence used has
damaged the flourish so much that, in most instances, it broke away;
in some cases, however, it remains in a most pitiable and crippled
condition. The corresponding flourish in the ~B~ has been boldly
cropped off. ~F~ and ~J~ are strangely transformed, evidently by a blow
on the soft metal, lengthwise. A few characters altogether new appear,
and a few interpolations from other founts, besides a quaint set of
Lombardic capitals, among which occurs now and then a letter from the
Lombardic fount used with type No. 5. The total number of sorts was 141.
But here the question may very naturally be asked, How do we know that
the books in the foregoing lists which are without date, without place,
and without printer’s name, although printed with the same types as
those of Caxton, are not really from the workshop of another printer,
who had obtained his material from the same source as our printer? The
evidence is entirely negative, but it is nevertheless very strong.
When a new branch of industry becomes sufficiently developed, one of
the immediate consequences is a division of labour. Thus typefounders
became separated from printers, as soon as the latter became
sufficiently numerous to keep the former in constant employment. The
earliest printers were almost of necessity their own typefounders, and
it appears that they each made or otherwise exclusively possessed those
patterns of types which they used. There is certainly no evidence that
prior to the end of the 15th century the types of one printer were at
the same time in use by another. This exclusive use of types has been
accepted as a fact by the best authorities, and has been of great use
to the bibliographer in identifying the printer of books _sine ullâ
notâ_, for a printer may thus be recognised at once by his types, just
as a man may be distinguished by his handwriting.
THE COMPOSITOR.
We will now suppose a fount of type delivered over to the compositors
to be laid in the cases, an operation requiring much more care than
in the present day, on account of the numerous double letters and
combinations. One result of the combinations would be to equalise the
size of the boxes, as the letter “e” for instance, which now requires
the largest box, would then most frequently occur in combination with
one of the consonants, and not be used alone oftener than many other
letters. Counting the respective numbers used of each sort throughout
many pages of different books, the fact is ascertained that single
vowels and single consonants were more often required than any one
particular combination. Arranging a case on the basis that the sorts
most in use should be placed before the compositor in the position
most accessible to his fingers, and remembering that in all the old
representations of a “case” there is no division into upper and
lower as now, we arrive at the accompanying plan, which is doubtless
a tolerably exact representation of a compositor’s case as used by
Caxton. There are 209 boxes, which would lead to some little difficulty
in keeping “clean cases;” and one need feel no surprise at finding
wrong letters so often making their appearance in Caxton’s pages. The
combinations of _in_, _ni_, _un_, _nu_, _nn_, _im_, _mi_ were often
found in the wrong boxes, and have brought down to the present day the
strongest evidence against the usefulness of logotypes.
[Illustration: Plate VII.
_The oldest known representation of a Printing Press. Paris, 1507._
_Luther’s Press. Augsburg, 1522._]
In the earliest representation of a printing office the press is
always made the most prominent object; very often, however, as in
Plate VII, with a compartment for the compositor. Figure 1 is the
earliest instance, and we there see a compositor at work. Before him
is the case divided into even boxes, and raised on a cleft stick is
the copy. The composing-stick is in his _right_ hand, doubtless owing
to the engraver not having reversed the drawing from which he copied:
it is held correctly by the man in Plate VIII. We have already noticed
the use of a composing-stick and setting-rule, and the evenness of
lines consequent thereon. It was not adopted at Westminster until
1480, although Caxton must often have seen the improved appearance
which lines of an even length gave to the page in the numerous
works previously issued from all the Continental presses. He would,
doubtless, have imitated them had his mechanical appliances permitted;
but we do not find evenness of page until the arrival of type No. 4, in
the year 1480; and then, probably for the first time, composing-sticks,
setting-rules, and chases were seen in the Westminster printing office.
Before this the types were no doubt, as M. Bernard has shown to be the
case in the later block books and the early examples of Dutch printing,
taken straight from their boxes, and placed side by side in a sort of
coffin, made of hard wood, with a stout bottom, and screws at the foot
to tighten the page when completed. The width of the page could not be
extended beyond the internal measurement of the “coffin,” but might be
reduced at pleasure by placing down either side a straight piece of
wood. The length of the page would be regulated in a similar manner, by
varying the thickness of the foot-block against which the screws worked.
[Illustration: Plate VIII.
_The “Prelum Ascensianum.” Paris, 1520._]
Let us, then, imagine the workman with his wooden box before him. The
further end would be slightly raised, to keep the types from falling
forward. He begins at the left-hand corner, and adding, from the case,
letter to letter, soon gets to the end of the first line, and, not
having room for the next word, makes it quite tight with quadrats or
spaces. Then comes the second line, and this, as well as all the rest,
would not be so easy. Placing rough types _upon_ rough types admits of
very little shifting or adjustment, and to this fact, I imagine, we
must attribute the practice of leaving the lines of an uneven length
in early books. Any attempt to push along the words of a line in order
to introduce more space between them, without some plan of easing
the friction, would be certain to break up the line altogether--and
so the lines were left just as they happened to fall, whether full
length or short. Sometimes, when a word would come into the line
with a little reduction of the space between the last two words, the
space was reduced accordingly; but more often a syllable at the end
of the line was contracted, such as “men” into “mē,” or “vertuous”
into “vertuoꝰ.” Most often the compositor, knowing the practice to be
understood by his readers, would finish his line with just so many
letters as his measure would take, and accordingly it is common to find
words divided thus:--why-|che th|at w|ymen w|iche m|an. But when once
the “setting-rule” was brought into use all that was altered, and the
various words of a line could be pushed about, and the spaces between
them augmented or reduced with ease. Having completed his proper number
of lines, the foot-piece would be placed after the last line for the
foot-screws to work upon, and the “form” would be ready for press.
There being a bottom to the box, nothing could fall out, and, although
doubtless not very tight in some parts, the sloppy ink then used would
not, like modern stiff ink, draw up any loose letters.
If the sides of these coffins, or wooden boxes, were equal in height
with the types they enclosed, they would, like them, leave their mark
on the paper. This was the case in some of the early Dutch block-books,
where the sides of the chase appear occasionally printed in the margin.
I have searched in vain for any marks of the chase in the margins of
Caxton’s books. But whatever method he used--whether he screwed up the
types in wooden boxes, or whether he used iron chases,--one thing is
very plain in nearly every book he issued, either the “justification”
was bad, or the pages were “locked up” very loosely, for quadrats and
spaces are continually “working up” and showing themselves.
The composing-sticks were originally of hard wood, without any sliding
adjustment; one set, all the same, were for folio pages, another for
quarto, another for octavo.
“Reglets,” or thin pieces of hard wood the length of a line, appear
never to have been used. When a “white” line was wanted under a
chapter head or over a colophon, em quadrats were ranged side by side
for the purpose, and very often capital letters which had been reduced
in height for the purpose, although often not sufficiently. These low
capitals would often work up while at press, and make undesirable
appearances in very conspicuous places. For examples the reader may
examine the “Royal Book,” and “Speculum Vitæ Christi,” in the British
Museum.
The “balls” with which the page was inked before taking an impression
appear to have undergone no change in shape or make from the earliest
times until the very beginning of the present century. When, however,
the flexible composition now in use was invented it soon entirely
superseded the old plan, and now it is a matter of great difficulty to
find an old pair of balls. These balls were hollow hemispheres of wood
with a handle. Wool was fitted into the hollow, upon which the skin, or
“pelt,” was nailed on the side more than half-way round; then more wool
was pushed in till the skin was quite tight: the last nails were then
hammered in, and the balls fit for use.
[Illustration: WOODEN COMPOSING-STICK.]
The page having been completed by the compositor, it went to press in
its chase or wooden box without any further operation. The business of
“reader” as yet was not. All the workmen’s blunders and errors, the
turned letters, the wrong sorts, and the numerous literal mistakes were
left uncorrected. Even whole lines were occasionally omitted by the
workman, and the omission remained throughout the edition, affording
indisputable evidence that “proof sheets” after composition were quite
unknown. At page 125 of Lewis’s “Life of Caxton,” we read concerning
our printer--“As he printed long before the present Method of adding
the _Errata_ at the End of Books was in Use and Practice, so his
extraordinary Exactness obliged him to take a great deal more Pains
than can easily be imagined; for, after a Book was printed off, his way
was to revise it, and correct the Faults in it with red Ink, as they
then used to correct their written Books. This being done to one Copy,
he caused one of his Servants to run through the whole Impression, and
correct the Faults he had noted with a Stanesil or Red-lead Pencil,
which he himself afterwards compared with his own corrected Copy, to
see that none of the Corrections he had made were omitted.” A most
laborious task indeed, had so foolish an idea ever entered the mind
of so practical a man as Caxton; but the whole assertion is a mere
fiction, started by Bagford, adopted by Lewis, and repeated by every
subsequent writer, without a shadow of evidence to support it. The
only books in which manuscript additions were made at the time of
publication were the “Polycronicon” and “Mirrour of the World.” The
former, in the majority of copies, has the year of the world and the
regnal year engrossed in red ink on the side margins; and the latter,
in the woodcut of the seven concentric circles which represent the
astronomical heavens, has the names of the celestial spheres written in
black ink between each circle. But although I have examined about five
hundred of Caxton’s books, I have never seen anything approaching to a
grammatical correction coëval with the date of the book.
Many people have been puzzled by the abnormal punctuation in Caxton’s
books. As a rule he employed three points, the comma, the colon, and
the period or full point. Notwithstanding these three varieties, Caxton
appears to have been entirely ignorant of any, even the most archaic,
principle of punctuation. Nor indeed could we expect anything else
unless we suppose him, in a literary sense, far in advance of his age.
In order to place ourselves as level as possible with the ideas of the
fifteenth century regarding punctuation, it will be necessary to trace
the use of points to their origin.
Like everything else, including the invention of printing, punctuation
was no sudden discovery: on the contrary, it had a most feeble and
protracted infancy. The earliest known manuscripts are without points,
and all the words run on without spaces between them. The confusion
which resulted led to the plan of separating the words by a single dot.
Then a space between the words superseded the dot, which was turned
to another use, viz., to show the end of a phrase or sentence. The
Greek grammarians were the first to notice that sentences might be
divided into parts or limbs. They called a complete sentence a period,
a limb was a colon, and a clause a comma. But these divisions were for
centuries but theoretical, the most careful writers paying but little
attention to them, and the scribes, commonly, none. Ælius Donatus, who
lived in the fifth century of the Christian era, and wrote a grammar
which served as a text-book for all Europe until long after the
invention of printing, was the first to distinguish by points the three
divisions of the Greek grammarians. He did not, however, get beyond the
dot, which he placed at the bottom of the line to designate the comma,
in the middle of the line for the colon, and at the top of the line for
the period.
In the ninth and tenth centuries the oblique stroke as a comma, and the
double dot for a colon, came into use by careful writers; the majority,
however, used either no points at all or the dot in all its positions
without discrimination. Often the dot at the top of the line was the
only division for all parts of a sentence. The remembrance of these
various practices among the writers of books will serve to explain many
of the peculiarities of punctuation in our early-printed books.
The multiplication of books by the printing-press brought out
strongly the anomalies of punctuation, but it was half a century
later before any general system was adopted. The first printers were
not grammarians, nor can they be expected to show a knowledge of
punctuation in advance of their age. Even those learned printers,
Aldus, Manutius, and Henry Stephens, were quite ignorant of systematic
punctuation, as their books plainly show; so that we need not think
any the worse of Caxton or our other early printers if in this
respect they too were very faulty. When, however, system at last was
developed, it was to the printers and not to the authors that the
improvement was due.
Turning now to the books of Caxton, we find, as already stated, that he
employed three points. His commas were long (/) or short (⸝) strokes;
his colon was like ours, one dot over another; and his period was a
lozenge-shaped dot at top. All these were used very capriciously; in
fact, Caxton made very little distinction between them, nor did his
workmen. Each compositor seems to have kept his points all in one
box, and to have used them at haphazard. We find even a head line
with one comma before, and another after it. Full points are commonly
used in the same way. The full point at top often shows the middle
of a sentence, and not seldom we see a dance of all the points used
thus .:.//˙:˙/⸝ celebrate the conclusion of a book or chapter, the
compositor apparently regarding them as ornamental devices.
Some of Caxton’s books are entirely without points, notably those in
poetry or in Latin. In others the full point or the colon is used
exclusively. In “Paris and Vienne” only the long comma is seen. His
long and short commas are used without any variation of meaning. The
semicolon did not exist for Caxton, although something like it appears
once in his great heading type. The paragraph mark (¶) as showing
the commencement of a fresh sentence, and the coloured initial which
answered the same purpose, did good duty for the full point. The hyphen
is frequently met with, and where the line was crowded, Caxton often
employed the colon, which was half the thickness, in lieu of it.
Not until we are well into the sixteenth century do we find printers
adopting an acknowledged system of graduated points; and our surprise
that standard authors like Chaucer and Lydgate should have ignored all
systematic punctuation must be greatly modified when we remember that,
after four centuries of the printing-press, modern authors and printers
have their vagaries, and that even now no two authorities agree as to
the correct usage of the points of punctuation.
PRESSES, PRESSMEN, AND PRINTING-INK.
The method adopted by the earliest printers to obtain impressions
from their blocks was to lay the sheet to be printed on the already
inked block, and to rub it carefully. Wood-engravers of the present
day take proofs in the same manner. The plan was continued for block
printing many years after the invention of moveable types. The method
of obtaining an impression by a direct pressure downwards is generally
supposed to have been synchronous with the use of moveable types.
Mr. Ottley, however, describes several of the earliest wood-blocks,
which he had no doubt were printed by means of a press. Of one he
states, “I am in possession of a specimen of wood engraving, printed
in black oil colour on both sides the paper by a downright pressure,
which I consider to have been, without doubt, printed in or before the
year 1445.” There can be no question, therefore, that the earliest
type-printers found a press ready to their hands; but as we have no
description of the mechanism of the early presses, we must, as in the
instance of typefounding, have recourse to the first dated engravings.
The earliest representations of a printing-press are found in the works
of Jodocus Badius Ascensius, the celebrated printer of Paris. Two of
these are delineated in Plates VII and VIII, whereof the earlier is
found as a printer’s device in the title of a work dated 1507. The
large press, Plate IX, having upon its basement the date 1520, was
taken from the Bagford collection, and has hitherto been generally
considered as the earliest representation of a printing-press. The
small press was taken from a tract of Luther’s dated 1522. The other
comes also from the Bagford fragments, and appears to be about the
middle of the sixteenth century, as the mechanism of the spindle is
evidently improved. It is represented here, however, principally on
account of the figure of a typefounder seen through a door in the
background, a feature very rarely pourtrayed: I have not been able
to trace the work for which this woodcut was designed. In all these
presses the principle is the same. There is a simple worm screw, with a
long pin for a lever; the head of the press and the table bear
the pressure, and the “hose,” as the transverse piece between the screw
and the platen was called, served to steady the downward pressure. The
girths, drum, and handle served to run the table out and in, and the
tympans and frisket were identical in principle, if not in appearance,
with those now used. In Plate IX we see some of the pressman’s
appliances exposed to view. There is the shears for cutting out his
tympan-sheet, and for general purposes; next to it is a pick-brush for
cleaning out picks in the type; a pair of compasses for accurately
testing the “furniture” between the pages; and, lastly, a screw point
for making “register.”
[Illustration: Plate IX.
_From a German Book of Trades, A.D. 1568._]
To each press is assigned two workmen; one is pulling lustily at the
bar, while the other is distributing ink upon the balls previously to
beating the form. The two heaps of printed and white paper, in Fig.
2, appear to our modern notions very awkwardly placed, being both on
the _off_ side of the press, so that the workman had to reach over
the form whenever he took up or laid down a fresh sheet of paper. As
however this peculiarity is represented continually, and so late as the
seventeenth century, it was doubtless a common custom.
[Illustration: Plate X.
_Scheme of Caxton’s Type Case._]
No doubt the ink was better and the impression harder in the time
of these presses than in Caxton’s time. His ink was of the weakest
description, and the amount of power required for a “pull” of the press
proportionately weak, the one necessitating the other. His presses, in
the earlier part of his printing career, did not take more than a post
folio page; and, with a very sloppy ink, the pull, if strong, would
have made a confused mass of black instead of a legible impression. As
it is, the ink has been almost invariably squeezed over the edge of the
letters, and has contorted their shape. Few indeed, although practical
men, would imagine the deceptive nature of an impression taken from new
types with weak ink and light pressure. In such a case the type appears
at one time much thicker than it is, from the “spuing” of the ink--at
another time battered, with some portion of it broken--and again, to
use a technical term, as if it were all “off its feet.”
The representation of the “Printer” in the “Book of Trades,” 1569,
shows that the presses then were fitted with both “tympans” and
“frisket;” and many signs lead to the belief that similar appliances
were used by Caxton’s workmen. In short pages we often find a few lines
of matter put at the bottom, which was blocked out by the frisket, and
answered the purpose of a “bearer.” Several instances occur in the
“Godfrey,” at the Public Library, Cambridge; also in the “Life of Our
Lady,” at the British Museum. In “Speculum vitæ Christi” we actually
find “a bite,” half of the bottom line remaining unprinted.
We have already noticed that only one page at a time was worked in
the earlier part of Caxton’s career, although later, at the probable
introduction of Wynken de Worde, two pages were managed. This
necessitated great care in getting the unsigned pages in their right
places, and that such care was needed is proved by several instances of
transposition.
Before leaving this portion of our subject, a peculiarity probably
connected with the mechanism of the press must be noticed. A small hole
at the four corners of each sheet appears in every book printed with
type No. 1. Such holes (first noticed by Mr. Tupper) have not been
observed in any books printed with the later types, except “Quatre
derrennieres choses.” The employment of points by modern pressmen to
obtain accuracy of register, and the punctures (called “point holes”)
in the paper, consequent upon the use of them, are well known. The
holes under notice certainly suggest a similar practice.
After due time allowed for the ink to dry upon the paper, the printed
sheets passed into the hands of the binder, whose operations come next
under consideration.
THE BOOKBINDER.
The art of bookbinding had not in England, in the fifteenth century,
reached the perfection seen in the beautiful Continental specimens of
the same period. Nor indeed was any uncommon binding required for the
cheap productions of Caxton’s press. His sheets were not, as in modern
practice, pressed between glazed boards after being printed, but went,
without further process, from the press side to the hands of the
binder. The few specimens which have reached us in a pristine state
show the indentation, more or less distinct, made by the types. The
edition of “Eneydos,” 1490, was hurried through the binder’s hands so
soon after the first section (which, containing the prologue and table,
necessarily went to press last) was printed, that all the leaves of
that section, in every copy I have seen, show a very bad “set-off” from
the type on the opposite pages.
To enable the binder to collate the sheets of each section correctly,
it was the custom, as well with the scribes as with the printers, to
place distinguishing marks on the first page of each sheet; these were
called signatures, and as Caxton used only 4ns for his books, the
binder (as a rule) was sure that when he had got sheets ~a j~, ~a ij~,
~a iij~, ~a iiij~, together his section was complete. Some printers,
who were irregular as to the number of sheets in a section, adopted
the plan of signing the centre sheet of every section upon the third
as well as the first page, so that the binder by this distinguishing
mark might directly see the number of sheets intended for each section,
however great the irregularity. In such cases the 4n would be signed
on the first five rectos, leaving only three unsigned. Caxton, however,
never adopted this plan, his sections always containing the same number
of unsigned as of signed leaves. The sheets having been collected
into sections, the signatures served again to collate the sections
into volumes, the only use for which they are now retained. All the
early books from Caxton’s press are described as unsigned, because the
signatures were not printed, but inserted in manuscript at the extreme
bottom of the page.
The modern binder begins by folding all his sheets into quarto,
octavo, &c., according to the size of the book, each folded sheet
making a section; they are then collated and bound. In Caxton’s books
the collation of the sheets preceded the folding. It has been already
observed that the quarto sizes were treated, both in printing and
binding, as folio, the paper being cut in half before going to press.
The type was so arranged that when three, four, or five sheets were
folded one inside another, quirewise, the pages should be in their
proper sequence. The open sheets of each section being gathered were
knocked even, and folded in the middle. This adoption of one plan for
books of all sizes was in accordance with the old usage of the scribes,
who necessarily cut their vellum sheets to the intended size before the
manuscript was commenced, and varied their sections from three sheets,
if very thick, to six or seven, if very thin. The section of three
sheets was called “ternio”--of four sheets “quaternus”--of five sheets
“quinternus”--and so on. Caxton adopted the “quaternus” or “quaternion”
for all his books, using a larger or smaller section only if the
beginning or end required it. Wynken de Worde, however, made frequent
use of the ternion.
From the foregoing remarks we see that the ternion and quaternion must
necessarily be arranged in the order of the following diagrams, by
consulting which the reader may easily know the pages belonging to any
given sheet.
A TERNION--Three sheets of paper folded in half, quirewise, or one
inside another. This gives six leaves, or twelve pages.
[Illustration]
A QUATERNION--Four sheets of paper folded in half, quirewise, or one
inside another. This gives eight leaves, or sixteen pages.
[Illustration]
If this arrangement be kept in mind it will be found very useful in
many ways. For instance, it is often important to know whether a leaf
preceded the first printed page, and, if so, whether the blank leaf
found in many volumes is that leaf. It is plain that if a quaternion
was adopted for the first section, then the first and the eighth
leaf would belong to the same sheet of paper; and therefore if sig.
~a~ 8 had a watermark sig. ~aj~ should not have any; if ~aij~ had a
watermark, ~a~7 should be without, and so on with ~aiij~ and ~a~6,
and with ~aiiij~ and ~a~5, where we arrive at the middle sheet of the
section, and where a careful examination in the fold will certainly
show the thread of the binder, always a true sign of the centre. These
indications are often the only decisive evidence of the completeness or
incompleteness of a volume, and enable us to decide, even where printed
signatures are wanting, the true collation of a book.
Catchwords are not found in any of Caxton’s books, although here and
there a word by itself at the foot of a page may look very like one;
but in every instance this word will be found to form an integral part
of the text, and therefore in no sense a catchword, which by its very
nature must be treated as the first word of the next page.
In paper manuscripts of the fifteenth century it is not uncommon to
find vellum used for the inmost sheet of each section, or to find a
slip of parchment pasted down the centre of each section. This was to
give an increase of strength to the back where the binder’s thread
would be likely to tear through the paper. Instances where these slips
are used are common in “unwashed” specimens from Caxton’s press. The
manuscript volume at Althorp, containing “Propositio,” is treated so
throughout, and in the quarto poems at Cambridge the marks of the
paste, where the slip was torn away at the rebinding of the volume, are
very visible.
The earliest pictorial representation of a binder at work is displayed
in the little “Book of Trades,” to which reference has already been
made; but as there is nothing in it peculiar to the age we will pass
on to the material of the covers. This was very frequently only a
stiff piece of parchment, with the edges turned in, and a blank leaf
pasted down inside as a lining. A few books still remain in this state,
just as issued from the “Red-pale” by Caxton. Such are the copies
of “Tully de Senectute” in Queen’s College, Oxford; the “Art and
Craft,” “Directorium,” and the “Game and Play of the Chess,” in the
Bodleian; and the “Godfrey of Boloyne” in the library of Mr. Holford.
If intended to be more durable, Caxton used “boards” sometimes made
of oak, or beech, and sometimes (fortunately for bibliographers)
of waste sheets from the press pasted together. These were covered
with brown sheepskin, upon which was a simple pattern of circles,
or crosses, or dragons, &c. Instances may still be seen in the 2nd
edition of the “Festial” at the British Museum; in the “Servitium
de Transfiguratione,” lately purchased for the same library; in the
2nd edition of the “Mirrour of the World,” at Bristol; and at other
libraries. In the last-mentioned volume four leaves of the unique
“Fifteen Oes” were used as linings for the inside of the boards. An
account of a “Boethius,” of which the interior of the covers was
composed entirely of “waste sheets,” is given in the description of
that work.
When bound, we may consider that the book was generally ready
for delivery to the purchaser. It was so with all Caxton’s later
publications, but the earlier books still required the services of the
rubrisher.
THE ILLUMINATOR, THE RUBRISHER, AND THE WOOD-ENGRAVER.
It has already been noticed that, in the latter half of the fifteenth
century, the great development of book manufacture led to a
corresponding division of labour. Thus in Bruges we find there were
_Scrivers_, or persons who wrote the text only of books, _Verlichters_,
or Rubrishers, who probably confined their attention to illuminated
capitals, and _Vinghette makers_ (miniatores), who were artists capable
of designing and painting subjects. In only one instance do the books
of Caxton suggest the idea that the services of the _Vinghette maker_
were to have been employed. At the commencement of his edition of
Gower’s “Confessio Amantis” (sig. 1, 4), the prologue of the author
is begun more than half-way down the page. The blank was evidently
intended for a design of some sort, possibly for a large woodcut,
after the fashion of Colard Mansion, who printed all the great cuts
to his “Ovid” by a separate working. As a rule, however, Caxton’s
books required no help from the vinghette maker, although he certainly
employed, so late as 1485, the services of a rubrisher, to insert the
initial letters at the beginning of chapters, and to make paragraph
marks in appropriate places. For this purpose a vermilion ink was
nearly always used, although occasionally a light blue alternated. For
the initial of the first chapter a square space was left equal to the
depth of four or five lines of type: for succeeding chapters a space of
two lines was generally considered sufficient.
The first use of woodcut initials was in 1484, after which year they
were never (except on rare occasions when a sort ran short) omitted.
Caxton had only two or three of each letter, and sometimes only one,
as may easily be seen by the recurrence of a particular initial.
Some of them have their heavy blackness relieved by a few white dots
punctured in the face of the letter, a practice frequently adopted by
the German school to lighten the groundwork of early woodcuts. Caxton’s
initials are varied in shape, and often elegant in design, but with
the exception of the floriated ~A~ at the beginning of the “Order of
Chivalry,” and “Æsop,” and perhaps the ~B~ in “Eneydos,” they demand no
especial notice. A few of them are given here.
The woodcut illustrations to Caxton’s books have not received much
attention from the writers on the early history of wood engraving.
Strutt, Singer, and Ottley in his “Enquiry” have omitted to
notice them. Dibdin and Jackson have devoted a few pages to their
consideration; and Ottley, in the posthumous work on the “Invention of
Printing,” has some interesting remarks on the early use of the art in
England. His opinions are enforced by a facsimile of some rude woodcuts
in his own possession, which he believed to have been executed as early
as the celebrated S. Christopher of 1423. From his arguments we may
conclude that although no great amount of vitality can be attributed to
the art of wood engraving in England in the early part of the fifteenth
century, it nevertheless was known and practised by native artists;
and that the use of native talent for Caxton’s books was therefore
possible.
At the same time it requires no artistic education to see that there
is a great similarity in general appearance between the illustrations
in some of the early Dutch books, and the woodcuts of Caxton’s “Chess
Book,” “Golden Legend,” and others. In the “Troy Book,” folio,
printed at Augsburg in 1483, and the French-printed “Æsop,” 1476, the
broad outline and heavy black feet of the figures at once suggest a
similarity of style if not identity of artist. But whether Caxton’s
cuts be native or foreign, there can be little doubt of the origin
of the designs. His artist merely copied the outlines found in the
manuscript from which the book was being (or to be) printed. At that
period there were a certain number of standard works always in demand,
and for each of these the illuminators had a conventional treatment,
which appears repeated over and over again in different books. To those
who have examined the illuminated manuscripts of the fifteenth century,
executed in the Low Countries (of which there are numerous examples in
the Royal Collection of the British Museum), the identity of design and
treatment in Caxton’s engravings will be evident.
It is somewhat remarkable that woodcut illustrations preceded the use
of woodcut initials in Caxton’s books by about four years. In the
“Fables of Æsop,” 1484, we meet with printed initials for the first
time, while woodcuts, illustrative of the text, had been used in great
abundance for the “Golden Legend,” the “Chess Book,” the “Mirrour of
the World,” 1st edition, and “Parvus et Magnus Catho,” the last dating
about 1481.
The following is a list of all the books printed by Caxton with woodcut
illustrations:--
Parvus et Magnus Catho, 3rd ed. 1481? Two designs.
Mirrour of the World, 1st ed. 1481 Numerous designs.
The Game and Play of the Chess, 1481? Sixteen designs.
2nd ed.
Golden Legend 1484 Very numerous designs.
Canterbury Tales, 2nd ed. 1484 Very numerous designs.
Æsop 1484 Very numerous designs.
Initials first used.
Order of Chivalry 1484 Large floriated ~A~.
Royal Book 1487? Seven small designs.
Speculum vitæ Christi 1488? Numerous designs.
Doctrinal of Sapience 1489 Two designs.
Horæ, 3rd ed. 1490? A fragment, with one design.
Servitium Transfiguratione 1490? One small design.
The Fifteen Oes 1490? The Crucifixion cut and
borders.
Mirrour of the World, 2nd ed. 1490? Old cuts reprinted.
Divers Ghostly Matters 1490? One small design.
Had Caxton’s opportunities allowed, he would probably have used the
wood-engraver’s art to a much greater extent. The above table shows
that in 1481, when he first employed woodcuts, he also discontinued
them; that in 1484 he again, for one year only, used them; and that in
1487 they took a permanent position in his typography. This seeming
capriciousness was probably owing to the difficulty experienced in
obtaining the services of a wood engraver.
The engravings in 1481, 1484, and partly in 1487-8, appear to have come
from the hand of the same artist. In the last year, however, we find
considerable improvement, as shown in the illustrations to the “Royal
Book,” and “Speculum Vitæ Christi;” but Caxton’s best specimen of the
wood-engraver’s art, and one which has been much praised by Dibdin, and
especially Jackson, for its composition and feeling, is the well-known
“Crucifixion.” This design is frequently seen in the books of Wynken
de Worde, who received great credit for it until its earlier use was
discovered as a frontispiece to Caxton’s “Fifteen Oes.”
The largest woodcut known to have been used in Caxton’s books is the
Assembly of Saints, at the beginning of all the editions of the
“Golden Legend,” and the smallest, of which there are four, are found
in illustrations to the text in the “Speculum vitæ Christi.”
This portion must not, however, be dismissed without a few words upon
that most interesting of all Caxton’s woodcuts, the large device.
Caxton used but one; the small device, of a similar design, which is
commonly attributed to him, and which is first seen in the “Chastising
of God’s Children,” being certainly not earlier than 1491, in which
year he died.
The interpretation of the device offers a question by no means of
easy solution. We may dismiss, as unworthy of serious notice, the
suggestions that the figures should be reversed to read 1447, or that
the 74 or 47 refers to Caxton’s age and not to a particular year. The
problem to be solved is, does the design mean 74, and if so, why did
Caxton use the year 1474 on his device? Bibliographers have hitherto
assumed that it must be in reference to the introduction of printing
into England, and quote the colophon to the 1st edition of the “Chess
Book” in support of the argument. But, as already shown, the date of
the “Chess Book” refers to the translation of the work, the printing
having been certainly accomplished later at Bruges, and probably in
1476, Caxton’s settlement at Westminster not having occurred until late
in that year, or in 1477.
The first to suggest that this mark had no reference whatever to Arabic
figures was Mr. Bradshaw of Cambridge; and his opinion has of late
received an interesting and curious confirmation. Mr. Adin Williams
of Kempsford, in the course of some antiquarian researches, took a
rubbing of a monumental brass in Standon Church, Herts, and was struck
by the resemblance which a part of it bore to Caxton’s well-known
mark. The brass is in bad condition, but it is easily deciphered, and
is in memory of John Felde, alderman of London, who, like Caxton, was
a mercer. The alderman is represented kneeling, with two sons and a
daughter behind him. Above, on one side, are the family arms; on the
other is his trade mark as a mercer. The surrounding legend is:--“~John
Felde, Alderman of London, Merchaunt of the Staple of Caleis. Dyed m.
cccc. lxxvij.~”
The mark of Felde is here given, the dotted line only being imaginary;
and beside it, for the sake of comparison, is a reduction of Caxton’s
mark. It will be seen that if the top pennant of Felde’s mark were
cut away, and the loop added, we should then have a close resemblance
to the so-called figures in Caxton’s device. That Felde’s mark is a
combination of conventional forms then commonly used by merchants is
undeniable; and Caxton’s device is doubtless of a similar character. It
is his personal seal, and the central part is probably the very same
mark as that used by him when, as Governour of the English Nation, he
stamped every bale of British goods which entered or issued from the
city of Bruges.
[Illustration: Two devices with Caxton’s mark]
The debate upon Caxton’s device has until lately been confined to
the central portion, the surroundings having been by general consent
considered merely as ornamentation. In all probability this view is
correct; but, as hidden meanings have been discovered in these side
ornaments, no apology is needed for their introduction here, however
fanciful they may be. Mr. Madden, of Versailles, a well-known writer
upon all matters of palæotypography, says in one of his letters[12]
that the ornament to the left of the ~W~ is clearly the letter S, while
that on the opposite side is a C.
These initials, he feels sure, refer to the words _Sancta Colonia_,
the city in which he supposes Caxton to have learned his art. Not so,
says another critic; S. C. must surely mean the Staple of Calais,
that great wool-mart of which, like Felde, Caxton was a merchant; the
freedom of which was a privilege he might well be proud of, and which
would give him certain important rights in the importation of books.
Ah! says critic No. 3, but Caxton held an important post in the city
of Bruges, and had to place his official seal on all English goods
imported or exported, so that, in remembrance of this, S. C., or
“Sigillum Caxtoni,” would be very appropriate initials on his trade
mark.
These guesses are more amusing than instructive, and it should be
remembered that Roman capitals were not used by Caxton in any of his
works, nor indeed in those of his English contemporaries.
The opinion that the interlacement is only a trade mark is much
strengthened by the discovery of its original use. In 1487, Caxton
wishing to print a Sarum Missal, and not having the types proper for
the purpose, sent to Paris, where it was printed for him by W. Maynyal,
who in the colophon states plainly that he printed it at the expense of
William Caxton, of London. When the printed sheets reached Westminster,
Caxton wishing to make it quite plain that he was the publisher,
engraved his design and printed it on the last page, which happened to
be blank. This is the first occasion on which it is known to have been
used. The unique copy of this Missal is in the possession of Stephen
Legh, Esq., M.P., and was exhibited at the Caxton celebration in 1877.
The following list of books in which the device is found shows that it
was not until the end of Caxton’s typographical life that he adopted
this distinguishing mark.
Missale ad Usum Sarum 1487
Speculum vitæ Christi _circa_ 1488
Doctrinal of Sapience 1489
The History of Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition _circa_ 1489
Directorium Sacerdotum, 2nd edition _circa_ 1489
Eneydos 1490
The Dictes and Sayings, 3rd edition _circa_ 1490
The Mirrour of the World, 2nd edition _circa_ 1490
Divers Ghostly Matters _circa_ 1490
The Festial, 2nd edition _circa_ 1490
Four Sermons, 2nd edition _circa_ 1490
St. Katherine of Senis _circa_ 1491
The _magnum opus_ of Caxton was undoubtedly the edition of “The Golden
Legend,” 1484. The translation alone of this great work must have been
no slight task, while, as to number of leaves and size of both paper
and printed page, it far exceeded his edition of “King Arthur,” which
was the next largest. The smallest pieces of his printing now extant
are “The Advertisement” and the “Indulgences.”
The commercial results of Caxton’s trade as a printer are unknown;
but as the fees paid at his burial were far above the average, and
as he evidently held a respectable position in his parish, we must
conclude that his business was profitable. The preservation of the
“Cost Book” of the Ripoli press has already been noticed, and some
extracts of interest translated therefrom. We may presume that Caxton
also kept exact accounts of his trade receipts and expenditure, and if
such were extant the many doubts which now surround the operations of
his printing-office would be definitely solved. We should then know
the price at which he sold his books, how many pence he asked for his
small quarto “quayers” of poetry, or his pocket editions of the “Horæ”
and “Psalter,” how many shillings were required to purchase the thick
folio volumes, such as “Canterbury Tales,” “King Arthur,” &c. That the
price was not much dearer than that paid for good editions now, we may
infer from the rate at which fifteen copies of the “Golden Legend” sold
between 1496 and 1500. These realised an average price of 6_s._ 8_d._
each, or about £2 13_s._ 4_d._ of modern money, a sum by no means too
great for a large illustrated work. This, however, would depend on the
number of copies considered necessary for an edition, which probably
varied according to the nature of the work. On a blank leaf in the 1st
edition of “Dictes,” at Althorp, is written, apparently by Bagford,
“N.B.--Caxton printed 44 books, 25 of which were with Dates, and 19
without.” One would imagine that so definite a statement must have had
some foundation, but it appears to rest entirely on the writer’s bare
assertion. Some foreign printers issued so many as 275 or 300 copies of
editions of the “Classics,” but it is not probable that Caxton ventured
upon so large an impression, as the demand for his publications must
have been much more restricted.
[Illustration]
FOOTNOTES:
[12] Lettres d’un Bibliographe, Quatrième Série. Paris, 1875. P. 23.
APPENDIX TO BIOGRAPHY.
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE LIFE AND TIMES OF WILLIAM CAXTON.
[Illustration]
APPENDIX.
MERCERS’ RECORDS.--WARDENS’ ACCOUNTS.
(_Mercers’ Hall, London._)
A folio Volume in the Archives of the Mercers’ Company, written on
parchment by various scribes in the 14th and 15th Centuries, extending
from 1344 to 1464. The contents of the volume include--a rent-roll--the
oath of householders--of linen cloth meters--of liverymen--of
brethren--of brokers--of apprentices on their entry and issue--of
freemen--an almanack--and the balance-sheets of the whole Company.
The accounts of the receipts and disbursements of the Company are
annual, and reckoned by the regnal year of the King. These accounts are
generally made up under the following heads:--The annual fee of every
liveryman--fees paid on the entries of apprentices--fees paid on the
issue of apprentices--fines--quit-rents--general expenses--and foreign
expenses. The last head comprises all payments made for goods and
service not included in the legitimate business of the Company.
* * * * *
Oath taken by Caxton on “issuing” from his apprenticeship.
Ye shall swere that ye shal be true vnto oure liege lorde the kyng
and to his heires kynges/ ye shall also be obedient & Redy to come at
all leffull Sumonns & Warnyng of the Wardenis of the mercery/ whan
and as often as ye be duly monysshed & warned by them/ or by any of
them/ by their Bedell/ or by ony other in their name/ leffull excuse
alwey except/ All Ordynaunces & Rules by the ffeliship of the merceri
Ordeyned made and stablished and here after for the wele worship &
profitt of the seid feliship to be made/ ye shall holde and kepe/ All
coīcacons necessarij Ordynaunces and Cowncels for the welfare of the
seid ffeliship and the secrets therof to you shewed/ ye shall kepe
secrete & holde for councell/ and them ne ony of theym to discover
or shew by ony meane or collour vnto ony persoone or persoones of
any other ffeliship. Ye shall also be contributory to all charges
to you putt by the wardeins & ffeliship to bere & pay yo^r parte of
charge sett for yo^r degre like as other of the same ffeliship shall
do for their degre. Moreou ye shall not departe oute of the seid
ffeliship for to serve ne ye shall not accompany you w^t ony persoone
or persoones of ony other feliship wherthrough preiudice & hurte may
in ony wise growe vnto the seid ffeliship of the mercery. And on this
ye shall swere that during the tyme of your seruyce ye shall neither
bey ne sell for yo^r owne self ne for ony other persone ne that ye
shall Receive ony goodes or marchandise by ony collour belonging vnto
ony other p’soon than oonly to yo^r maist whiche that ye now serue
or shall serue w^tynne the ffeliship of ye mercerie except by his
speciall license & will And also that ye shall not take ony shop hous
ch’mbre seller ne warehous by ony collo^r for to ocupie byeing and
sellyng vnto suche tyme as that ye have ben w^t the wardeins of the
mercery for the tyme beyng and by oon of hem for shopholder amytted
sworn and entred Ne that ye shall take ne haue ony apprentice or ony
sē for to ocupye vnto that he by you vnto oon the seid Ward. for
apprentice first presented & by the seid Wardein so amytted All which
poynts & eny of hem to y^r power wele & truly ye shall hold & kepe so
help you god &c.
* * * * *
The oath administered to Caxton upon taking up his freedom.
Ye shall swere that ye shal be good and trew vnto o^r liege Lord
kyng of Englond and to his Eyres kyngs/ obeisaunt & obedyent to the
Mayor & to the minysters of this Cite/ The ffrunchises and Custumes
thereof ye shal maynteyne and the cite kepe harmles in that that in
you is/ ye shall be contributary to al man^r charges w^t in this cite
as somons watches contribucions taskes tallays lotte and skotte and
all other charges bere yo^r parte as ony other frema shall/ ye shall
colo^r no foreyns good wherby the kyng might lose his custume or his
auauntage/ Ye shall know no foreyn to bey sell nor merchundise w^t
another fforeyn within this Cite nor the fraunches therof but ye
warne the Chaumberleyn therof or some mynysters of the chamber/ ye
shal emplede no frema out of this Cite while ye mow have right & lawe
here within/ ye shall take none apprentice but if he be fre borne
and for no lesse time than for vij yers/ within the first yere ye
shall do hym be enrolled and at the termes end ye shall make hym fre
if he have wele and truly served you/ ye shall also kepe the peace/
in yo^r owne persone/ ye shall know no gaderyngs conventicles nor
conspiracies made ayenst the peace but ye warne the Maier thereof &
let it to yo^r power All these poyntes ye shall wele and truly kepe
accordyng to all the Lawes & Custumes of this Cite to yo^r power so
help you god and holidame & by this Boke/
1348.
The Fellowship in the 22nd year of Edward III numbered 4 Wardens and
101 Liverymen, and in this year among those who paid their fees appear--
Richard de Causton
Michael de Causton
William de Causton
Henry de Causton
Theobald de Causton
Nichol de Causton
Roger de Causton
Also in the 2nd year of Henry VI.--Stevyn Causton.
1401.
Under the 2nd year of Henry IV, among the “Entrees des Apprentices,”
is--
William Causton/ Appr. de Thos. Gedeney ij s
1427-1428.
Under the 6th year of Henry VI the name of Robert Large appears for the
first time.
Cest la compte de John Whatley, Robert Large, Thomas Bataill, et John
Pidiuyll fait alffeste de Seint John Baptist lan vj^{me} aps. le
conquest en quils ils estoient gardeins de la mistere del mercerie come
piert apres.
Under the same year, among “Entrees des Apprentices,”--
Robert Halle } Appñtys de Robert Large iiij s
Randolf Streete }
1430-1431.
Under the 9th year of Henry VI, among the “Entrees des Apprentices,”--
Item ress. de Thoms Nyche appñt de Rob^t Large ij s
Item ress. de Rich Bonifaunt appnt de Rob^t Large }
Item de James heton appnt de dit Rob^t } iiij s
1431-1442.
The following item is from the Wardens’ Receipts in the 10th year of
Henry VI--
Item. Ils soy chargent qilz ount ressu de Thos. Staunton ffrere et
Attone de Robert Large de monye quil ad ressu outre mere en ptie de
paiement de les xli prestres a John Wavyn ples gardenis de lan passe.
1435-1436.
Among the Entries of Apprentices in the 14th year of Henry VI--
It’ de Henr. Onkmanton le aprentice de Robert Large ij s
1437-1438.
Among the Issues of Apprentices in the 16th year of Henry VI--
It’ Randolffe Streete lappñtice de Robert Large ij s
Among the entries for the same year--
It’ John large } les appñtices de Robert Large iiij s
It’ Willm’ Caxston }
1438-1439.
Among the Wardens’ Receipts in the 17th year of Henry VI--
It’ Ils soy chargeont pour argent ressu p^r fynes de dius persones en
lo^r temps p^r ces qils fautent de chiuachier ouesqz le mair Robert
Large.
In the same account, under “fforein expenses.”
Item paie a xvi trumpetts le xxix i^r doctobre lan xviij^{me} du dit
Roy Hen vj^{me} pour le chiuachee de Robert large maij
v li vi s viij d
1440-1441.
From the Wardens’ Receipts in the 19th year of Henry VI--
It’ ils soy chargeont pour argent rescue des Executos Robert large del
legace du dit Robert xx li
In the same year, under the Issue of Apprentices--
It’ Thomas Neche qui fuist appñtice de Rob^t large ij s
In the next year, under the Issue of Apprentices--
It’ Rich Bonefant q fuist appñtice de Rob^t large ij s
1442-1443.
Among the Issues of Apprentices in 21 Henry VI--
Xrofer Heton appñtice de Rob^t large ij s
Among the Entries--
Richard large appñtice de Geffrey Felding ij s
Among the Issues of Apprentices in 22 Henry VI--
John Harrowe appñtice de Robert large ij s
Among the Issues of Apprentices in 25 Henry VI--
Richard Caxton s’unt de John Harrowe ij s
1448-1449.
In Foreign Expenses for the 27th year of Henry VI--
To Richard Burgh for berynge of a l’re our the See vj s viij d
1450-1451.
Under Foreign Expenses in the 29th year of Henry VI.--
Item. Paid to John Stubbes for Perys to the Gentilwoman of the
Duchesse of Burgeyn vj d
Item paid to Hewe Wyche for a writ directe to Sandewyche for the
Gownys of the Gentil womans of the duches of Burgeyn ij s vj d
1453.
Lan du grace m cccc liij Et del Roy Herry sizme puis le conqueste
xxxj^e
Under the heading “Entre en la lyvere pm’ An”--
It’ Emond Redeknape vj s viij d
It^m Richaert Burgh vj s viij d
It^m William Caxton vj s viij d
These names have been erased with the pen, and the following memorandum
added beneath--“qz int’ debitores in fine copotꝰ.”
In the list of persons fined “qils fautent de chiuachier ouesque le
mair Geffrey Felding” in the same year are the names of--
William Caxton iij s iiij d
Richard Burgh iij s iiij d
Thomas Bryce iij s iiij d
William Pratt iij s iiij d
1462-1463.
Under Foreign Expenses in the 2nd year of Edward IV--
Item for botehyre for to shewe to ye lords of ye cousell the
l’re y^t came from Caxton & ye felaship by yonde ye See vj d
1464-1465.
At the end of the Wardens’ Account for the 4th year of Edward IV--
Dettours.
Item. Ye ffelaship by yende ye see for yeir patents xlvij li x d
Among the Foreign Expenses for the same year--
Item to Jenyne Bakker, Currour, for berying of a letter to Caxton
ovir ye see xxviij s viij d
1465.
[Folio c xlj; recto.] Anno xiiij^e lxv^e.
Courte holden of the hole felyshipp the xvij^{th} daye of octobr’ the
yere aboue written
* * * * *
[Sidenote: A lettre sent ou the see.]
Welboloued we grete you well certifiyng youe that as towchyng the
convencion of the lordes that was appoynted to begyn at sent Omers
the first daye of the p’sent moneth of october/ the whiche we trusted
vppon/ it is so that it holdith not/ Neu the lesse oure souaign lorde
the kyng Remembryng that thentrecourse expired the ffirst day of
Nouembre next comyng/ hath written a letter to the maire of london/
whereof ye shall receyue a copye closed in this letter/ And where as
the kyng by his lettre willeth that suche a p’sone as shulde go in
message for the brogacion of thentrecours shulde be p’vided in suche
fourme as ye may conceyve by the lettre it is thougth here that it
is not oure parte here in the Citie to take vppon vs a mater of so
grete weyght where that all tymes here to fore the kyng by thavise
of his lords of his Councell have made the p’vision in that behalfe
and vppon this we have labored to the mayre w^t the wardens of dius
felyshippes aventerers that he will write an aunsware to the kyng of
his lettre in the most plesunt wise that he can that it will pleas
his highnes by thavise of his Councell to p’vide for this mater for
the weall of all his subietts/ wherfore consideryng that the day
comyth nygh vppon and how that the kyngs wrytyng and his message
shalbe spedde from hens we are not certen/ wherfor we pray youe for
the welle of alle the kyngs subietts by thavise of the felishipp
there in as goodly hast as ye can labo^r for a meane by the whiche
yo^r p’sones & goods may be in suretie for a reasonable tyme/ and
in the mene whyle there com wrytyng from the kyng to the duke/ or
eles from the duke to the kyng if it will so happen for p’rogacion of
the same/ and suche costs as ye do vppon the suytt we will that they
be generally levied there in suche mañ and fourme as ye seme most
expedient/ written &c.
John lambert John Warde } Custoses.
a W. Caxton John Baker John Alburgh }
1466.
[Folio C xliiij.]
[Sidenote: ffor a lettre send from Caxton Gouerno^{r.}]
Courte of adventerers holden the iij^{th} (_sic_) day of June A°
xiiij^c lxvj. Hit is accorded by the said felishipp for by cause
of a lettre send from William Caxton and theryn a Copye of a lettre
sent to the said William by therle of Warwike for thabstinens of
bying Wares forboden in the dukes londes of Burgoyne by acte of
p’lement that a lettre shalbe made and sent to the said William by
the Custoses and Adventerers whiche is made and sent in the fourme
following &c.
[Sidenote: A lettre send ou to Caxton gouno^{r.}]
Right trusty Sir We grete youe well/ lettyng youe witt the daye of
makyng of this We receyved a lettre from you directed to the mayre
and vs written at Brudgs the xxvij^{th} daye of maye last past and
theryn closed a copye of a lettre directed to youe from oure good
lorde therle of Warwik whiche we haue well vnderstonde & conceyved/
and oppened it to our felishipp for whiche we desire and praye
youe/ in that youe is to consider and fulfill thentent made by acte
of p’lement and the speciall desire of oure forsaid lorde for the
publique weall of this lande and that due inqueraunce be made there
in that youe is for the complyshment of the same/ as right requyreth/
we willyng in no kynde the saide acte to be broken nor hurte by non
of oure felyshipp in that vs is and that the p’sones founde quycly yf
any suche be as god forbede that ye do correcion after th ordenauce
there made and thentent of yo^r lettre and as for yo^r desire of
aunsware of the lordes intent here as yitt we can not vnderstonde
their disposicion but as sone as we have knowlege ye shall haue
wittyng and as for the lettres that ye write ye shulde sent from
seint Omers we receyued non as yitt and as for any ioperdy that
shulde fall ye shall vnderstonde it ther soner than we here/ and if
we knowe of any ye shall have wrytyng &c.
Writ at london the iij^{th} day of June/
J. Tate/ J. Marshall/ Ed. Betts &
J. Broun Custoses of the mercery
& thaventerers of the same.
a Will^m Caxton Guno^r de la nacꝰ deng^{s.}
Envoye p’symond preste le iiij^{th} io^r de June.
1468.
[Folio xij recto.] Anno xiiij° lxviij°^{.}
[Sidenote: Parsones assiged to go in ambassate by the kynges
commaundment.]
Courte holden the ix daye of Septembr the yere aboue writte hit was
accorded and agreede thot for asmoche as the kyng & his Counsell
desyred of the felisshipp to haue certen p’sones of the same to go ou
in Ambassat w^t dius Embassatos into fflaunders as for the enlargyng
of Wollen clothe that theis persones vnderwritten shulde be p’sented
to the kynges highnes & his Councell/ they to do as shall pleas them/
William Redeknape
John Pykeryng
William Caxton
[Same Folio and year.]
[Sidenote: Mony assigned to the said ambassatos for theire Costs.]
Courte holden the xxviij daye of Septebr’ the yere aboue said
hit is accorded that William Redenape and John Pykeryng shall haue in
honde xl li st’ling towarde thoire costs & charges for thambassatt
of thenlargyng of Wollen clothe in the Duke of Burguñ londes whiche
shalbe leyde oute of the cundith mony at this tyme receyued vnto the
tyme another Courte be had for the p’vision of the same by the advise
of the Aldermen of oure felyshipp.
MERCERS’ RECORDS.--RENTER WARDEN’S ACCOUNTS.
(_Mercers’ Hall, London._)
A folio Volume on paper, in the Archives of the Mercers’ Company,
written in the 15th Century, being a continuation, on a different plan,
of the “Wardens’ Accounts.”
It appears that about 1463-4 the wealth of the Mercers, especially in
houses and lands, had so much increased, that it was found convenient,
out of the four Wardens, to appoint one whose business it should be
to keep an account of the Company’s estate. Accordingly every year a
“Renter Warden” was chosen; and from this period the Rent-roll is the
main feature in the books, the sum total only of the Fees and Expenses
of the Company appearing under their separate heads.
1463-1464.
Under “Qwyterents.”--3rd Edward IV.
Item paid to ye Chamberleyn of Westm^r for y^e pye at
S Martyns Otewich for iiij t’m^s at Est’ A° iij^{co} xx s
1464-1465.
4th Edward IV.
Item to ye m’ of S Giles in y^e ffeld for tent^s at
S Martyns Oteswich vj s viiij d
Item to y^e Chamberleyn of yabbey of Westm^r fer ye
same xx s
1467-1468.
7th Edward IV.
Item paid for Rep’ac^s done at S Martyns Oteswich as
ap’ith by ye pap’ of yacopts/ as in tyleng and oy^r
yings xx s vj d obꝰ
1475.
A° xiiij c lxxv. Under the head “Discharge by Qwyterents of the
mercery.”
Paid to the Chambleyn of West^r for the pye xx s
Same year. Under “Qwyterents of Whet’” (Whittington).
The Ward^s of O^r lady brethered of seint Margaret at
Westm^r v s
1477.
A° xiiij c lxxvij. Under “Qwyterents of Whetyngton.”
It’ of the Wardeyns of O^r lady brethered of Seint
Margarets at Westminster v s
1484.
Under “Qwyterents.”
Itm to the Chawmburleyn of west^r for the grehound iiij s vj d
Under “Other paiements.”
For a dener kept at the grehound at the visitacion of
lyuelod xxvj s viij d
Itm for wesshyng of a tabyll cloth ij d
A° xiiij c lxxxiiij Under the same.
It’ of the ward^s of o^r lady brethered of seint
marg’ets at Westemest^r for their tentꝰ in
Aldermare v s
THE WILL OF ROBERT LARGE,
Citizen of London and Mercer, dated 11th April, 1441. The original copy
is in the book, called “Rouse,” formerly deposited in the Prerogative
Court, Doctors’ Commons, and now in the Probate Registry of the High
Court of Justice. In Latin.
TRANSLATION.
~In the name of GOD Amen.~ On the eleventh Day of the month of April in
the Year of our Lord One Thousand CCCC and forty one in the nineteenth
Year of King Henry the Sixth after the conquest I Robert Large Citizen
and Mercer of the City of London being in perfect health and memory do
hereby make execute and ordain my Will in this manner First I bequeath
and commend my Soul to Almighty GOD my Creater and Saviour to the
Blessed Virgin Mary His Mother and to all the Saints and my body to
be buried in the parish Church of St. Olave in the Old Jewry London
to wit in the same place in which the body of Elizabeth my late wife
lies buried which my body being buried I will and bequeathe first and
principally that all and singular my debts shall be faithfully and
entirely paid in full And afterwards I bequeath to the High Altar of
the said Church of St. Olave that the Vicar of the same shall specially
pray for the good of my soul C s Also I bequeath for the use of the
structure of the same church to be applied wherever it shall be most
requisite according to the sound discretion of the parishioners twenty
marcs Also I leave twenty pounds for my executors to buy one set of
vestments to be chosen according to the judgment of the aforesaid
parishioners and such set of vestments I will to remain in the said
church of St. Olave to serve for the glory of GOD so long as they shall
last Also I bequeath two hundred marcs for the purpose of providing
a Chaplain fit and honest and well instructed in those things which
pertain to the holy offices to celebrate mass at the altar of the
blessed Mary in the said church of St. Olave daily when it shall be
appointed or otherwise according to the discretion of my wife and to
be present at divine service at each hour appointed for prayer to
officiate to pray and to minister according to the discretion of four
approved most profitable for the salvation of my soul Also I bequeath
to Alice my daughter one hundred pounds to be paid to her when she
shall arrive at the age of twenty-one years to be spent in the purchase
of furniture and utensils most necessary for her house according to
sound advice and counsel Also I bequeath to Elizabeth my daughter five
hundred marcs sterling and I will that the said Elizabeth my daughter
together with the aforesaid five hundred marcs left by me as above to
the said Elizabeth my daughter be and remain in the governance of the
aforesaid Stephen Tychemerssh until the said Elizabeth my daughter
shall arrive at the age of twenty years or be married he the said
Stephen finding sufficient security in the chamber of Guildhall in
the City of London according to the custom and usage of the said City
to deliver up to the said Elizabeth my daughter the aforesaid five
hundred marks sterling when the said Elizabeth my daughter shall arrive
at the aforesaid age of twenty years or be married without rendering
any other interest therefor only and except the reasonable support of
the said Elizabeth my daughter And if the said Elizabeth my daughter
shall happen to die unmarried or before the age of twenty years then
I will that two hundred and fifty marks of the aforesaid five hundred
marks left by me as above to the said Elizabeth my daughter revert to
the said Alice my daughter if she shall survive and if she be dead
then the said two hundred and fifty marks together with the other
said two hundred and fifty marks remaining be at the disposal of and
distributed by my executors in pious uses and works of charity for the
good of my soul and the souls above mentioned in manner as afore is
set forth Also I bequeath to the common box of the Mystery of Mercers
of the City of London for the support of the poor of the said mystery
twenty pounds Also I bequeath ten pounds to be disposed of according
to the discretion of my executors in the purchase of a vestment to
serve in the Mercers’ chapel in the church of St. Thomas of Acan
London so long as it will last Also I bequeath to each convent of the
four orders of mendicant friars in the City of London to pray for my
soul forty shillings Also I bequeath to the convent of friars of the
order of St. Cross near the Tower of London twenty shillings Also I
bequeath one hundred shillings for the purchase of bedding linen and
flannel according to the discretion of my executors to serve in the
Hospital of St. Bartholomew in West Smithfield so long as they will
last Also I bequeath one hundred shillings wherewith to purchase in
like manner bedding for the new hospital called St. Mary Spital without
the aforesaid thousand pounds left by me to him the said Thomas my
son be and remain in the safe charge and government of the aforesaid
Johanna my wife until the said Thomas my son shall arrive at the age
of twenty-four years she the said Johanna my wife finding sufficient
security in the Guildhall chamber of the city of London according
to the manner and custom of the said City to deliver up to the said
Thomas my son the aforesaid thousand pounds when he Thomas my son shall
arrive at his aforesaid age of twenty-four years without rendering
any interest therefor only and except the reasonable support of my
said son Thomas Also I bequeath to Robert my son one thousand pounds
sterling and I will that the said Robert my son together with the
aforesaid thousand pounds so left by me as above to the said Robert my
son be and remain in the safe charge and governance of the aforesaid
Thomas Staunton my brother until the said Robert my son shall arrive
at the age of twenty-four years the said Thomas Staunton finding
sufficient security in the Guildhall chamber of the City of London
according to the manner and custom of the said City to deliver up to
the said Robert my son the aforesaid thousand pounds so left by me as
aforesaid when the said Robert my son shall arrive as his aforesaid
age of twenty-four years without rendering any interest therefor only
and except the proper support of my said son Robert Also I bequeath
to Richard my son one thousand pounds sterling and will that the said
Richard my son together with the said thousand pounds so bequeathed
by me to him as above shall be and remain in the safe custody and
governance of the aforesaid Johanna my wife until Richard my said son
shall arrive at the age of twenty-four years the said Johanna my wife
finding sufficient security for the said thousand pounds in the same
way as above specified And in case one or more of my said sons Thomas
Robert or Richard shall die before reaching the said age of twenty-four
years then I will and bequeath that the portion or portions of that
my son or those my sons so dying before the age of twenty-four years
shall revert to that one or those of my said sons surviving And if all
my said sons shall die before arriving at the age of twenty-four years
then I will and bequeath that the said three thousand pounds shall be
disposed of and distributed by my executors in pious uses and works
of charity for the good of my own soul and the souls of my parents my
wives and my children also of my friends and benefactors for the souls
of all I hold in esteem and of all the faithful departed this life in
such way as my executors may consider to be better for the pleasing of
GOD and among poor unmarried men and women desirous of marriage Also I
bequeath to the parish church of Shakeston where my father lies buried
a vestment of the value of ten pounds to serve in the same church to
the glory of GOD so long as it will last Also I bequeath to the parish
church of Aldester where my ancestors are buried a vestment of the
value of ten pounds Also I leave to the parish church of Overton where
some of my relatives are buried a vestment of the value of ten pounds
Also I bequeath to Thomas Nyche my servant 1 marks Also to Richard
Bonyfaunt my apprentice 1 marks Also I bequeath to Henry Onkmonton
my apprentice 1 pounds Also I bequeath to Robert Dedes my apprentice
xx marks Also I bequeath to Christopher my apprentice xx pounds Also
I bequeath to William Caxton my apprentice xx marks Also I bequeath
to John Gode my servant x pounds Also I bequeath to William Brydde
my servant x marks Also I bequeath to William my kitchen servant xl
shillings Also I bequeath to Katherine my servant x marks and to
Isabella Lynde xl shillings Also I leave to William Sampson my servant
at my manor of Horham five marks Also I bequeath to Peter my servant
at the same place xl shillings and to Thomas my servant at the same
place xxvj shillings and viij pence Also I bequeath to John de Ramsey
servant of Isabella Boteley x marks on his marriage Also I bequeath to
Richard Turnat the son of Johanna my wife xx pounds Also I bequeath C
marks to be divided by my executors among the children of John Chirch
Citizen and Mercer of the City of London who shall be living at the
age of xxiiij years Also I bequeath to Thomas Staunton my brother if
he will undertake the charge of executing this my will and will act
with good diligence in this office C pounds Also I bequeath to Arnulph
Strete Mercer on the same condition C marks and to Stephen Tychemerrsh
on the same condition C marks Also I leave to Katherine my mother C
marks Also I bequeath to Johanna my wife by way of gift and instead of
her portion of all and singular my moveable goods and chattels by law
belonging to her four thousand marks And in case that she Johanna my
wife shall be dissatisfied with this my said legacy then I will that
this my legacy to the said Johanna do cease and become void in law and
that then the said Johanna my wife do have of my moveable goods and
chattels only that portion to which she is entitled by law without
any addition or advantage whatsoever Also I bequeath to Thomas my son
one thousand pounds sterling and I will that the said Thomas my son
together with parishioners of the aforesaid church for twenty years
next after my decease the said chaplain taking for his annual salary
ten marks to be paid and administered at the hands of my executors in
order that he the said Chaplain may specially commend to GOD my soul
and also the souls of Elizabeth and Johanna my wives Richard Herry my
late master and the souls of all those whom I esteem and the souls of
all the faithful departed Also I bequeath to the high altar of St.
Margaret in Lothbury London C s Also I bequeath xx Pounds to be paid
by my executors for the purchase of one set of vestments according
to the expressed choice of the aforesaid parishioners which set of
vestments I wish to remain in the said Church of Saint Margaret to
serve for the worship of GOD so long as they shall last Also I leave
xx pounds to be disposed of and divided by my executors among the more
indigent poor men and women of the ward of Coleman Street Also four
pounds to be divided by my executors among the Chaplains and Clerks
in the Churches of St. Olave and St. Margaret aforesaid within two
years next after my decease that is to say xl s each year in order
that the aforesaid Chaplains and Clerks may pray for my soul Also I
bequeath for the new making and construction of an aqueduct lately
begun in the City of London CCCC marks to be paid within four years
according to the discretion of my executors on condition however that
the aforesaid aqueduct be completed within four years next after my
decease and not otherwise Also I bequeath for the work of making and
repairing London Bridge C marks to be paid within four years according
to the discretion of my executors Also I bequeath for the cleansing
of the Watercourse called Walbrook near the church of St. Margaret
Lothbury and for the enlargement and upholding of the same church to be
disposed of according to the wise discretion of my executors and four
approved parishioners of that Church CC marks or more if necessary so
that it do not exceed CCC marks Also I bequeath C marks to be disposed
of according to the wise discretion of my executors for the marriage
of ten poor girls of good character namely to each of these ten girls
at her marriage ten marks whether in the country or in the City of
London Also I bequeath C pounds to be divided by my executors among
poor domestic servants in the counties of Lancashire and Warwickshire
that is to say one poor manservant ten shillings and to another twenty
shillings and to another forty shillings as occasion may require so
long as the said C pounds may suffice Also I bequeath xx pounds to be
distributed by my executors where it may be most needed Bishopsgate
London so long as it will last. Also I leave five marks wherewith in
like manner to purchase bedding for the hospital of the Blessed Saint
Mary of Bethlehem without Bishopsgate aforesaid. Also I bequeath forty
shillings wherewith in like manner to purchase bedding for the hospital
of St. Thomas of Southwark near London. Also I bequeath six pounds
wherewith in like manner to purchase bedding for the Lepershouses at
Hakeney les lokes without the barriers of St George Southwark and of
St Egidius beyond Holborn London namely to each of the said houses
forty shillings Also I bequeath one hundred shillings wherewith to
provide and purchase food and other things most necessary for the poor
prisoners in Newgate London to be distributed according to the sound
discretion of my executors Also I bequeath one hundred shillings to be
distributed in like manner among the prisoners in Ludgate London Also I
bequeath for repairs in the nave of the church of Thakstede five marks
Also I bequeath for repairs in the body of the church of Chawrey in
the county of Essex forty shillings Also I bequeath to Richard Foliet
mercer twenty marks Also I bequeath to William Halle mercer lately my
servant twenty pounds Also I bequeath to Agnes lately my servant forty
shillings Also I bequeath to each of my two said daughters Alice and
Elizabeth three cups with covers from among my cups called standing
cups of silver-gilt whichever of such cups with the covers shall weigh
twenty-four ounces and * * * *
[_one leaf of the original is here missing_]
the s^d Richard Turnat dying without male heirs lawfully begotten,
then I will that all the above lands and tenements with their
appurtenances shall revert to the male heirs of my before-mentioned son
Robert Large. Provided nevertheless that if the s^d Richard Turnat
shall take possession of all the aforesaid lands and tenements in
Newton that then he shall be excluded entirely from the manor of Horham
in the county of Essex with the lands and tenements and appurtenances
belonging thereto.
Then follows the Probate, dated May 6th, 1441, and proved before
Zanobio Mulakyn, Dean of the Church of St. Mary-le-Bow, London.
BRUGES RECORDS.--JUDGMENTS.
(_The Archives, Bruges._)
The following document is found in one of the many volumes of Records
preserved in the Archives of the City of Bruges. Like the other volumes
of this interesting series it is in manuscript coeval with the history
it elucidates. The title at the beginning of the book is as follows:--
“Registre van alle zaken ghehandelt by Scepen van Brugghe, in huerl.
camere daer zy daghelicx vergaderen. Beghint in Septembre in ’tjaer
dunst vierhondert xlvij.”; or, “A register of all matters brought
under the notice of the Councillors of Bruges, in their daily session
assembled. Begun in the month of September, in the year one thousand
four hundred xlvij.”
(TRANSLATION.)
To all who see or hear these Presents--the Burgomasters, Sheriffs,
and Council of the Town of Bruges send greeting. Be it known that
William Craes, an English Merchant, Complainant, of the one part, and
John Selle and William Caxton, English Merchants also, Defendants, of
the other part, have this day appealed for justice before Roland de
Vos and Guerard le Groote our Fellows, Sheriffs. The said Complainant
says, that John Granton, Merchant, of the Staple at Calais, was bound
and indebted to him in certain sums of money; that is to say, firstly
in £60 sterling for and because of a certain obligation, and further,
in the sum of £50 sterling on account of a certain exchange which had
taken place between them, as well as for expenses and costs incurred in
that matter, amounting on the whole to £110 sterling. For this sum he
had caused the said John Granton to be arrested in the Town of Bruges,
and that the said John being arrested, the said John Selle and William
Caxton became sureties for him, in equity and law.
And because the said John had departed the Town of Bruges without
having paid and satisfied him, or appealed for justice, he demanded
that the said Defendants should be compelled and adjudged, as Sureties
of the said John, to pay the said claim.
The said Defendants, in answer, acknowledged that in the manner
aforesaid they had become Sureties to the said William Craes for the
said John Granton, but submitted that the said John was quite solvent,
rich enough, and would certainly pay the amount; requiring therefore
that the said Complainant might seek his debt of the said John, who
was the real debtor, and that they might be discharged from their
said suretyship: disputing also the sum demanded by the Defendant on
account of the said exchange, for certain reasons thereupon alleged;
the aforesaid Plaintiff holding the validity of the said suretyship,
and demanding as aforesaid; together with many other reasons submitted
by the said parties. And after hearing the said parties on the said
questions, with their arguments, as well as certain Merchants, that
the said dispute had been determined by our Fellows, Sheriffs, who
had adjudged and decided: That the said Defendants should, as the
Sureties of the said John Granton, pay and satisfy the said William
Craes, firstly in the said sum of £60, of which the said obligation
made mention, and furthermore in the sum of £35 sterling on account of
the said exchange and costs. And that, upon the surrender of the said
obligation, good and sufficient security amounting to the two said sums
of £60 and £35 sterling should be given; that in case at some future
time the said John Granton should deny the debt of the said sums, or
allege payment, that then, on the other hand, the said Plaintiff should
be sentenced to render and repay the said two sums and more. Right of
action being reserved to the said Defendants against the said John
Granton, the original debtor, as law and equity direct.
In witness whereof, &c., 2 January (1449).
BRUGES RECORDS.--TOWN REGISTERS.
(_The Archives, Bruges._)
A Register written on paper in the fifteenth century, and containing
Civil Judgments, given in the Town of Bruges during the years 1465-9.
(TRANSLATION.)
Whereas Daniel, son of Adrien, called Sheriff Daniel, Plaintiff of the
one part, and Jeroneme Vento, for and in the name of Jaques Dorie,[13]
Merchant of Genoa, Defendant of the other part, have promised and
agreed to leave all the differences between them to the judgment and
arbitration of William Caxton, Merchant of England, and Master and
Governor of the English Nation in these parts; and of Thomas Perrot,
as Arbitrators, and amicable Umpires and common friends, the said
parties, and each of them, promising well and legally to abide by,
observe and perform all that the said Arbitrators shall decide and
adjudicate on the said differences, without opposition of any kind.
And that the said Arbitrators having heard the pleas of the said
parties, and formed thereon their sentence and judgment which they have
reported to the full chamber of the Sheriffs of Bruges, it has been
notified to the said parties, that, because the said William Caxton
was unavoidably absent from the said City of Bruges, the said parties
have been summoned before the said full chamber of the Sheriffs of
Bruges, and have appeared. To whom has been signified the arbitration
and judgment by the said Arbitrators, which was and is as follows;
that is to say--That the said Jeroneme Vento, for and in the name of
the said Jaques Dorie, shall pay to the said Scepheer Daniel promptly
and in current money the sum of £4 gross; and that the said Jeroneme
above-named shall advance to the said Sheriff Daniel another £4.
gross, the said Scepheer Daniel, however, giving good surety to the
said Jeroneme that he will repay the said sum of £4 gross which he had
advanced, within the first four voyages, in whatever country it may
be, that Sheriff Daniel may make with his vessel, that is to say, on
each voyage £1 gross. Provided always, that in case the said Daniel
shall not make a voyage with his said ship within the next six months,
and that the said Daniel, or his sureties, shall be bound to pay and
restore to the said Jeroneme Vento (without the said Jeroneme agree to
a postponement) the other payments above-named. The observance of which
judgment and arbitration by the said parties, and each of them, has
been decreed in the said full chamber of Sheriffs of Bruges.
Done the 12th of May, 1469.
ISSUE ROLL OF THE EXCHEQUER.
Under the date of “Easter. 19 Edward IV, 15th June,” is the following:--
To William Caxton. In money paid to his own hands in discharge of 20
_l._ for the Lord the King commanded to be paid to the same William
for certain causes and matters performed by him for the said Lord the
King.
By writ of privy seal amongst the mandates of this term. 20 _l._
ST. MARGARET’S RECORDS.--CHURCHWARDENS’ ACCOUNTS.
(_In the Vestry of St. Margaret’s Church, Westminster._)
A Volume of biennial Accounts of the Churchwardens, audited by the
chief Parishioners. Each Account is written on a quire of parchment,
complete in itself: they vary considerably in size, but have been
carefully bound in one Volume, and are in beautiful condition. The
period included in this Volume is 1464 to 1503. The contents consist
of--Receipts of Fees for Burials, Obits, &c.--Rents--Legacies and
Gifts--Payments for Repairs--Salaries--Pew-rents--Collections--and
other items.
1474.
“Comp’us Thome Frampton & Willī Stafford custod’ bonorꝰ & ornamentorꝰ
eccliē p’ochial’ scē margarete Westm’ videl’t a xvij° die Maij A°
regis Edwardi quarti post conq’m Angl’ quarto vsqu’ xxij diem eiusdem”
* * *
In the List of Fees for Burial is--
“It^m rec^d de Oliver Cawston die sepult’ p’ iiij tapr’ viij d”
Among the Miscellaneous Receipts for 1476--
“It^m of a rewarde for a boke & a Chales lent to Sir
Ric’ Wideuyle xx d”
1478.
“Here folowith Thaccompt of John Wycam and of Nicholas Wollescroft
Wardeins of the parisshe Churche of seynt margarete of Westm’ * * from
the vij^{th} day of the moneth of may in the yere of our lord god M^e
CCCC lxxviij * * * vnto the xviij^{th} day of may in the yere of our
lord god M^l CCCC lxxx” * * *
In the List of Fees for Burial in the first year--
“It^m the day of burying of William Caxton for ij torchis
and iiij tapirs at a lowe masse xx d”
The amount paid does not appear large; but in a very long list of
burial fees there are only four equal in amount, the common rate of
fees being ij d, iiij d, or vj d.
1480.
The same Account. In the List of Fees for Burial in the second year--
“It^m the day of bureying of Jone large for ij tapers iiij d”
1481.
The Audit at the end of the same Account is as follows:--
“The whiche some of xxiij li. x s v d ob. q^a the forsaide wardeyns
haue paid and delyued in the fulle Audite vnto william Garard and
William Hachet their Successours togeder w^t the tresoures of and in
the chirche aforeseid to them delyued in the begynnyng of this accompte
* * in the presence of John Randolf squyer Richard Vmfrey gentilman
Thomas Burgeys John Kendall notary William Caxton * * with other
paryshyns” * *
1490-92.
In this Account among the Burial Fees for the first year--
“Item atte Bureyng of Mawde Caxston for torches and
tapres iij s ij d”
In the second year--
“Item atte Bureying of William Caxton for iiij torches vj s viij d”
“Item for the belle atte same bureyng vj d”
Here we remark again that in both these cases the fees paid are
considerably larger than usual.
In the Accounts for 1496-8 among the Legacies, and their produce--
“Itm receyued by the handes of William Ryolle for oone
of thoo printed bokes that were bequothen to the
Churche behove by William Caxston vj s viij d”
“It^m receyued by the handes of the said William for a
nother of the same printed Bokes called a legend vj s iiij d”
“It^m by the hands of the parisshe prest for a nother
of the same legendes vj s viij d”
At the end of the Account--
“Memorand’ there remayneth in store to the said Chirch”
“It^m in bokes called legendes of the bequest of William
Caxton xiij”
Among the Payments at the end of the same Account--
“It^m paide for a supper gevyn vnto the Auditours
herynge and determenyng this accompt and to the newe
Chirch-wardeyns as it hath ben vsed and accustumed
here tofore xx s”
In the Accounts for 1498-1500--
“The Receites of Bookes called Legendes in the first yere of this
accompte”--
“Fyrst Receyued of John Crosse for a prainted legende v s viij d”
“Item Receiued for a nother legende sold in Westmynster
halle v s viij d”
“Item Receiued of Willm gyfe for a nother of the same
legendes v s viij d”
“It^m receiued of the said Willm Geyfe for a nother
Legende v s viij d”
“Item R of Walter Marten for a nother legende v s xj d”
In the second year of the same account--
“Item R. of William Geiffe for ij legendes printed x s iiij d”
“It^m R of Daniell aforge for a printed legende v s x d”
“Item R of William Geiffe for a printed legende v s”
“Memorand’ ther remayneth in store to the saide chirch” * * *
“It^m in bokes called Legendes of the bequest of William Caxton iij”
In the Accounts for 1500-2 there are not entered any sales of
“Legendes.”
“Ther remayneth in store to the saide chirche.” * * *
“Item a prynted legende booke of the bequeste of Will’m Caxton.”
ST. MARGARET’S RECORDS.
GUILD OF OUR LADY; WARDENS’ ACCOUNTS.
(_In the Vestry of St. Margaret’s Church, Westminster._)
A Volume of triennial Accounts of the Fraternity of our Blessed
Lady Assumption, beautifully written on vellum, and in excellent
preservation. It includes the period between 1474 and 1522, and is
of very great interest in illustrating the customs of that period.
The earlier as well as the later Volumes are not known to exist. The
following are the principal headings of the various Accounts:--Arrears
of Members--Rents received--Bequests and Gifts--Receipts for
Obits of Members--Fees of new Members--Rents paid--Payments of
Salaries--Wages--Annuities to Almsmen and Women--House-repairs--Wax
Candles, and other expenses, for the Shrine of our Lady in St.
Margaret’s Church--and Miscellaneous expenses.
(24th June, 1474, to 24th June, 1477.)
The first Account is headed--
“This is thaccompte of maister William Thirleby henry marble
gentilman and James Fytt maistres or Wardeyns chosen of the Frat’ñte
or gylde of oure blessed lady seint mary the virgyn w^tin the
p’issh chirch of seint margaret of the towne of Westm in the shire
of midd’ founded, that is to say from the fest of Natiuite of seint
John Baptist in the yere of y^e reigne of kyng Edward the iiij^{th}
after the conquest xiiij vnto the said fest of the Natiuite of seint
John the xvij^{th} yere of the reigne of the same kyng by three hole
yeres as it p’ticulerly appiereth in p’cellez here folowyng that is
to wete.”
Under Payments of Rent in the same Account--
“Also the said late maistres charge themsilf w^t a certeyn quite
rent due by John Randolff of london mercer for a licence of Fre entre
of comyng in and going out for his teñntes thurgh the gate and an
Alley called our lady Alley in the kynges Strete of the towne of
westm^r.”
In the same Account, under “thentre of diũes p’sones of new to the
said frat’nite” is “John Caxston vj s viij d.”
Also among the Payments--
“Diũers payments by the said late maisters for the said Fraternite *
* * of the which thay axe to be allowed in this accompt.”
“Of the money by them paid to the wardeins of the Craft of mercery of
london for certain quite rent going out of the teñ’t in the p’isshe
of Aldermarie Chirche of london at v s by the yere.”
The Fraternity appear also to have held tenements in King Street,
Westminster, at Kensington, and at Stroud.
* * * * *
In the same Account, after the payment of six priests’ salaries--
“Costes and p’celles allowed by the hole Brotherhode toward
thexpences of the geñall fest in iij^{de} yere of this accompt.”
These “Costs and Parcels” occupy two full folio pages, and have yielded
the following items:--
“A tonn of wyne vj li”
“Paide to John Drayton chief cok for his reward xxv s”
“Also for the hire of xxiiij doseyn of erthen pottes
for ale & wyne iiij s”
“Also for erthen potts broken & wasted at the same
fest vij s viij d”
“Also to iiij players for their labour xij s x d”
“Also to iij mynstrelles ix s x d”
“Also for the mete of diũes of strangers xvj s”
“Also for russhes ij s iiij d”
“Also for vj doseyn of white cuppes ij s”
* * * * *
“Also for portage and botehyre of the Turbut iiij d”
“Also for ix Turbutts xv s ij d”
In addition to scores of “Capons, chekyns, gese, conyes, and peiones,”
(pigeons), the chief “cok” provided them with “swannys” and “herons,”
with all sorts of fish, including oysters and “see pranys,” or prawns,
with all kinds of meats and game, with jellies in “ix dosen gely
disshes,” and with abundance of fruits. The quantity of ale, wine, and
ypocras provided by the butler is marvellous, and one cannot wonder at
the heavy entries for “pottes and cuppes broken, and wasted.” The Cook
seems to have been paid much more liberally than the Wardens, who had
but xxx s between them “for their dilligence.”
* * * * *
In the Accounts for 1490-3 are the Receipts of Rent from tenements,
known as “The Maidenhead,” “The Sonne,” “The Rose,” and “The Wolstaple.”
Also, under payment of Rent--
“For a certayn Quit rent paid out of a litell teñt in the wolstaple to
the mair of the staple at xx d by the yere.”
“Also for a certain Quit rent paid out of the Rents
in Alderm’ay p’isshe to John More Renter of the
Mercers xv s”
* * * * *
From “Rymer’s Foedera.” Folio. London. 1710. Vol. XI. 536.
(TRANSLATION.)
CONCERNING THE TREATY OF BURGUNDY.
The King to all whom it may concern, &c. Greeting.
Be it known that
Inasmuch as determinate arrangements concerning the intercourse of
merchandise between our subjects and the subjects of our well-beloved
Cousin the Duke of Burgundy have in a sure form and manner been
accorded and agreed to in times past and since that time often renewed,
We,
Wishing on our part to hold good and observe such arrangements,
and being well assured of the faithfulness and discretion of our
well-beloved subjects Richard Whetehill, Knight, and William Caxton,
Do make, ordain and constitute, by these presents, the said Richard
and William our true and accredited Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and
several Deputies;
Giving and Granting to our said Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and
Deputies, and to either of them, full power and authority and general
as well as special commandment to meet, to enter into treaty and to
communicate with our aforesaid Cousin or his Ambassadors, Agents,
Nuncios, and Deputies delegated with sufficient powers for this purpose
by our said Cousin, concerning and upon the continuation and renewal of
the aforesaid Intercourse, and, should occasion require, to make and
conclude new arrangements,
And to do and exercise all and singular other deeds which may be fit or
necessary.
Promising, in good faith and on our kingly word, always to hold as
ratified, acceptable, and binding, all and any the Acts and Deeds of
our said Ambassadors, Agents, Nuncios, and Deputies, or either of them,
as aforesaid, which may be done, performed, or done by procuration, in
the foregoing matters, or any portion thereof.
As witness our hand at Wycombe, this 20th day of October (1464).
A SHEET OF PAPER IN THE NATIONAL RECORD OFFICE.
The manuscript is--
“To tharchedeacon of Westm’ that nowe is and for the tyme shalbe.
We, Richard FitzJames, Almoner and Counsaillor unto oure souverain
lord the King, and Richard Hatton, chaplayne and counsaillor vnto
our said souverain lord, greting in our Lord God euerlasting. And
whereas we, the said Richard and Richard, were appoynted, lymytted
and assigned by our said souverain lord and the lordes of his most
noble counsaill to examine, determyne and pacifie a certain variaunce
depending betwene Gerard Croppe of Westminster, taillour, of the
oone partie, and Elizabeth, the doughter of William Caxton, wif to
the said Gerard, of the othre partie; We, the vij^{th} daie of May,
the xj^{th} yere of our said souverain lord, had the said parties
before us in the Kinges Chapell within his palois of Westminster
at this appoyntement and conclusion by theire both assentes and
aggrementes:--That noon of theim, ne any othre for theim, shall
fromhensforth vexe, sue or trouble othre for any maner matier or
cause theim concernying for matrimony betwix theim before had; and
every of theim to lyve sole from othre, except that the said Gerard
shall mowe fynde the meanes to have the love and favour of the seid
Elizabeth. For thaccomplisshment of which aggrement eithre of theim
of their owne voluntarie willes bound theim self unto us by their
faithes and trouthes, and never to varie from their said promyses.
And therupon the said Gerard to have of the bequest of William
Caxton, the fadre of the said Elizabeth, xx^{ti} prynted legendes at
xiij s iiij d a legend. And the said Gerard to delyver a generall
acquitaunce unto thexecutours of William Caxton, her said fadre, for
their discharge in that behalf. And besides thies premisses both the
said parties were aggreed before us to be bound, eche to othre, in
C.li. by their dedes obligatorie with the condicions above wreten
to performe alle the premisses. In wittenesse whereof I, the said
Richard FitzJames, have to thies preseutes sette the seale of myn
office. And I, the said Richard Hatton, have setto my seal, and
eithre of us subscribed our names with oure owne handes, the xx^{ti}
daie of May the xj^{th} yere of the reigne of our said souverain
Lord.”
FOOTNOTES:
[13] Perhaps one of the celebrated Doria family of Genoa.
A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN
TYPE NO. 1.
_EXPLANATION OF TERMS._
5n, or QUINTERNION, means a section of five sheets folded together in
half = 10 leaves = 20 pages.
4n, or QUATERNION = 8 leaves = 16 pages. (See p. 132).
3n, or TERNION = 6 leaves = 12 pages.
RECTO is the right-hand page of an open book.
VERSO is the reverse, or the left-hand page.
A DIRECTOR is the name given to the small letter placed where the
Illuminator was intended to paint in a large initial.
LIST OF BOOKS IN TYPE NO. 1.
1. The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye 1474?
2. Le Recueil des Histoires de Troyes 1476?
3. The Game and Play of the Chess Moralised 1475-76?
4. Les fais et prouesses du noble et vaillant Chevalier Jason 147-?
5. Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes penitenciaulx 1478?
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 1.
NO. 1.--THE RECUYELL OF THE HISTORIES OF TROY. _Translated 1469-71.
Folio. Without Place or Date. (1474?)._
COLLATION.--_Book I_ has fourteen 5ns and one 4n = 148 leaves, of which
the first is blank. _Book II_ has nine 5ns, one 4n, and one 3n = 104
leaves. _Book III_ has ten 5ns = 100 leaves. _Total_ 351 printed leaves
and one blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Type No. 1 only. Lines of very uneven
length; full lines measure 5 inches, but vary in different parts
from 4¾ to 5¼ inches. 31 lines to a full page. Without signatures,
catchwords, or numerals. Space is left, with a director, for 3 to
7-line initials. As may be seen by the collation, each book begins
a fresh gathering, probably for the convenience of binding in three
separate volumes.
Commencing the work with a blank leaf, Caxton’s preface follows,
printed in red ink, and occupying the second recto.
The Text begins thus:--
~Ere begynneth the volume intituled and named
~h~ the recuyell of the historyes of Troye/ composed
and drawen out of dyuerce bookes of latyn in
to frensshe by the ryght venerable persone and wor-
shipfull man . Raoul le ffeure . preest and chapelayn
vnto the ryght noble gloryous and myghty prynce in
his tyme Phelip duc of Bourgoyne of Braband &c
In the yere of the Incarnacion of our lord god a thousand
foure honderd sixty and foure / And translated
and drawen out of frenshe in to englisshe by Willyam
Caxton mercer of y^e cyte of London / at the comaudemet
of the right hye myghty and vertuouse Pryncesse hys
redoubtyd lady . Margarete by the grace of god . Du-
chesse of Bourgoyne of Lotryk of Braband &c/
Whiche sayd translacion and werke was begonne in
Brugis in the Countee of Flaundres the fyrst day of
marche the yere of the Incarnacion of our said lord god
a thousand foure honderd sixty and eyghte/ And ended
and fynysshid in the holy cyte of Colen the . xix . day of
septembre the yere of our sayd lord god a thousand
foure honderd sixty and eleuen &c.~
~And on that other side of this leef foloweth the prologe~
Caxton’s Prologue begins on the verso of the same leaf, with space for
a 4-line initial W.
~Han J remembre that euery man is bounden~
The first book commences on the fifth recto, with space for a 7-line
initial W. The second begins on the 149th, and the third on the 253rd
recto, the whole ending with some Latin rhymes on the 352nd recto, the
verso being blank.
REMARKS.--No one speaking the English language can look at this
patriarchal volume with indifference. Here, for the first time, our
forefathers saw their language in print; and, could our interest in
any way have been heightened, it would have been by knowing it to have
been printed in our own instead of a foreign land. The history of its
origin is shortly this. In the original French it was a favourite novel
of the English and Burgundian courtiers, for, although nominally an
account of the Trojan wars, it is really a series of love-scenes mixed
with mythology and knight-errantry. The manuscript translation made by
Caxton for the Duchess of Burgundy, whose court was at Bruges, having
excited great interest, a demand arose for copies quicker than Caxton
could supply them. The printing-press having been just established in
that city by Colard Mansion, Caxton, whose thoughts were now homewards,
determined to use it as a means of multiplying his translation, and of
learning at the same time a new trade which would support him on his
return to England. This he did at a great charge and expense, and then,
having procured a new fount of types and all the necessary material,
came over to England and erected his press at Westminster.
Fortunately this work cannot be reckoned among the rarities of Caxton’s
press, as there are copies in the British Museum, Sion College, College
of Physicians, London, at Oxford, Cambridge, Paris, and fourteen other
libraries. The Duke of Devonshire gave £1060 10_s._ for a copy in 1812,
the same copy having been purchased by the Duke of Roxburgh a few years
previously for £50.
NO. 2.--LE RECUEIL DES HISTOIRES DE TROYES. _Composé en l’an de grace
1464. Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (1476?)_
COLLATION.--_Book I_, twelve 5ns = 120 leaves, of which the first and
last are blank. _Book II_, eight 5ns and one 3n = 86 leaves. _Book
III_, eight 5ns = 80 leaves. _Total_, 284 printed and two blank leaves.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Type No. 1 only is used. The lines for the
greater part are spaced out to one length, being more even in this
particular than the two English books in this type. A full page has 31
lines, without signatures, numerals, headlines, or catchwords. A space
two to four lines in depth has been left at the commencement of each
chapter for the insertion of an illuminated initial, a director being
sometimes inserted.
The Text, 31 lines to a page, which is divided into three books, begins
thus on the second recto, after a blank leaf:--
~Cy commence le volume Intitule le recueil des histoires
de troyes Compose par venerable homme raoul le feure
prestre chappellain de mon tresdoubte seigneur Monsei-
gneur le Duc Phelippe de bourgoingne En lan de grace.
mil.cccc.lxiii.:.~
and ends on the 286th verso.
~antiphoꝰ le roy estoriꝰ le roy prothenor et le roy obtomeꝰ.
˙ ⁚ ˙ Explicit ˙ ⁚ ˙~
REMARKS.--The history of the Trojan War, a favourite subject for
several centuries with European writers, was the foundation of
numerous romances. Of these the chief were the apocryphal history by
Dares Phrygius, a Trojan priest, celebrated by Homer; the account of
the same war by Dictys Cretensis, a supposititious historian; and
the History of the Siege of Troy by Guido of Colonna, a native of
Messina in Sicily, who wrote in the thirteenth century. The rise of
these histories, their growth under the editorial care of successive
scribes, the incorporation of incidents from other romances, and their
final development in the compilation of “Le Recueil des Histoires de
Troye,” form a curious and typical example of this class of literature.
According to the unanimous testimony of all printed editions and all
manuscripts of the complete work, “Le Recueil” was the composition
of Raoul Lefevre, chaplain and secretary to Philippe le Bon, Duke
of Burgundy: but in a manuscript copy of this work in the National
Library, Paris, the first two books are attributed to Guillaume
Fillastre. And this is remarkable--that Lefevre succeeded Fillastre
(who was a voluminous author) in the office of secretary to the duke.
Probably, finding his predecessor’s history unfinished, he took it
up, and, after adding Book III, issued the whole under his own name.
In that age a similar course was by no means uncommon, nor was it
an infringement of any recognised literary right; we can hardly,
therefore, with M. Paris, call it (even if true) “une grande fraude
literaire.” On the other hand, several copies were issued with the
name of Lefevre while Fillastre was yet living, and Caxton, who was
contemporary with both writers, ascribes the whole work to Lefevre. Nor
is there any noticeable variation in style between the two portions, as
might be expected if composed by two authors; indeed the style of “Le
Recueil” is the same as that of “Les fais du Jason,” an acknowledged
work of Lefevre.
Steevens asserts that Shakspere derived the greater portion of his
materials for the play of “Troilus and Cressida” from Lydgate’s
metrical composition, “The last Destruction of Troy;” but Douce, in
his “Illustrations,” is far nearer the truth in tracing the incidents
employed by our great poet to Caxton’s translation of “Le Recueil des
Histoires de Troye.” The latter was popular, and frequently reprinted
in the 16th and 17th centuries, long after Lydgate’s laboured metre had
become antiquated.
There is a perfect copy in the British Museum, besides a large
fragment. The National Library, Paris, has a copy, and four others
are in private libraries. A fragment of eight leaves was purchased
some years ago by a bookseller, and made into four thick volumes,
each volume having two printed leaves with a hundred blank leaves on
each side. These were all disposed of as specimens to lie open in the
show-cases of museums.
NO. 3.--THE GAME AND PLAY OF THE CHESS MORALISED. _(Translated
1475.) First Edition. Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or
Date. (1475-76?)_
COLLATION.--Eight 4ns and one 5n = 74 leaves, of which the 1st and 74th
are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Only one type, No. 1, is used throughout
the work. The lines are not spaced out; the longest measure 5 inches;
a full page has 31 lines. Without title-page, signatures, numerals, or
catchwords.
The volume commences with a blank leaf, and on the second recto is
Caxton’s prologue, space being left for a 2-line initial, without
director.
The Text begins thus:--
~O the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous yrince
George duc of Clarence Erl of Warwyk and of
salisburye/ grete chamberlayn of Englond & leutenant
of Irelond oldest broder of kynge Edward by the grace
of god kynge of England and of frauce / your most
humble seruant william Caxton amonge other of your
Seruantes sendes unto yow peas . helthe . Joye and victo-
rye vyon your Enemyes / Right highe puyssant and~
The Text ends on the 73rd recto,
~And sende yow thaccomylisshement of your hye noble .
Joyous and vertuous desirs Amen :/: Fynysshid the
last day of marche the yer of our lord god . a . thousand
foure honderd and lxxiiii.˙.:.:.˙.~
The 74th leaf is blank.
REMARKS.--“Fynysshid the last day of Marche the yer of oure lord god a
thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii.” The word “fynysshed” has doubtless
the same signification here as in the epilogue to the second book of
Caxton’s translation of the Histories of Troy, “begonne in Brugis,
contynued in Gaunt, and _finysshed_ in Coleyn,” which evidently refers
to the translation only. The date, 1475-76, has been affixed, because
in the Low Countries at that time the year commenced on Easter-day;
this in 1474 fell on April 10th, thus giving, as the day of the
conclusion of the translation, 31st March, 1475, the same year being
the earliest possible period of its appearance as a printed book.
The literary history of the “Game and Play of the Chess” does not
appear to have hitherto received that attention which is its due.
Before 1285, Ægidius Colonna had composed his renowned work entitled
“De regimine principum,” which treats of self-government, domestic
government, and national government. The “Liber de ludo Scachorum” of
J. de Cessolis appears to have been based upon this work, its chief
originality being the representation of the several stations and
duties of life by the pieces used in chess. About the middle of the
fifteenth century two distinct French versions were made. The earlier
was probably that by Jean Faron, in 1347, who translated it literally
from the original Latin. About the same time appeared the favourite and
standard work of Jehan de Vignay, who took great liberties with the
text, and added many stories and fables. Both these men were of the
order of Preaching Friars, and seem to have worked quite independently
of one another. Caxton’s edition was principally from the version of
Jehan de Vignay, to whom he gives the title of “an excellent Doctor of
Divinity, of the Order of the Hospital of St. John’s of Jerusalem,”
which is remarkable, as in his preface Jean de Vignay styles himself
“hospitaller de l’ordre de haut pas,” and he is so termed in all the
manuscripts. On comparing the English and the two French versions, it
is evident that Caxton must have been well acquainted with both. His
prologue addressed to the Duke of Clarence contains, nominis mutatis,
the whole of Jean de Vignay’s dedication to Prince John of France;
while Chapters I and III are taken entirely from the translation of
Jean Faron. The remainder of the book is from the version of Jehan de
Vignay, with one or two special insertions evidently from the pen of
Caxton himself.
To show the curious way in which Caxton adopted and adapted while
translating, the dedication to the Duke of Clarence, hitherto
considered as his own composition, is here given side by side with its
French original.
CAXTON’S PROLOGUE TO “THE GAME AND PLAY OF THE CHESS.”
To the right noble / right excellent & vertuous prince George duc
of Clarence Erle of warwyk and of / salisburye / grete chamberlayn
of Englond & leutenant of Irelond oldest broder of kynge Edward by
the grace of god kynge of England and of fraūce / your most humble
seruant william Caxton amonge other of your seruantes sendes vnto
yow peas, helthe. Ioye and victorye vpon your Enemyes / Right highe
puyssant and redoubted prynce / For as moche as I haue vnderstand and
knowe / that ye are enclined vnto the comyn wele of the kynge our
said saueryn lord. his nobles lordes and comyn peple of his noble
royame of Englond / and that ye sawe gladly the Inhabitans of the
same euformed in good. vertuous. prouffitable and honeste manners.
Jn whiche your noble persone wyth guydyng of your hows haboundeth /
gyuyng light and ensample vnto all other / Therfore I haue put me in
deuour to translate a lityll book late comen in to myn handes out of
frensh in to englisshe / Jn which I fynde thauctorites. dictees. and
stories of auncient Doctours philosophes poetes and of other wyse men
whiche been recounted & applied vnto the moralite of the publique
wele as well of the nobles as of the comyn peple after the game and
playe of the chesse / whiche booke right puyssant and redoubtid
lord I haue made in the name and vnder the shadewe of your noble
protection / not presumyng to correcte or empoigne ony thynge ayenst
your noblesse / For god be thankyd your excellent renome shyneth as
well in strange regions as with in the royame of england gloriously
vnto your honour and lande / whiche god multeplye and encrece But
to thentent that other of what estate or degre he or they stande in
. may see in this sayd lityll book / yf they gouerned them self as
they ought to doo / wherfor my right dere redoubted lord I requyre
& supplye your good grace not to desdaygne to resseyue this lityll
sayd book in gree and thanke / as well of me your humble and vnknowen
seruant as of a better and gretter man than I am / For the right good
wylle that I haue had to make this lityll werk in the best wyse I can
/ ought to be reputed for the fayte and dede / And for more clerely
to procede in this sayd book I haue ordeyned that the chapitres ben
sette in the begynnynge to thende that ye may see more playnly the
mater wherof the book treteth &c.
PROLOGUE OF JEAN DE VIGNAY TO HIS FRENCH TRANSLATION (A.D. 1360) OF
THE “LUDUS SACCORUM” OF J. DE CESSOLIS.
A Tres noble & excellent prince Jehan de france duc de normendie &
auisne filz de philipe par la grace de dieu Roy de france. Frere
Jehan de vignay vostre petit Religieux entre les autres de vostre
seignoire / paix sante Joie & victoire sur vos ennemis. Treschier
& redoubte seign^r / pour ce que Jay entendu et scay que vous veez
& ouez volentiers choses proffitables & honestes et qui tendent
alinformacion de bonnes meurs ay Je mis vn petit liuret de latin
en francois le quel mest venuz a la main nouuellement / ou quel
plussieurs auctoritez et dis de docteurs & de philosophes & de poetes
& des anciens sages / sont Racontez & sont appliquiez a la moralite
des nobles hommes et des gens de peuple selon le gieu des eschez le
quel liure Tres puissant et tres redoubte seigneur jay fait ou nom
& soubz vmbre de vous pour laquelle chose treschr seign^r Je vous
suppli & requier de bonne voulente de cuer que il voꝰ daigne plaire
a receuoir ce liure en gre aussi bien que de vn greign^r maistre de
moy / car la tres bonne voulente que Jay de mielx faire se je pouoie
me doit estre reputee pour le fait / Et po^r plus clerement proceder
en ceste ouure / Jay ordene que les chappitres du liure soint escrips
& mis au commencement afin de veoir plus plainement la matiere de
quoy le dit liure p’ole.
Before concluding this article we must give an interpolation of the
text which has real interest as showing Caxton’s feelings towards “men
of law.” The French author is regretting the conduct of some lawyers of
Rome and Italy, and Caxton, with a natural burst of indignation, which
suggests that personal experience had something to do with it, adds
this:--
“Alas! and in England what hurt do the advocates, men of law, and
attorneys of court to the common people of the royaume, as well in the
spiritual law as in the temporal: how turn they the law and statutes
at their pleasure; how eat they the people, how impoverish they the
community. I suppose that in all Christendom are not so many pleaders,
attorneys, and men of the law as be in England only, for if they were
numbered all that long to the courts of the Chancery, King’s Bench,
Common Pleas, Exchequer, Receipt and Hall, and the bag-bearers of the
same, it should amount to a great multitude. And how all these live and
of whom, if it should be uttered and told it should not be believed.
For they entend to their singular weal and profit and not to the
common.”
There are ten copies known of this book, of which two are in the
British Museum, one at Oxford, one at Cambridge, and six in private
libraries.
NO. 4.--LES FAIS ET PROUESSES DU NOBLE ET VAILLANT CHEVALIER JASON.
_Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (147-?)_
COLLATION.--Sixteen 4ns and one 3n = 134 leaves, of which the first
and last two leaves are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page nor colophon. The
type used is No. 1 only. The great majority of the lines are fully
spaced out, agreeing in this respect more with the French editions of
“Le Recueil” and the “Psaulmes” than the English “Recuyell” and the
“Chess Book.” Full lines measure 5 and 5-3/16 inches; 31 lines to a
page. Without signatures, numerals, head-lines, or catchwords.
A blank leaf commences the book; at the head of the succeeding recto,
with space for a 4-line initial, and with a director, the Text begins
thus:--
~l~ ~A gallee de mon engin flotant na pas long
temps en la parfondeur des mers du pluseurs
anciennes histoires ainsi comme Je vouloie me-
ner mon esperit en port de repos / soudainement
sapparu au pres de moy vne nef conduitte par vng homme~
The Text ends on the verso of the 31st printed leaf:--
~ant a mon deuant dit tresredoubte seigneur / Et atous ceulx
qui le contenu de ce present volume liront . ou orront lire .
quil leur plaise de grace excuser autant que mon petit et ru
de engin na sceu touchier ne peu comprendre &c ˙:.
Explicit~
REMARKS.--All the books printed with these types are traced to Mansion,
either alone or assisted by Caxton. In this work and the “Meditacions,”
the even length of the lines proves them to be later productions than
those in which the lines are more uneven; and this is plain evidence
that if these two works were printed by Mansion (as doubtless they
were) it must have been after 1478, the year in which he adopted the
plan of even lines; but if we attribute them to Caxton, we must suppose
him to have forsaken his own establishment at the Red-pale, in or after
the year 1480 (being the period when he first adopted the practice of
making his lines of an even length) for the purpose of printing abroad
what he had every facility for printing at home.
The existence of this edition was first made known in England by a
letter from M. Van Praet to Dr. Dibdin, who sent an account of it to
the “Gentleman’s Magazine” for July, 1812.
Only three copies of this scarce book have been as yet discovered.
A magnificent one is at Eton College; another is in the National
Library, Paris, which, when purchased in 1808, was bound up with “Le
Quadrilogue,” a work printed by Colard Mansion, in 1478; and a third is
in the Library of the Arsenal, Paris.
NO. 5.--MEDITACIONS SUR LES SEPT PSEAULMES PENITENCIAULX. _Folio.
Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (1478?)_
COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 5n = 34 leaves, of which the last
only is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used
is No. 1. The lines are for the most part fully spaced out, though now
and then there is a deficiency in this respect, which only occurs,
however, on the verso of the folios, the recto throughout being fully
spaced. This peculiarity is observable to a greater or less extent in
all the French books printed in this type. The full lines measure 5
inches, and 31 lines make a full page. There are no signatures, folios,
nor catchwords.
In all typographical particulars this work agrees with the French
edition of “Jason,” already described, and there is little doubt was
printed by Colard Mansion at Bruges, about 1478.
The Text begins on the first recto,--
~A braye penitance est comme aucune eschielle
~l~ par laquelle lomme pecheur qui selon la parabole
de leuuangille descendy de Jherusalem en Jherico
monta de rechief de Jherico en Jherusalem / cest abision de~
And ends on the 33rd verso, with a full page, followed by a blank
leaf,--
~exultacion de leesse espirituelle / Puis encores sil te plaist
me donne que par ce septenuaire des pseaulmes de peniten-
ce lesquelz correspondent aux sept affectz de lomme prins
pour les sept degrez de leschielle de penitence Je puisse mō-
ter et paruenir atoy en cette tant glorieuse cite de Jherusa-
lem en laquelle tu habites et te offrir auec les sains et be-
neurez le sacrifice de loenge sans fin /: AMEN~
REMARKS.--This work is a translation from the original Latin of
Cardinal Pierre d’Ailly, entitled “Meditaciones Circa Septem Psalmos
Penitentiales.” It was composed about the end of the fourteenth
century, and translated shortly after into French, but by whom is
uncertain, although from the style it is supposed by several of his
biographers to have been from the pen of the Cardinal himself. It has
been attributed to Antoine Belard, but on insufficient grounds, as
his version, printed at Lyons in 1542, was a much later production.
The Cardinal was the author of at least 42 works, many of which are
preserved in Harl. MS., No. 637; but neither in the British Museum nor
in the National Library, Paris, does there appear to be a MS. copy of
this commentary on the Penitential Psalms. About 1483 the original
Latin was printed at Paris by Ant. Caylaut, and another edition of
German, 15th cent. workmanship, but without Name, Place, or Date, is in
the British Museum. It was also reprinted at Strasbourg in 1490, and in
the “Orthodoxographa,” Basle, 1555. The Commentary on the Penitential
Psalms printed by Wynken de Worde was composed by Bishop Alcock, and
has nothing in common with this.
Pierre d’Ailly was born of poor parents at Compiègne in 1350. His
father, at the cost of many personal privations, procured for him
a sound elementary education, and at an early age he obtained the
appointment of Bursar in the celebrated College of Navarre. He made
himself master of the philosophy and science of his age, studying
especially metaphysics and astronomy. When only twenty-five he was
accounted the greatest scholar and most skilful debater of the time.
In 1380 the University of Paris conferred upon him the degree of
Doctor, and in the following year he delivered his famous oration upon
the healing of the Papal schism which at that time was disturbing all
Christendom. This procured for him the benefice of Noyon, which he
held till 1384. He was then recalled to Paris to be Grand Master of
the College of Navarre, where only twelve years before he had studied
as a pupil. At this period his fame was greatly increased by his
successful pleadings before Pope Clement VII. against the new-fangled
doctrine of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary. In 1389 he
became Chancellor of the University of Paris, as well as Confessor
and Almoner to the young king Charles VI. Already well versed in
Church politics, he now became initiated in Court mysteries, and by a
happy mixture of wisdom, wit, and polished manners, greatly increased
his fame and power. In 1394 the Canons of La Sainte Chapelle having
become very neglectful of their duties, he was appointed Treasurer,
and soon initiated some sweeping reforms. Two years later he was
consecrated Bishop of Cambray, where his firmness and prudence in the
most trying circumstances exercised the most happy influence on his
Diocese. His favours and patronage were conferred on those most worthy
by their piety, zeal, and abilities to receive them, and especially
was he anxious to avoid even the appearance of simony. In 1411 he was
chosen Cardinal, and it was about this time that he published the
“Meditationes” upon which this article is founded. He distinguished
himself at the Councils of Pisa and Constance, and was President of the
Session at which John Huss was condemned to be burnt. He died in 1420
at the height of his fame.
The only EXISTING COPY at present known was discovered in the General
Library of the British Museum, in 1841, by Mr. J. Winter Jones,
bound up with “Les Quatre Derrenieres Choses.” It is _perfect_,
in an excellent state of preservation, clean, and free from all
disfigurements. It has the final blank leaf, the verso of which is
covered with quotations in the handwriting of the fifteenth century.
These quotations are extended over the first recto (which is also a
blank) of the book mentioned above as being bound up with it, proving
that they were bound together soon after printing. For an article on
both works, from the pen of Mr. Jones, see “Archæologia,” vol. xxxi,
page 412.
A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN
TYPE NO. 2.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2._
6. Les Quatre Derrenieres Choses 1475?
7. The History of Jason 1477?
8. The Dictes and Sayings. First Edition 1477
9. Horæ 1478?
10. The Canterbury Tales. First Edition 1478?
11. The Moral Proverbs of Christine 1478
12. Propositio Johannis Russell 1478?
13. Stans puer ad Mensam _ante_ 1479
14. Parvus Catho. First Edition _ante_ 1479
15. Ditto Second Edition _ante_ 1479
16. The Horse, the Sheep, and the Ghoos. First Edition _ante_ 1479
17. Ditto ditto Second Edition _ante_ 1479
18. Infancia Salvatoris _ante_ 1479
19. The Temple of Glass _ante_ 1479
20. The Chorle and the Bird. First Edition _ante_ 1479
21. Ditto ditto Second Edition _ante_ 1479
22. The Temple of Brass, or the Parliament of Fowls _ante_ 1479
23. The Book of Courtesy. First Edition _ante_ 1479
24. Queen Anelida _ante_ 1479
25. Boethius _ante_ 1479
26. Corydale 1479
27. Fratris Laur. Gulielmi de Saona Margarita 1479-10?
28. The Dictes and Sayings. Second Edition 1480?
29. Indulgence 1480
30. Parvus et Magnus Chato. Third Edition 1481?
31. The Mirrour of the World. First Edition 1481?
32. Reynard the Fox. First Edition 1481
33. Tully of Old Age 1481
34. The Game and Playe of the Chesse. Second Edition 1481?
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE NO. 2.
NO. 6.--LES QUATRE DERRENIERES CHOSES ADVENIR. _Folio. Without
Printer’s Name, Date, or Place. (1476?)_
COLLATION.--Nine 4ns = 72 leaves, of which the first only is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Type No. 2 only is used. The lines are of
very irregular length, 28 to a page. Without signatures, folios, or
catchwords. Commencing with a blank leaf, the table follows on the
second recto, the first three lines being in red ink.
The Text begins:--
~Ce present traictie est diuise en quatre parties principa
les : Desquelles chascune contient trois autres singuli ⸝
res parties en la fourme gui sensuit~:
and ends on 72nd verso:--
~quilz pourueissent aux choses derrenieres ⸝ dont la frequēte
memoire et recordacion Rapelle des pechiez a culpe aux ver
tus et conferme en bounes oeuures / par quoy on paruient a
la gloire eternelle :Amen
Explicit liber de
quatuor Nouissimis~
An important typographical peculiarity in this work is the mode
in which the printer has employed red ink for the title-lines of
chapters. The _modus operandi_ and how the red ink overlies the black,
is explained at p. 52, _ante_. This curious and primitive practice is
not seen in any books except that under notice, and those printed by
Colard Mansion of Bruges. Another typographical characteristic which
intimately connects this book with those printed in Type No. 1 is the
existence of two small holes on the outer margin of each leaf, made
by points in use by the pressman. These, it should be noticed, occur
in all the works for which type No. 1 was used, but none, except the
present, printed with type No. 2, nor indeed in any English printed
books. Again, we find among the undoubted first issues of the press
at Westminster that the books in folio, such as “The Life of Jason,”
“Dictes,” “Canterbury Tales,” “Cordyale,” &c., have all 29 lines to
the page, while “Les quatre derrenieres choses” has but 28. On taking,
however, the actual measurement, it will be seen that the depth of the
page is exactly the same as in the type No. 1 books. Evidence has been
already produced to show that the five books in type No. 1 were printed
in Bruges by Colard Mansion alone, or assisted by Caxton; and to the
same source we have no hesitation in ascribing “Les quatre derrenieres
choses.”
REMARKS.--The title, “De quatuor novissimis,” was applied to many
religious treatises of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; and so
many Latin manuscripts of distinct works have come down to us that it
is difficult to distinguish between them: nor were the early printed
editions less numerous, Hain, in his “Repertorium Bibliographicum,”
giving the titles of twenty-one editions printed in the fifteenth
century. They all agree, however, in one particular, viz.--that no
copy gives the name of its author. The Latin original of one work on
this subject is attributed to “Denis de Leewis, natif de Rikel,” who
died in 1471: it was printed at Antwerp about 1486. But the authorship
of this particular version is given to Gerardus à Vliedenhoven, and
Mr. Holtrop gives an account of three printed editions. There is a
fourth in the University Library, Cambridge, besides which there are
four Dutch editions. Early French anonymous versions were also very
numerous, and it is fortunate that a manuscript in the Royal Library,
Brussels, has preserved the name of the author to whom we are indebted
for the present translation. It bears the following colophon: “Cy fine
le traittie des quatre dernieres choses, translaté de latin en francois
par Jo. Mielot l’an de grace mil cccc liij.”
Philippe le Bon, as is well known, maintained many secretaries for the
purpose of adding to the treasures of his library by translations,
collations, commentaries, &c. In this way were employed Guy d’Angers,
David Aubert, de Hesdin, Droïn Ducret, de Dijon, and others. They
brought into use that peculiar style of writing termed “grosse
bâtarde,” which, at a later date, Colard Mansion took as a pattern for
his types. Among the duke’s secretaries, one of the most indefatigable
was Jean Mielot. He united in himself the qualifications of author,
translator, and scribe, as he lets us know in the manuscript, “Traité
de vieillesse et de jeunesse,” now in the Royal Library, Copenhagen.
The only EXISTING COPY known of this edition was discovered by Mr.
J. Winter Jones, while re-cataloguing a portion of the old royal
library in the British Museum. It was bound in the same volume as the
“Meditacions,” already described at page 179, to which the reader is
referred for further particulars.
NO. 7.--THE HISTORY OF JASON. _Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place,
or Date. (1477?)_
COLLATION.--Eighteen 4ns and one 3n = 150 leaves, of which the first
and two last are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title. The only type used is
No. 2. The lines are very uneven in length, the longest measuring
5 inches. A full page has 29 lines. Without signatures, folios, or
catchwords. Space is left at the commencement of chapters for the
insertion of a 2-line initial, with director.
The Text begins thus, on the second recto, the first leaf being blank:--
~f~ ~Or asmoche as late by the comaūdement of the right
hye & noble princesse my right redoubted lady ⸝ My
lady Margarete by the grace of god Duchesse of Bour-~
and ends on the 148th verso,
~among the most worthy · And after this present life eu-
lastinglife in heuen who grant him & vs that boughte vs
with his bloode blessyd Thus Amen~
REMARKS.--As already noticed when treating of the original French
version of “Jason,” its compiler was Raoul Lefevre, secretary to the
Duke of Burgundy, and while in the service of the duchess, it seems
most probable that Caxton became possessed of a copy. The date of
imprint has been generally attributed by bibliographers to the year
1475, but this is, I think, too early. The features of Caxton’s history
about that time seem to point to 1476-77 as the date of his settlement
in England; and November 18th, 1477, is, as we know, the day on which
the printing of “Dictes” was finished. Now the typographical appearance
of “Jason” proves it to have been one of the very earliest products of
the Westminster press; and Caxton’s remarks in the prologue to “Golden
Legend” show the translation to have followed “The Recuyell” and “Chess
Book.” The evidence, therefore, seems to point to a date immediately
preceding “Dictes” or the early part of 1477, when the young prince, to
whom it was dedicated, would be six years old, and much more likely to
make use of the work than if presented to him two years earlier.
Gerard Leeu, at Antwerp, reprinted this English text in 1492, a fact
noticed thus by Gerard Legh in “The Accidence of Armory,” 1576--“The
History of Jason, which was translated out of Frenche, and printed at
Andwarpe by one of my name.”
Of the six known copies there is one in the British Museum, one in the
Bodleian, and four in private libraries.
NO. 8.--THE DICTES AND SAYINGS OF THE PHILOSOPHERS. _Folio.
“Enprynted by me William Caxton at Westmestre.” 1477. First
Edition; without Colophon._
COLLATION.--Nine 4ns and one 3n = 78 leaves, of which the first and two
last are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Only type No. 2
is used. The lines are of very uneven length, the longest measuring
5 inches; 29 lines to a full page. Without folios, catchwords, or
signatures. Space is left at the beginning of chapters for the
insertion of 3-line initials, with director.
Commencing with a blank leaf, Earl Rivers’s prologue follows.
The Text begins thus, on the second recto:--
~Here it is so that euery humayn Creature by the
~w~ suffraūce of our lord god is born & ordeigned to
be subgette and thral vnto the stormes of fortune
And so in diuerse & many sondry wyses man is perplex-~
The work concludes on the verso of the 73rd folio at foot, and is
followed on the 74th recto by Caxton’s epilogue and additions,
commencing with space for 3-line initial.
~Ere endeth the book named the dictes or sayengis
~h~ of the philosophres enprynted ⸝by me william
Caxton at westmestre the yere of our lord · M ·
CCCC · Lxxvij · Whiche book is late translated out of~
The Text ends on the 76th verso, with a short page of sixteen lines--
~posicion in this world ⸝ And after thys lyf to lyue euer-
lastyngly in heuen Amen~
~Et sic est finis .·.·~
REMARKS.--This book is remarkable as being the first which bears a
plain statement of the place and time of its execution. It is thought
by some to be really the first book printed in England. A few of the
quarto pieces may perhaps have preceded it, but there is none that can
be proved of earlier workmanship; and if, as there seems good reason
for supposing, Caxton did not settle at Westminster before 1476-77, he
would not have had time to produce much.
The history of the English translation of this work is interesting. It
appears that Earl Rivers, moved thereto by a remembrance of relief from
many worldly adversities, determined to pay his vows at the shrine of
St. James of Compostella. In the British Museum (C. 18. e. 2) is “An
Abbreviation of the graces and indulgences which Alexāder vj granteth
to all true believing people of every sexe or communitie of the grete
hospytall of Saynt James of Cōpostella.” This shrine had been for many
years the favourite resort of those who intended a short pilgrimage.
Many ships, and those of the largest burthen, were engaged in this
passenger traffic, the chief port of embarkation being Southampton.
Thence in the year 1473 the earl sailed, and while on the voyage Lewis
de Bretaylles, a Gascon knight celebrated for his great prowess, at
the court of Edward IV, showed the earl a copy, in French, of “Les
dits moraux des philosophes,” with which Lord Rivers was greatly
delighted, retaining it for more intimate perusal. On his return to
England, in the same year, the king appointed him one of the governors
of the Prince of Wales; and now, having more leisure, the earl began a
translation of the work into English, which, however, notwithstanding
the assistance of an earlier translation by Scrope, occupied him some
years, supposing it to be completed only a short time previously to
its being printed in 1477. Earl Rivers evidently had a good opinion
of Caxton’s literary abilities, for he requested him “to oversee”
his translation before printing it, and the result was the addition
of a chapter “towching wymmen,” introduced by a very characteristic
prologue from Caxton’s own pen. This prologue is replete with a quiet
humour, which reveals to us more of Caxton’s real disposition than all
his other writings. It proves also the intimate terms which must have
existed between Lord Rivers and himself.
We may infer from this, the first edition had a rapid sale, as about
1481 a second edition (described further on) was produced in the same
type, and page for page, the same as the original.
There is an oft-quoted but much overrated manuscript of this
translation in the Archiepiscopal Palace, Lambeth. It is on vellum, and
has one inconsiderable illumination, famous only on account of giving
the sole representation known of Edward V. Earl Rivers is presenting
a copy on bended knee (probably this very one) to the prince, who is
seated on his throne. By the earl’s side is pourtrayed an ecclesiastic
with shaven crown, probably “Haywarde,” whose name appears at the end
of the volume as the writer. We may suppose the earl to be in the act
of reciting the metrical prologue which appears at the commencement,
and the first five lines of which are--
This boke late translate here in sight
By Anthony Earl (_erasure_) that vertueux knyght
Please it to accepte to youre noble grace
And at youre conueniens leysoure and space
It to see reede and vnderstonde
The writing is the usual secretary hand of the fifteenth century, and
the date of transcription, as given in the colophon, is December 29th,
1477, or about six weeks after the publication of Caxton’s printed
edition, of which it is a verbatim copy, with the addition of the
metrical prologue already noticed, and the following paragraph which
precedes Caxton’s prologue to the chapter on women--“And suffice
you with the translation of the sayinges of thes Philosophres, And
one William Caxton atte desire of my lorde Ryuers / emprinted many
bokes after the tonour and forme of this boke / whiche Willm saide as
foloweth:” then comes Caxton’s chapter.
A different and somewhat earlier translation is in the Ms. department
of the British Museum (Harl. 2266), “late translatyd out of frensh tung
in to englysh the yer of our lord M cccc L to John Fostalf knyght for
his contemplacion and solas by Stevyn Scrope squyer sonne in law to the
seide Fostalle.” Literary taste is not often associated with the name
of Sir John Falstaff.
Thirteen copies of this edition are known--Two in the British Museum,
one at Cambridge, and the remainder in private libraries. The Rev. T.
Corser’s copy, sold in 1868, wanting three leaves, sold for £110.
NO. 9.--FRAGMENT OF A “HORÆ.” _Octavo. Without Printer’s Name,
Place, or Date._ (1478?)
Four leaves only. Type No. 2. Lines very uneven in length, the longest
measuring 2¼ inches; twelve lines to a full page. Without signatures,
catchwords, or numerals.
The evidence which a perfect volume might afford being absent, the
following suggestions by Mr. Bradshaw, of Cambridge, are offered:--From
the small portion remaining of the original, it is impossible to state
with accuracy under what particular class of service-books it should
be ranged. To all appearance it is part of a primer, or “Horæ secundum
consuetudinem Angliæ;” though its diminutive size renders it improbable
that it contained, as well as the Hours, the Litany, the Vigils of the
Dead, and all the miscellaneous prayers usually found in this class
of books. The above fragment will be found to include the following
portions of Suffragia at Lauds:--St. Thomas of Canterbury (the last
few words only), St. Nicholas, St. Mary Magdalene, St. Katharine, St.
Margaret; after which, in the four leaves that are wanting, there is
room for All Saints, the Prayer for Peace, the Versicle and Response,
Benedicamus domino, Deo gracias, and the commencement of the Suffragia
of the Three Kings, the rest thereof occupying, as above, the head
of the second portion of the fragment. Then follow the Suffragia of
St. Barbara and the concluding verse Benedicamꝰ dño Deo gs, with
which the service ends. On comparing this with the Horæ of the same
period it will be seen that these prayers always occur at the end of
Lauds, and are peculiar in their order to the English Church, with the
exception of the Three Kings and St. Barbara, which, in this sequence,
are peculiar to this fragment. Suffragia of the Three Kings, and of
St. Barbara, are found amongst the miscellaneous commemorations in
most of the English primers; but those of St. Barbara, as found in
this fragment, differ altogether from those which occur in other Horæ.
It is well known that the Esterlings were a thriving and influential
corporation in Caxton’s time, consisting of German merchants from
the City of Cologne and the other towns in the Hanseatic League, and
occupying the Steel Yard in Cannon Street as their London residence,
with All Hallows the Great as their parish church, and St. Barbara
as their patron saint. Now in their accustomed service, comprising
Matins and Lauds, the Suffrages of the Three Kings of Cologne, which,
as already remarked, do not commonly occur at those hours, would be
most appropriate, not on account of the name so much as the subject of
the prayer, which is for success in trade, and for peace and health
in travelling;--“concede propitius ... ut itinere quo ituri sumus,
celebritate, letitiâ, gratiâ et pace, ad loca destinata in pace et
salute et negotio bene peracto cum omne prosperitate, salvi et sani
redire valeamus.” This alone proves very little; but when we find that
the next suffrages are those of St. Barbara, whose name never occurs in
the English Lauds, but to whom the Esterlings prayed as their patron
saint, it becomes probable that the fragment before us was part of an
Anglican primer (or Horæ), with additional prayers, for their especial
use. And if these German merchants, in whose country the typographic
art had made great progress, wished to have this, their daily service,
printed, to whom could they go but to Caxton, the only printer then in
England.
Should this view be correct it considerably increases the
bibliographical value of the fragment, which is otherwise of great
interest as being, in all probability, the earliest English-printed
service in existence, and which, from the unevenness in the printing
and the early types, must have been one of the first products of the
Westminster press.
The fragment on which the foregoing remarks have been founded is in the
Bodleian Library (Douce Fragments). When originally extracted from an
old book-cover it formed a half-sheet, but now two quarters.
NO. 10.--CHAUCER’S CANTERBURY TALES. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. First
Edition. (1478?)_
COLLATION.--Forty 4ns, one 3n, one 5n, one 3n, one 5n, one 3n,
one 5n, and one 2n, making together 372 leaves, of which the first
only is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used
is No. 2. The lines in the prose portions are very unevenly spaced, but
the longest measure 5 inches; 29 lines to a full page. Without folios,
signatures, or catchwords. The book commences with a blank leaf, after
which the Text begins thus:--
~Han that Apprill with his shouris sote
~w~ And the droughte of marche hath peid ye rote
And badid euery veyne in suche licour
Of whiche vertu engendrid is the flour~
On the 372nd leaf recto are the following lines, being the conclusion
of the Parson’s tale:--
~tificacion of synne / To that lyf he vs brynge that bought
with his precyous blood Amen.~
~Explicit Tractatus Galfrydi Chaucer de
Penitencia vt dicitur pro fabula Rectoris.~
The reverse is occupied by what is called Chaucer’s retraction,
commencing--
~n~ ~Ow pray J to hem alle that herkene this litil treatyse~
and ending--
~deus . Per omnia secula seculor’ Amen.~
which concludes the volume.
Nine copies are known, of which two are in the British Museum, one at
the Bodleian, one at Merton College, Oxford, and the others in private
libraries.
NO. 11.--THE MORAL PROVERBS OF CRISTYNE. _Folio. “Enprinted by
Caxton At Westmestre,” 1478._
COLLATION.--Two sheets, or four leaves, all printed.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The only type used is No. 2. 28 lines to a
page. Without signatures, catchwords, or folios.
The Text begins, with a head-line on the first recto, thus:--
~The morale prouerbes of Cristyne
~t~ He grete vertus of oure elders notable
Ofte to remembre is thing profitable
An happy hous is . where dwelleth prudence~
and ends on the fourth verso,
~At westmestre . of feuerer the . xx . daye
And of kyng Edward / the . xvij . yere vraye~
~Enprinted by Caxton
In feuerer the colde season~
REMARKS.--Cristyne de Pise was, with the single exception of Joan of
Arc, the most famous woman of her age. She was born A.D. 1363, in
Italy, and, at the early age of fifteen, married Etienne Castel. After
a few happy years her husband was taken from her by death; and now,
although, to quote her own words, “nourri en delices et mignottemens,”
she found herself almost in destitution, with aged parents and three
young children dependent upon her. Fortunately her father, who had
been physician to Charles V of France, had taken great pains in her
education, by which she had well profited. Urged on by necessity,
she devoted herself to a literary life, and soon became famous. Her
writings, which show a vast amount of reading, were ever on the side
of virtue, morality, and peace. Her unimpeachable life assisted the
tendency of her writings, and both were an honour to the age in which
she lived. For many years her labours were incessant. After a last song
of rejoicing on the victories of the French arms under “La Pucelle”
she retired to a convent for the remainder of her days. The date of
her death is unknown. The biographers of Cristyne vie with one another
in her praises. There is a charming monograph upon her, by M. Raimond
Thomassy, entitled “Essai sur les Ecrits Politiques de Christine de
Pisan.” 8vo. Paris, 1838. See also “Les Msc. Franc.,” vol. iv, p. 186;
and “Mém. de l’Acad. des Insc.,” vol. ii, p. 762.
“Les prouerbes moraulx” were originally composed as a supplement to
“Les enseignemens moraux,” written by Cristyne for the instruction of
her son, Jean Castel, who passed a part of his youthful days in the
service of the Earl of Salisbury, in England.
The translation of these proverbs into English by Earl Rivers appears
to have taken place about the same period as his longer effort the
“Dictes of the Philosophers.” And here we may notice that the earl has
been credited by Horace Walpole and Dr. Dibdin with the pedantic design
of making nearly all the lines of his translation end with the letter
“e.” A very cursory examination of the poetry of the fifteenth century
would have shown that the terminal e was common in all writings of that
period.
In the “Fayttes of Arms,” translated and printed by Caxton at a later
period, we meet with another production of the same authoress. The
only copies known of the “Moral Proverbs” are in the libraries of Earl
Spencer, Earl of Jersey, and Mr. Christie-Miller.
NO. 12.--PROPOSITIO JOHANNIS RUSSELL. _Quarto. Without Printer’s
Name, Date, or Place. (147-?)_
COLLATION.--Four printed leaves, the recto of the first and the verso
of the last being blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Only one type,
No. 2, is used. The lines are very irregular in length, a full line
measuring 4 inches. A full page has 22 lines, without signatures or
catchwords. The speech, which is all in one paragraph, bears evidence
of having been printed a page at a time. It commences with a 2-line
space for the insertion of an initial, with a small director, and has
been reprinted in full by Dr. Dibdin.
The Text begins on the first verso:--
~Propositio Clarissimi Oratoris . Magistri Jo
hannis Russell decretorum doctoris ac adtunc
Ambassiatoris xpianissimi Regis Edwardi~
and ends with twelve lines on the fourth recto, of which the last three
are--
~phare ad dei laudem / et exaltationem fidei xpia
ne ⸝ nostri qꝫ seremissimi regis robur . solacium re
uelationem qꝫ / et gloriam plebis sue . amen~
In the eighth volume of the “Censura Literaria,” page 351, appeared the
first public notice of this tract, which till then had been mistaken
for a manuscript. Whether printed at Bruges, which is not unlikely, or
at Westminster is difficult to decide.
John Russell, “Orator clarissimus,” Bishop of Lincoln and Lord
Chancellor, held many offices of trust under three sovereigns. He was
born in the parish of St. Peter’s, Winchester, in the beginning of
the reign of Henry VI, and commenced his education there. At an early
age he went to the University of Oxford, where he obtained the degree
of Doctor of Decrees. In 1449 he was made fellow of New College; was
afterwards appointed to a prebendal stall in Salisbury, and in 1466 to
the Archdeaconry of Berkshire. On the latter appointment he removed to
court, where he was much noticed by Edward IV. In September, 1467, he
was commissioned by the king, together with Lord Hastings, Lord Scales,
and others, to conclude a treaty of marriage between the king’s sister
Margaret and the Duke of Burgundy. A few months later he was engaged
in arranging the trade relationship between this country and Flanders.
It was probably then, if not at an earlier period, that he became
acquainted with our printer. His name appears often after this as
assisting in the negotiation of various treaties. In February, 1469-70,
“Messire Galiard, chevalier; Thomas Vaghan, Escuier et Tresorier de la
Chambre; et Jehan Russell, Docteur en Decret, Arcediacre de Berksuir,”
accompanied by Garter King at Arms, were commissioned by King Edward IV
to invest the Duke of Burgundy with the order of the Garter. On this
occasion the oration which forms the foundation of the present article
was delivered. The investiture took place at Ghent, and here, if Caxton
were present, of which however there is no positive evidence, he would
again make acquaintance with John Russell. In 1476 the Archdeacon
was raised to the bishopric of Rochester, and in 1480 translated to
Lincoln. In March, 1483, he appeared as “Orator” before Pope Sixtus
IV (see _Harleian MS._ No. 433), and was probably in Rome when his
Sovereign, Edward IV, who had appointed him one of his executors,
breathed his last. In the short reign of Edward V he was appointed Lord
Chancellor, to which office he was re-appointed by Richard III. In 1485
he retired to private life, and died in January 1494. He was interred
in Lincoln Cathedral, under an altar tomb in the Chantry Chapel,
founded by him on the south side of the Lady Chapel.
He was the first Chancellor of Oxford appointed for life, in which
university he was very popular. England also should keep his name
in memory if only for the great change he initiated in promulgating
the statutes of the realm in the vulgar tongue, instead of Latin or
French, a practice continued ever after. Sir Thomas More thus draws his
character: “A wyse man and a good, and of much experyence; and one of
the best learned menne undoubtedly that Englande had in hys time.”
An interesting autograph, as showing the Archdeacon at Bruges in 1467,
when Caxton was governor, occurs in a volume of “Cicero de Officiis,”
in the Public Library of Cambridge:--“Empt’ p Jo. Ruscel . archidiaconū
berkshyrie apud oppidū bruggense flandrie a° 1467 mens’ Ap^il’ 17° die.”
A fine uncut copy is in the magnificent library of Earl Spencer. It
appears to have been bound up by mistake in a volume of blank paper
intended for manuscript alone, being in the original binding, and the
whole volume otherwise consisting of the common manuscript hand of the
fifteenth century, which affords no indication of local execution. It
was discovered in cataloguing the library of John Brand, which was sold
in 1807, and where it appeared among the manuscripts (Part I, Lot 30),
“A work on Theology and Religion, with five leaves at the end, a very
great curiosity, very early printed on wooden blocks or type.” The
Marquis of Blandford bought it at the reasonable price of £2 5_s._ At
the sale of his library in 1819 (Lot 5752), Earl Spencer was obliged
to give £126 for it. It was for many years considered as unique, until
another copy was discovered in the library at Holkham, these two being
the only copies known.
NO. 13.--STANS PUER AD MENSAM--MORAL DISTICHS--SALVE REGINA.
_Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_
COLLATION.--Four leaves, all printed.
There is no title-page. Type No. 2 only is used. There are 23 lines
to a page, or three stanzas in “Balad Royal,”[14] with a blank line
between the stanzas. Long lines measure 4 inches. Without signatures or
catchwords.
The Text begins, on the first recto, thus:--
~. Stans puer ad mensam .
~m~ I dere childe first thy self enable
With all thin herte to vertuoꝰ discipline
Afore thy souerayn stondyng at the table~
The poem concludes with two stanzas on the third recto, the latter of
which is:--
~Go litill bylle bareyn of eloquence
Pray yong children that the shal see or rede
Though thou be not compendious of sentence
Of the clawses for to take hede
Which to alle vertue shal thy yongth lede
Of the wrytyng though ther be no date
Yf ought be amys put the faute in lidgate
. Explicit .~
MORAL DISTICHS immediately follow the above, and fill up the page. The
whole is here given.
~Aryse erly And aryse temperatly
Serue god deuoutly And to thy soup soberly
The world besily And to thy bed merily
Goo thy way sadly And be there iocondly
Answere demurely And slepe sewrly
Go to thy mete appetently . Explicit .~
The SALVE REGINA begins on the verso of the preceding, at the head of
the page.
~. An holy Salue regina in englissh .~
~Alue with all obeisance to god i humblesse
Regina to regne euyr more in blysse
Mater to crist as we byleue expresse~
The “Salue” ends at the foot of the 4th recto,
~Mater of lyf and eterne creacion
Salue euer as feir as we can suffyse . Amen.~
The reverse of this leaf gives the following:--
~Wytte hath wonder and kynde ne can
How mayden is moder and god is man
Leue thyn askyng and beleue that wonder
For myght hath maistry & skyll goth vnder
. Deo laus &c .~
This is followed by six proverbial couplets, the last being--
~Knowe er thou knytte & than thou maist slake
Yf thou knyt er thou knowe than it is to late~
This finishes the Text as it stands in the only two copies known.
From the absence of the word ~Explicit~, or any other similar ending
which Caxton made a rule of placing at the end of his works, great
and small, it is not unlikely that this piece is imperfect. This
is rendered more probable by the absence of the blank leaf at the
beginning, which, supposing a printed leaf wanting at the end, would be
its counterpart. At the same time it should be noticed that the only
two known copies agree in this deficiency, and that Wynken de Worde,
who reprinted from Caxton’s edition, concludes in the same abrupt
way; though it is not impossible that he printed from an imperfect
copy, and did not know it, as in this very tract he has reproduced,
with his usual carelessness, an accidental error of Caxton’s edition.
Caxton, in printing, had transposed the two pages of the second leaf,
proving that, even in the quarto size, he had not arrived at the art of
printing more than one page a time, and Wynken de Worde blindly repeats
the mistake.
Among the many pieces which make up the catalogue of Lydgate’s works
must be included “Stans Puer ad Mensam,” as the two concluding lines
prove:--
“Of the writing, though there be no date,
If ought be amiss put the fault in lydgate.”
Dan John Lydgate, who knew Chaucer in his old age, and may have been
acquainted with Caxton in his youth, was an indefatigable rhymester.
Ritson gives a list of 251 pieces attributed to his pen. The dates of
his birth and death are equally obscure, and the only fact concerning
him, of any certainty, is that he was born at Lidgate, near Bury St.
Edmunds, whence he doubtless derived his name. (_Harl. MS._ 2251, folio
283.)
The “Stans Puer” is a translation of the “Carmen juvenile de moribus
puerorum” of Sulpitius, of which the first edition was probably printed
at Aquila in 1483. But the type used for Caxton’s tract (the last dated
use of which, in its first state was in 1479) proves it to have been
printed at least some years previous to the impression at Aquila; so
that we may fairly consider this as the “editio princeps” of the tract.
It was reprinted by Wynken de Worde three times early in the succeeding
century.
The “Salve Regina,” in its style and metre, closely resembles the
acknowledged pieces of Lydgate, and was also, in all probability, from
his pen.
The copy in the University Library of Cambridge is the only one known,
and though now in a separate binding, was formerly in a volume of poems
all printed by Caxton, of which an account is here appended.
Bishop Moore’s library, rich in old black-letter poems, contained,
among its other treasures, one priceless little volume, in quarto,
bound in plain brown calf, and lettered on the back “Old poetry printed
by Caxton.” The collection appears to have been made before it came
into the bishop’s possession; but the fact of the poems being bound
together led Middleton and all succeeding writers to describe them as
one work. Mr. Bradshaw’s careful examination, however, showed that the
volume contained eight distinct publications, which have since been
bound separately. Some of these are unique, and some are found alone
in other collections. Before re-binding, the volume contained the
following pieces in the following order:--
I. Stans Puer ad Mensam; Moral Distichs; The Salve Regina. II. Parvus
Catho and Magnus Catho. III. The Chorle and the Bird. IV. The
Horse the Goose and the Sheep; Stanzas; The proper use of certain
nouns; The proper use of certain verbs. V. The Temple of Glass.
VI. The Temple of Brass; A treatise which John Skogan sent unto
the lords and gentlemen ... exhorting them to use virtues in their
youth; The good counsel of Chaucer; Balad of the village without
painting. VII. The Book of Courtesy. VIII. Anelida and Arcyte and
The Complaint of Chaucer to his purse.
There is nothing to show in what order these tracts were printed. Being
all in verse we can draw no conclusions from irregularity of spacing,
and even where two editions were printed it is sometimes impossible to
say which had precedence. That they were _all_ printed before February
2nd, 1479, we may safely assume, as they are, without exception, in the
early state of type No. 2, which then made its last dated appearance
in “Cordyale;” and that many were among Caxton’s first essays seems
probable from their popular nature, and the small amount of labour
required in their production. For these reasons they are treated
consecutively, together with three other editions, in Nos. 14 to 25,
those pieces whose longest lines all measure 4 inches being placed
before those measuring 3¾ inches.
NO. 14.--PARVUS CATHO.--MAGNUS CATHO. _Quarto. First Edition. Sine
ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_
COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 5n = 34 leaves, of which the first
was doubtless blank, though wanting in the only known copy.
There is no title-page. The type is No. 2 only. Full lines measure
4 inches, and each page contains 23 lines, counting the blank line
between the stanzas. Without signatures or catchwords.
The Text commences with title-line on the second recto, a blank leaf
having originally preceded it--
~. Hic Jncipit paruus Catho .~
~Cu aiadutere qua plurimos hoies guiter errare
Whan J aduerte to my remembrance
And see how fele folkes erren greuously~
“Parvus Catho” terminates in the middle of the third recto,
~Whan ye it rede let not your hert be thense
But doth as this saith with al your hole entente~
~. Hic finis parui cathonis .~
making in all seven stanzas, in “Balad Royal.”
“Magnus Catho” immediately follows on the verso, with space left for
the insertion of a 2-line initial ~S~ with director.
~. Hic Jncipit magnus Catho .~
~s~ ~J deus est aimus nobis vt carmina dicut
Hic tibi precipue fit pura mente colendus
For thy that god is inwardly the wit~
The Text ends on the 34th verso,
~Here haue J fonde that shal you guyde & lede
Streight to gode fame and leue you in hir hous
. Explicit Catho .~
The work is in four books, containing 42, 39, 27, and 52 stanzas of
“Balad Royal,” each of which is headed by a couplet from the original
Latin.
The “distichs” of Cato were very popular for many centuries. Their
author, and even the origin of their title, is entirely lost, though
some of their stanzas are traced as far back as the second or third
century of the Christian era. In the middle ages they were used as a
school-book, to teach Latin, as well as to inculcate moral maxims;
so that to be unacquainted with “Cato” was synonymous with general
ignorance. Chaucer continually mentions the work. “He knew not Catoun,
for his wyt was rude,” says the miller of the rich “Gnof.” These
remarks apply to “Magnus Cato” only. About 1180 Daniel Churche, an
ecclesiastic attached to the court of Henry II, added a few Latin
precepts as introductory to the original, and from that period the
two were mostly transcribed together, being distinguished as “Parvus
Cato” and “Magnus Cato.” Of the English version of these “distichs”
we cannot have a better account than that given us by Caxton himself
in his preface to “Cathon” glossed; “which book,” he says, “hath been
translated out of Latin into English by Master Benet Burgh, ... which
full craftily hath made it in Balad Royal for the erudition of my
Lord Boucher son and heir at that time to my Lord the Earl of Essex.”
This translation of Benet Burgh is the text printed by Caxton, twice
in quarto, and once in folio with woodcuts, before he undertook the
translation of the extensive French Gloss, which will be brought to the
reader’s notice under the year 1484.
“Maister Benet Burgh” was Vicar of Malden, in Essex, when he
translated “Cato,” as we learn from the colophon in _Harl. MS._, No.
271. He afterwards filled the offices of Archdeacon of Colchester,
1464; Prebendary of St. Paul’s, 1472; and soon after High Canon of
St. Stephen’s, Westminster. He appears to have been an author as well
as a translator. The following is the title of a poem in _Harl. MS._
7333, folio 149_b_--“A cristemasse game made by Maister Benet: howe god
almyghty seyde to his apostelys and echeū off them were baptiste and
none knew of othir, &c.” He also appears to have written a considerable
portion of the poetical translation of “De regimine principum”
attributed to Lydgate, as we infer from _Harl. MS._ 2251, folio 236,
in which occurs this side-note, in the same handwriting as the body of
the poem--“Here deyde the translato^r a noble Poet Dane John Lydgate
And his folower gan his prolog in this wise p’ Benedictū Burgh.” He or
Lydgate also wrote an original fourth book to “Catho Magnus,” which,
although not printed by Caxton, may be seen in several manuscripts.
Ritson, indeed (_Bib. Poet._, page 66), ascribes the whole to Lydgate.
It does not seem improbable that the printing of “Parvus et Magnus
Catho” was undertaken by desire of “High Canon Burgh,” who, holding
a canonry in Westminster, was likely to have become acquainted with
Caxton.
The only EXISTING COPY is in the Public Library, Cambridge (AB. 8. 48.
2). It is _perfect_, but without the original blank leaf, and measures
8¼ × 5½ inches. For an account of the volume which contained it, see
page 198 _ante_.
NO. 15.--PARVUS CATHO.--MAGNUS CATHO. _Quarto. Second Edition. Sine
ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_
COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 5n = 34 leaves, of which the first
was doubtless blank, although wanting in the only known copy.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The variation in this edition is only
typographical. The poem is reprinted page for page, and line for line,
yet the composition of the type is different throughout.
The only EXISTING COPY known is in the library of the Duke of
Devonshire, at Chatsworth, where it is bound with the quarto edition
of “Stans Puer,” already described. It came from the old library at
Hardwicke Hall. In the _Harleian Catalogue_ (III. 6202) the above two
tracts appear together--probably this very copy.
NO. 16.--THE HORSE, THE SHEEP, AND THE GOOSE.--VARIOUS STANZAS.--THE
PROPER APPLICATION OF CERTAIN NOUNS SUBSTANTIVE, AND VERBS.
_First Edition. Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_
COLLATION.--One 4n and one 5n = 18 leaves, of which the first was
doubtless blank, although wanting in the only known copy.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all
No. 2. Full lines measure 4 inches, and each page contains 23 lines,
inclusive of the blank line between the stanzas. Without signatures or
catchwords.
THE HORSE, THE SHEEP, AND THE GOOSE commences on the second recto, the
first leaf being blank.
The Text begins, with space for a 2-line initial, with director,
~c~ ~Ontreversies / plees and discordes
Bitwene persones were two or thre
Sought out the groundes be recordes
This was the custom of antiquite~
On the fourteenth leaf verso,
~Alle in one vessell to speke in wordes pleyn
That no man sholde of other haue disdayn~
~.Thus endeth the horse the ghoos & the sheep.~
There are in this poem 77 stanzas of seven lines each.
VARIOUS STANZAS follow, ending on the sixteenth recto, the verso being
occupied with short sentences, as “An herde of Hertes. A murther of
crowes. A byldyng of rooks,” &c. The whole ends on the eighteenth
verso--
~a Cony vnlaced Yf he take the londe he
a Heron dismembrid fleeth. Explicit.~
The only EXISTING COPY is in the Public Library, Cambridge (AB. 8. 48.
4), and was formerly bound, with other pieces, in a volume already
described at page 51.
The whole of these fugitive pieces are attributed to the prolific pen
of Dan John Lydgate.
NO. 17.--THE HORSE, THE SHEEP, AND THE GOOSE.--VARIOUS STANZAS.--THE
PROPER APPLICATION OF CERTAIN NOUNS SUBSTANTIVE, AND VERBS.
_Quarto. Second Edition. (Ante 1479.)_
COLLATION.--One 4n and one 5n = 18 leaves, of which the first is
blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--These are the same as in the first
edition, with the exception of the orthography and the use of a
title-line, which in the other edition is altogether wanting, a
sufficient reason for attributing this to a later period; for, had the
first edition been printed with a head-line, we may certainly assume
that the improved appearance would not have been omitted by Caxton in
the reprint. In this edition we find the sixth leaf, noticed as wanting
in the only known copy of the first edition.
The text begins on the second recto,
~The hors . the shepe & the ghoos.~
~Ontreversies . plees and discordes
Bitwene persones were two or thre
Sought out the groundes be recordes
This was the custom of antiquite~
and ends with ~Explicit~ on the eighteenth recto.
There is a fragment of six leaves in the University Library, Cambridge,
and a perfect copy, with the original leaf, in the Cathedral Library,
York, a reprint of which was presented by Sir M. M. Sykes to the
members of the Roxburgh Club.
NO. 18.--INFANCIA SALVATORIS. _Quarto. Without Printer’s Name, Date,
or Place. (147-?)_
COLLATION.--Eighteen printed leaves, unsigned, with a blank both at
beginning and end.
The type is all No. 2. There are 22 lines of uneven length to a full
page, and a long line measures 3¾ inches. Without signatures, folios,
or catchwords.
The Text begins thus on the recto of the first printed leaf:--
~Hic Jncipit Tractatus qui Jntitulatur
Jnfancia saluatoris .~
~Xijt edictu a Cesare Augusto vt de
~e~ scriberetur vniusus orbis Hec autem
descripcio prima facta est a preside .
Sirie Cirino . Et ibant oms ut pfiterentur
Singuli in ciuitatem sua Ascendit et Joseph~
and ends with a full page on the eighteenth recto.
~Ecclesiastici vij° . Si filii tibi sint . erudi
illos et curva illos a puericia illor’ . Si filie
tibi sint ⸝ serua corpus illar’ et non ostendant
hilarem faciem tuam ad illas . Gregorius .
Quauis q’s iustus sit . tu in hac vita no debet
esse securꝰ qꝫ nescit quo fine sit terminandus .~
This printed tract differs entirely from the MS. in the British Museum,
_Royal_ 13 A xiv, “De Xti infantia,” but agrees partially with the
“Evangelium Infantiæ” attributed to St. James, and printed in vol. i of
the “Codex apocryphus Novi Testamenti,” by Fabricius.
The only EXISTING COPY known is in the Royal University Library,
Göttingen. It is in good condition, and was purchased in 1746 of
Osborne, for this library, at 15s (?). Ames described this very
copy when in the library of Lord Oxford, but neither Herbert nor
Dibdin could hear of its existence, nor discover it in the Harleian
Catalogue. It is there nevertheless, among the “Libri Latini. Quarto,”
and thus described, “Infantia Salvatoris Tractatus, _corio turcico,
deaurat_. _Lond. apud Caxton, sine Loco._” (See _Catalogus Bibliothecæ
Harleianæ_, vol. v, page 252, No. 7008.)
NO. 19.--THE TEMPLE OF GLASS. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_
COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 5n unsigned, or 34 leaves, of which
the 1st is (?) blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. 2
only. Full lines measure 4 inches, and each page contains 23 lines.
Without signatures or catchwords.
After the blank the poem commences on the 2nd recto, with space for a
2-line initial, with director:--
~. The temple of glas .~
~f~ ~Or thought constreynt & greuous heuynes
For pensifhed and high distres
To bed J went now this other nyght~
The Text ends at the foot of the 34th recto,
~J mene that benygne and goodly of face
Now go thy way and put the in her grace~
~. Explicit the temple of glas .~
There seems no doubt that this was one of the less favoured
compositions of Dan John, although by some writers it has been
attributed to Hawes. It was reprinted by Wynken de Worde.
The only EXISTING COPY is in the Public Library, Cambridge (AB. 8. 48.
5). It is _perfect_, excepting the blank (?) leaf, and was formerly
bound with other pieces in a volume already described at page 201.
Measurement 8¼ × 5½ inches.
NO. 20.--THE CHORLE AND THE BIRD. _Quarto. First Edition. Sine ullâ
notâ. (Ante 1479.)_
COLLATION.--One 5n, or 10 leaves, of which the 1st is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type used is
No. 2 only. Full lines measure 4 inches, and each page contains three
verses of “Balad Royal,” or 23 lines, including a blank line between
the stanzas. Without signatures or catchwords.
After the blank the poem commences on the 2nd recto, space being left,
with a director, for the insertion of a 2-line initial.
The Text begins thus:--
~p~ ~Roblemes of olde liknes and figures
Whiche prouyd ben fructuoꝰ of sentence~
The Text ends on the 10th verso,
~Goo litell quayer and recomande me
Unto my maister with humble affection
Beseke hym lowly of mercy and pyte
Of thy rude makyng to haue compassion
And as touching thy translacion
Out of frenssh / how that hit englisshid be
Alle thing is said vnder correction
With supportacion of his benygnyte~
~. Explicit the chorle and the birde .~
This fable is always included among the compositions of Lydgate. It was
reprinted by Pynson, and a copy in the Grenville Library (11226) has
the following autograph note:--“The same story is told by Alphonsus in
his fable of the labourer and the nightingale, and in Gesta Romanorum,
cap. 169.” A perfect copy is at Cambridge, taken from the volume of
poems already described at p. 201, and a fragment is in the British
Museum.
NO. 21.--THE CHORLE AND THE BIRD. _Quarto. Second Edition. Sine ullâ
notâ. (Ante 1479.)_
The similarity of these two editions is exact so far as the number of
stanzas, number of lines to a page, and the general state of the text;
but there is an evident variation in the typographical minutiæ, such
as the omission of the director, the use of full-points and colons as
ornamentation, and above all the constant variation in orthography.
Take the 1st line as an example:--
Ed. 1. ~p~ ~Roblemes of olde liknes and figures~
Ed. 2. ~roblemes of olde liknes and figures~
and the last line,
Ed. 1. ~. Explicit the chorle and the birde .~
Ed. 2. ~Explicit the Chorle and the birde .:.~
The only known EXISTING COPY is in the Chapter Library at York. It
is _perfect_, with the original blank. A reprint from this copy was
presented to the Roxburghe Club by Sir M. M. Sykes.
NO. 22.--THE TEMPLE OF BRASS, OR THE PARLIAMENT OF FOWLS. SOME
BALADS. ENVOY OF CHAUCER TO SKOGAN. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ.
(Ante 1479.)_
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type used is
No. 2 only. Full lines measure 3¾ inches, instead of 4 inches, as in
the former pieces, and each page contains 23 lines. Without signatures
or catchwords.
The Text begins on the first recto, without a blank leaf,--
~he lyf so short the craft so loge to lerne
Thassaye so hard so sharp the conqueryng~
On the 17th recto,
~Explicit the temple of bras~
The Tract ends on 24th verso,
~Was neuer erst scogan blamed for his toge~
Doubtless the poem did not end here, but the copy at Cambridge is
imperfect, having only 24 leaves, besides which there are a few leaves
at the British Museum, but no perfect copy has yet been discovered.
NO. 23.--THE BOOK OF COURTESY. _Quarto. First Edition. Sine ullâ
notâ. (Ante 1479.)_
COLLATION.--One 4n and one 3n = 14 leaves, of which the last is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No.
2. Full lines measure 3¾ inches. 23 lines to a page, including a blank
line between the stanzas. Without signatures or catchwords.
The Text begins thus:--
~l~ ~ytyl John syth your tendre enfancye
Stondeth as yet vnder ⸝ in difference
To vice or vertu to meuyn or applye~
The Text ends on the 13th recto,
~And how to hurte / lyeth euer in a wayte
Kepe your quayer / that it be not ther bayte~
~Explicit the book of curtesye.~
The 13th verso and the 14th leaf are blank.
The only EXISTING COPY is in the Public Library, Cambridge (AB. 8. 48.
7), and was formerly in the volume of tracts described at page 201.
NO. 24.--QUEEN ANELIDA AND FALSE ARCYTE.--THE COMPLAINT OF CHAUCER
TO HIS PURSE. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_
COLLATION.--One 5n or 10 leaves, all printed.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No.
2 only. Full lines measure 3¾ inches, 23 lines to a page. Without
signatures or catchwords. Space is left at the commencement for a
2-line initial.
The Text begins:--
~t~ ~hou fiers god of armes / mars the rede
That in the frosty contre called trace
Within thy grysly temple full of drede~
The Text ends on the 9th recto,
~How that arcite / anelida so sore
Hath thirled with the peynt of remebrace~
~Thus endeth the compleynt of anelida~
On the same page is Chaucer’s “Complaint to his Purse,” in three
stanzas of “Balad Royal,” the tract ending with
~Et sic est finis .˙.˙~
on the 10th recto.
The only EXISTING COPY known is in the Public Library, Cambridge, and
was formerly in the volume of tracts described at page 201.
NO. 25.--BOETHIUS DE CONSOLACIONE PHILOSOPHIÆ, TRANSLATED INTO
ENGLISH BY GEOFFREY CHAUCER. _Folio. “I William Caxton have done
my devoir to enprinte it.” Without Place or Date. (Ante 1479.)_
COLLATION.--Eleven 4ns and one 3n = 94 leaves, of which the first
is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page, signatures, catchwords,
or folios. Two types are used, No. 2 for the body and No. 3 for the
Latin quotations. The lines are not spaced to one length. Full lines
measure 5 inches, and there are 29 to a page. Space has been left at
the commencement of chapters for the insertion of 2-line initials.
After a blank leaf the Text commences with the title in Latin in type
No. 3, on the 2nd recto, the English translation being uniformly in
type No. 2:--
~Boecius de consolacione philosophie~
~Carmina qui quondam studio florente peregi
Flebilis heu mestos cogor inire modos~
~a~ ~Llas I wepying am constrained to begynne vers
of soroufull matere· That whylom in flourisshing
studye made delitable ditees / For lo rendyng muses of~
On the 93rd recto, third line,
~eyen of the Jugge that seeth and also that demeth alle
thynges ⸝ Deo gracias~
~Explicit boecius de
consolacione philosophie~
Caxton has added an interesting epilogue, which occupies the remainder
of the recto and the whole of the verso, being followed, on the 94th
recto, by the “Epitaphiū Galfridi Chaucer,” printed in type No. 3,
which concludes on the verso, and the last few lines of which are:--
~Post obitum Caxton voluit te viuere cura
Willelmi . Chaucer clare poeta tuj
Nam tua non solum compressit opuscula formis
Has quoqz sz laudes . iussit hic esse tuas~
This epitaph was written by a brother poet, Stephen Surigo, Lic. Decr.,
of Milan, and is most interesting as showing, in connection with the
previous epilogue from the pen of Caxton himself, that not only did
he perpetuate the memory of the great poet by printing his works, but
that he also raised a public monument to his memory before St. Benet’s
Chapel, in Westminster Abbey, in the shape of a pillar supporting a
tablet upon which the above “Epitaphye” was written.
There are few ancient authors whose works received greater attention in
the fifteenth century than those of Boethius. M. Paris gives an account
of five different translations of the “De Consolatione” into French
verse, all of that age, and contained in the Bib. Imp., Paris.
Every library of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, of which we
have any account, appears to have contained a copy: many had several.
In the Ducal Library, Bruges, 1467, was a manuscript with this title,
“Boece de Consolacion en englois,” which is not unlikely to have been
the translation of Chaucer.
Some writers, and among them Dibdin (“Typ. Ant.” Vol. I, page 306),
have doubted whether Chaucer was the real translator of the version
under review, but none of the manuscripts attribute it to any
other writer; and, not to quote the express mention of it in the
“Retractation,” Chaucer himself includes it among his works in the
following couplet (line 425) from the “Legend of Good Women:”--
And for to speke of other holynesse
He hath in prose translated Boece.
In this translation Chaucer appears to have chosen the original Latin
for his text. He certainly did not take it from any of the French
versions noticed above, nor from those described by M. Paris; nor is
it, as Dibdin suggests, from the anonymous translation printed by
Colard Mansion in 1477. But from whatever source derived, it was, if we
may judge from the many copies extant, very favourably received. Our
printer especially took great delight in what he terms the “ornate and
fayr” language of the poet, and in the epilogue to his edition he has
left us a most interesting tribute of his admiration.
There are three copies of this book in the British Museum one at
Cambridge, two at the Bodleian, one at Exeter, and one at Magdalen
College, Oxford; one at Ripon Minster, one at Sion College, London, and
six in private hands. The copy discovered at the St. Alban’s Grammar
School was sold to the British Museum, and was remarkable for the
largest “find” of printed fragments in the boards with which the book
was bound, ever recorded.[15]
NO. 26.--CORDYALE, OR THE FOUR LAST THINGS. _Folio. With Printer’s
Name, but without Place. March 24th, 1479._
COLLATION.--Nine 4ns and one 3n = 78 leaves, of which the 1st and
last are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Two types are used,
Nos. 2* and 3, the latter for proper names and Latin only. The lines
are not spaced out to one length. A full line measures 5 inches. Mostly
29 lines to a page, but sometimes 28. Without signatures, catchwords,
or folios. Space left for the insertion of 3 and 4-line initials, with
director. Commencing with a blank leaf the prologue of the translator
follows on the 2nd recto, space being left for a 4-line ~A~.
The Text begins thus:---
~Prologue of the Translator.~
~L Ingratitude vtterly settyng apart / we owe
~a~ to calle to our myndes the manyfolde gyftes
of grace ⸝ with the benefaittis . that our lorde
of his moost plentiueuse bonte hath ymen vs
wretches m this present transitoire lif . Whiche Remem~
The Text ends with twenty lines on the 77th verso, the last eight of
which are--
~lasting permanence in heuen Amen. Whiche werke pre-
sent I began the morn after the saide Purificacionof our
blissid Lady. Whiche was the the daye of Seint Blase
Bisshop and Martir. And fiinsshed on the euen of than
nunciacion of our said bilissid Lady fallyng on the wed
nesday the xxiiij daye of Marche. In the xix yeer of
Kyng Edwarde the fourthe~
The 78th leaf, which closes the volume, is blank.
The French edition of this work (see page 185, _ante_) was, if
similarity of workmanship in all points may justify the conclusion,
before the printer while at work upon this, the English, edition.
Dr. Dibdin, to whom the French edition was unknown, says that Earl
Rivers translated from the Latin; but as all the other productions of
the Earl’s pen printed by Caxton were from the French, there would
be strong grounds for supposing that this had come through the same
channel, were not the fact established by its not being a literal
translation of any Latin edition, while it is an accurate reproduction,
line for line and almost word for word, of the French edition.
About the date also there has been some confusion. Maittaire and
Panzer attribute the printing to 1478, Lewis to 1479, Dibdin to 1480;
and Lord Orford thinks Caxton, unless he was two years employed upon
it, has made a typographical error in the date. The dates in reality
are very plain. Caxton says that Lord Rivers delivered the English
translation to him to be printed, upon the day of “The Purification,”
which is further stated to have been the 2nd day of February, 1478;
but as the year did not then begin until the 25th of March, it would,
according to the present reckoning, be February, 1479. The printing was
begun the very next day, on the “morning after the said Purification,”
and completed upon the 24th day of March, in the nineteenth year of
Edward IV. This regnal year was comprised between March 4th, 1479, and
March 3rd, 1480, thus again giving the year 1479 for the completion of
the book. From this it is evident that instead of taking over two years
for the printing it occupied Caxton just seven weeks. The epilogue to
this book was written entirely by Caxton.
For the literary history of “Cordyale,” see the remarks on “Les Quatre
Derrenieres Choses,” already noticed.
Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, Bodleian, and Hunterian
Museum, Glasgow. Five are in private libraries.
NO. 27.--FRATRIS LAURENTII GULIELMI DE SAONA MARGARITA ELOQUENTIÆ
CASTIGATÆ AD ELOQUENDUM DIVINA ACCOM- MODATA. _Folio. Sine ullâ
notâ. (1479-80?)_
COLLATION.--One 3n, one sheet, eleven 5ns, and one 3n = 124 leaves.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 2* only
is used. The lines, of which there are 29 to a page, are in most
cases of uneven length, although in some pages they are spaced out
very regularly. Long lines measure 5 inches. Without signatures or
catchwords. Space is left, with a director, for the insertion of
initials 3 or 4 lines in depth. The hyphen is in this volume not
unfrequently used instead of the / or ⸝ , as a mark of punctuation.
Chapters generally commence with a line, or two or three words, in
capital letters; and the ends of paragraphs are often ornamented with
an array of points; for instance, .:˙:.:˙:.
The Text begins on the 1st recto, with the prohemium,--
~Fratris laurencij guilelmi de saona ordinis
mior fac^e theo^e doctois phemiu i noua rthoica~
~c~
~Ogitanti michi sepenumero-ac diligenciꝰ con-
templati q’tu comoditatis q’tuqz splendoris & glorie afferre~
On the 5th verso,
~EXPLJCJT PROHEMJUM .:.~
On the 53rd recto,
~JNCJPJT SECUNDUS LJBER rhe-
torice facultatis : Jn quo specialiter auctor agit de hijs que~
The Second Book ends and the Third begins on the 83rd recto,
~JNCJPJT LJBER tercius rhetorice faculta~
On the 135th recto is a concluding chapter, the Text ending, on the
verso of the 136th leaf, thus:--
~in trinitate perfecta uiuit et regnat per infinita secula secu-
lorum. AMEN.~
~Explicit liber tercius : et opus rhetorice facultatis p fra
tre laurentiu Guilelmi de Saona ordinis minor sacre pa
gine pfessore ex dictis testimonijsqꝫ sacratissimar scriptu-
rar / doctorqꝫ pbatissimor compilatu et ꝯfirmatu : quibus
ex causis censuit appellandu fore Margaritam eloquentie
castigate ad eloquendu diuina accomodatam~
~Compilatu ant’ fuit hoc opus in alma uniuersitate Can
tabrigie . Anno dni . 14 ^ 8 die et . 6 . Julii . quo die
festum Sancte Marthe recolit^r. Sub protectione Senissi
mi regis anglorum Eduardi quarti~
REMARKS.--There can be no doubt in the mind of any one acquainted with
the Westminster books that this issued from Caxton’s press. It agrees
with them not only in character of type, but in length of line, depth
of page, and other typographical peculiarities. Nor is there much
uncertainty about the date. It was not written till July, 1478, and
the first dated book in the types with which it is printed (Type No.
2*) made its first appearance in March, 1479, the latest dated book
in the preceding Type (No. 2) being February, 1478. In 1480 Caxton
discontinued entirely the practice of leaving his lines of an uneven
length, but the majority of pages in this volume have their lines
uneven. The book was therefore printed after July, 1478, and before or
very early in 1480.
It is worthy of notice, that about the same time that Caxton, at
Westminster, was engaged upon this work, the printer-schoolmaster at
St. Albans was also making it one of the first essays of his press.
There certainly was not a longer period than two years and a half
between the two editions, which, so far as the text goes, agree very
closely, the St. Alban’s printer having apparently reprinted from the
edition by Caxton.
It is also very remarkable that this work should have been known and
described for more than 150 years, yet never till October, 1861,
recognised as the production of Caxton’s press. In the Public Library,
Cambridge, is a volume of documents relating to Corpus Christi College,
which was used by Strype for his Life of Archbishop Parker; and among
them is a catalogue of the books bequeathed by the Archbishop to the
library of that College. At folio 255 is the following entry under the
general head of “Books in parchment closures as they lye on heaps on
the upmost shelves:”--“_Rethorica nova impressa Canteb. fo. 1478._”
Strype, in his Life of Parker, misled by this entry, attributed the
book to an early press at Cambridge; and Bagford, writing to Tanner in
1707, says, “I cannot but impart unto you, that very lately good Mr.
Strype hath gave me an account of a booke which archbishop Parker gave
to the Publick library of Benet college, and is a piece of rethorick,
by one Gul. de Saona, a minorit, printed at Cambridge, 1478.” Ames,
who only knew the book from these accounts, and a facsimile of the
beginning and end sent him by Mr. North, placed this work at the head
of the list of Cambridge books in his Typographical Antiquities, 1749,
and gave an engraving of North’s facsimile; which led him to state that
“the types were much like Caxton’s largest.” Herbert merely repeated
the account of Ames; and thus it was reserved for Mr. Bradshaw in
consulting the library of Corpus Christi College for another purpose,
to examine the volume and to recognise the interesting fact that,
although compiled at Cambridge in the year 1478, it was printed
with the unmistakeable types of Caxton, and agreed in typographical
particulars with the books issued from the Westminster press between
1479-80.
Laurentius Gulielmus de Traversanis, of Saona (or Savona, as it is
more commonly called), was born about 1414. His native city, not very
far from Genoa, is better known as the birthplace of Christopher
Columbus. He entered the Franciscan Convent there under Francesco di
Rovere, afterwards Pope Sixtus IV. He studied at the universities of
Padua, Bologna, Cambridge, and Paris, and seems finally to have retired
to his own convent at Savona, where he died, and to which he was a
great benefactor. Wadding (_Scriptores Ord. Min._ folio, Romæ, 1650)
mentions several of his works.
Besides the copy mentioned above, there is one at the University
Library, Upsala, both being in perfect condition.
NO. 28.--THE DICTES AND SAYINGS OF THE PHILOSOPHERS. _“Emprynted by
me William Caxton at Westmestre.” Folio. Second Edition. Dated
1477, but printed about 1480. With Colophon._
COLLATION.--Eight 4ns, and two 3ns = 76 leaves, of which the 1st
is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 2* only
is used. The lines are nearly always spaced out to an even length, and
measure 5 inches; 29 lines to a full page. Without signatures, folios,
or catchwords. Space is left at the beginning of chapters for the
insertion of 3-line initials.
The difference between this and the 1st edition (see page 188, _ante_)
is considerable. _That_ was printed from the original fount of type No.
2; _this_ from a re-casting of the same fount, showing many alterations
in the punches. (See the remarks on type No. 2, page 102, _ante_.)
_That_ has the pages throughout the volume very uneven as to the
length of the line; _this_ nearly always even. _That_, with the unique
exception of the Althorpe copy, is without the colophon; _this_ has the
colophon in every copy. Lastly, the orthography varies throughout the
whole volume.
We must here notice the first instance of a practice common among the
early printers, and doubtless inherited from the scribes, namely, that
of reprinting in subsequent editions the colophons and dates strictly
applicable to the 1st edition only. Thus the three editions of “Dictes
and Sayings,” which issued from Caxton’s printing office, all bear the
same date of imprint, November, 1477, while we know that type No. 2*,
in which the 2nd edition is printed, was not used till after February,
1478, and type No. 6, in which the 3rd edition is printed, was not in
use till about 1488.
The literary history of “Dictes and Sayings” has been already recounted
at page 189, _ante_.
Copies are in the British Museum, Trinity College, Dublin, the library
of the Duke of Devonshire, and Göttingen University.
NO. 29.--LETTERS OF INDULGENCE ISSUED BY JOHN KENDAL IN 1480, BY
AUTHORITY OF POPE SIXTUS IV, FOR ASSISTANCE AT THE SIEGE OF
RHODES. _On parchment._
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is No. 2* only, but from the
warping of the skin assumes in many parts a very deceptive appearance.
The lines, which are considerably extended, but all of one length,
measure 9¼ inches. The large 4-line wooden initial is to be noticed as
being in all probability the earliest instance of printed initials in
this country; they certainly do not appear in any book for which this
type was used. The whole of the document occupies 19 long lines, of
which the following are the beginning and end:--
~F~ ~Rater Johannes kendale Turcipelerius Rhodi ac
commissarius A sanctissimso in xpristo patre | et
domino nostro domino Sirto diuina prouidencia
papa quarto et vigore litterarum suarum pro expe- |
ditione contra perfidos turchos xpristiani nominis hostes .
in defensionem insule Rhodi & fidei catholi= | ce facta et
facienda concessarum ad infrascipta p vniuersum orbem
deputatus . Dilect’ nobis in xpo~ | _Symoni Mountfort et
Emme vxori ei^s_ ~Salute in dno sempiterna Prouenit ex tue
deuotionis affectu quo romana | * * * * *
In quor’ fidem has l’ras nostras Sigilli nostri ap |
pensione munitas fieri iussimus atqꝫ mandauimus . Dat’~
_ultimo die Mēsis marcij_ ~Anno domini | Millesimo quad-
ringentesimo octogesimo~
REMARKS.--The following particulars concerning John Kendal are
gathered from an article in _Archæologia_, vol. xxvii, page 172,
written by Sir F. Madden, and entitled “Documents relating to Perkin
Warbeck.”
In a deposition made by one Bernard de Vignoles, at Rouen in 1495,
concerning a plot against the king’s life, one of the persons
implicated was John Kendal, Grand Prior of the Order of St. John of
Jerusalem in England. He is also remarkable as having been the subject
of the earliest contemporary English medal in existence, which is
dated 1480, the period of the Siege of Rhodes. On this he is styled
“Turcopolier,” or General of the Infantry of the Order, the office
of which was annexed to that of Grand Prior of England. Yet although
the medal so designates him, it is not probable that he was actually
present at the siege, as in that very year (_Rymer_, April, 1480)
Edward IV ordered all persons to assist John Kendal, in Ireland, in
procuring aid and money against the Turks. In this proclamation he is
styled “Turcopolier of Rhodes, and _locum tenens_ of the Grand Master
in Italy, England, Flanders, and Ireland.” In Browne-Willis (Mit.
Abb.) Kendal appears in 1491 and 1501 as Prior of the Hospital of St.
John of Jerusalem in London. He was lieutenant of the Grand Master in
Italy, England, Flanders, and Ireland, and was amply furnished with
indulgences and pardons for all who gave personal service. In this
office of recruiting he was occupied at the time of the celebrated
Siege of Rhodes in 1480. His arms, impaled with those of England, may
still be seen on the walls of an hotel at Rhodes.
In the Numismatic department of the British Museum is a medal connected
with John Kendal. _Obv._ Bust of Kendal in armour marked with the cross
of the Knights of St. John; head bare; hair straight and long; legend,
10. KENDAL RHODI TVRCVPELARIVS. _Rev._ Arms of Kendal. Cross of St.
John in Chief. Legend, ✠ TEMPORE OBSIDIONIS TVRCHORVM MCCCCLXXX.
There are probably two EXISTING COPIES, although but one is at present
known. This is in the British Museum (C. 18, e. 2), and was purchased
in 1845. The blank space for the name is filled in with “_Symoni
Mountfort et Emme vxori ei^s_,” and it is dated the last day of March,
1480.
The Rev. Joseph Hunter noticed the existence of this “Indulgence,”
and wrote to Herbert about it, but it was not then recognised as a
production of Caxton’s press; and, although from the same types, must
have been another copy, as the blanks in that were filled in with the
names of Richard Cattlyn and John Cattlyn, April 16th, 1480.
NO. 30.--PARVUS ET MAGNUS CHATO. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. With
Woodcuts. Third Edition. (1481?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c 4ns, d 2n~ = 28 leaves, of which ~a j~ is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Two sizes of type
occur. No. 2* and No. 3, the latter being used for the Latin couplets
as well as the “Incipit” and “Explicit” lines. Length of long lines 4¾
inches; 29 lines to a page. Signatures are met here for the first time,
lower-case letters and Roman numerals being used. Without folios or
catchwords.
Commencing with a blank leaf the title-line follows, on a ij recto, in
Type No. 3. The text begins thus:--
~Hic incipit paruus Chato~
(_Woodcut of Four Pupils, one of whom wears a fool’s cap, kneeling
before a Tutor, who, rod in hand, sits in a high-backed chair._)
~Um aia aduertere quam hoies grauiter errare
Whan J aduerte in my remembraunce
And see how sele folkes erren greuously~
On sig. ~a iiij~ recto,
~Whan ye it rede let not your herte be thence
But doth as this sayth with al your entente
Hic finis parui cathonis~
(_Woodcut of Five Pupils kneeling before their Tutor, who, seated in
a chair, is teaching them from a book upon a lectern before him._)
“Parvus Chato” contains 7 stanzas, and is followed, on sig. ~a iii~
verso, by
~Hic incipit magnus Chato~
The Text ends, on 4th recto of sig. ~d~--
~Here haue J fond that shal ye guyde and lede
Streyght to good fame & leue you in hyr hous~
~Explicit Chato~
REMARKS.--The Text is evidently a reprint from one of the early
editions in quarto (see pages 202 and 205, _ante_), and was by no means
intended as a kind of “supplement” to the “Cathon glossed,” printed a
year or two later by Caxton, as supposed by Dr. Dibdin in _Typ. Ant._,
vol. i, page 201.
Two very rude woodcuts add to the interest of this volume; one being at
the beginning and one at the end of the “Parvus Chato.” The same cuts
also appear in the “Mirrour of the World,” which raises the question
of precedency. Here, at first sight, one would give priority to the
“Mirrour,” as the cuts appear newer and cleaner; but this is very
deceptive, depending more upon the amount of ink and pressure used
than on the condition of the cuts. The breakage of some of the lines
in the “Mirrour” is a much more sure sign, and this tells strongly in
favour of “Parvus Chato.” The greater appropriateness of the designs to
the “Parvus Chato,” a boy’s book, than to the illustration of grammar
and logic as in the “Mirrour,” leads to the same conclusion. It is
therefore considered that these two cuts were designed originally
for the “Parvus Chato,” which in that case must have been printed
previously to the “Mirrour,” 1481.
There is nothing to induce us to attribute to foreign artists the
production of these woodcuts, which show no amount of skill either
in design or execution, which is not far surpassed in the undoubted
productions of English scribes and miniature painters of the same
period. They may, therefore, be considered as probably the earliest
specimens of wood-engraving in England.
Two perfect copies are known: one in St. John’s College, Oxford, and
the other at Althorpe.
NO. 31.--THE MIRROUR OF THE WORLD. _Folio. First Edition. Translated
1481. Woodcuts. Without Printer’s Name, Date or Place, but in
1481._
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m~ are 4^{~ns~}, ~n~ is a 2n = 100
leaves, of which ~a~ 1 and the verso of ~n~ 4 are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used
is No. 2*. A full page contains 29 lines, which are fully spaced out
and measure 4¾ inches. Without folios or catchwords. Signatures in
lower-case letters and Arabic numerals. The number of woodcuts is 34.
After the first (blank) leaf the “Table” commences on sig. ~a~ 2 recto.
The Text begins thus:--
~Here begynneth the table of the rubrices of this presen
te volume named the Mirrour of the world or thymage
of the same~
and ends on the 4th recto of sig. ~n~, the verso being blank,
~helthe, And after this short & transitorye lyf he brynge
hym and vs in to his celestyal blysse in heuene Amen /~
REMARKS.--The origin of this work cannot be traced very satisfactorily;
but as showing a much better acquaintance with the cosmology of the
world than any previous composition, it may be interesting to examine
the evidence of its authorship.
Vincent de Beauvais, of the Order of Preaching Friars, who, from
the dedication attached to several of his productions, appears to
have flourished in the reign of St. Louis, composed an extensive work
in Latin, consisting of four parts--“Speculum Naturale,” “Speculum
Doctrinale,” “Speculum Historiale,” and “Speculum Morale.” The whole
was entitled “Speculum majus,” for the following reason, given in
the third chapter of the First Book, “_Majus_ autem, ad differentiam
parvi libelli jamdudum editi, cujus titulus Speculum vel Imago mundi,
in quo scilicet hujus mundi sensibilis dispositio et ornatus paucis
verbis describitur. M. Daunou thinks that the “parvus libellus”
here referred to was the “Imago Mundi” from which “Lymage du Monde”
was translated, and that it was a previous composition of Vincent
de Beauvais; and Montfauçon quotes a manuscript in the St. Germain
Collection (Fonds Latin, 926) in support of the same view, in which we
read “Iste liber intitulatus Speculum vel Imago Mundi editus a fratre.
Vincentio ordinis fratrum predicatorum.” But Vincent’s reference to a
Speculum Mundi, “jamdudum editus,” by no means suggests that he wrote
that as well as his own; and unfortunately as no copy is known, the
fact even of its agreement with “Lymage du Monde” cannot be verified.
The manuscript quoted by Montfauçon is no evidence at all, as M.
Paris, on examination, found it to be identical with the “Speculum
Historiale,” or the Third Part of Vincent’s “Speculum Majus,” which
is by no means “a rational description of the world and its products
shortly described.” The compilation of “Speculum Mundi,” from Vincent’s
“Speculum Naturale,” as suggested by Greswell, is equally far from
the truth. Although no copy of the Latin “Speculum vel Imago Mundi,”
referred to by Vincent, is known, there appears little reason to doubt
that it existed in the thirteenth century. Perhaps an earlier copy of
the Latin manuscript in the Cotton Library, (Vesp. E. III., sæc. xiv.)
may have formed the foundation of the French version, although in that
case, as in Vignay’s translation of the “Chess Book,” considerable
additions have been made. The history of the “Mirrour of the World”
may be summed up thus:--Before the middle of the thirteenth century
an unknown author wrote in Latin “Speculum vel Imago Mundi;” of this
no copy has yet been recognised (_Cotton_, _Vesp._ E III?) In 1245
this was turned into French metre for the Duke of Berry, of which
manuscripts in several libraries attest the popularity (_Sloane_ 2435;
_Royal_ 20, A III). Shortly afterwards the French metre was turned
into French prose, probably by “Maistre Gossouin.” (_Royal_ 19, A. ix;
_Bib. Imp._, _Paris_, No. 7070). Here we find the Text used by Caxton
for his translation, who even adopted a considerable portion of the
French prologue, without the least acknowledgment. Who this “Gossouin”
or “Gossevin” was, and whether he was the author or only the scribe, is
quite unknown.
The celebrated Cardinal Pierre d’Ailly compiled, in 1409, a work
entitled “Tractatus de ymagine mundi” (_Harl._ _MS. 637_), which,
however, is principally astronomical, having little in common with the
work under review.
The publishing of this book was not a speculation on Caxton’s part. He
was employed, as we learn from the prologue, to translate and probably
to print it by Hugh Brice, citizen, alderman of London, and in after
years mayor, who wished to make a present to Lord Hastings. To adorn,
as well as illustrate the pages, the art of the wood-engraver was
employed, and we may consider the figures here displayed as some of the
earliest specimens of that art in England. The designs were borrowed
from the manuscript copy, the illuminations in the French manuscripts
showing the same treatment. All the copies issued from Caxton’s press
have the words necessary for the explanation of the diagrams inserted
with the pen, instead of being engraved on the wood, which may perhaps
be an argument for their home execution, as the Flemish artists were
certainly well skilled in engraving words in their blocks. They all
appear to have been perfected by the same scribe, which probably
induced Oldys to assert that they are in Caxton’s autograph. Of this
there is no evidence.
Hugh Brice, of the same county as Caxton, where he held the manor of
Jenkins (_Lysons_, vol. iv, page 75), was also of the Mercers’ Company,
although Stow calls him a goldsmith (_Thoms’s Stow_, page 77). He was
knighted about 1472; and in that year accompanied John Russell and
others on a trade embassy to Bruges. John Russell was the orator whose
celebrated speech, upon the reception of the Order of the Garter by the
Duke of Burgundy, is one of the earliest pieces attributed to the press
of Caxton. In 1473, Hugh Brice, who is called “Clericus in officio
Contrarotulatoris Monetæ nostræ,” was sent on a similar embassy, “De
difficultatibus super intercursu Burgundiæ removendis;” and on both
occasions would necessarily become personally acquainted with Caxton,
who at that time was in the service of the Duchess of Burgundy at
Bruges (_Rymer_, edit. 1727, vol. xi, page 738, &c. &c.) He also held
the offices of Keeper of the King’s Exchange, London; Governor of the
King’s Mint in the Tower, under Lord Hastings; and Mayor of London,
1494. He died in 1496.
Sixteen copies are known: British Museum (2), Cambridge, Bodleian,
Windsor, Göttingen, and ten in private libraries.
NO. 32.--THE HISTORY OF REYNARD, THE FOX. _First Edition. Folio.
Translated in the Abbey of Westminster by William Caxton, 1481,
but without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date._
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i~ are 4ns, ~k~ and ~l~ are 3ns, ~a~
1 and ~l~ 6 being blank. Between the leaves ~h~ 8 and ~i~ 1 is inserted
a leaf half printed on both sides. This was probably owing to the
accidental omission of a page by the compositor. Total, 84½ leaves, of
which the first and last are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. 2*,
none other being used throughout the volume. The lines are spaced out
to one length, and measure 4¾ inches. A full page has 29 lines. Without
folios or catch-words. Arabic figures are used in the signatures.
Spaces 2 lines deep are left for the insertion of initials.
The Text begins, on sig. ~a~ 2 recto, thus:--
~This is the table of the historye of reynart the foxe~
ending half-way down sig. a 3 recto,
~How the foxe with his frendes departed nobly fro the
kynge & wente to his castel maleperduys / capitulo xliij~
On the verso begins the story--
~Hyer begynneth thystorye of renard the foxe~
ending half-way down the verso of the 5 th folio of sig. ~l~,
~Where they shal fynde faute / For J haue not added ne
mynusshed but haue folowed as nyghe as J can my copye
whiche was in dutche ⸝ and by me willm Caxton trans-
lated in to this rude & symple englyssh in thabbey of west-
mestre . fynysshed the vj daye of Juyn the yere of our
lord · M . CCCC . Lxxxj . & the xxj yere of the regne of
kynge Edward the iiijth /~
~Here endeth the historye of Reynard the foxe &c~
REMARKS.--The date of printing this book is nowhere stated, though it
was probably put to press directly after if not during the translation,
which was finished on the 6th of June, 1481. The literary history of
this fable is very obscure. It appears to have had great popularity for
some centuries previous to Caxton’s time, as quotations from it appear
so early as the twelfth century. Caxton’s translation was made from
“Die Historie van Reinaert die Vos, ghepreñt ter goude in hollant by
mi gheraert leeu Jnt iaer Mcccc en lxxix,” or perhaps from the still
earlier edition in Dutch, discovered in 1854, and described in K.
Gödike’s Deutsche Wochenschrift for that year, Heft 8, page 256.
Copies are in the British Museum, Eton College, and two private
libraries.
NO. 33.--TULLY OF OLD AGE; TULLY OF FRIENDSHIP; THE DECLAMATION OF
NOBLESSE. _Folio. “Emprynted by me symple persone William
Caxton.” No Place. 1481._
COLLATION.--_Old Age_: sigs. 1 and ~a~ are 3ns, with 1 1, and ~a~
6 blank--~b c d e f g h~ are 4ns--~i~ is a 2n, with ~i~ 4 blank.
_Friendship_ and the _Declamation_: ~a b c d e f~ are 4ns, with no
blanks. The first section in the “De Senectute” is signed in Arabic
numerals only, thus: 1 2--1 3--1 4, the rest of the work being signed
in letters and Arabic numerals. The three tracts together have 117
printed and three blank leaves.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page to any of the three
treatises. The type is all No. 2*, except where Latin quotations or
proper names are introduced, when Caxton’s largest type, No. 3, is
used. The lines are fully spaced out, and the long lines measure 4¾
inches; 29 lines make a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Space
is left at the beginning of the chapters with a director, for the
insertion of 2 to 5-line initials. The peculiar ~&c~ belonging to type
No. 1 is used in this book.
Although in three distinct treatises, Caxton intended them to form but
one volume, as is plainly stated in the epilogue, which renders it
difficult to imagine a reason for his printing the volume with two sets
of signatures.
After a blank leaf the Text begins on sig. 1 2, space being left for a
2-line initial ~H~ with director,
~h~ ~Ere begynneth the prohemye vpon the reducinge ⸝
both out of latyn as of frensshe in to our englyssh
tongue / of the polytyque book named Tullius de senec-
tute . whiche that Tullius wrote vpon the disputacons &~
The treatise “De Senectute” ends, with the following colophon, at the
head of the 3rd recto of sig. ~i~,
~Thus endeth the boke of Tulle of olde age translated
out of latyn in to frenshe by laurence de primo facto at
the comaundement of the noble prynce Lowys Duc of
Burbon / and enprynted by me symple persone William
Caxton in to Englysshe at the playsir solace and reue-
rence of men growyng in to olde age the xij day of Au-
gust the yere of our lord . M . CCCC . lxxxj :~
A blank leaf, and then the “De Senectute” begins with a new series of
signatures on ~a j~, the whole work ending on the 8th verso of sig. ~f~,
~that we at our departyng maye departe in suche wyse, that
it maye please our lord god to receyue vs in to his euir-
lastyng blysse . Amen:~
~Explicit per Caxton~
REMARKS.--We learn from Caxton’s own pen, that the translation of
Cicero’s “De Senectute” and “De Amicitiâ” into French was made by the
command of Louis Duke of Bourbon, in 1405, by Laurence de Premierfait.
This learned priest was a native of the city of Troyes, and obtained
great celebrity by his numerous translations.
To Jean Mielot we must attribute the French version of “The
Declamation,” in which he styles the author “Surse Pistoie, Docteur en
Loix, et grand Orateur.” This was one of the first books that issued
from the press of Colard Mansion at Bruges.
The English translation of the “De Senectute” was accomplished, as we
learn from the first prologue, at the ordinance and desire of Sir John
Fastolfe. It has been ascribed by Leland to the Earl of Worcester, and
by Anstis to Wyllyam de Wyrcestre; in both cases without evidence. We
have seen already that the “Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers”
had been translated in 1450 for Sir John Fastolfe, by Stephen Scrope,
his son-in-law (see page 191, _ante_), and this possibly came from the
same pen. Whoever the translator may have been he took for his text the
work of Laurence Premierfait, of which this version is a most literal
translation, notwithstanding his assurance (see the end of the first
prologue) that “this book is more amply expounded and more sweeter to
the reader, _keeping the just sentence of the Latin_.” The English
version of “De Amicitiâ” and the “Declamation” are attributed by
Caxton to the Earl of Worcester, a great traveller, a great collector
of books, and a great orator. The Earl’s history and acquirements
have been described by Fuller, Dr. Henry, and many others; Caxton’s
admiration for him is expressed in the most touching and characteristic
terms. Probably their love of literature was a friendly bond. The Earl
also translated, at a later period, Cæsar’s Commentaries, which Rastell
printed.
Of 22 copies extant, twelve are in the chief corporate libraries in
England, and ten in private hands.
NO. 34.--THE GAME AND PLAY OF THE CHESS. _Second Edition. Folio.
Woodcuts. “Explicit per Caxton.” Without Place or Date. (1481?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i~ are 4ns, ~k l~ are 3ns = 84
leaves, of which the first is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used
is No. 2.* The lines are spaced out to an even length, and signatures
are used. A full page has 29 lines, and a full line measures 4⅞ inches.
Space left for the insertion of 2 or 3-line initials, with director.
Without folios or catchwords.
After the blank leaf the prologue of Caxton commences on sig. ~a ij~.
The Text begins thus:--
~He holy appostle and doctour of the peple saynt
~t~ Poule sayth in his epystle . Alle that is wryten
is wryten vnto our doctryne and for our ler-
nyng . Wherfore many noble clerkes haue endeuoyred~
The table of chapters follows on the verso, and ends on ~a iij~ recto,
the verso being blank. On ~a iiij~ recto, the first chapter commences,
and is illustrated with a woodcut representing King Evilmerodach, son
of Nebuchadnezzar, “a jolly man without justice who did do hew his
father his body into three hundred pieces.”
The Text ends on ~l~ 6 recto, the verso being blank--
~man but as a beste . Thenne late euery man of what
condycion he be that redyth or herith this litel book redde ·
take therby ensaumple to amende hym ·~
~Explicit per Caxton.~
REMARKS.--All the copies of this book show the types thick and worn.
Also many double letters and ligatures which occur frequently in
earlier books never appear in this.
The woodcuts in this volume number only sixteen, not twenty-four, as
Dibdin and other writers say, eight of them being impressions from
blocks used for previous chapters. As already noticed, there seems a
probability that the two cuts for “Parvus Chato,” third edition, were
the earliest used by Caxton. These were soon after printed again, with
the addition of many others in the “Mirrour of the World.” The present
cuts were perhaps the third essay of Caxton in this department, and
for these, judging by the general style, he appears to have employed
another artist.
[Illustration: “EVILMERODACH, A JOLLY MAN WITHOUT JUSTICE WHO DID DO
HEW HIS FATHER IN PIECES.”]
The literary history of the work has been given under the first
edition, but we must notice that the original prologue dedicated to the
Duke of Clarence, the major portion of which was a translation from the
French, has been superseded in this edition by a prologue from Caxton’s
own pen, the ideas in which, with the exception of the first few lines,
and almost the very words, are often met with in manuscripts of that
age.
In the first chapter of the Fourth tractate is a curious interpolation
by Caxton respecting “the good old times” of his youth. The original
text has this remark: “And truly a royame wythout habundaunce of
goodes by whyche hyt may be gouerned and prospere may better be callyd
a latrocynye or a nest of theuys than a royame.” To this Caxton adds
the following:--“Alas what habundaunce was somme tymes in the royames
/ and what prosperite / in whiche was Justyce . and euery man in his
offyce contente! how stood the cytees that time in worship & renome .
how was renomed the noble royame of englond alle the world dradde hit
and spake worshyp of hit. How hit now standeth and in what habundaunce
I reporte me to them that knowe hit . yf there ben theuys wyth in the
royame or on the see . they knowe that laboure in the royame and sayle
on the see / I wote wel the fame is grete therof / I pray god saue that
noble royame . & sende good trewe and polletique councellours to the
gouernours of the same.”
The year in which this edition is generally considered to have been
issued seems to me very incorrect. Ames assigns no date to it, but
Dibdin, probably misled by Bagford’s observations, thinks it one of
Caxton’s earliest efforts, while in some remarks attached to a reprint
of this edition by Mr. Figgins, it is considered as the _earliest_
specimen of the Westminster press, and to have been printed from _cut_
metal types. An examination of the work, however, with a typographical
eye does not afford a single evidence of very early workmanship. All
Caxton’s early books were uneven in the length of their lines--this
is quite even. Not one of the early works had any signatures--this is
signed throughout. These two features alone are quite sufficient to
fix its date of impression at least as late as 1480, when Caxton first
began the use of signatures. Probably it was the last book for which
Type No. 2* was used.
Copies are in the British Museum; the Pepysian and Trinity, Cambridge;
Bodleian and St. John’s, Oxford; Imperial Library, Vienna; and seven in
private hands.
FOOTNOTES:
[14] “Ballad Royal” was the title of a seven-line rhythm, each stanza
of which rhymed as follows:--_a_--_b_--_a_--_b_--_b_--_c_--_c_.
[15] An account of this discovery may be found interesting, showing
strongly the importance of examining the covers of old books before
rejecting them. In the summer of 1858 I inspected the old library in
the Grammar School attached to the Abbey of St. Albans. I found a
few valuable books all contained in an old deal cupboard, upon which
the leakage from the roof had dripped apparently for years. It must
have been long since any one had touched a book there, and the amount
of dust and decay was certainly enough to deter even a bibliomaniac
from so doing. After examining a few interesting books I pulled out
one which was lying flat upon the top of others. It was in a most
deplorable state, covered thickly with a damp sticky dust, and with a
considerable portion of the back rotted away by wet. The white decay
fell in lumps on the floor as the unappreciated volume was opened. It
proved to be Geoffrey Chaucer’s English translation of “Boecius de
Consolatione Philosophiæ,” printed by Caxton, in the original binding,
as issued from Caxton’s workshop, and uncut!! On examining the amount
of damage it had sustained, I found that the wet, which had injured the
book, had also, by separating the layers of paper of which the covers
were composed, revealed the interesting fact that several fragments,
on which Caxton’s types appeared, had been used in their manufacture.
After vexatious opposition and repeated delays the Acting Trustees
were induced to allow the book, which they now prized highly, to be
deposited in the care of Mr. J. Winter Jones, of the British Museum,
for the purpose of rebinding. On dissecting the covers they were found
to be composed entirely of waste sheets from Caxton’s press, two or
three being printed on one side only. The two covers yielded no less
than fifty-six half-sheets of printed paper, proving the existence of
three works from Caxton’s press quite unknown before. The following is
the list of the fragments, all genuine specimens of England’s first
printer, though unfortunately mostly in very poor condition:--
1. The English “Jason,” ten leaves.
2. “Dictes,” three leaves.
3. “Chronicles,” six leaves.
4. “Description of Britain,” eight leaves.
5. “Curia Sapientiæ” (extremely rare), two leaves.
6. “Tulle,” seven leaves.
7. Lydgate’s “Life of our Lady,” two leaves.
8. “Temple of Brass,” fourteen leaves.
9. “The Chorle and the Bird,” two leaves.
10. “The Horse, the Sheep, and the Goose,” four leaves.
11. “Horæ beatæ Virginis” (unique), four leaves.
12. “Pica Sarum” (unique), eight leaves.
13. “An Indulgence of Pope Sixtus IV,” two slips of parchment (unique).
A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN
TYPE No. 3.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 3._
35. An Advertisement 1477-78?
36. Directorium. First Version 1477-78?
37. Horæ. Second Edition 1480?
38. Psalterium, &c. 1480-83?
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 3.
NO. 35.--AN ADVERTISEMENT. _Long Octavo. Westminster. No Date.
(About 1477-78.)_
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is all No. 3, the whole
advertisement being comprised in seven lines, unevenly spaced, the
longest measuring five inches. The verso is blank.
~Jf it plese ony man spirituel or temporel to bye ony
pyes of two and thre comemoracios of salisburi vse
enpryntid after the forme of this preset lettre whiche
ben wel and truly correct ⸝ late hym come to westmo-
nester in to the almonesrye at the reed pale and he shal
haue them good chepe.·.·~
~Supplico stet cedula~
REMARKS.--This is an interesting relic, not only as giving us the name
of the house inhabited by our first printer--the Red-pale (“reed”
was commonly used by Caxton for “red”)--but also as a specimen of
advertisements in the fifteenth century. Although small in size, it
may also be considered as the earliest instance known of a “broadside”
printed in this country.
Our printer was not alone in advertising his books, although, from the
fugitive nature of such productions, specimens are very rarely to be
found. An interesting list of books printed by Coburger, at Nuremberg,
in the fifteenth century, is in the British Museum (C. 18. e. 2. 27),
to which is attached the following heading:--“Cupientes emere libros
infra notatos venient ad hospicium subnotatum Venditorem habituri
largissimum,” &c.
The “Pye”[16] was a collection of rules to show the priest how to deal
(under every possible variation in Easter) with the concurrence of more
than one office on the same day. In reading Caxton’s Advertisement
the question arises,--In what respect did the “pyes of two and three
commemorations of Salisbury use” differ from the ordinary pyes
of Salisbury use? The Very Reverend Canon Rock, D.D., has kindly
placed at my disposal an explanation which confines the “pye of two
commemorations” to the rules for Easter and Whitsuntide, and the “pye
of three commemorations” to the rules for Easter, Whitsuntide, and
Trinity.[17] Caxton’s Advertisement, therefore, refers to separately
published portions of the common “Directorium seu Pica Sarum,”
applicable, perhaps, to the current year only. In the succeeding
article is described a “Pica,” which, in some particulars, agrees
entirely with Caxton’s description.
A poor copy is among the Doucé fragments in the Bodleian; and a good
one, formerly in Dr. Farmer’s library, at Althorpe.
It has been suggested that the first line being very short, the
syllable _co_ has accidentally dropped out, and that the text should
read “to buy any _co_pies,” &c.; but the word “copy,” in that sense,
was unknown in the fifteenth century.
NO. 36.--DIRECTORIUM, SEU PICA SARUM. _First Version. Quarto. Sine
ullâ notâ. (About 1477-8.)_
No perfect copy of this book being known, the COLLATION is necessarily
omitted. The four fragments from the covers of the St. Alban’s
“Boethius” are four separate half sheets in quarto, making a total of
sixteen pages.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Only one type, No. 3, is used in these
fragments. The lines are not spaced out to one length. The longest
measure 3⅝ inches. A full page has 22 lines. Without signatures, or
catchwords, or printed folios to the leaves. There are no initial
letters, nor is there any space left for them. The whole is in very
contracted Latin.
REMARKS.--There can be no doubt that this was the product of Caxton’s
press, as all the circumstances connected with it tend to prove. It
was extracted from the covers of a book which was evidently bound in
Caxton’s workshop, and for the binding of which he had used waste
sheets from the press (see _ante_, page 215). The fragments belonging
to known books were all printed by Caxton before 1481; while the
“Advertisement” and “Directorium,” reasoning from the measurement of
the lines and their uneven length, were certainly printed before 1480,
and probably about the same time as the later set of quarto poetic
pieces, _i.e._, about 1478.
This “Directorium” is not the same version as that printed by Caxton,
about 1486, in type No. 5, and a second edition of which was issued
a few years later in type No. 6. These last are the text revised for
Bishop Rotherham, founded upon an earlier version, of which latter the
leaves under notice appear to be a portion.
Formerly in the library of the St. Alban’s Grammar School; they are now
in the British Museum.
NO. 37.--HORÆ AD USUM SARUM. _Second Edition. Quarto. (1480-83.)_
No perfect copy being known, the COLLATION is of necessity omitted. The
following remarks are made from three fragments rescued from the St.
Alban’s “Boethius,” already noticed.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The only type used, judging from these
fragments, was No. 3. The lines are spaced out, and measure 3⅜ inches.
A full page has 20 lines. The initials and paragraph marks are not
inserted.
The first fragment, a quarto leaf printed on both sides, but very
defective, contains part of the “Suffragia of the Three Kings,” which
are among the additions to the first part of the “Primer;” and in
an early edition by Wynken de Worde, immediately precede the Latin
“Fifteen Oes.”
The second fragment is also but one leaf, and contains the commencement
of Part II of the “Horæ,” the “Ne Reminiscaris” being the anthem
belonging to the Seven Penitential Psalms.
The third fragment consists of two pages of prayers, containing the
first of the “Fifteen Oes” in Latin, and some prayers near the end of
the Litany.
REMARKS.--As all the “Fifteen Oes” and the Litany, as well as other
prayers, intervene between the two pages of the third fragment, it is
evident they were not intended to be printed on one sheet; this, added
to the fact that the paper is printed only on one side, makes it clear
that these are proof pages.
This edition of “Horæ” is entirely unknown to any of our
bibliographers, and was doubtless a second edition of that already
noticed at p. 191.
These fragments, now in the British Museum, were purchased in 1874.
They were formerly in the library of King Edward VI Grammar School, St.
Alban’s.
NO. 38.--PSALTERIUM, ETC. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (1480-83?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u x y~ are 4ns,
with ~a~ 1 blank; but as only one copy is known to be in existence, and
that imperfect, no complete collation can be given.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is only one type, No. 3, used
throughout the work, excepting for the signatures, where the Arabic
numerals belong to type No. 2. The lines, which are spaced out,
measure 3⅜ inches, and a full page has 20. Without printed folios
or catchwords. Space for the insertion of 2 to 4-line initials,
generally without director, is left at the beginning of paragraphs. The
signatures are in letters and Arabic numerals, a mode of signing used
by Caxton only between the years 1480 and 1483.
The book doubtless commenced with a blank leaf for ~a~ 1, which is
wanting in this copy.
The Text begins at the head of ~a~ 2 recto, thus:--
~Jheronimus de laude dei super
psalterium~
~Jchil enim est in hac vita
~n~ mortali in quo possumus fa-
miliarius inherere deo q’ di-
uinis laudibus. Nullus e’m mor-~
“Jheronimus super Psalterium” ends on ~a~ 6 recto, and is followed by
two prayers and a metrical hymn.
The Psalter finishes on sig. ~t~ 3 recto, and is followed by the
Canticles, Te Deum, Athanasian Creed, a general Litany, including most
of the prayers now in use, and ends imperfectly on sig. ~y~ 7 verso.
There is an eighth leaf, which at first sight is very defective,
seeming to be ~y~ 8; in fact it is an intercallary leaf, consisting of
two pages accidentally omitted between ~r~ 7 and ~x~ 8, and bound up
wrongly after ~y~ 7, the real ~y~ 8 being absent.
As these typographical blunders suggest that the compositor worked from
a printed and not a manuscript copy, we may well believe that this is
not the first edition of the work.
The only copy at present known is in the British Museum, having formed
a portion of the old Royal Library. It has the initials M. R. (Queen
Mary I.) on the back of the volume, and was recognised as being printed
with Caxton’s types by Mr. Bullen of the British Museum, through whose
hands it passed for re-cataloguing.
FOOTNOTES:
[16] The _Pica_ type of printers is commonly supposed to derive
its name from having been used for printing the early “Pica seu
Directorium.” I have searched in vain among the earliest editions of
the Directorium for a copy printed in types approaching the size of
_Pica_. They are mostly the size of modern Brevier.
[17] “Easter being a moveable feast, and ruling the time for
Septuagesima, Sexagesima, and Quinquagesima Sundays, and the beginning
of Lent, as well as the Sundays for Whitsuntide and the beginning of
Trinity, makes great and ever-recurring alterations in the Service
of the Calendar on Saints’ days. Hence was it to show the Cleric
at a glance how to commemorate the Saints’ days that came in the
everchanging times of Lent, Easter, Whitsuntide; and the Octave of the
Trinity, the _Pica_ began by giving a table of the Dominical letters,
which make the keys of all the rest of the _Pica_; and after such a
way no matter what month or week Easter might fall on, the manner of
commemorating the Saints’ days happening then, or of putting them off
till another time, was accurately described for all variations. But as
the chief variations in keeping the Saints’ days happened at Easter
and its following week--at Whitsuntide and its week or Octave--and at
Trinity and its Octave; and, as during these three great feasts, with
their Octaves, the occurring feast itself was chiefly celebrated with
mere mention, or Collect, or Commemoration; and as people in Caxton’s
days had not printed but handwritten Breviaries without the _Pica_
or _Pye_ in them, Caxton printed, to supply their want, ‘pyes of two
and three commemorations,’--that is to say, directions for saying the
whole office of _two_ Octaves or Commemorations, say of Easter and
Whitsuntide, and of _three_ Octaves, Easter, Whitsuntide, and Trinity.
It should be borne in mind, as I have pointed out in _t._ 4, _p._ 139
of ‘The Church of our Fathers,’ that the Laity as well as the Clergy
used to say the Breviary. Hence Caxton’s invitation to buy his ‘pyes’
to the Laity too.”--_Extract from a letter to J. F. Goulding, Esq.,
from the Very Rev. Canon Rock, D.D. February, 1862._
A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN
TYPE No. 4.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPES No. 4 AND 4*._
39. Chronicles. First Edition Type 4 1480
40. Description of Britain Type 4 1480
41. Curia Sapientiæ Type 4 1481?
42. Godfrey of Boloyne Type 4 1481
43. Indulgence. First Edition Type 4 1481
44. Ditto Second Edition Type 4 1481
45. Chronicles. Second Edition Type 4 1482
46. Polychronicon Type 4 1482
47. Pilgrimage of the Soul Type 4 1483
48. A Vocabulary Type 4 1483?
49. The Festial. First Edition Type 4* 1483
50. Four Sermons Type 4* 1483?
51. Servitium de Visitatione Type 4 1483?
52. Sex Epistolæ Type 4 and 4* 1483?
53. Confessio Amantis Type 4 and 4* 1484
54. The Knight of the Tower Type 4 and 4* 1484?
55. Caton Type 4* 1484
56. Golden Legend. First Edition Type 4 and 4* 1484
57. Death-bed Prayers Type 4* 1484?
58. Æsop Type 4* 1484
59. Order of Chivalrye Type 4* 1483-85
60. Canterbury Tales. Second Edition Type 4* 1484?
61. Book of Fame Type 4* 1484?
62. The Curial Type 4* 1484?
63. Troilus and Cresside Type 4* 1484?
64. Life of our Lady Type 4* 1484?
65. St. Winifred Type 4* 1485?
66. King Arthur Type 4* 1485
67. Charles the Great Type 4* 1485
68. Paris and Vienne Type 4* 1485
69. The Golden Legend. Second Edition Type 4* 1487
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 4.
NO. 39.--THE CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. _Folio. “Emprynted by me William
Caxton in thabbey of Westmynstre.” June 10th, 1480. First
Edition, with short commas._
COLLATION.--Prologue and table a 4n, signed ~ij~, ~iij~, and ~iiij~,
the first leaf being blank, ~a~ (~a j~ blank) ~b c d e f g h i k l m n
o p q r s t u x~ are 4ns; ~y~ is a 3n. Total 182 leaves, of which
two are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 only is
used. There are forty lines to a full page. The lines are spaced out to
an even length, and measure 4¾ inches. The signatures are in lower-case
letters and Arabic numerals. Spaces left for the insertion of initials.
Without folios or catchwords. The short comma (~⸝~) only is used.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on sig. ~ij~ recto,
the Text beginning, with a space for a 5-line initial,
~N the yere of thyncarnacion of our lord Jhu crist M.
CCCC . lxxx . And in the xx . yere of the Regne of
~J~ kyng Edward the fourthe ⸝ Atte requeste of dyuerce
gentilmen I haue endeueurd me to enprinte the cro-
nicles of Englond as in this booke shall by the suf-
fraunce of god folowe ⸝ And to thende that euery mon may
see and~
The Chronicle ends on the sixth recto of sig. ~y~, the verso being
blank,
~Thus endeth this present booke of the cronicles of
englond ⸝ enp’n | ted by me william Caxton In thabbey of
westmynstre by london | Fynysshid and accomplisshid
the x . day of Juyn the yere of thin- | carnacion of our lord
god M . CCCC . lxxx . And in the xx . yere of | the regne
of kyng Edward the fourth~
REMARKS.--The use of short commas, which characterises the early state
of this type, would induce us to give priority to this edition over the
other, in which the long commas are used, independently of any printed
date.
The history here printed by Caxton differs but little from the
“Cronicle of Brute,” one of the most popular of the fifteenth and
sixteenth century books. It is, however, carried further than any
manuscript chronicle I have seen, and it appears probable that, as any
writer who felt competent made his own additions in transcribing, so
Caxton added more or less to his copy, and brought the history down, as
he acknowledges having done in “Polycronicon,” to the battle of Towton.
The old “Cronicle of Brute” was so called from the opening chapter
which describes the settlement of Brutus, the descendant of Æneas, in
Britain. The respective parts due to Nennius, Douglas of Glastonbury,
and Geoffrey of Monmouth, are probably too obscure to determine. The
St. Alban’s Chronicle, printed two or three years later, and in types
somewhat resembling those of Caxton, is the same text, interpolated
throughout with a history of the Popes and ecclesiastical matters.
This, and the edition of Machlinia (Caxton’s text), about the same
date, are not unfrequently catalogued erroneously as from Caxton’s
press.
One of the most rare books from the early Dutch Press is a reprint of
Caxton’s text by Gerard Leeu.
This work is often called “Caxton’s Chronicle” by old writers, probably
from the publicity he gave it both as editor and printer, and he is
often blamed for its inaccuracies, although, with the exception of the
last few pages, he had nothing to do with its compilation; nor indeed
does he in any way lay claim to it.
Of this edition with the short commas there are copies at Cambridge,
Bodleian (2), St. John’s, Oxford, Hunterian Museum, Glasgow, and
Lambeth Palace. Six are in private hands.
NO. 40.--THE DESCRIPTION OF BRITAIN. _Folio. “Fynyshed by me William
Caxton.” No Place. 18th August, 1480._
COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 3n, unsigned. Thirty leaves, the last
being blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 only is
used. There are forty lines to a full page. The lines are spaced out to
an even length, and measure 4¾ inches. Spaces left for the insertion
of initials. Without signatures, folios, or catchwords. The signatures
were probably omitted on account of the limited extent of the work.
The Text begins, on the verso of the first leaf, thus:--
~Hit is so that in many and diuerse places the comyn
cronicles | of englond ben had and also now late enprinted
at westmynstre |~
and ends on the 29th recto,
~lated the book of Policronicon into englissh ⸝ Fynysshed
by me | william Caxton the xviij . day of August the yere of
our lord god | M. CCCC. lxxx . and the xx . yere of the
regne of kyng Edward | the fourthe .~
REMARKS.--“The Description of Britain” is one of the chapters out
of Ralph Higden’s “Polycronicon.” Caxton printed it as a supplement
to the Chronicles, and evidently intended it to follow on after the
termination of that work. The blank leaf at the end instead of the
beginning favours this idea.
It is improbable that a second edition of “The Description of Britain”
was issued, as no copy with the long commas (/) has yet been found.
Copies are in British Museum, Cambridge, Oxford (3), St. John’s,
Oxford, Lambeth, Glasgow, and four in private libraries.
NO. 41.--CURIA SAPIENTIÆ; OR THE COURT OF SAPIENCE. _Folio. Without
Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (1481?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d~ are 4ns, ~e~ is a 3n = 38 leaves, of which
the first is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No.
4 throughout. The whole work is in “Balad Royal,” or stanzas of
seven lines, of which there are five to each page. Without folios or
catchwords. Space is left for the insertion of 3-line initials.
After a blank the Text begins on ~a ij~ recto, with space for a 3-line
initial, with director,
~He laberoꝰ & ye most merueyloꝰ werkes
Of sapience syn firste regned nature
~t~ My purpos is to tell as writen clerkes
And specyally her moost notable cure~
The Text ends half-way down the second column, on the sixth verso of
signature ~e~,
~lyuyng ⸝ nedeful werkes ⸝ and
dredeful dedes of ioye and of
peyne~
REMARKS.--The only manuscript copy of this poem is preserved in the
library of Trinity College, Cambridge. It belonged formerly to John
Stow, who has noted several omissions in the text, as compared with
some other copy, probably the printed edition; and who has written over
the top, “By John Lydgate.” The poem itself is headed “Here beginneth a
brief compiled treatise called by the Author thereof _Curia Sapientiæ_.”
The following description by Oldys is taken from _Bib. Harl._ Vol.
III, No. 3313: “Though neither the author’s nor printer’s name appears
to this poem, it was visibly enough printed by Caxton and composed
by Lidgate, had we not the authority of John Stowe for it, in the
catalogue of his writings. The author tells us it was written at
the command of his Sovereign (perhaps King Hen. V), and it seems to
be one of the scarcest of his pieces extant. There seems to be more
invention in it and variety of matter than in most other poems of his
composition, displaying, after a copious debate between Mercy and
Truth, Justice and Peace, a distinct survey throughout the palace
and domains of Sapience, of all the products of nature, in distinct
chapters, and of arts and sciences; with his further reference, at
the end of each, to the authors who have written on them.” Ames says
(_Typ. Ant._, page 67), after quoting the whole of the “Prohemium,”
“I take Caxton to be the poet or author, by the above verses.” This
opinion was perhaps too readily adopted. Although there is a curious
parallel between the poet’s statement of his rude and corrupt speech,
and the apology of Caxton in his additions to “The Recuyell” for his
“vnperfightness” in English, owing to his having been educated where
was “spoken as brode and rude englissh as is in ony place of englond;”
and although we know that Caxton could put together a few verses, as
in the instance of the last two stanzas of “Moral Proverbs;” yet,
judging from the literary ability of his known works and translations,
we should hardly be justified in ascribing the authorship of “Curia
Sapientiæ” to him. The plan of this work, in which theology, geography,
natural history, horticulture, grammar, rhetoric, arithmetic, geometry,
music, and astronomy are all in turn described, was certainly too high
a flight for our printer.
The titles given to this book, “The werke of Sapience” and
“Tractatus de Fide et Cantus famule sue,” adopted by Ames and other
bibliographers, were taken from the first and last lines of the poem.
The proper title, “Curia Sapientiæ,” appears at the end of “Liber
Primus.”
Caxton’s edition is very scarce. St. John’s, Oxford, and Earl Spencer,
have copies, and fragments are in the Bodleian and the British Museum.
This last library is inaccurately stated by Dibdin to possess a perfect
copy.
NO. 42.--THE HISTORY OF GODFREY OF BOLOYNE; OR THE CONQUEST OF
JERUSALEM. _Folio. Printed the 20th November, in the Abbey of
Westminster, by William Caxton, 1481._
COLLATION.--~a~ is a 3n with ~a j~ blank; ~b~ a 2n, ~b~ 1 being
blank; 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16 are
all 4ns, 17 is a 3n = 144 leaves, of which two are blank. Excepting
the first two gatherings, the signatures are entirely in Arabic
numerals. Dibdin corrects Ames, and says he counted 146 leaves, but
Ames was right.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is
entirely No. 4. A full page has forty lines, which are of an even
length, and measure 4¾ inches. Without folios or catchwords. Space at
the commencement of chapters is left for the insertion of 3 to 7-line
initials.
The volume commences with a blank leaf, after which follows the
prologue, the Text beginning on ~a~ 2, with a space for a 4-line
initial,
~He hye couragyous faytes / And valyaunt actes of
~t~ noble Jllustrous and vertuous personnes ben digne
to be recounted ⸝ put in memorye ⸝ and wreton. to thende
that ther may be gyuen to them name Jnmortal by so-
uerayn laude and preysyng. And also for to moeue and
tenflaw |~
ending half-way down the recto of the sixth folio of sig. 17, the verso
being blank,
~myng . whiche boook J began in marche the xij daye and
fynys- | shyd the vij day of Juyn ⸝ the yere of our lord ·
M . CCCC · lxxxj | & the the xxj yere of the regne of our
sayd sauerayn lord kyng Ed | ward the fourth . & in this
maner sette in forme & enprynted the | xx day of nouem-
bre the yere a forsayd in thabbay of westmester | by the
said wylliam Caxton~
In the British Museum is a splendid manuscript of this work, a large
folio, on vellum, fifteenth century, with numerous illuminations. The
character of the writing is very similar to the large type of Colard
Mansion, and it begins “Les anciennes histoires dīet que eracles fut
moult bon x’pien et gouuerneur de lempire de romme.” The text is
without doubt the original of Caxton’s translation, with which it
agrees chapter for chapter, but is carried much further than the death
of Godfrey, with which Caxton concludes. The author appears to be
unknown.
An edition was printed at Paris, in 1500, with the title “Les faits
et Gestes de preux Godefroy de Bovillon et de ses chevalereux freres
Baudouin et Eustache.”
Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge (2), Imperial Library,
Vienna, Hunterian College, Glasgow, Bristol, Göttingen, besides four in
private libraries. The copy belonging to S. Holford, Esq., is specially
interesting; it is in its original vellum cover, and contains the
following interesting notice:--“This was king Edw. y^e fourth Booke.”
Also the autographs, “p’tinet Rogero Thorney,” and “Rob^t Wellborne.”
The former of these names is worth a comment, because it throws some
doubt upon the accuracy of the previous notice. Roger Thorney, like
other literary mercers of his time, was probably a friend and supporter
of Caxton: he certainly patronised his successor, Wynken de Worde, as
the following lines from the “Polychronicon” of 1495, show:--
“--------this boke of Policronicon
“Whiche Roger Thorney Mercer hath exhorted
“Wynken de Worde of vertuous entent
“Well to correcte, and gretely hym comforted,
“This specyal boke to make and sette in prente.”
How then did Roger Thorney become possessed of the copy of “The
History of Godefroy of Bulloyn,” belonging to his king? On the
inside cover is also the book-plate of Sir John Dolben, Bart., of
Finedon, in Northamptonshire. This volume was sold among the books of
Secondary Smyth, in 1682, and passed into the library of the Earl of
Peterborough. It was afterwards in the Vernon collection, which is now
included in that of Mr. Holford.
NO. 43.--LETTERS OF INDULGENCE FROM JOHANNES DE GIGLIIS, ALIAS DE
LILIIS, ISSUED IN 1481 ON THE AUTHORITY OF POPE SIXTUS IV, FOR
ASSISTANCE AGAINST THE TURKS. _On Parchment._ 1481.
This indulgence is represented by two slips of parchment, extracted
from the St. Alban’s “Boethius.” (See _ante_, page 215.)
Originally in one, the document was cut in two pieces by Caxton’s
binder, who used them for strengthening the back of the book. They
were pasted, one at the beginning and one at the end, down the
whole length, inside the boards. When the volume was dissected they
were, unfortunately, subjected to the usual soaking in water. This
has entirely changed their original appearance, as the print has
necessarily participated in the shrinking of the parchment. From
personal examination, while the fragments were in the original state,
the following particulars are obtained:--
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The Type is all No. 4. The lines, which are
spaced to an even length, measured nine inches. The complete document,
apparently, contained 13 lines.
The second slip containing the date, is as follows:--
~mutare libere et licite . . . . . | . et singuloru fide pre-
sentes sigilli ꝯmissionis indulgeciaru et dispensacionu
sancte cruciate qu . . | mus et fecimus appensione com
. . ixi / Datum die mensis |
CCCC. lxxxj . Ac pontificatus prefati sanctissimi domini
nostri do . ini Sixti pape . .~
The two slips, now measuring each 7¼ × 1 inches, were originally about
11 × 2 inches. They are now in the British Museum.
NO. 44.--LETTERS OF INDULGENCE ISSUED IN 1481, ON THE AUTHORITY OF
POPE SIXTUS IV, FOR ASSISTANCE AGAINST THE TURKS. _Second
Edition. On Parchment. 1481._
The type is all No. 4. The lines are spaced to an even length. The
whole document is printed on one side of a slip of paper.
The only two copies known are pasted inside the “Royal Book” printed
by Caxton, and now in the Bedford Library, Bedford. They measure 8
× 6 inches. A slip of parchment containing four lines of the same
Indulgence was discovered by Mr. Bradshaw in the Library of King’s
College, Cambridge.
NO. 45.--THE CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. _Folio. “Emprynted by me william
Caxton In thabbey of westmestre” October 8th, 1482. Second
Edition, with long commas._
COLLATION.--Prologue and title a 4n, signed ~ij~, ~iij~, and ~iiij~,
the first leaf being blank, ~a~ (~a j~ blank) ~b c d e f g h i k l m n
o p q r s t u x~ are 4ns; ~y~ is a 3. Total 182 leaves, of which two
are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 only is
used. There are forty lines to a full page. The lines are spaced out to
an even length, and measure 4¾ inches. The signatures are in lower-case
letters and Arabic numerals. Spaces left for the insertion of initials.
Without folios or catchwords.
The above collation and particulars are identical with those of the
first edition, described at page 247, _ante_.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on sig. ~ij~ recto,
the Text beginning with space for a 4-line initial,
~N the yere of thyncarnacyon of our lord Jhu crist M
CCCC / lxxx / And in the xx yere of the Regne of
~i~ kyng Edward the fourth / Atte request of dyuerse gen
tylmen J haue endeuyryd me to enprynte the Cro-
nycles of Englond / as in this book shal by the suffraunce
of god~
The Text ends on the sixth recto of sig. ~y~, the verso being blank,
~Thus endeth this present book of the Cronycles of
Englond / Enprynted by me William Caxton Jn thabbey
of westmestre by london / Fynysshed / and accomplysshyd
the / viij / day of Octobre / The yere of the Incarnacyon of
our lord God / M / CCCC / lxxxij And in the xxij yere of
the regne of kyng Edward the fourth~
Copies are in the British Museum (2) and Oxford, with three in private
libraries.
NO. 46.--POLYCRONICON. _Folio. “Imprinted and set in forme by me
William Caxton.” Without Place or Date. Translation ended 2nd
July, 1482._
COLLATION.--~a b~ are 4ns, with the first leaf of ~a~ blank; ~C~ is a
2n; sigs. 1 to 28 are 4ns, the first and 5th leaves of sig. 1 being
blank; sig. 28 is followed by an unsigned single sheet, of which but
one leaf is printed, the other being blank; 29 to 48 are 4ns; 49 a 2n;
50 to 55 are 4ns, with the last leaf of 55 blank; sig. 50 is followed
by 52, sig. 51 being accidentally omitted = 450 leaves, of which five
are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No.
4. The lines, which measure 4¾ inches, are fully spaced out, and forty
make a full page. Space is left at the beginning of the chapters for
the insertion of initials. The first gatherings have the signatures
in Roman numerals, but all the rest are signed with Arabic numerals.
After the introductory matter folios are introduced, although with many
errors.
The Text, preceded by a blank, begins on sig. ~a~ 2 recto, with space
for a 4-line initial,
~Prohemye~
~g~ ~Rete thankynges lawde & honoure we merytoryous-
ly ben bounde to yelde and offre vnto wryters of hys-
toryes / whiche gretely haue prouffyted oure mortal
lyf / that shewe vnto the reders and herers by the
ensamples of thynges passyd / what thynge is to be desyred /~
The Text ends on the recto of 55-7; the verso and 55-8 being blank.
~wrytynge / Ended the second day of Juyll the xxij yere
of the regne of kynge Edwardthe fourth & of the Jncar-
nacion of oure lord a thousand four honderd foure score
and tweyne /~
~Fynysshed per Caxton~
REMARKS.--Few of Caxton’s books have excited more interest and research
than the “Polycronicon.” It appears to have had its origin with Roger,
Monk of St. Werberg, in Chester, who, about the beginning of the
fourteenth century, made an extensive compilation in Latin from several
of the old chronicles and works on natural history then in existence.
Ralph Higden, of the same monastery, who died before 1360, amplified
this compilation, entitling his work, “Polycronicon;” and this, judging
from the numerous copies still extant, had a very extended popularity.
In 1387 Trevisa, chaplain to the Earl of Berkeley, translated the Latin
of Higden into English prose. An account of Trevisa, with a history
of his works, is given by Dr. Dibdin, in _Typ. Ant._ vol. i., page
140, who, however, has not included in his list Trevisa’s English
translation of the Gospel of Nicodemus (_Addit. MS._ 16165). Trevisa’s
translation of the Bible is expressly mentioned by Caxton in his
prologue. Nearly a century later, Caxton “a little embellished” the
antiquated text of Trevisa, which, together with a continuation of the
history to the year 1460, was finished on July 2nd, 1482, and printed
soon after: he entitled his continuation “Liber ultimus,” and it is
most interesting as being the only original work of any magnitude from
our printer’s pen.
Caxton tells us very little of the sources of his information. He
mentions two little works, “Fasciculus temporum” and “Aureus de
Vniverso,” from which, however, he certainly obtained but little
material for his “Liber ultimus,” which treats almost entirely of
English matters.
As a specimen of the alteration made by our printer, when he “a lytyl
embellyshed” the text as rendered by Trevisa, the following quotation
is given, in which the consequences of Man’s fall are graphically
described. The embellishment chiefly consists in modernising the old
English, although here and there Caxton added sentences to the text.
TREVISA’S TEXT, 1387.
(Harleian MS., No 1900, fol. 94_b_).
From that day forthward ye body y^t is corrupt by syne greuey y^e
soule / Ye flesche couetiy azenꝰ ye soule / and mānes wittes torney
& assentith liztlich to euel A mānes owne meynal wittes bey his owne
enemyes ℂ So y^t al a mānes lif is temptacion while he lyuey here in
erye Also man is eū failynge and aweyward . he may nouzt stidfastlich
abide he falliy liztliche bot he may nouzt lightlich arise . P’fite
is of birye sorrowe & care ī lyuyng/ and man mot nedes deye And thouz
alle oy^e yat bey made haue schelles · ryndes · skynnes · wolle.
heer. bristels · fethers · wynges other skales · man is y bore wiyout
eny helyng / naked & bar . anone at his birye he gyney forto wepe
atte bygynyng liche to a best . but his lymes failey hym & may nouzt
help hymself . But he is febler yan any oy^r beste · he kan noon
helpe · he may nouzt do of hymself but wepe wiy al his myzte. No best
hay lif more brutel and vnsiker. Noon hay sekenesse more greuous ·
noon more likynge to do oy^rwise than he sholde / noon is more cruwel
Also oy^r bestes louey eūeche oye of ye same kynde & woney to gedres
& bey nouzt cruwel but to bestes of other kynde y^t ben contrairie to
hem But man torney y^t maner doyng vpsodoū & is contr’ie to hym self
& cruel to oy^r men
CAXTON’S TEXT, 1483.
(Sig, 10 4 verso).
Fro that day forth the body that is corrupt by synne greueth the
soule The flesshe coueyteth ayenste the soule and mannes wyttes torne
and assente lightly to euyl A mannes oune meynal wyttes / be his owne
enemyes / so that al mannes lyf is in temptacion whyle he lyueth here
in erthe . & the disposipon of the soule ruleth meynteneth / helpeth
and conforteth the body / But ayeinward the wretched disposicion
of the bodye distourbeth the soule · Also man is euer fayllyng and
wayward he may not stydfastly abyde / he falleth lightly but he may
not lightly aryse / Profyt of byrth is sorow and care in lyuyng and
man must nedes dye And thaugh oll other that be made haue shelles
ryndes skynnes . wolle heer bristels feders wynges owther skals /
Man is born withoute ony helyng or keueryng nakede and bare / anone
at his birth . he gynneth for to wepe atte begynnyng lyke a beest
but his lymmes fayllen hym and maye not helpe hym self · but he is
febler than ony other beeste / he can noon helpe / he may nought doo
of hym self but wepe with al his myght No beest hath lyf more brutyl
& vnseker / None hath sekenesse more greuous noon more lykyng to do
otherwyse than he shuld . none is more cruel Also other bestes loue
eueryche other of the same kynde . and dwell to gyder and be not
cruel / but to beestes of other kynde that be contrary to hem / But
man torneth that maner doyng vp so downe and is contrary to hymself
and cruel to other men /
This is one of the most common of Caxton’s works, at least thirty
copies being known, of which half are in various public libraries.
NO. 47.--THE PILGRIMAGE OF THE SOUL. _“Emprynted at westmestre by
william Caxton, and fynysshed the sixth day of June,” 1483._
COLLATION.--An unsigned 2n, with the first leaf blank; ~a b c d e f g
h i k l m n~ are 4ns, with ~a j~ blank; ~o~ is a 3n, with the last
two leaves blank. Total 114 leaves, of which four are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type
throughout is No. 4. The lines are of an equal length, and measure 4⅞
inches. A full page has forty lines. There is a running head to the
pages, and the leaves have printed folios, numbered very carelessly.
Space has been left for the insertion of 2, 3, and 6-line initials.
Commencing with a blank, the title and table follow on folio ~ij~,
which is unsigned.
The Text begins, on the second leaf, thus:--
~Folio ij~
~This book is intytled the pylgremage of the sowle / trans-
lated ‖ oute of Frensshe in to Englysshe / whiche book is
ful of deuonte ‖ maters touchyng the sowle / and many ques-
tyons assoyled to cau ‖ se a man to lyue the better in this
world / And it conteyneth fyue ‖ bookes / as it appereth her-
after by Chapytres~
The Text ends on the fourth leaf of sig. ~o~, and the verso of folio
~Cx~,
~Here endeth the dreme of pylgremage of the soule trans-
latid ‖ out of Frensshe in to Englysshe with somwhat of
addicions / the yere of our lord / M.CCCC / & thyrten /
and endeth in the Uigy ‖ le of seynt Bartholomew~
~Emprynted at westmestre by William Caxton / And
fynysshed ‖ the sixth day of Juyn / the yere of our lord /
M.CCCC ⸝ lxxxiij ‖ And the first yere of the regne of
kynge Edward the fyfthe / ‖~
This is the only book from the press of Caxton having the name of
Edward V in the colophon.
REMARKS.--The common custom among preachers of the Middle Ages of
engaging the attention of their hearers by _spiritualising_ tales and
even jests current among the people is well known. This practice seems
to have suggested to a monk named Guillaume de Deguilleville the idea
of _moralising_ the celebrated “Roman de la Rose.” His poem was divided
into three parts, and completed about 1335. It contains more than
36,000 lines, and its title is “Le Romant des trois Pelerinages.” These
three pilgrimages are “Le pelerinage de la vie humaine;” “Le pelerinage
de l’Ame;” and “Le pelerinage du Jesus Christ.” Brit. Mus. _Addit.
MS._ 22937 contains the three parts complete. None of these appear
to have been printed. Not satisfied, however, with the result of his
labours, Guillaume again set to work and recast the whole poem, with
many amplifications and additional verses. This, which was finished
about 1350, and of which a manuscript copy is in the _Bib. Imp. Paris_,
6988^2, is the text of which several editions were issued from the
early French press.
Nearly a century passed when another monk, Jehan de Gallopes,
transposed the rhymes of Deguilleville into French prose. This was
with the object of modernising the old language, or, as he says, “pour
esclaircir et entendre la matiere la contenue.” Gallopes, however,
apparently extended his labours no further than “The Pelerinage de
l’Ame,” and here we find the text used by the translator of “The
Pylgremage of the Sowle,” printed in 1483 by our William Caxton.
Manuscripts of the prose “Pelerinage de l’Ame” are very scarce, but a
perfect copy is in _Bib. Imp. Paris_, No. 7086.
Of the author and translators mentioned above, but little can be said.
Guillaume de Deguilleville was monk, and afterwards prior, of the Abbey
of Chalis; and this seems all that is known of him. His name appears
in the later manuscripts as Guillaume de Guilleville, and is mostly so
printed, but is spelt correctly in some of the early French printed
editions. In a fourteenth century manuscript, already noticed, the name
appears “de Deguilleville,” and that this is the true orthography is
placed beyond question by an acrostic, consisting of two “chansons”
in the French text. Here the author has veiled himself in the initial
letters of each line, and by putting these together we obtain his real
name, “Guillaume de Deguilleville.”
“Jean de Gallopes, dit le Galoys,” as we learn from the prologue to
his French prose version, was the “humble chapellain” to John, Duke of
Bedford and Regent of France, for whom the translation was undertaken.
It was, therefore, executed before the death of the Regent, in 1435,
and there seems reason to suppose that its author was an Englishman.
In the Imperial Library, Paris, is a manuscript, mentioned by M.
Paris (_Les Msc. Franç._, vol. v, page 132), entitled “Vie de Jesus
Christ,” which is attributed also to Gallopes, but which appears to be
a different work from the third “Pilgrimage” of Deguilleville.
To John Lydgate, monk, of Bury, is generally attributed the English
version of “The Pylgremage of the Sowle,” and probably with truth, as
some of the additional poems found here form a part also of Lydgate’s
well-known poem “The Life of our lady.” He is also supposed, from
internal evidence of style, to be the author of “The Pilgrimage of man”
(_Cotton MSS._, Vitel. C. XII), an English metrical translation of
Deguilleville’s “Pelerinage de la vie humaine.”
The numerous copies of the “Pilgrimages” still extant in our old
libraries prove that they must have attained a considerable amount
of popularity. In France there were several printed editions, but
in England, probably owing to the growth of the Reformation, “The
Pylgremage of the Sowle,” printed by Caxton, is the only known edition.
Copies are in the British Museum, St. John’s, Oxford, and Sion College,
London; also in the Althorpe and Britwell Libraries.
There is no connection whatever between this work and Bunyan’s
“Pilgrim’s Progress.” Caxton’s book treats of the journey and trial of
the soul _after_ death, the only point in common being that both are
supposed to happen in a dream. “The Pilgrimage of man” is nearer in
idea, but equally distinct in treatment.
NO. 48.--A VOCABULARY IN FRENCH AND ENGLISH. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ.
1483?_
COLLATION.--Two 4ns, and one 5n, unsigned = 26 leaves, the first
being, doubtless, blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title of any sort. The type
is No. 4 throughout. 42 lines in double column (84 lines) make a full
page, and the long lines measure 2⅞ inches. The words “Frensshe”
and “Englissh” appear as head-lines to every page. Without folios,
catchwords, or initials.
The Text begins, in double column, on the 2nd recto, thus:--
~Frensshe Englissh~
~Cy commence la table Hier begynneth the table
De cest prouffytable doctrine Of this prouffytable lernynge
Pour trouuer tout par ordene For to fynde all by ordre
Ce que on vouldra aprendre That whiche wen wylle lerne~
The Text ends, with seven lines on the 26th recto, thus:--
~Frensshe Englissh~
~La Grace de sainct esperit The grace of the holy ghoost
Ueul enluminer les cures Wylle enlyghte the hertes
De ceulx qui le aprendront Of them that shall lerne it
Et nous doinst perseuerance And vs gyue perseueraunce
En bonnes operacions Jn good werkes
Et apres ceste vie transitorie And after this lyf transitorie
La pardurable ioye & glorie The euerlastyng ioye and glorie~
“A Book for Travellers” is the title given to this work in _Typ. Ant._
vol. i, page 315, but as there is no especial suitability in it for the
use of travellers, and as from its composition it appears to have been
formed with a scholastic aim, it has been thought advisable to change
so evident a misnomer.
No manuscript of this compilation in French or English is known to
exist, nor is there any clue to the author.
A copy is in each of the four following libraries--Ripon Cathedral,
Bamborough Castle, Earl Spencer, and Duke of Devonshire.
NO. 49.--THE FESTIAL (LIBER FESTIALIS). _First Edition. Folio.
“Emprynted at Westmynster by Wyllyam Caxton the laste day of
Juyn, 1483.”_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n~ are 4ns, ~a j~ being blank;
~o~ and ~p~ are 3ns = 116 leaves, of which one is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title of any sort. The type
is entirely No. 4*, which here appears for the first time. The lines,
which are fully spaced out, measure 5 inches. A full page has 38 lines.
Without folios or catchwords. Space left for the insertion of 3 to
5-line initials, with director.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the sermon for the First Sunday in Advent
follows on sig. ~a ij~, space being left for the insertion of a 5-line
initial.
The Text begins thus:--
~His day is callyd the first sonday of aduent / that
is the sonday in cristys comyng / Therfore holy
~t~ chirche this day maketh mencion of ij comynges
The first comyng was to bye mankynde out of bon
dage of the deuyll and to brynge mannys sowle to
blysse / And this other comyng shal be at the day of dome~
The Text ends on the sixth recto of sig. ~p~,
~vs that for vs deyed on the rood tree / Qui cum deo patre &
spū ‖ sancto viuit et regnat deus AMEN /~
~Explicit~
~Enprynted at Westmynster by wyllyam Caxton the laste
day of Juyn Anno domini M CCCC Lxxxiij~
The compiler of “The Festial,” John Mirkus, was a canon of the
Monastery of Lilleshul, an old foundation in Shropshire, as we
learn from a MS. copy of his work in the Cottonian Library. He says
that, finding many priests, from incapacity, were, like himself,
unable to teach their parishioners properly, he had taken pains to
compile sermons for all the principal feasts of the year, which he
had extracted chiefly from the “Golden Legend.” The omission of the
prologue, by Caxton, as well as the final sermons on the Paternoster
and Burial of the dead, makes us suspect that our printer had a copy
imperfect at beginning and end. The subject of nearly every chapter in
“The Festial” may also be found in the “Golden Legend;” but, taking the
two books, as printed by Caxton, for comparison, it will be seen that
the sermons for the Moveable Feasts, with which each work commences,
have nothing in common but their subject, and that the histories of the
saints are treated very differently, and often disagree even in their
supposed historical facts. The “Gesta Romanorum” furnished many stories
for the “Golden Legends,” but in “The Festial” that mine of anecdotes
has contributed still more largely to the illustration and enforcement
of the preacher’s remarks. “The Festial” is yet further removed from
our Book of Common Prayer, with which it has been associated by some
writers. With the exception of the names in the calendar there is
nothing in common between them.
Although in Caxton’s edition of this work it is entirely without a
name, there seems no reason for giving it the Latin title by which it
is generally known, “Liber Festivalis.” John Mirkus, its compiler,
who wrote it in English, says, “I will and pray that it be called a
Festial;” and, accordingly, it was so called by Wynken de Worde in
several editions, by Rood of Oxford, and by other early printers.
Copies are at the British Museum, Bodleian, Lambeth, and Althorpe.
NO. 50.--FOUR SERMONS, ETC. (QUATUOR SERMONES, ETC.) _First Edition.
Folio. “Enprynted by Wylliam Caxton at Westmestre.” Without
Date. (1483?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c~ are 4ns, ~d a~ 3n = 30 leaves. No blanks.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title. The type is entirely No.
4*. The lines are fully spaced out, and measure 5 inches. A full page
has 38 lines. Without folios or catchwords. In this book we find, for
the first time, the paragraph mark ℂ used--a mark which never appears
in the early state of this type.
The Text begins on sig. ~a j~, with space for a 3-line initial, without
director,
~He mayster of sentence in the second booc and the
first ‖ dystynction / sayth that the souerayn cause /
why god made ‖ al creatures in henen erthe or water /
was his oune good- ‖ nes / by the whiche he wold that some of~
On sig. ~d iij.~ recto,
ℂ ~The Generalle Sentence.~
~Ood men and wymmen J do you to vnderstonde that
~g~ We that haue cure of your sowlys be commaumdyd of
our ordenaries and by the coystytucions and the laWe
of holy chirche to shewe to you foure tymes by the yere
in eche a quarter of the yere onys when the peple is most~
The Text ends on the sixth verso of sig. ~d~,
~resurrectionis gloria inter sanctos et electos tuos resussitati
respi ‖ rent / per xpristum dominm nostrum Amen /~
~Enprynted by wylliam Caxton at westmestre /~
REMARKS.--The name of the writer of these homilies is not known, nor
do they appear attached to any of the manuscripts of the Festial
above noticed. That they were, however, printed by Caxton at the
same time as the Festial appears evident from the identity of their
typographical arrangements, strengthened by the fact of their being, in
several instances, under the same cover. That Caxton also intended to
allow their separate use may, nevertheless, be deduced from the first
gathering having ~a~ for its signature, and from the existence of some
copies unaccompanied by the Festial. In the Lambeth copy the sermons
precede the Festial.
The four sermons are thus apportioned:--
1. On the Paternoster, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments.
2. The Seven Sacraments, the Seven Deeds of Mercy, and the Seven Deadly
Sins.
3. A continuation of the subject of Deadly Sins.
4. On Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction.
After the sermons are “The General Sentence or Comminacion,” and two
forms of bidding prayer, called “The Bedes on Sondaye.”
Every priest was obliged by the Canon Law to read the “Modus
Fulminandi,” or Commination, and to preach at least one sermon every
three months. These homilies appear to have been written for this
purpose, and would probably meet with a good sale among the preaching
orders of the clergy.
Nine copies are known, of which two only are in private hands.
NO. 51.--SERVITIUM DE VISITATIONE B. MARIÆ VIRGINIS. _Quarto. Sine
ullâ notâ. (1481-3)._
COLLATION.--One 4n = 8 leaves, of which the last is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is entirely No. 4. The lines,
which are fully spaced out, measure 3¼ inches in length; there are 26
lines to a full page. Without signatures, folios, or catchwords.
The first leaf is wanting in the only copy known. The second recto
commences with space for a 2-line initial, with director,
~p~ ~Rima aut mihi tunc aurora refulsit &
horridis polo fugientibz vmbris celo ru
bescente die vtcunqz a nocte distinxi . tuc quo~
followed, on the same page, by--
~Lectio sexta~
On the verso is--
~Lectioties de Omel’ . p octauas prima die~
giving the lessons for the week. On the fourth recto is--
~Ad missam Jntroitus~
The sixth verso begins--
~Oratio sanctissimi . d. n. Sixti pape quarti~
The Text ends on the seventh verso, two lines short of a full page,
~et exultatioe ppetua renascamur . Per xpm
dominu nostru~
The only EXISTING COPY is in the British Museum (C. 21. c), and,
although wanting the first leaf, has the final blank. Measurement, 8⅜ ×
5⅝ inches.
NO. 52.--SEX PERELEGANTISSIMÆ EPISTOLÆ PER PETRUM CARMELIANUM
EMENDATÆ. _Quarto. Per Willelmum Caxton. In Westmonasterio.
(1483.)_
COLLATION.--~a b c~ are 4ns = 24 leaves, of which ~a j~ is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The types used
are Nos. 4 and 4*. The lines, which are spaced to an even length,
measure 3¼ inches, and there are 26 to a page. Without catchwords or
folios. The whole appearance of the print is like the “Servitium de
Visitatione” and the “Order of Chivalry.”
The use of types 4 and 4* together points unmistakably to 1483 as
the period of issue; and this date, gathered from the typographical
particulars only, is completely verified by the letters themselves, the
dates of which range from December 11th, 1482, to February, 1483.
The Text begins on ~a ij~ recto, with an introduction which occupies
three pages.
~h~ ~Ercules dux Ferrarie in eo ducatu
venetoru armis constitutus paulo post
vetustissimus eorum violat immunitates /
init foedus cum Therdinando Rege Nea-
politano Mediolanensium duce / et floren-
tinorum repu / quod per veneta foedor’ no
licebat / Ueneti propria reposcunt ⸝ ille ter-
giuersari ⸝ Xystus pontifex quartus / relic-
Therdinadi foed &c.~
The six letters begin on sig. ~a iij~ verso. On ~c~ 8 recto is the
following colophon:--
~Finiunt sex p’elegantissime epistole /
quarum tris a summo Pontifice Sixto
Quarto et Sacro Cardinalium Collegio
ad Jllustrissimum Uenetiarum ducem
Joannem Mocenigum totidemqz ab ipso
Duce ad eundem Pontificem et Cardina-
les / ob Ferrariense bellum susceptum / con-
scripte sunt / Jmpresse per willelmum Cax-
ton / et diligenter emendate per Petrum
Camelianu Poetar’ Laureatum in West-
monasterio~
Beneath this is a Latin quatrain, beginning
~Eloquii cultor,~
followed by
~Jnterpretatio magnarum litterarum punctatarum parua-
rumque.~
The Text ends with 23 lines on the verso of the same leaf.
REMARKS.--These six letters passed between the Sacred College of
Cardinals on one side and the Doge of Venice on the other, the subject
being the necessity of closing the war with the City of Ferrara.
Petrus Carmelianus, the editor of these letters, is noticed by Mr.
Gairdner, in his preface to the “Memorials of King Henry the Seventh,”
published in 1858, for the Master of the Rolls, as having been in
England from the time of Edward the Fourth. He may, therefore, have
personally employed Caxton to print his “Sex Epistolæ.” The title
“Brixiensis” sometimes attached to his name shows that he was a
native of the town of Brescia. He seems to have taken an interest in
educational matters, as verses by him to John Anwykyl and to William
Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, are prefixed to the “Compendium
totius grammaticæ,” printed at Oxford about 1482-83. Some more of his
poetry is printed in the Oxford “Phalaris” of 1485. Tanner assigns
to Carmelianus the following promotions--Rector of St. George’s,
Southwark, 1490; Prebend of York, 1498; Archdeacon of Gloucester,
1511; Prebend of London, 1519. Being in such favour, no wonder that
he waxed rich, and that when, in 1522, “an annual grant was made by
the Spirituality for the King’s personal expenses in France for the
recovery of the Crown,” the name of “Mr. Petrus Carmelianus” appears
among the “Spiritual Persons” for the handsome sum of £333 6_s._ 8_d._
In the Calendar of State Papers, where he is called “Latin Secretary
of King Henry the Seventh,” mention is made of a letter sent to him
from Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, thanking him for his services,
and promising him favour and reward. On the projected marriage of
Prince Charles of Castile with the Princess Mary of England he wrote
a poem in Latin, printed by Pynson about 1514, of which a unique copy
is in the Grenville Library (see _Archæologia_, vol. xviii.) In the
same library is a manuscript poem on the birth of the Prince of Wales
(1486), another copy, beautifully illuminated, being among the royal
MSS. in the British Museum. Both are evidently in the handwriting of
Carmelianus, the latter being his presentation copy to the king. The
argument of this poem is so characteristic of the age that it is worth
noting. Almighty God, compassionating the miserable state of England
lacerated with civil war, convoked a meeting of the Saints in Heaven
to ask their opinions as to how the long-standing dispute between the
Houses of York and Lancaster might be composed. The saints reply that,
if the Omniscient Deity cared for any of their counsels, no one was
better qualified to state how the wars might be terminated than King
Henry the Sixth (already in heaven), who knew the country and the
causes of dissension, and they recommended that he should be appealed
to. Henry is accordingly called upon to reply to the Supreme Being, and
proposes that the two houses should be united so as to be one house,
for which an opportunity then offered by the marriage of the Earl of
Richmond with the Princess Elizabeth. The Deity approves and decrees
its execution, the marriage takes place, and the poem terminates
with an exhortation to England to rejoice on account of the prince’s
birth. Carmelianus died August 18th, 1527; John de Giglis, Bishop of
Worcester, in 1497, his contemporary and countryman, also employed
Caxton to print Indulgences.
A manuscript, “Carmen de Vere,”[18] in the British Museum, which is
dedicated to Edward Prince of Wales (afterwards Edward V), dated April
1482, affords some information from the pen of Carmelian himself. He
says that for the previous ten years he had been travelling about
the world, having very lately arrived in England, with the intention
of proceeding to Germany and Switzerland; but, captivated by the
pleasantness of the country, he had been unable to leave it. He adds
that his poem was written to gain the favour of the prince. Whence his
dignity of Poeta laureatus was obtained is not known.
The only copy known of this tract was discovered in the year 1874 by
Dr. G. Könnecke, archivist of Marburg, in an old volume of seventeenth
century divinity, in the Hecht-Heinean Library at Halberstadt. It was
described in the “Neuer Anzeiger” of Dr. Julius Petzholdt for October
1874; also in the Athenæum for February 27th, 1875.
NO. 53.--CONFESSIO AMANTIS. _Large Folio. “Enprynted at Westmestre
by me Willyam Caxton the ij day of Septembre / a thousand / CCCC
lxxxxiij (a typographical error for lxxxiij)”._
COLLATION.--A 4n, signed ~ij~, ~iij~, ~iiij~, the first and eighth
leaves being blank, followed by a 4n, signed on the second leaf only 1
2, the first leaf being blank; then ~b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s
t u x y z & A B~ all 4ns; ~C~ a 3n, with the sixth leaf blank. In all
222 leaves, of which four are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 4 is used
for sigs. ~1~ to ~x~; sigs. ~&~ to ~C~, as well as the introductory
matter, are in type No. 4*, while sigs. ~y~ and ~z~ are partly in one
and partly in the other. Where type No. 4 is used there are 46 lines
to a column, and 44 lines of type No. 4*. On sig. ~z iiij~ recto the
two types appear in the same page, the first column being in No. 4 and
the second in No. 4*. Without catchwords or folios. Space left for
inserting 2 to 6-line initials, with director. The signatures at the
beginning of the volume are irregularly printed, and show the want
of a settled plan in the printer’s mind. The first 4n, which, as it
includes the index, must have been printed last, is properly signed;
but, on beginning the book, it appears as if the compositor thought
there could be no use for signatures if every leaf had a printed
folio, and accordingly they were omitted except on the second sheet,
which is signed in Arabic numerals only. The inconvenience of this
being seen, the folios were omitted, and the signatures printed in
the second 4n, ~b~; while in sig. ~c~ both plans are united, and we
have signatures and folios too to the end of the book--the latter,
however, with continual errors. The introductory 4n is not included
in the enumeration of the folios. Note that sig. ~b~ 4 is printed
2 4, and that from sig. ~p~ to the end the Arabic numerals used in
the signatures give place to Roman numerals. The book is in double
column throughout. The date in the colophon is printed a thousand CCCC
lxxxxiij, a typographical error, which would have led to some confusion
had not the regnal year, “the first year of the reign of King Richard
the third,” been also added, fixing the right date as 1483.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the paragraph title and table follow on
sig. ~ij~, space being left for a 3-line initial, with director.
The Text begins thus:--
~His book is intituled how the world was first of
~t~ confes- ‖ sio amantis / golde / & ‖ after alwey werse
that is to saye ‖ in & werse folio bj ‖
englysshe the confessyon of ‖
the louer maad and com-
pyled by ‖ Johan Gower
squyer borne in walys ‖ Thus endeth the prologue~
The Text ends on the verso of sig. ~C~ 5, ~Folio CCxj~ with colophon in
first column,
~Enprynted at westmestre
by me ‖ Willyam Caxton
and fynysshed the ij ‖ day of
Septembre the fyrst yere of
the ‖ regne of Kyng Richard
the thyrd / the ‖ yere of our
lord a thousand / CCCC / ‖
lxxxxiij /~
REMARKS.--The life and poetical writings of the “moral” Gower have
received frequent illustrations from modern critics. His chief work,
the “Confessio Amantis,” appears to have been begun about 1386 and
completed in 1392-3. It was originally dedicated to Richard II, but, on
the wane of that monarch’s power, Gower suited himself to the changing
times, and recast his prologue. The copies made after this version are
termed Lancastrian. The Latin verses and the marginal index are in some
manuscripts, as in Caxton’s printed edition, included in the text. They
were, Dr. Pauli believes, the original composition of Gower, abounding,
like his other poetry, in instances of false prosody and even bad
grammar. The verses are imitations in the manner of Boethius, but often
unintelligible.
Seventeen copies are extant. British Museum (3); Cambridge; Pembroke
College, Cambridge; Hereford Cathedral; Lambeth; Queens’ College and
All Souls, Oxford; and eight in private libraries.
NO. 54.--THE BOOK WHICH THE KNIGHT OF THE TOWER MADE TO THE
“ENSEYGNEMENT” AND TEACHING OF HIS DAUGHTERS. _Folio. “Emprynted
at Westmynstre the laste day of Januer the fyrst yere of the
regne of Kynge Rychard the thyrd.” (i.e. 1484.)_
COLLATION.--A 2n, signed on second leaf only ~ij~; ~a b c d e f g h i
k l m~ are 4ns; ~n~ a 3n, with the last two leaves blank. In all
106 leaves, of which two are blank.
NOTE--sig. ~c iiij~ is wrongly printed ~d iiij~, and the first leaf of
~d~ is without any signature.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type, as far
as sig. ~f~, is No. 4, and forty lines, each 4⅞ inches long, make a
full page. From sig. ~f j~ to the end the type is No. 4*, with 38
lines, each 4⅝ inches long, to the page. The lines are fully spaced
out. Without folios or catchwords. Space is left for 3, 4, and 6-line
initials, with directors.
The Text commences with the prologue on an unsigned leaf, with space
for a 3-line initial ~A~,
~Lle vertuouse doctryne & techynge had & lerned of
~a~ suche ‖ as haue endeuoured them to leue for a remem-
braunce~
On sig. ~a j~ recto,
~Here begynneth the book whiche the knyght of the toure
made / And speketh of many fayre ensamples and then-
sygnementys and techyng of his doughters~
The Text ends on the fourth verso of sig. ~n~,
~Here fynysshed the booke ⸝ whiche the knyght of the Toure
ma ‖ de to the enseygnement and techyng of his doughters
transla ‖ ted oute of Frenssh in to our maternall Englysshe
tongue by ‖ me William Caxton / whiche book was ended
& fynysshed the ‖ fyrst day of Juyn / the yere of oure lord
M CCCC lxxxiij
And enprynted at westmynstre the last day of Janyuer the
fyrst yere of the regne of Kynge Rychard the thyrd~
REMARKS.--In the department of “Maine et Loire,” between Chollet and
Vezins, may still be seen the ruins of an ancient château, called
“Latour-Landry.” Archæologists ascribe the structure to the twelfth
century. The place originally bore the name of “La Tour” only, the
old family name of the owners being “Landry;” but eventually the two
were combined, and “De la Tour Landry” became the patronymic of a long
race of knights. The earliest instance of the double name is found
in a document dated 1200. Passing over the history of the family, we
will confine ourselves to Geoffrey and his book, “pour l’enseignment
de ses filles.” The date of neither his birth nor death is known. He
was at the siege of Aiguillon in 1346, when he must be supposed to be
at least of the age of twenty years. He tells us he wrote his book
in 1371, which would make him, at the youngest, 45 years old, though
he was probably older. In all the illuminated copies of his work he
is represented as discoursing with his three daughters, for whose
instruction in their journey through life it was written, as the knight
himself in a preface informs us.
He had also sons, as we learn that a similar work had previously been
undertaken for their instruction, “as hit is reherced in the booke
of my two sonnes, and also in an Euangely.” (See Caxton’s edition,
sig. ~n~ 4.) It is interesting to note here, as an instance of the
entire disappearance of books once well known, that neither of these
compositions of the knight are known now to exist. We also learn that
in the compilation of this work he called to his aid two priests, who
read to him the Bible, the “Gesta,” and various chronicles of France,
England, and other countries. To this may, perhaps, be attributed the
predominance of the ecclesiastical element in this book. The knight
originally intended to write the whole work in verse, but finding that
method necessitated a less concise narration, he soon changed his
composition into prose. In the original French, however, a considerable
portion of the introduction, though prose to the eye, will be found to
have retained its metrical form.
Several writers have denounced the work as obscene, and more fitted
for the corruption than the instruction of youth; while others, taking
into consideration the manners of that age, have arrived at the very
opposite conclusion. At any rate, it is plain our Caxton thought
highly of it: he says in his preface, “I advise every gentleman or
woman having children, desiring them to be virtuously brought forth,
to get and have this book, to the end that they may learn to govern
them virtuously in this present life.” He tells us also the occasion of
his translating and printing it, which was “at the request of a noble
lady which hath brought forth many noble and fair daughters, which he
virtuously nourished.” An interesting article upon this work appeared
in the _Retrospective Review_: New Series, 1827; vol. i, part ii, page
177. See also, _Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry_, par M Anatole
de Montaiglon. 12mo. Paris, 1854.
We must here notice that, although the anonymous English translation
(_Harl. 1764_) preceded that by Caxton, a comparison of the two
versions makes it evident that our printer owed nothing to his
predecessor. M. Montaiglon, indeed, from a literary point of view,
gives a decided preference to the earlier text.
The following amusing extract is suggestive of Shakspere’s “Taming of
the Shrew.” Act V, Scene II.
How a woman sprange vpon the table · Capitulo xviij.
N a tyme it happed that Marchauntes of Fraunce cam from certayn
J Fayres / where as they sought Draperye / and as they cam with
Marchaundyse fro Roan / that one of them said / it is a moche
fayre thynge a man to haue a wif obeysaunt in alle thynges to her
husbond / Verayly sayde that one / my wyf obeyeth me well / And the
second said. J trowe / that my wyf obeye me better / ye sayd the
thyrd / lete laye a wager / that whiche wyf of vs thre that obeyeth
best her husbond / and doeth sonnest his commaundement that he wynne
the wager / wherupon they waged a Jewele / and accorded al thre to
the same / & sworen that none shold aduertyse his wyf of this bargayn
/ sauf only to saye to her / doo that whiche J shall commaunde what
soeuer it be / After when they cam to the first mans hows / he sayd
to his wyf Sprynge in to this bacyne / and she answerd / wherfore
or what nede is it. And he said by cause it playsyth me so / and J
wyll that thou do so / Truly said she J shall knowe fyrst wherfor J
shall sprynge / And soo she wold not doo it · And her husbond waxe
moche angry and felle / and gafe her a buffet / After thys they cam
to the second marchauntes hows / and he saide to his wyf lyke as
that other saide / that she wold doo his commaundement / And it was
not long after that he said to her Sprynge in to the basyn / And she
demaunded hym wherfore / And at the last ende for ought that he dyde
/ she dyd it not / wherfore she was beten as that other was / Thenne
cam they to the thyrd mans hous And there was the table couered ·
and mete set theron And the marchaunt said to thother marchauntes in
theyr eres / that after dyner he wold commaunde her to sprynge in
to the bacyn / And the husbond sayd to his wyf / that what someuer
he commaunded her she shold do it / his wyf whiche that moche louyd
hym and dred hym herd wel the word. And it was so that they bygan to
ete / and there was no salt vpon the table / And the goodman sayd
to his wyf / Sail sur table And the good wyf whiche hadde fere to
disobeye hym / sprang vpon the table and ouerthrewe table ⸝ mete
/ wyn / and platers to the ground / How said the good man / is this
the manere / Cōne ye none other playe but this / are ye mad or oute
of youre wyt. Syre said she / J haue done your commaūdement / haue ye
not said that youre commaundement shold be done what someur it was.
Certaynly J haue it done to my power how be it that it is youre harme
and hurte as moche as myn. For ye sayd to me that J shold spryge on
the table ⸝ J said he /J sayd ther lacked salt vpon the table /
Jn good feyth J vnderstode said she for to spryng / thene was ther
laughter ynouz & al was taken for a bourd and a mocquerye / Thenne
the other two Marchauntes said it was no nede to late her sprynge in
the basyn / For she had done ynough / And that her husband had wonne
the wager.... And thus ought euery good woman to fere and obeye her
lord & husbonde and to do his commaundement is hit right or wrong /
yf the commaundement be not ouer outrageous / And yf ther be vyce
therin / she is not to blame / but the blame abydeth vppon her lord
and husbonde.
There are two copies in the British Museum, one at Cambridge, one at
Oxford, and two in private libraries.
NO. 55.--CATON. _Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date.
“Translated ... by William Caxton in thabbey of Westmynstre the
yere of our lord M CCCC lxxxiij.” (1484?)_
COLLATION.--The prologues and table a 3n, signed ~ij~ and ~iij~ on the
second and third rectos, the first and last leaves being blank: then ~a
b c d e f g h~ are 4ns; ~i~ a 5n; ~a j~ and ~i~ 10 being blank. In all
eighty leaves, of which four are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Two sizes of type
are used: No. 2 for the Latin headings, and No. 4* for the Text. The
lines, which are fully spaced out, measure 4⅝ inches, and there are 38
to a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Space is left for the
insertion of 3-line initials, sometimes with and sometimes without
directors.
Commencing with a blank leaf, Caxton’s short prologue and his
dedication to the City of London follow on sig. ~ij~.
The Text begins thus:--
~ℂ Here begynneth the prologue or prohemye of the book
callid ‖ Caton / whiche booke hath ben translated in to En-
glysshe by ‖ Mayster Benet Burgh / late Archedeken of
Colchestre and ‖ hye chanon of saint stephens at westmestre /
which ful craftly ‖ hath made it in balade ryal for the erudi-
cion of my lord Bou- ‖ sher / Sone & heyr at that tyme to my
lord the erle of Estsex ‖ And by cause of late cam to my
hand a book of the said Caton ‖ in Frensshe / whiche
reherceth many a fayr lernynge and nota ‖ ble ensamples /
J haue translated it oute of frensshe in to En ‖ glysshe /
as al along here after shalle appiere / which J presente
unto the Cyte of london /~
~Nnto the noble auncyent and renomed Cyte / the
~v~ Cyte ‖ of london in Englond / J William Caxton
Cytezeyn ‖ & coniurye of the same / & of the frater-
nyte and felauship ‖ of the mercerye owe of ryght my
seruyse & good wyll / and of~
The table follows, making, with the introductory matter, eight printed
pages, the whole concluding on the fifth verso, with the sixth blank
leaf. After another blank is the Gloss, headed by a quotation of seven
lines of Latin in type No. 3, with ~a ij~ for the signature.
The Text ends on the ninth recto of sig. ~i~, the tenth leaf being
blank,
~thynge men may intytule this lytell book the myrour of the
re ‖ gyme & gouernement of the body and of the sowle /~
~Here fynyssheth this present book whiche is sayd or
called ‖ Cathon translated oute of Frensshe in to Englysshe
by Will- ‖ iam Caxton in thabbey of westmynstre the yere
of oure lord ‖ M CCCC lxxxiij / And the fyrst yere of the
regne of kynge ‖ Rychard the thyrd the xxiij day of decembre~
REMARKS.--In his prologue Caxton says, “To the end that the histories
and examples that be contained in this little book may be lightly found
... they shall be set and entitled by manner of Rubrics ... and they
shall be signed as that followeth of the number of leaves where they
shall be written.” Accordingly the numbers given in the table agree
with their proper folios, but these folios are not inserted, either
in print or manuscript, in the body of the work, rendering the table
almost useless.
Caxton says in his preface that he translated from a French copy,
“which rehearsed many a fair learning and notable example;” and some
portions of his own introductory matter suggest also a French original.
Were a manuscript to be found, its title would probably agree with
Caxton’s concluding description of the work--“the mirror of the regime,
and government of the body and of the soul.”
The year 1483 is usually assigned to the printing of this book; but as
the translation was not ended till December 23rd, it seems improbable
that it was printed till 1484.
As already noticed, this “Caton” is a very different work from the
composition known as “Catho Magnus,” the distichs of which serve here
only as a text whereon to hang an extensive gloss. A short notice of
“Mayster Benet Burgh” has already been given.
There are copies in the British Museum, Cambridge, Glasgow, Oxford,
Exeter College, Oxford, and seven in private hands.
NO. 56.--THE GOLDEN LEGEND. _Largest Folio. First Edition.
“Fynysshed at westmestre the twenty day of nouembre / the yere
of our lord M / CCCC / lxxxiij / By me Wyllyam Caxton.” (1484?)_
COLLATION.--An unsigned 3n, with first and sixth leaves blank; ~a b c
d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u x y z &~ are 4ns; 9 a 3n; ~A B C D
E F G H J K L M N O P Q R S T U~ are 4ns; ~X~ a 3n; ~Y~ is a single
sheet, followed by a single leaf, the back edge of which is sometimes
returned round ~Y~, and sometimes sewn separately; ~aa bb cc dd ee ff~
are 4ns; ~gg~ a 3n; ~hh ii~ 4ns; ~kk~ a 3n, ~kk~ 6 being blank. In all
449 leaves, of which three are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. There are two sizes
of type, No. 3 being used for head-lines and headings to chapters,
while No. 4* is used for the text. The whole is in double columns, and
the lines, which are fully spaced out, measure three inches; 55 lines
in a column, and 110 to a full page. There are folios throughout, but
numbered very irregularly. Space is left for the insertion of 3 to
6-line initials, with directors. There are no catchwords. Woodcuts
are used throughout, apparently from the hand of the same artist who
engraved the cuts for the second edition of the “Chess Book.”
The first edition is principally distinguished by the use of Type No.
3 for head-lines, &c., and also by a variation in the signatures ~X~
and ~Y~. Both this and the second edition are printed upon very large
sheets of paper, larger indeed than Caxton ever used before or after.
The edition of 1493 is upon the usual size.
The first leaf is blank; on the second recto is a large woodcut of
Saints, 9 × 6½ inches, under which the Text begins thus, making a full
page:--
(_Woodcut of Saints._)
~He holy & blessed & accomplisshed dyuerse
~t~ doctour ‖ saynt Jerom werkys ‖ & hystoryes trans-
sayth thys aucto ‖ ryte / lated out of frensshe ‖ in to
do alweye somme good ‖ englysshe at the requeste of
werke / to thende that the cer- ‖ teyn lords / ladyes
deuyl fynde ‖ the not ydle / and gentylmen / ‖ as thy-
And the holy doctour ‖ saynt storye of the recuyel of
austyn sayth in the book Troye / ‖ the book of the
of the ‖ labour of monkes / chesse / the hystorye of ‖ Ja-
that no man stronge ‖ or son / The hystorye of the
myghty to laboure ought to myrrour ‖ of the world / the
be ydle ‖ for which cause xv bookes of Meta- ‖ mor-
when J had parfour- ‖ med pheseos in whyche been con-
teyned ‖~
This prologue finishes, half-way down the second column, on the verso
of the same leaf. On the third recto is another woodcut, 8 × 4½ inches,
of a horse galloping past a tree, bearing a label, ~My Truste Js~
(see a facsimile in Dibdin’s _Typ. Ant._, vol. i, page 186). This was
the device of William Fitzallan, Earl of Arundel, Caxton’s patron.
Underneath this commences Caxton’s own prologue, with space for a
3-line initial ~A~,
~Nd for as moche as also haue enprynted it in the
this ‖ sayd werke was moost best ‖ Wyse that J
grete & ouer charge- haue coude or myght / and ‖
able to me taccomplisshe ‖ J presente this sayd boook to
feryd me in the begynnyng his good & ‖ noble lordshyp ⸝~
This occupies the whole page. On the third verso the table is begun,
ending on the sixth recto, with sixteen lines in the first column, the
rest of the page being blank. It ends thus--
~Dues folio CCCC xxvij
Explicit~
On sig. ~a j~ the original Text is begun, space being left for a
6-line ~T~,
~He tyme of thaduet quysshid of ygnorance &
Jmpuissauce /‖ to y^e yf he
or comyng of our had so come to fore / pauen-
ture ‖ man myght saye y_{t} by
lord in to this world his owne merites ‖~
The Text ends on ~kk~ 5 recto, half-way down the second column,
~afore is made mencyon /
Whiche werke ‖ J haue
accomplisshed at the com-
maun-‖demente and requeste
of the noble and ‖ puyssaunte
erle / and my special good ‖
lord Wyllyam erle of aron-
del / & haue ‖ fynysshed it at
westmestre the twenty ‖ day
of nouembre / the yere of our
lord ‖ M / CCCC / lxxxiij /
& the fyrst yere ‖ of the reygne
of Kyng Rychard the ‖ thyrd
By me wyllyam Caxton~
In the latter half of the thirteenth century, Jacobus de Voragine,
Archbishop of Genoa, who died in 1298, compiled a book called “Legenda
Aurea,” in which the lives and miracles of numerous saints were
narrated. This was found very useful to the priests in their sermons,
and soon became so popular that it was translated into nearly every
European language. The Latin text of “Voragine” has been reprinted
from an early manuscript, and edited by Dr. Th. Graesse, 8vo, Lipsiæ,
1840. It has also received a modern French dress under the title “La
Légende dorée, par Jacques de Voragine, traduit du Latin, par M. G.
B., 8vo, Paris, 1843.” In the early part of the fourteenth century,
Jean Belet, an author but little known to modern bibliographers, though
often quoted by the writers of his age, translated the Latin of Jacobus
into French, not, however, without embellishing it with many new
additions. Shortly after the production of Belet, Jehan de Vignay, who
has been already noticed as translating the Book of Chess, undertook
a new version in French of “La Légende dorée,” which he accomplished
before 1380, as he dedicated it to “Jeane, royne de France.” His
translation, however, was founded on the previous labours of Belet,
which he amplified, adding about 44 new legends. About the middle of
the fifteenth century, certain “worthy Clerks and Doctors of Divinity”
compiled a “Book of the Life of Saints,” which they describe as “drawn
into English after the tenor of the Latin.” These worthy Clerks and
Doctors, however, would have given a much more true account of their
labours had they stated that, with the exception of some additional
fables not traceable in the original Latin, they owed the whole of
their compilation to “La Légende dorée” of Jehan de Vignay.
It is probable that in Caxton’s time the English version here noticed
was well known; indeed we may infer this from the account given by our
Printer of the origin of his own text: “Against me here might some
persons say, that this Legend hath been translated tofore, and truth it
is; but forasmuch as I had by me a Legend in French, another in Latin,
and the third in English, which varied in many and diverse places; and
also many histories were comprised in the two other books which were
not in the English book, therefore I have written one out of the said
three books.” Caxton, with his Latin, French, and English copies before
him, found a prologue ready to his hand in the version by Jehan de
Vignay. This, as was his wont, he translated literally, merely changing
two or three of the inapplicable proper names, and adding some personal
observations of his own. The bulk of his text comes also from the same
source, being nearly identical with that of the English manuscript
already noticed; although to Caxton may be given this praise, that in
several places where the “worthy doctours of divinite” had inserted in
their English version some stories more incredible or more filthy than
usual, he very discreetly considerably modified or altogether omitted
them. The reader curious in this matter may compare the tales about
Nero in the “Life of St. Peter,” as narrated in _Harl. 630_, with folio
202 in Caxton. How much he took from the Latin is impossible to say;
nor have I been able to trace to their origin the curious explanatory
derivations of the name of each saint, which form the first paragraph
in every “Life.” As in “The Festial,” many saints in the “Golden
Legend” have their lives illustrated or interwoven with tales from the
“Gesta Romanorum.”
This work may be considered the most laborious, as well as the most
extensive, of all Caxton’s literary and typographical labours. The
compilation of the text only must have been a most arduous task,
and the very extensive use of woodcuts must have been extremely
expensive and troublesome. Caxton, indeed, confesses that he was “in
a manner half desperate to have left it,” when the Earl of Arundel,
who apparently suggested the undertaking, sent John Stanney to him,
promising the Printer a small annuity, and to take a “reasonable
quantity” of copies when completed. The annuity was to be a buck
in summer and a doe in winter; but it is not improbable that these
presents were commuted into a fixed sum of money, as was certainly the
practice with the Gifts of Wine, which, in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, were so frequently bestowed as rewards for services
rendered. As a memorial of the Earl’s connection with the work, Caxton
placed the Arundel device, “My truste is,” after the preface.
Although, from the numerous copies still extant, it is evident that
this edition must have been larger than usual, no perfect copy has yet
been discovered. The Legend of St. Thomas of Canterbury has been a
special object of destruction, being, in nearly every instance, torn
out of the volume.
While making every allowance for the rudeness of the age and the
plain speaking then customary, the tendency of many of the “Lives”
here narrated is so immoral, that many persons have doubted whether
these legends were really read to congregations of men and women. But
the legacy of several copies of this work to the parish church of St.
Margaret’s, as already noticed (p. 159), and the following extract from
the will of Queen Margaret, prove that the “Golden Legend” was reckoned
among the Church Service Books:--“Item, I will that mine executors
purvey a complete Legend in one book, and an Antiphony in another book;
which books I will be given to abide there in the said church to the
worship of God as long as they may endure.” (Norf. and Norwich Arch.
Soc., Dec. 1850, fol. 163.)
This is one of the most common of the productions of Caxton’s press,
and probably a larger number than usual was printed. Of the thirty
known copies sixteen are divided between the British Museum, Cambridge,
Corpus and Pembroke, Cambridge, Oxford, Glasgow, Loganian Philadelphia,
King’s College, Aberdeen, Lincoln, Hereford and Bath Cathedrals,
Rawlett’s Library, Tamworth, others being in private libraries.
[Illustration: Plate XI.
_Portion of the “Death-bed Prayers,” 1484. Caxton’s Type, No. 3, and
Type, No. 4._]
NO. 57.--DEATH-BED PRAYERS. _A Folio Broadside. (1484?)_
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Types No. 3 and 4* are used. The lines are
spaced to an even length. It is half a sheet of paper printed on one
side only.
From the language of these prayers it is evident that they were
intended for use by the death-bed. They were probably printed in this
portable form for priests, and others, to carry about with them.
Although short their interest is great, and the reader may not be
displeased to read them in the following more modern spelling than that
of the original.
O glorious Jesu! O meekest Jesu! O most sweetest Jesu! I pray thee
that I may have true confession, contrition, and satisfaction ere
I die; and that I may see and receive thy holy body, God and man,
Saviour of all mankind, Christ Jesu without sin. And that thou wilt
my Lord God forgive me all my sins, for thy glorious wounds and
passion. And that I may end my life in the true faith of all holy
church, and in perfect love and charity with my even[19] Christians
as thy creature. And I commend my soul into thy holy hands through
the glorious help of thy blessed mother of mercy, our lady Saint
Mary, and all the holy company of heaven. Amen. ¶ The holy body of
Christ Jesu be my salvation of body and soul. Amen. The glorious
blood of Christ Jesu bring my soul and body into the everlasting
bliss. Amen. I cry God, mercy! I cry God, mercy! I cry God, mercy!
Welcome my Maker! Welcome my Redeemer! Welcome my Saviour! I cry thee
mercy with heart contrite of my great unkindness that I have had unto
thee.
O thou most sweet spouse of my soul, Christ Jesu, desiring heartily
evermore for to be with thee in mind and will, and to let none
earthly thing be so nigh my heart as thou, Christ Jesu; and that
I dread not for to die for to go to thee, Christ Jesu; and that I
may evermore say unto thee with a glad cheer, my Lord, my God, my
sovereign Saviour Christ Jesu, I beseech thee heartily take me,
sinner, unto thy great mercy and grace, for I love thee with all my
heart, with all my mind, with all my might, and nothing so much in
earth nor above earth as I do thee, my sweet Lord, Christ Jesu. And
for that I have not loved thee, and worshipped thee above all things
as my Lord, my God, and my Saviour, Christ Jesu, I beseech thee with
meekness and heart contrite, of mercy and of forgiveness of my great
unkindness, for the great love that thou showedst for me and all
mankind, what time thou offerdst thy glorious body, God and man, unto
the Cross; there to be crucified and wounded, and unto thy glorious
heart a sharp spear, there running out plenteously blood and water
for the redemption and salvation of me and all mankind. And thus
having remembrance steadfastly in my heart of thee, my Saviour Christ
Jesu, I doubt not but thou wilt be full nigh me, and comfort me both
bodily and ghostly with thy glorious presence, and at the last bring
me unto thy everlasting bliss, the which shall never have end. Amen.
The only EXISTING COPY known is in the library of Earl Spencer, where
it is bound up in a copy of Caxton’s “Pilgrimage of the Soul.” It is in
perfect condition, and measures 11 × 8 inches.
NO. 58.--THE FABLES OF ÆSOP; OF AVIAN; OF ALFONSE; AND OF POGE,
THE FLORENTINE. _Folio. “Emprynted by me William Caxton at
Westmynstre . . the xxvj daye of Marche the yere of oure lord
M CCCC lxxxiiij.”_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s~ are 4ns, the last two
leaves of ~s~ being blank. In all 144 leaves, of which two are blank.
Note.--The first leaf of ~a~ is not signed, being printed only on the
verso.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page, unless we call the
great cut of Æsop by that name. The type is of two sorts, No. 3, used
in three places at the beginning of the work for headings, and No.
4*, in which is the whole text and the head-lines. The lines, which
measure 4⅝ inches, are fully spaced out, and in those few pages where
there is no woodcut there are 37 or 38 lines. There are head-lines and
folios throughout, except in sig. ~n~, which has folios only. Woodcut
initials are used throughout, and on the verso of sig. ~a ij~ is a
large floriated ~A~, afterwards used in the “Order of Chivalry.”
The first recto of sig. ~a~ is blank. Upon the verso is a large woodcut
(4⅝ × 6¾ inches), of Æsop, surrounded by the subjects of his fables,
with the word ESOPVS at the top. On the second recto, which is signed
~a ij~, the book commences with the following title, in large type, No.
3--
~ℂ Folio ija
ℂ Here begynneth the book of the subtyl hystoryes
and Fables of Esope whiche were translated out
of Frensshe in to Englysshe by wylliam Caxton
at westmynstre Jn the yere of oure Lorde . M .
. CCCC . lxxxiij .~
~Jrst begynneth the lyf of Esope with alle his fortune
~F~ how he was subtyll/wyse/and borne in Grece / not ferre
fro Troye the graunt in a Towue named Amoneo /
whiche was amonge other dyfformed and euylle shapen / For~
[Illustration: ÆSOP BEATEN BY HIS MASTER.]
The whole is finished by an epilogue, written by Caxton himself, which
begins on the recto, and concludes on the verso of sig. ~s~ 6.
~swere of a good preest and an honest / And here with J fy-
nysshe this book / translated & emprynted by me William
Cax-‖ton at westmynstre in thabbay / And fynysshed the
xxvj daye ‖ of Marche the yere of oure lord M CCCC
lxxxiiij / And the ‖ fyrst yere of the regne of kyng Rychard
the thyrdde~
The woodcuts by their treatment evidently came from the hands of the
artist who had previously illustrated the “Game of Chess.” It is
perhaps impossible to decide whether they are of Flemish or English
origin. The woodcut on p. 288 represents Æsop beaten by his master.
Caxton himself tells us at the beginning of the book that it was a
translation of his own from the French. It is rather remarkable that
although the fables of Æsop, in French, were found in all the great
libraries of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and as many as
three or four different copies in some, yet none apparently have
descended to our time. No trace of an English translation previous to
that of Caxton has been discovered, and he must therefore have the
credit of introducing these fables to his countrymen in the English
tongue. They were reprinted in London, with scarcely any alteration,
for nearly two centuries. Whether translated from a manuscript, or an
early French printed edition, it is now impossible to say.
This is a very rare book: the only perfect copy known was devised by
Mr. Hewett, of Ipswich, to King George III, and is now in the Royal
Library, Windsor. Imperfect copies are in the British Museum and at
Oxford.
NO. 59.--THE ORDER OF CHIVALRY. _Quarto. Without Printer’s Name,
Place, or Date. Translated by Caxton and presented to Richard
III. (1483-5.)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f~ are 4ns, ~aj~ being blank; ~g~ a 2n, with
the last leaf blank; in all 52 leaves, of which two are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No.
4*, but two headings at the beginning of the work are in type No. 3.
The lines, which measure 3⅛ inches, and of which there are 26 to a
full page, are fully spaced out. Without folios or catchwords. Initial
letters cut in wood are used.
Commencing with a blank leaf the work opens with a short preface, on
sig. ~a ij~, the first four lines being in type No. 3. The Text begins
thus:--
~ℂ Here begynneth the Table of
this present booke Jntytled the
Book of the ordre of chyualry
or knyghthode~
The Text ends:--
~vertuouse dede / And J shalle pray almyz-
ty god for his long lyf & prosperous wel-
fare / & that he may haue victory of al his
enemyes / and after this short & transitory
lyf to haue euerlastyng lyf in heuen / whe-
re as is Joye and blysse world without
ende Amen /~
The date of printing, which was in the reign of Richard III, must have
been between June 26th, 1483, and August 22nd, 1495. The “Order of
Chivalry” has no connection with “L’ordene de chevalerie.” Dibdin, in
the _Typ. Ant._, and Moule, in _Bib. Herald._, both err in this matter.
Two copies are in the British Museum, and two in private libraries: no
others are known.
NO. 60.--CHAUCER’S CANTERBURY TALES. _Folio. Second Edition, with
Woodcuts. “By William Caxton.” Without Place or Date. (1484?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t~ are 4ns, with
~a j~ blank; ~v~ a 3n, ~aa bb cc dd ee ff gg hh~ are 4ns; ~ii~ a
3n; ~A B C D E F G H J K~ are 4ns; ~L~ a 2n. In all 312 leaves, of
which one is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type of the
Text is No. 4*, the heads being all in No. 2*. The lines in the
prose portion are spaced to an even length, and measure 4⅞ inches.
38 lines to a page. Without catchwords or folios, and almost without
punctuation. Space left for the insertion of initials.
This second edition, Caxton tells us, was printed six years after the
first. Having fixed the year 1477-8 as about the date of the first,
that will give about 1484 for this.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prohemye follows on ~a ij~.
~Prohemye~
~Rete thankes lawde and honour / ought to be gy-
uen vnto the clerkes / poetes / and historiographs
~g that haue wreton many noble bokes of wysedom
of the lyues / passios / & myracles of holy sayntes
of hystoryes / of noble and famous Actes / and
faittes / And of the cronycles sith the begynnyng
of the creacion of the world/vnto thys present tyme/by whyche~
The proheme, which is an excellent and indubitable specimen of Caxton’s
own composition, and reflects as much credit upon his disposition as
upon his literary abilities, finishes on the verso of sig. ~a ij~--
~after thys short and transitorye lyf we may come to euer-
lastyng ‖ lyf in heuen / Amen~
~By Wylliam Caxton~
On sig. ~a iij~ recto, with room for a 4-line initial,
~Han that Apryll wyth hys shouris sote
~w~ The droughte of marche hath percyd the rote
And bathyd euery veyne in suche lycour
Of whyche vertue engendryd is the flour
Whanne Zepherus eke wyth hys sote breth~
The Parson’s Tale finishes on sig. ~L iij~ verso, and is followed by
the Retraction.
The Text ends with seven lines on sig. ~L~ 4 recto,
~be one of hem at the day of dome that shal be sauyd / Qui
cum ‖ patre et spiritu sancto viuit et regnat deus / Per omnia
secula ‖ seculorum AMEN /~
The verso is blank.
REMARKS.--The wood-cut illustrations appear to be by the same artist
that was engaged upon Æsop. The wife of Bath is represented on page 293.
Two copies are in the British Museum, and one in each of the following
libraries--Magdalen and Pepysian, Cambridge; St. John’s, Oxford; Royal
Society, London; Earl of Ashburnham, and Earl Spencer. In the year 1858
I discovered a copy in the Library of the French Protestant Church, in
a torn and dirty state, having been used for some time to light the
vestry fire. I drew attention to its great value and interest, and it
was doubtless saved from further mutilation. Some time afterwards it
disappeared from the library altogether, and no one now knows what
has become of it. For identification the following particulars are
here given:--it wants all before sig. ~h~ 5; ~p~ 7; ~t~ 8 and ~v ij~;
~bb ij~; and ~dd~ 8; ~A j~; ~B iij~ and 4; and all after ~E~ 8. In
the original binding. Torn, dirty, and ill used. Measurement, 10⅝ ×
7¾. Autograph “·· Rawlinson A° 1717.” Also, “Ex dono · · · Bateman
Bibliopola.”
[Illustration: “THE WIFE OF BATH.”
FROM THE SECOND EDITION OF CHAUCER’S “CANTERBURY TALES.”]
NO. 61.--THE BOOK OF FAME. _Folio. “Emprynted by wylliam Caxton.”
Without Place or Date. (1484?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c~ are 4ns. ~a j~ being blank; ~d~ a 3n, ~d~ 6
being blank = 30 leaves, of which two are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is
entirely No. 4*. In the epilogue, which is the only prose part, the
lines are fully spaced out, and measure 4⅞ inches. 38 lines to a page.
Without folios or catchwords. Space left for the insertion of 2 or
3-line initials, with directors.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text follows on sig. ~a ij~ recto,
~The book of Fame made by Gefferey Chaucer~
~Od torne vs euery dreme to good
~g~ For it is wonder thyng by the rood
To my wyt / what causyth sweuenys
On the morowe / or on euenys~
The poem ends on sig. ~d~ 5 recto,
~Thus in dremyng and in game
Endeth thys lytyl book of Fame~
~Explicit~
The epilogue immediately follows, the Text ending,
~J humbly beseche & praye yow / emonge your prayers / to
remem-‖bre hys soule / on whyche / and on alle crysten
soulis / J beseche al-‖myghty god to haue mercy Amen~
~Emprynted by wylliam Caxton~
The epilogue has considerable interest, as showing Caxton’s opinion of
Chaucer, and is here given verbatim.
“J fynde nomore of this werke to fore sayd / For as fer as I can
vnnderstōde / This noble man Gefferey Chaucer fynysshyd at the sayd
conclusion of the metyng of lesyng and sothsawe / where as yet they
ben chekked and maye not departe / whyche werke as me semeth is
craftyly made / and dygne to be wreton & knowen / For he towchyth
in it ryght grete wysdom & subtyll vnderstondyng / And so in alle
hys werkys he excellyth in myn oppynyon alle other wryters in our
Englyssh / For he wrytteth no voyde wordes / but alle hys mater is
ful of hye and quycke sentence / to whom ought to be gyuen laude and
preysyng for hys noble makyng and wrytyng / For of hym alle other
haue borowed syth and taken / in alle theyr wel sayeing and wrytyng
/ And I humbly beseche & praye yow / emonge your prayers to remembre
hys soule / on whyche and on alle crysten soulis I beseche almyghty
god to haue mercy Amen”
REMARKS.--As will be seen by the list of Existing Copies, the printed
text of Caxton is extremely rare; so is the reprint by Pynson in
1526. Manuscripts of this poem were, probably, even in our printer’s
time, difficult to obtain. The copy used by him was certainly very
imperfect. Many lines are altogether omitted, and in the last page
Caxton was evidently in a great strait, for his copy was deficient 66
lines, probably occupying one leaf in the original. We know from his
own writings the great reverence in which our printer held the “noble
poete,” and we can imagine his consternation when the choice had to
be made, either to follow his copy and print nonsense, from the break
of idea caused by the deficient verses, or to step into Chaucer’s
shoes and supply the missing links from his own brain. He chose the
latter course, and thus instead of the original 66 lines, we have two
of the printer’s own, which enable the reader to reach the end of the
poem without a break-down. These lines are in the following quotation
printed in italics; the entire extract being the first six lines of the
last page:--
They were a chekked bothe two
And neyther of hym myght out goo
_And wyth the noyse of themwo_ _Caxton_
_J Sodeynly awoke anon tho_
And remembryd what I had seen
And how hye and ferre I had been
It should be noticed that Caxton has here printed his name in the
margin to make known his responsibility to his readers. The “out” not
having been hitherto noticed, the position of his name there has been a
puzzle to all bibliographers, until explained by Mr. Bradshaw.
Copies are in the British Museum; Cambridge; Imperial Library, Vienna,
and Althorpe.
NO. 62.--THE CURIAL. _Folio. “Translated thus in Englysshe by
wylliam Caxton.” Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (1484?)_
COLLATION.--A 3n, signed ~j~, ~ij~, and ~iij~, without any blanks. In
all six leaves.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is
entirely No. 4*. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure
4⅞ inches, and there are 38 to a full page. Without catchwords or
folios.
The Text begins on sig. ~j~ recto,
~Here foboweth the copye of a lettre whyche maistre
Alayn ‖ Charetier wrote to hys brother / whyche desired to
come dwelle in ‖ Court / in whyche he reherseth many my-
seryes & wretchydnesses ‖~
The “Curial” finishes on the sixth recto,
~to god J comande the by thys wrytyng whyche gyue the hys
gra ‖ ce / Amen~
~Thus endeth the Curial made by maystre Alain
Charretier ‖ Translated thus in Englyssh by wylliam
Caxton~
On the verso Caxton has given us the translation of a ballad, written
by Alain Chartier, consisting of 28 lines. It has a burthen:--“Ne chyer
but of a man Joyous,” and commences thus:--
~Ther ne is dangyer / but of a vylayn
Ne pryde / but of a poure man enryched~
The Text ends on same page, with Caxton’s name at foot,
~Ther is no speche / but it be curtoys
Ne preysyng of men / but after theyr lyf
Ne chyer but of a man Joyous
Caxton~
REMARKS.--Caxton translated the Curial from the French, “for a noble
and virtuous Erle,” probably Lord Rivers, who was beheaded at Pomfret,
on June 13th, 1483.
Alain Chartier, born in Normandy about 1386, earned for himself the
appellation of “excellent orateur, noble poëte, et très-renommé
rhétoricien.” He held the office of “Secretaire de la Maison” to both
Charles VI and Charles VII. He died about 1457. The most complete
editions of his works are those by Galiot du Pré, 16mo, Paris, 1529;
and by Duchesne, 4to, Paris, 1617. In the former, however, is an error
which has led to some confusion, as “Livre de l’Esperance” is there
entitled “Le Curial,” the real Curial being a much shorter piece, and
totally different in design. By the “Curial” being addressed to his
brother it is supposed to have been written by Alain to Jean Chartier,
known as the author of “Histoire de Charles VII.” As an instance of
the great repute, in which the writings of Chartier were held in his
age, it is reported that Margaret, the wife of the Dauphin of France,
afterwards Louis XI, finding him one day asleep in his chair, kissed
his lips to the great astonishment of her attendants. “Je ne baise pas
la personne mais la bouche dont estoíent sortes tant de beux discours,”
she exclaimed. There is a painting in Add. MS. No. 15300, vividly
depicting this scene.
Only two copies are known; one is in the British Museum, and the other
at Althorpe.
NO. 63.--TROYLUS AND CRESIDE. _Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place,
or Date. (1484?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g~ are 4ns, the first leaf of ~a~ being
blank; ~h~ a 5n; ~i k l m n o~ are 4ns; ~p~ a 3n, with the last
two leaves blank. In all 120 leaves, of which 3 are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type
throughout is No. 4*. Each page contains five stanzas of seven lines
each, with a blank line between each stanza. Without folios or
catchwords.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the poem follows on sig. ~a ij~ recto,
beginning thus:--
~t~ ~He double sorow of Troylus to telle
Kyng Pryamus sone of Troye
Jn louyng / how hys auentures felle
From woo to wele / and after out of Joye
My purpos is / or that J parte froye~
Book I ends on sig. ~b~ 8 verso; Book II on ~f j~ recto; Book III on
~h~ 10 recto; Book IV on ~m j~ recto; Book V on ~p~ 4 recto. On sig.
~p~ 4 recto is also Chaucer’s dedicatory stanza to the “Moral Gower.”
The Text ends on the same page,
~So make vs Jhesu for thy mercy dygne
For loue of mayden / & moder thyn benygne
Here endeth Troylus / as touchyng Cresede
Explicit per Caxton~
REMARKS.--A good account of the source of this poem, and a comparison
between it and Shakspere’s “Troilus and Creside,” with which, however,
it appears to have had little connection, will be found in Bell’s
edition of Chaucer’s works.
Two copies are in the British Museum, one at St. John’s, Oxford, and
one at Althorp.
NO. 64.--THE LIFE OF OUR LADY.--_Folio. “Empryntyd by Wyllyam
Caxton.” Without Place or Date. (1484?)_
COLLATION.--Two unsigned leaves; ~a b c d e f g h i k l~ are 4ns;
~m~ a 3n, the last leaf being blank. In all 96 leaves, of which one is
blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is
entirely No. 4*. A page has five stanzas of seven lines each, the space
of one line being left between each stanza. The lines in the prose part
measure almost 5 inches. Without catchwords or folios. Space left for
the insertion of initials of one to three lines deep, with directors.
The Text begins, with a space for a 3-line initial, on the recto of
the first leaf,
~t~ ~His book was compyled by dan John lydgate monke of
burye / at the excitacion and styryng of the nohle and
victoryous prynce / Kyng harry the fyfthe / in thonoure
glorye & reuerence of the byrthe of our moste blessyd
lady / mayde ‖ wyf / and moder of our lord Jhesu cryst /
chapytred as foloweth ‖ by this table~
The table follows immediately, finishing with nine lines on the verso
of the second leaf.
The poem commences on sig. ~a j~ recto, with space for a 2-line initial,
~o~ ~Thougtful herte plungyd in distresse
With slo’bre of slouth this long wynters nyght~
On the lower-half of the fourth verso of sig. ~m~,
~Here endeth the book of the lyf of our lady
made by dan John lydgate monke of bury /
at thynstaunce of the moste crysten kynge /
kyng harry the fyfth~
~Goo lityl book and submytte the
Unto al them / that the shal rede
Or here / prayeng hem for charite
To pardon me of the rudehede
Of myn enpryntyng / not takyng hede
And yf ought be doon to theyr plesyng
Say they thyse balades folowyng~
The Text ends on the fifth recto of sig. ~m~,
~Blessid be the swettest name of our lord
Jhesu crist / and most glorious marie
His blessyd moder / with eternal accord
More than euer / tendure in glorye
And with hir meke sone for memorye
Blesse vs marie / the most holy virgyne
That we regne in heuen with the ordres nyne~
~Enpryntyd by Wyllyam Caxton~
A blank leaf completes the volume.
REMARKS.--This poem appears to have enjoyed, for a long period, a
considerable popularity. It was composed, as the manuscripts and
printed edition both tell us, by John Lydgate, at the excitation of
King Henry V. The envoy commencing “Goo lytyl booke,” is doubtless a
specimen of Caxton’s own powers of versification, as perhaps are also
the two ballads which follow it. Although the division of the poem into
chapters by Caxton does not agree with any of the known manuscripts,
yet he probably had a copy so divided, for, as we have seen, the
original poem was not chaptered at all, and later scribes would divide
it after their own judgment.
It would have surprised our worthy printer could he have foreseen the
grave charges of carelessness to be brought against him in future ages,
with reference to this production. Ames gives a very slight account of
“The Lyf of oure Ladye,” but so far as it goes, it is correct. Herbert
enlarged Ames’s article, but unfortunately wrote his description from a
copy deficient eight leaves in the middle of the poem, an imperfection
which, notwithstanding the consequent irregularity of signature, he
ascribes to carelessness on the part of Caxton; and, worse still, makes
Caxton himself confess that he was aware of the blunder he had made
before the conclusion of the printing, but thought that to ask the
reader’s pardon was sufficient reparation; a conclusion drawn from the
deprecatory stanzas quoted above, beginning, “Goo lityl book”--a style
of “envoy” very common to all writers of that age. Then follows Dr.
Dibdin, who, as usual, did not make an independent examination, but was
content with reprinting his predecessor’s remarks. The paragraph reads
thus:--“This [the omission of several chapters] must be attributed to
carelessness, which Mr. Caxton himself ingenuously acknowledges in one
of the concluding stanzas.”--_Typ. Ant._ vol. i, page 340, and _Bib.
Spenc._ vol. iv. page 333.
Both Herbert and Dibdin give the heads of all the chapters in this
poem, excepting, of course, those contained in the eight missing leaves
of their copy. These are, therefore, supplied here from the table,
which differs slightly from the heads in the body of the work.
How the chyef temple of rome fyl the nyght of crystes
byrthe / and other wonderful tokenes capitulo L
How the nyght of cristes byrthe a welle in rome
ranne oyle capitulo Lj
How the senatours of rome wolden haue holden Octauyan
theyr emperour as for her god capitulo Lij Liij
How the romayns whan they had domynacion ouer alle
the world made an ymage & callyd hit theyr god capitulo Liiij
How wyse sybyle tolde to the senate of rome
the byrthe of cryst capitulo Lv
How the prophetes prophecyed the byrthe
of cryst capitulo Lvi
A questyon assoyled whiche is worthyest of kyng
wyne or woman capitulo Lvij
EXISTING COPIES:--British Museum, Bodleian, Exeter College, Oxford,
Glasgow, and four in private hands.
NO. 65.--THE LIFE OF THE HOLY AND BLESSED VIRGIN SAINT WINIFRED.
_Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Date, or Place. “Reduced in to
Englysshe by me William Caxton.” (1485?)_
COLLATION.--~a~ and ~b~ are 4ns = 16 leaves, of which the first is
blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is
entirely No. 4*. There are 38 or 39 lines to a full page, and they are
spaced to an even length. Without folios or catchwords.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text follows on sig. ~a ij~,
~ℂ Here begynneth the lyf of the holy & blessid vyrgyn
saynt ‖ Wenefryde /~
On sig. ~b~ 6 recto,
~ℂ Thus endeth the decollacion / the lyf after / and the
transla- ‖ cion of saynte Wenefrede virgyn and martir /
whiche was rey ‖ sed after that her hede had be smyton of
the space of xv yere ‖ reduced in to Englysshe by me
William Caxton /~
The Text ends, with ten lines on the recto of sig. ~b~ 8, the verso
being blank,
~celebramus translacionem / cunctorum adipisci mereamur
pec- ‖ catorum remissionem / Per dominum nostrum ⸝ et
cetera /~
REMARKS.--Caxton’s translation gives all the particulars of the
birth, parentage, dedication to God, decollation by Prince Caradoc,
restoration to life “after her head had been smyton off the space of
xv year,” and subsequent canonisation of St. Winifred; followed by the
service in Latin for her “commemoration.”
The earliest existing notice of this saint is found in Cotton MS.
Claud. A. v, which begins “Incipit Vita sancte Wenefrede virginis et
martyris.” The character of the writing is of the twelfth century,
but the Holy Well in Flintshire, dedicated to her, as well as the
existence of chapels and other places in Wales bearing her name, prove
her fame to have been spread for some centuries earlier. The Cotton
MS. itself was probably copied from a much older original. Historians
have therefore agreed to consider her as having lived in the seventh
century. Being a Welsh saint, her name does not at first seem to have
been received with any great veneration outside her own country, and
this may account for the entire absence of all notice of her in the
early historians. The Cotton MS. has a memorandum in a more modern
hand, stating it to be the composition of St. Elerius. For this,
however, there appears to be no other reason than the mention of this
saint as St. Winifred’s confessor. It has, however, been adopted by
Leland, Bale, Pits, and other writers. A second life of St. Winifred
was undertaken in the year 1140 by Robert, a Welsh monk of Shrewsbury,
who compiled his account from MSS. then extant, with the addition
of all the floating details which, in the course of centuries, the
legend had developed. The fame of the saint at that time was rapidly
increasing, partly owing to the grand ceremonial with which her relics
had been, in 1138, translated to the Benedictine Abbey in Shrewsbury.
The variations in these two accounts, especially as to the length of
time she lived after her decollation, has induced a belief that they
are independent productions. Had the second history been shorter and
less miraculous than the first, there might be some reason for the
opinion.
In “Liber Festivalis,” and in the “Golden Legend,” both printed by
Caxton, are short notices of St. Winifred; but in 1484 Caxton himself
set about “reducing into English” her Life. It is unfortunate that he
makes no mention of the language in which his original was written.
There is no reason to suppose that Caxton understood Welsh, or else
doubtless he could have obtained several MSS.[20] Again, it is very
improbable that Caxton translated from his usual source, the French, as
the saint was unknown across the Channel. It is therefore most probable
that the Latin account of Robert, already noticed, was Caxton’s
original, a probability we are not able to verify by collation, as no
manuscript appears to be known.
Caxton’s edition has the Latin commemoration of the saint at the
end, which was ordained with great ceremony by Arundel, Archbishop
of Canterbury, in 1391, who, at the same time, removed the day from
June 24th to November 3rd. This shows how the fame of St. Winifred
had increased. All the old legends state that on the spot where
Prince Caradoc decapitated the Virgin, there immediately sprung up an
impetuous stream of healing water. The famous Holy Well is on this
spot, and thence flows “St. Wenefrede’s Stream,” which empties itself
at the mouth of the Dee. The fame of wonderful cures effected by these
waters spread all over England, and greatly enhanced the shrine of St.
Winifred, until Holywell became the most favoured goal of pilgrims to
the north. Caxton could not perhaps have chosen a more popular life
when he undertook his translation. Henry VII built an octagonal well
over the source of the stream, with conveniences for using the waters,
and over this a beautiful chapel.
The shrine was plundered at the dissolution of the monasteries, and a
portion of the ruins was, in 1811, and is probably, still used as a
free grammar school.
In Caxton’s “Polycronicon,” in the metrical account of Wales, there are
twenty-two lines of curious matter concerning the Holy Well, and the
awful fate which befell the descendants of Prince Caradoc.
Only three copies of this edition are known. There is a fair specimen
in the King’s Library, British Museum, a poor one at Lambeth, and a
good one at Ham House, Surrey.
NO. 66.--THE NOBLE HISTORIES OF KING ARTHUR AND OF CERTAIN OF HIS
KNIGHTS. _Folio. “Emprynted in thabbey westmestre, the last day
of Juyl the yere of our Lord M CCCC lxxxv.”_
COLLATION.--The prologue and table take up a 4n and 5n; the first
leaf in the 4n is blank, the next 3 are signed ~ij~, ~iij~, ~iiij~;
the first four leaves only of the 5n are signed ~v~, ~vj~, ~vij~,
~viij~; ~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u x y z & A B C D E F G
H J K L M N O P Q R S T U X Y Z aa bb cc dd~ are 4ns; ~ee~ is a 3n.
In all 432 leaves, of which one is blank.
Note.--Sig. ~S iij~ is printed ~R iij~ and ~T ij~ is printed ~S ij~.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type throughout
is No. 4*. The lines are spaced out to an even length of 4⅝ inches,
and 38 make a full page. Without folios, head-lines, or catchwords.
Initials in wood of three to five lines in depth.
Commencing with a blank leaf, Caxton’s prologue follows on sig. ~ij~,
with a 3-line initial in wood. The Text begins thus:--
~Fter that J had accomplysshed and fynysshed dyuers
~A~ hystoryes as wel of contemplacyon as of other hysto
ryal and worldly actes of grete conquerours & pryn
ces / and also certeyn bookes of ensaumples and doctryne /~
The Text ends on the recto of the sixth leaf of sig. ~ee~, the verso
being blank.
~ℂ Thus endeth thys noble and Joyous book entytled le
morte ‖ Darthur / Notwythstondyng it treateth of the byrth /
lyf / and ‖ actes of the sayd kyng Arthur / of his noble
knyghtes of the ‖ rounde table / theyr meruayllous enquestes
and aduentures / ‖ thachyeuyng of the sangreal / & in thende
the dolorous deth & ‖ departyng out of thys world of them
al / whiche book was re ‖ duced in to englysshe by syr
Thomas Malory knyght as afore ‖ is sayd / and by me
deuyded in to xxj bookes chapytred and ‖ enprynted / and
fynysshed in thabbey westmestre the last day ‖ of Juyl the
yere of our lord / M / CCCC / lxxxv /~
~ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit~
REMARKS.--There does not appear to be any trace in the collections
of the British Museum, or elsewhere, of a manuscript of Sir Thomas
Malory’s text. Of Sir Thomas himself, all we know is contained in the
last sentence of his own book: “This book was ended the ninth year of
the reign of King Edward the fourth by Sir Thomas Malory, Knight;”
that is about 1470. Caxton tells us in his prologue, that Sir Thomas
had “reduced it from certain books in French.” These books, judging
from the conduct of the story, were the celebrated romances of Merlin,
Launcelot, Tristram, the Quest du S. Graal, and Mort Artus, on the
origin of which romances very little appears to be known, though much
has been written. Manuscript copies of all of them are in the British
Museum. Caxton’s edition was reprinted several times, the last being
the well-known 4to. volume, edited by Robert Southey, who has prefixed
a learned dissertation on the rise and development of the story. A very
interesting essay upon the character, epoch, and authors of the various
romances of the Round Table is contained in _Les Msc. Franç._, par M.
Paris, vol. i. page 160. See also the introduction of Thomas Wright to
his reprint of the 1634 edition, entitled _The History of King Arthur_,
3 vols. London, 1858. Also _Les Romans de la Table Ronde et les Contes
des anciens Bretons_, par M. le Vicomte Hersart de la Villemarqué. 8vo.
Paris, 1860.
The only perfect copy known is in the library of Earl Jersey; Earl
Spencer has an imperfect copy, and a fragment is in the British Museum.
There is not a copy at Lichfield, as stated by Mr. Botfield.
NO. 67.--THE LIFE OF THE NOBLE AND CHRISTIAN PRINCE, CHARLES THE
GREAT. _Folio. “Explicit per William Caxton.” Without Place.
“Enprynted the fyrst day of decembre / M CCCC lxxxv.”_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m~ are 4ns. In all 96 leaves,
of which ~a j~ and ~m~ 8 appear to have been blank. The last leaf,
however, may have had the device.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No.
4*. The pages have two columns, with 39 lines to a column. The lines,
which are spaced to one length, measure 2⅜ inches. Without folios or
catchwords. Woodcut initials three lines deep.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue of the French translator
follows, on sig ~a ij~, with a 3-line printed initial. The Text begins
thus:--
~Aynt Poul doctour of somme werkes haultayne
~S~ veryte sayth to vs that doon ‖ & comysed by their
al thynges that ben re- grete strength ‖ & ryght ar-
duced by wrytyng / ben daunt courage / to the ‖ ex-
wryton ‖ altacyon of the crysten fayth~
* * * * * * * * * *
This preface finishes with five lines down the first column of the
verso, and is followed by Caxton’s prologue, in the same column, which
is finished on the 26th line of the opposite column.
~T~ ~Henne / for as moche J
late had fynysshed in
enpryntye the book of the
noble & ‖ vyctoryous kyng
Arthur fyrst ‖~
The Text ends with the following colophon,
~Whyche werke was fy-
nysshed ‖ in the reducyng of
hit in to en-‖glysshe the xviij
day of Juyn the ‖ second
yere of kyng Rychard ‖ the
thyrd / And the yere of our ‖
lord M CCCC lxxxv /
And ‖ enprynted the fyrst
day of de- ‖ cembre the same
yere of our lord ‖ & the fyrst
yere of kyng Harry ‖ the
seuenth /‖~
~ℂ Explicit p william Caxton~
REMARKS.--Histories and romances of “Karlemaine,” in French and
in Latin, in prose and in verse, existed so early as the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries. These became incorporated later in the
general histories, such as the “Speculum Historiale,” the “Fleur
des Histoires,” &c. The compilation of the romance under notice is
recounted by the anonymous Author himself in his preface and envoye.
From these we learn that Henry Bolomyer, Canon of Lausaune, regretting
the existence of several “disjoined” accounts of Charles the Great,
“excited” our anonymous Author to compile a continuous history of the
first Christian King of France. This he did, and the sources of his
narration, as well as the contents, cannot be described better than in
his own words, thus translated by Caxton (sig. ~m~, 7 recto), “it is so
that at the requeste of the sayd venerable man to fore named Maister
henry bolonnyer chanonne of lausaune J haue been Incyted to translate
& reduce into Frensshe the mater tofore reduced. As moche as toucheth
the fyrst & the thyrd book/ J haue taken & drawen oute of a book named
myrrour hystoryal for the moost parte / & the second book J haue onely
reduced it out of an olde romaūce in frensshe.”
On comparing the first and last books of the text under notice with
the chapters devoted to Charlemagne, in Verard’s edition of the
_Speculum Historiale_ (vol. iv, book 25), it is evident that the
compiler did not confine himself to the account of Vincent de Beauvais.
The Second Book, he tells us, was taken from an old romance in French;
perhaps the same as is still extant in _Royal MS._ 4 C. XI. 10, or the
manuscript in the Imperial Library, Paris, No. 6795.
It is the French compilation made for Henry Bolomyer which Caxton
was requested by “some persons of noble estate and degree”--“my good
singular lords and special masters” as he calls them--to reduce into
English. Among these his good friend Master William Daubeny, treasurer
of the king’s jewels, who is the only one mentioned by name, seems to
have most influenced him.
The only EXISTING COPY at present known is in the British Museum,
King’s Library (C. 10. b. 9). It is _perfect_, wanting only the two
blank leaves, and is in excellent preservation.
NO. 68.--THE KNIGHT PARIS AND THE FAIR VIENNE. _Folio. “Explicit per
Caxton. Westminster. December 19th, 1485.”_
COLLATION.--~a b c~ are 4ns, ~d~ and ~e~ 3ns = 36 leaves, of
which the last only is blank.
Note.--~d j~ is misprinted ~c i~.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all
No. 4*; in double columns, the lines being spaced to an even length,
and measuring 2⅜ inches; 39 lines to a column. Without folios or
catchwords. Woodcut initials.
The Text begins on sig. ~a j~ recto,
~ℂ Here begynneth thystorye may or ought to haue / The
of ‖ the noble ryght valyaunt sayd ‖ daulphyn thenne and
& wor- ‖ thy knyght Parys / this noble ‖ lady dyane were
and of the ‖ fayr Uyene / vij yere to gy- ‖ dre wythoute
the daulphyns dou- ‖ ghter of yssue that moche ‖ they de-
vyennoys / the whyche ‖ syred to haue / and prayed ‖
suffred many aduersytees our lord bothe nyght & day
by- ‖ cause of theyr true that ‖ they myght haue chyl
loue or ‖ they coude enioye dren play ‖ saunt and redy
the effect therof of ‖ eche to hys deuyne ‖ seruyce /
other / and our lord thorugh ‖~
The Text ends thus, on sig. ~e~ 5 recto, with sixteen lines in the
first column,
~may accompanye them in the
per ‖ durable glorye of heuen
Amen /~
~ℂ Thus endeth thystorye of
the ‖ noble and valyaunt
knyght pa-‖rys / and the fayr
vyenne dough ‖ ter of the
doulphyn of Uyen- ‖ noys /
translated out of frensshe ‖
in to englysshe by wylliam
Cax- ‖ ton at westmestre
fynysshed the ‖ last day of
August the yere of ‖ our lord
M CCCC lxxxv / and ‖
enprynted the xix day of
decem- ‖ bre the same yere /
and the fyrst ‖ yere of the
regne of kyng Harry ‖ the
seuenth /~
~ℂ Explicit p Caxton~
REMARKS.--Although frequently copied in manuscript, and often printed
in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, there are few romances so
rare as “Paris and Vienne.” Translated into the “langage provençal,”
from the original composition, which was in “Catalane,” it was turned
into Latin, French, Italian, Flemish, and English. The French, which
was the translation Caxton used, was accomplished about the beginning
of the fifteenth century, by Pierre de la Sippade, of Marseilles. The
first printed edition was in Italian, at Trévise, 1482; the second,
Caxton’s, 1485. G. Leeu, at Antwerp, 1487, brought out two impressions,
one in German and one in French. Wynken de Worde made an early reprint
of Caxton’s edition. The admiration which Jean de Pins, Bishop of
Rieux, one of the most elegant scholars of his age, conceived for this
romance, induced him to turn it into Latin, for the instruction of
the children of his friend the Chancellor Duprat. It was printed in
1516. The Jesuit Charron, in his Memoirs of Jean de Pins (_Avignon_,
8vo, 1748), speaks thus of this romance: “As for children, it would be
impossible to find a work more fitted to imbue the mind with correct
taste and elegance of style, to influence their characters by the
wisdom of its reflections, or to forearm their hearts against those
assaults of passion which blindly precipitate the young into the
abysses of misery. The work is truly admirable. The situations are so
interesting and the _dénoûment_ so happy, that their conception would
reflect honour on the best writers of the most renowned ages.” (See
_Histoire du Chevalier Paris, et de la belle Vienne_, 8vo, Paris, 1835.)
In the Utterson Library was an extremely rare printed edition of the
French version, from which Caxton translated, entitled “l’Hystoire du
vaillant and noble cheualier paris: and de la belle Viene fille du
dauphin de Vienoys.” 4to. Paris. Jehan Bonfons. c. 1500.
The only EXISTING COPY is in the British Museum. It was formerly
in Ames’s possession, but after the issue of “The Typographical
Antiquities,” passed into the library of Sir Hans Sloane, and thence
into the King’s Library, St. James’s.
A reprint of this copy has been edited, with a Preface, Glossary, and
Notes, by W. C. Hazlitt, for the subscribers to the Roxburghe Library.
London, 4to. 1868.
NO. 69.--THE GOLDEN LEGEND. _Largest Folio. Second Edition. Small
Head-lines. (1487?)_
COLLATION.--The same exactly as the first edition, with the exception
of sigs. ~X~ and ~Y~, in which appears the following variation:--
FIRST EDITION. | SECOND EDITION.
|
sig. ~X~, 6 leaves } | sig. ~X~ = 8 leaves.
sig. ~Y~, 2 ” } = 9 leaves | signed to ~X iiij~, and followed
unsigned 1 ” } | by sig. ~aa~.
In order to get the matter of the two signatures into one, the sixteen
pages of ~X~ in the second edition are all made a line longer than in
the first. This arrangement was evidently considered as an improvement,
and therefore was later in point of time than the edition in which it
does not occur.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--These in the main are identical with
the edition already described, the chief peculiarity being that the
head-lines of the pages and the head-lines of the various lives, which
in the first edition are all in type No. 3, are in the second edition
all in type No. 5. We must also notice that in places (_e.g._ sig.
~X j~ recto) the large capital letters, used in type No. 6, make an
accidental appearance in the head-lines, where they were occasionally
used instead of quadrats. This evinces a much later period for the
impression than the first edition.
REMARKS.--The absence of any complete copy, or indeed of any copy
having prologues or colophon, suggests the idea that certain sheets
only may, for some reason, have been reprinted to supply deficiencies;
if so, the reprint is so extensive, that, for the sake of accuracy, it
is better to look upon it as a separate edition.
EXISTING COPIES.--In the British Museum is a copy, of which by far the
larger portion belongs to the second edition, sigs. ~x~ to 9 and sigs.
~G~ to ~aa~ being of the first edition. In the Douce Library at Oxford
is a copy, of which by far the larger portion belongs to the first
edition, the part belonging to the second edition being just that which
is wanting in the British Museum copy; so that if an exchange could be
made, the British Museum might have a perfect second edition and the
Bodleian a perfect first edition.
Portions of the second edition are in the University Library,
Cambridge, and the library of the Duke of Devonshire at Chatsworth.
FOOTNOTES:
[18] Reg. 12 A xxix, the particulars of which were kindly communicated
by Mr. Bond, keeper of the MSS.
[19] “Even” = “fellow.” The gravedigger in _Hamlet_, act V, sc. 1, uses
the same phrase, “even Christian.”
[20] Llwyd, in his Catalogue of Welsh MSS., mentions two.
A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN
TYPE No. 5.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 5._
70. Good Manners May 11th, 1487
71. Speculum. First Edition 1487?
72. Directorium. First Edition 1487?
73. Horæ. Third Edition 1488?
74. Royal 1488?
75. Image of Pity 1489?
76. Doctrinal. May 7th, 1489?
77. Speculum. Second Edition 1490?
78. Commemoratio 1491?
79. De Transfiguratione 1491?
80. Horæ 1491?
[Illustration: Plate XII.
_Caxton’s Type, No. 5._]
BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 5.
NO. 70.--THE BOOK OF GOOD MANNERS. _Folio. “Explicit et hic est
finis per Caxton.” Without Place. “Enprynted the xj day of Maye”
the year of our Lord 1487._
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g~ are 4ns, ~h~ a 5n = 66 leaves (no
blanks).
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type throughout
is No. 5. The lines are spaced to an even length, and measure 4⅝
inches. A page has 33 lines. Without catchwords or folios. Woodcut
initials of two to three lines in depth.
The Text begins on sig. ~a j~ recto,
~W~ ~Han J consydere the condycions & maners of the
comyn ‖ people whiche without enformacion & lernyng
ben rude ‖ and not manerd lyke vnto beestis brute acordyng
to an olde ‖~
making a full page. On the verso, with 2-line wood initial,
~H~ ~Ere begynneth the table of a book named & Jntytuled
the ‖ book of good maners the which was made & com
posed ‖ by the venerable & dyscrete persone Frere Jaques
le graunt ly ‖ cecyat in Theologye religyous of the ordre of
saynt augustyn ‖ of the conuent of parys.~
The end is on the tenth recto of sig. ~h~, the verso blank,
~ℂ Explicit / et hic est finis / per Caxton &c~
~ℂ Fynysshed and translated out of frenshe in to englysshe
the ‖ viij day of Juyn the yere of our lord M iiij C lxxxvj /
and ‖ the first yere of the regne of kyng harry the vij / And
enpryn- ‖ ted the xj day of Maye after / &c~
~Laus deo~
REMARKS.--Jacques Legrand was an Augustin friar, and is stated (though
upon what authority does not appear) to have been a native of Toledo,
in Spain, confessor to Charles VII, and to have refused a bishopric.
He is known to have been the author of the “Sophologium,” originally
written in Latin, and translated by himself into French for the Duke
of Orleans, son of Charles V. He also was the author of “Le livre des
bonnes meurs,” which he dedicated to the Duke de Berri.
In an interesting prologue appended by Caxton to this work we are
informed that he undertook the task at the desire of William Praat,
a fellow-mercer. The terms in which Caxton speaks of Praat as “an
honest man” and “a singular friend of old knowledge,” whose death-bed
request it was that the book which had pleased and instructed his own
mind should have greater currency among the people by means of his
friend’s new Art of Printing, prove the close amity which must have
existed between the two Mercers. Caxton, according to his friend’s
wish, translated and printed it “for the amendment of manners and the
increase of virtuous living.”
Only three copies are known--one at Cambridge, one at the Royal
Library, Copenhagen, and one at Lambeth.
NO. 71.--SPECULUM VITÆ CHRISTI. _Folio. “Emprynted by wyllyam
Caxton.” Without Place or Date. Edition A. (1487?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s~ are 4ns, with the
first leaf of sig. ~a~ blank; ~t~ a 2n, with the fourth leaf blank. In
all 148 leaves, of which two are blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page. The type throughout is
No. 5. The lines are spaced to an even length, and measure 4⅝ inches.
A page has 33 lines, exclusive of the head-lines, and one line space
between. Without folios or catchwords. There are side notes throughout
the volume, a rare practice with Caxton, who, however, probably
followed his copy in this particular, as side notes appear in nearly
all the manuscript versions. An initial, cut on wood, begins every
chapter.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text begins thus on sig. ~a ij~
recto:--
~ℂ Jncipit Speculum vite Cristi.~
~T the begynnynge of the prohemy of the booke that is
~A~ cleped the myrroure of the blessyd lyf of Jhesu Cryste
the fyrst parte for the monedaye / ℂ A deuoute medy-
tacion of the grete counceyll in heuene for the restorynge of
man ‖ and hys sauacyon . Capitulum primum . ℂ Of the
manere~
At the head of sig. ~b ij~ recto,
~Die lune ℂ Prima pars ca j.~
~dome all the Courte of heune wondrynge and commendyng
the souerayne wysedome assented wel here to / but ferther-
more ‖~
At the head of sig. ~f~ 6 verso,
~ℂ Ca / xv ℂ Die Mercurij ℂ Tercia pars~
~parauentur there with a fewe smal fysshes that oure lady
had ‖ ordeyned theme as god wold / & soo therwith the
Aungels co-‖~
The “Speculum” ends at foot of sig. ~s i~ recto,
~lord ihesu and his moder Mary now and euer withoute
ende ame~
~ℂ Explicit speculum vite Cristi.~
On the verso begins a treatise on the Sacrament of Christ’s body,
~ℂ A shorte treatyce of the hyhest and most worthy sacra-
mente ‖ of crystes blessid body . and the merueylles therof.~
which finishes on sig. ~t~ 3 recto with the following imprint:--
~ℂ Emprynted by wyllyam caxton~
REMARKS.--There appear to have been two original works on the “Life
of Christ” in the libraries of the fifteenth century. One by Father
Ludolphe, or Rudolphe (_Addit._ 16609), was translated, as already
noticed, into French, and thence into English; but this is an entirely
different work to that printed by Caxton. St. Bonaventure, in 1410,
wrote “The Life of Christ” in Latin (_Royal_ 17, D. XVII), which became
very popular, and was translated several times into French, with
amplifications more or less. In the early part of the fifteenth century
Jean de Gallopes, already noticed as the translator of “The Pilgrimage
of the Soul” (_ante_ page 259), made a French prose translation of
Bonaventure’s Latin work (_Royal_ 20, B. IV). This bears a close
resemblance to the English text as printed by Caxton, was dedicated by
Gallopes to Henry V, and probably had considerable currency among the
English, to whom Gallopes, if not an Englishman himself, was well known
from his connection with the Duke of Bedford. The author of Caxton’s
English text is unknown, but he professes to have borrowed largely from
the Latin of Bonaventure.
Of the “Speculum vitæ Christi” two distinct editions were issued, both
printed with the same types, page for page, line for line (with few
exceptions), and nearly letter for letter. The typographical minutiæ do
not enable us with facility to determine which edition has the better
claim to priority of workmanship. The greatest variations will be found
in the head-lines, where, from sig. ~k~ to the end of the volume, there
is a difference in every page; one edition (A) using the word ~Ca~ in
the heads, while the other (B) has the full word ~Capitulum~. In the
University Library, Cambridge, there is a copy of each edition.
There is a curious transposition of pages in the copy belonging to W.
E. Watkyn Wynne, Esq., proving that even so late as 1489, the practice
of printing one page at a time was retained. This is shown by the verso
of sig. ~e iiij~ being printed on the recto of sig. ~e~ 6, and _vice
versâ_. In sig. ~e~ there are several instances of the side notes
having been blocked out in the printing. Pressmen call it “a bite.”
EXISTING COPIES.--British Museum; Cambridge; Hunterian Museum, Glasgow;
and four in private libraries. One of the copies in the British Museum
is on vellum, and before the Reformation was in Sion Nunnery.
NO. 72.--DIRECTORIUM SACERDOTUM, UNA CUM DEFENSORIO EJUSDEM; ITEM
TRACTATUS QUI DICITUR CREDE MIHI. _Folio. Second Version, First
Edition. Per William Caxton apud westmonesteriu. Without Date.
(1487?)_
COLLATION.--Kalendar a 3n, signed ~j ij iij~; ~a b c d e f g h i k l m
n o p q~ are 4ns; ~r~ a 5n; ~s t~ are 4ns. In all 160 leaves. In the
only copy known the whole of the kalendar is inserted between the first
and second leaves of sig. ~a~, making ~a j~ appear as the first leaf in
the book.
Note.--The signature to ~e j~ is not printed.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page. The type is all No. 5.
The lines, which are fully spaced out, measure 4⅝ inches. Exclusive of
head-lines there are 33 to the page. Without folios or catchwords. A
few 2-line woodcut initials.
The work commences with a kalendar of the months, a month to a page,
each being headed by a Latin couplet on unlucky days, and a woodcut KL.
The Text begins on sig. ~j~ recto,
~KL~ ~Prima dies mensis. & septima truncat vt ensis
Januarius het dies xxxj / luna vero xxx
iij A Januarij Circusicio dm dup fm ix l’c~
The Text ends on sig. ~t~ 8 verso,
~de michi / Na qui predcas regulas memoriter tenet vix pote-
rit errare in seruicio diuino / Deo gras /~
~ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit~
REMARKS.--The large woodcut, which is really on sig. ~a j~ verso, is,
in the only known copy, transposed, very naturally, to precede the
Kalendar. This at first misleads one to believe that it does not belong
to the volume. It measures 9 × 5¾ inches, and occupies the entire
page, being thus described by Herbert--“In the middle part Christ is
seen naked, half length, as at a window, with his arms across and his
head inclined, showing the wounds on his hands and under the right
breast; a spear erect on the right and a sponge on the left; over his
head is a tablet with INRI. On a tablet beneath the window the title
appears evidently to have been printed, but from this copy has been
indiscreetly cut out. About this middle part are 28 square divisions,
each containing some symbol of the passion, forming a kind of border.”
An engraving similar in design was used for the “Horæ,” described at
No. 75 _post_.
There was another edition of this work in type No. 6, printed in 1489
(see No. 87). In both the Latin is printed with many contractions. In
the various editions of “Typographical Antiquities,” these two editions
being treated as one has led to several errors.
The numerous and constantly varying alterations in the daily order of
Church Service must have rendered, in all ages, a book of directions
most necessary to all officiating priests. But the introduction of new
Feasts and Commemorations would, in course of time, render any such
book incorrect. Thus it happened that Clement Maydestone, a monk of
the order of St. Bridget, and a priest, finding, as he tells us in
his prologue, that one of the most important festivals in the year,
that of Corpus Christi, with its Octave, was, according to the written
directions, celebrated _cum regimine chori_, while the admitted and
general custom of the Salisbury rule was to celebrate that festival
_sine regimine chori_; finding also several necessary things omitted
altogether, and a wrong disposition made of others, determined, by
the consent of his superiors, to correct and supply all defects. When
Clement Maydestone had thus reformed and renewed the Pica, he gave his
work the now recognised title of “Directorium Sacerdotum.” This is the
text as printed by Caxton.
Clement Maydestone appears to have been the son of Thomas Maydestone
(probably of Hounslow, Middlesex), and flourished in the reign of Henry
V. An account of the martyrdom of Archbishop Scroop is also ascribed to
him.
In the latter half of the fifteenth century the reformed Pica of
Maydestone was again collated with the true “Sarum Ordinale,” by one
Clarke, a singing man of King’s College, Cambridge, by order of the
University, which at this period evidently followed the Salisbury
use. A notice of Clarke’s work may be seen in the prologue appended
by Pynson to his “Directorium” of 1497. In the copy of this edition,
lately purchased of Mr. Maskell for the British Museum, are numerous
notes in the autograph of Bishop Wagstaffe, the nonjuror, which have
supplied material for some of the above remarks.
The only EXISTING COPY at present known is that in the King’s Library,
British Museum (C. 10. b. 16), which is _perfect_, in fair condition,
and measures 10½ × 7½ inches. On a fly-leaf is the autograph “W.
Bayntun, Gray’s Inn, bought of a man introduced by Doctor Nugent.” This
copy, which is catalogued by Dr. Middleton as being in the University
Library, Cambridge, was stolen thence between 1772 and 1778. Before
1787 it was purchased by W. Bayntun--and probably (though, of course,
in ignorance) from the thief himself.
NO. 73.--HORÆ.--A FRAGMENT.--_Third Edition. 8vo. Sine ullâ notâ.
(1488?)_
The COLLATION cannot be given, eight leaves, or the whole of sig. ~m~,
being all that is known at present.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is No. 5 only. The lines, of which
there are seventeen to the page, are fully spaced out and in length
measure 2⅝ inches. Large full-faced capital letters are used.
On sig. ~m j~ recto the Text begins,
~Non fecisti~
The first words on the rectos of each leaf are--1, ~non~; 2,
~perhanc~; 3, ~habitabile~; 4, ~A Doro~; 5, (injured); 6, woodcut;
7, ~Domine~; 8, ~siones~; the last word on the eighth verso, being
~cospui~.
The woodcut on ~m~ 6 recto is an “Image of Pity,” very similar in
treatment to that noticed on page 316. It occupies only the depth of
ten lines of text, and beneath, in six lines, is the following:--
~To them that before * * * * yma
ge ofpyte deuoutly sey . v . P’r
noster / v . Auyes & a * * * * py-
teously beholdyng * * * * * * of
Xp’s passyon ar graunted * * * *
M / vij . C & . lv / yeres of pardon~
These unique leaves, which have evidently been rescued from the binding
of an old book, were presented, in 1858, by Mr. Maskell to the British
Museum (C. 35. a). Measurement 5¼ × 4 inches. They are in the same
binding as the fragments of another Horæ described at page 332.
NO. 74.--THE ROYAL BOOK OR BOOK FOR A KING. _Folio. Without
Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. “Translated out of frensshe
into englysshe by me wyllyam Caxton / whiche translacion was
fynysshed the xiij day of septembre in the yere of our lord M /
CCCC. lxxxiiij.” (1488?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t~ are 4ns, the
first leaf of ~a~ being blank; ~u~ a 5n, with the last leaf blank. In
all 162 leaves, of which two are blank.
Note.--~m iij~ is wrongly signed ~m ij~; and ~n j~ is wrongly signed ~n
iiij~.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is
entirely No. 5. The lines are fully spaced out, and measure 4⅝ inches,
33 forming a full page. Without folios or catchwords. 2-line initials
in wood are used at the commencement of the chapters. There are six
small vignette illustrations in wood, all of which, however, except the
first, which appeared in the “Golden Legend,” are from the “Speculum”
just described, where they are suited to the text, and not, as here,
used without any reference to fitness.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows on ~a ij~ recto,
with a 2-line initial.
The Text begins thus:--
~W~ ~Han J remembre and take hede of the conuersacion
of ‖ vs that lyue in this wretched lyf . in which is no
surete ‖ ne stable abydyng . And also the contynuel besynes
of euery ‖~
The Text ends, with a full page, on sig. ~u~ 9 recto,
~T~ ~his book was compyled & made atte requeste of kyng
Phelyp of Fraunce in the yere of thyncarnacyon of our
lord / M . CC · lxxix . & translated or reduced out of
frensshe in ‖ to englysshe by me wyllyam Caxton . atte
requeste of a wor-‖shipful marchaunt & mercer of london .
whiche Jnstauntly re-‖~
* * * * *
~to be called Ryall / as tofore is sayd . whiche translacion or
re-‖ducyng oute of frensshe in to englysshe wos achyeued .
fynys-‖shed & accomplysshed the xiij day of Septembre in
the yere of ‖ thyncarnacyon of our lord . M / CCCC.lxxxiiij /
And in the ‖ second yere of che Regne of Kyng Rychard
the thyrd / ‖~
In the printed epilogue appended to the book by Caxton we
read:--“Which book is called in French ‘Le livre Royal,’ that is
to say the royal book, or a book of a king; for the Holy Scripture
calleth every man a king which wisely and perfectly can govern and
direct himself after virtue.” But “Le livre Royal” was by no means
the title by which Caxton’s contemporaries knew this work. The most
common name is that found in _Royal MS._ 19 C. II “Le livre des Vices
et des Vertus;” although it was sometimes entitled “La Somme de Roi,”
or “La Somme des Vices et des Vertus.” By whatever name known it was
for centuries a favourite book, as is proved by the numerous copies
still extant. Its author is said to be “Frere Laurent de l’ordre
des predicateurs et confesseur de Phillippe le Hardi” (_Les Msc.
Franç._ t. iii, page 388), but his name does not appear in any of the
above-mentioned manuscripts of the work. Very soon after its appearance
it was favourably received in England, where, in the year 1340, it was
translated by a priest of Kent, for the purpose of being read to the
people in their own dialect. This was called “The Ayenbite of Inwit,”
and was printed from the Arundel MS. (No. 57) in the British Museum,
in 1855, for the Roxburghe Club. Another and purer translation into
English (_Addit._ 17013) was also made in the fourteenth century.
EXISTING COPIES.--Bedfordshire General Library, British Museum,
Cambridge, and five in private collections.
NO. 75.--IMAGE OF PITY. _Quarto Broadside. Sine ullâ notâ. (1489?)._
This is a woodcut measuring 5½ × 3⅝ inches, printed on one side of a
quarto. Like the folio woodcut described at page 320, and the 8vo cut
described at page 322, there is a central figure of our Saviour upon
the Cross, surrounded by eighteen small compartments, each having some
reference to the Passion. Beneath the central figure the block has been
cut, and the following sentence inserted in type No. 5:--
~To them that before
this ymage of pyte de
uoutly saye v Pr nr
v Aues & a Credo py-
teuously beholdyng these
ar of Xps passio ar
grauted xxxij . M . vij. C
& lv. yeres of pardon ·~
NO. 76.--THE DOCTRINAL OF SAPIENCE. _Folio. “Caxton me fieri fecit.”
Without Place or Date. Translated May 7th, 1489._
COLLATION.--~A B C D E F G H J~ are 4ns; ~K~ and ~L~ 5ns. In all
92 leaves. No blanks.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type throughout
is No. 5. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 4⅝
inches, and there are 33 to a page. Without folios or catchwords. There
are side-notes, which, however, never exceed the three letters ~Exa~,
which are placed in the margin whenever an “Example” occurs in the
Text. Two woodcuts and printed initials.
The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ recto, with a 3-line initial,
~his that is written in this lytyl boke ought the prestres
~T~ to lerne and teche to theyr parysshes: And also it is ne-
cessary for symple prestes that vnderstode not the scrip~
This prologue is followed by the table, which commences on the bottom
line of sig. ~A j~ verso, and finishes at foot of ~A iij~ recto; and
on the verso, with a woodcut down the side of the type, and a 2-line
initial ~E~, is the commencement of the work.
┌───────────────────────────┐ ~E~ ~Very crysten man &
│ _Woodcut from “Speculum,” │ woman ought to bi
│ of Jesus in the Temple._ │ leue fermely the xij arty-
└───────────────────────────┘ cles of the cristen feith.~
On ~B j~ is another woodcut, the Crucifixion, also from the “Speculum.”
On the verso of sig. ~J ij~ the 64th chapter is thus dismissed:--
~ℂ Of the neclygences of the masse and of the remcdyes J
pas ‖ se ouer for it apperteyneth to prestes & not to laie
men . C . lxiiij ‖~
The Text ends on the tenth recto of sig. ~L~,
~god bi his grace graunte for to gouuerne vs in such wyse
and ‖ lyue in thys short lyf that we may come to hys blysse
for to ly ‖ ue and regne there wythout ende in secula secu-
lorum Amen~
~ℂ Thus endeth the doctrinal of sapyence the whyche is
ryght ‖ vtile and prouffytable to alle crysten men / whyche
is translated ‖ out of Frenshe in to englysshe by wyllyam
Caxton at westme ‖ sster fynysshed the . vij . day of may
the yere of our lord / M / cccc ‖ lxxx ix~
~Caxton me fieri fecit~
On the verso is Caxton’s large device.
REMARKS.--The “Manipulus Curatorum,” compiled in the early part of the
fourteenth, was printed frequently in the fifteenth century. Greswell
mentions--“Savilliani anno 1470; Aug. Vindel. 1471; Gering at Paris
1478;” and several times later. In these, as in all the early French
editions, the authorship is ascribed to Guy, Archbishop of Sens, who
died 1409. This has been adopted by the compilers of the Harleian
Catalogue (III. 1552), and from them by all subsequent bibliographers.
That it is, nevertheless, erroneous, appears from the extracts given
above. In no manuscript copy is the authorship attributed to Guy de
Roye: in fact, it was well known before his time, for it was “envoié à
Paris,” by Blanche, Queen of France, who died in 1370. The archbishop
was, nevertheless, the cause of its being circulated in the French
language; for about the year 1388 he employed several doctors of
divinity to translate it from the original Latin, and promoted its use
by the clergy in all the parishes of his diocese. Further than this he
appears to have had no direct connection with it.
It was known in France under the titles of “Livre de Sapience” and
“Doctrinal de la foy catholique,” but most commonly as “Le Doctrinal au
simples gens.”
The following remark of Mr. Douce is written in his copy of the
“Doctrinal.” “The Sermons of Vitriaco,” or some other of his works,
much quoted in “Scala Perfections,” seem to have been used in the
“Doctrinal.”
EXISTING COPIES.--Cambridge and Oxford (2), and seven in private
libraries. The copy at Windsor Castle is so interesting that a special
description is necessary. It is printed on vellum, and has a chapter on
“Negligences happing in the Mass,” which does not appear in any other
known copy. The parchment used is very coarse, discoloured, uneven in
substance, and disfigured with holes. Dr. Dibdin could never have seen
it, or he would not have written in terms of admiration. A slip of
paper at the beginning states, “This book was presented to the Royal
Library by Mr. Bryant,” which was doubtless the reason why it was
(together with the Æsop) retained when that splendid collection became
national property. It is not known how Bryant obtained it, but it is
curious to note in these days, when every leaf of a Caxton represents a
bank-note, how Bryant demurred at giving the exorbitant price of four
guineas for this vellum copy, and then only after mature consideration
with “old Pain,” the celebrated bookbinder.
The unique chapter at the end of this copy occupies three leaves,
unsigned, and begins thus:--
~ℂ Of the necligences happyng in the masse . and of the
reme-‖ dyes Capitulo · lxiiij°~
~L~ ~Jke as we haue seyd that thys is made especyally
for the symple peple· and for the symple prestes. whiche
vnderstond not latin / bycause that he is not so suffy-
saut ‖ but that somtyme for necligence or other wyse he
may faylle ‖~
The whole of this chapter is very curious, and is occupied with what
the officiating priest is to do--if, after the consecration of the
wine, he remembers that no water had been mingled with it; or finds
that he has consecrated water only; or remembers that he has eaten
ought since midnight; or finds a fly, a “loppe,” or a venomous beast in
the chalice; whether, if a small piece of meat abide in the teeth, and
be swallowed during the celebration, it incapacitates the priest from
singing Mass; what is to be done when the priest lets fall any portion
of the consecrated elements, or meets with a similar accident.
On the third verso the chapter ends,
~And yf the body of Jhesu crist
or ony piece fylle vpon the palle of the aulter or vpon ony
of the ‖ vestymentes that ben blessyd · the piece ought not
to be cutte ‖ of on whyche it is fallen . but it ought right wel
to be wasshen ‖ And the wasshyng to be gyuen to the
mynistres for to driuke / ‖ or ellys drynke it hym self /
This chapitre to fore J durst not sette in the boke by cause
it ‖ is not conuenyent ne aparteynyng that euery laye man
sholde ‖ knowe it Et cetera /~
NO. 77.--SPECULUM VITÆ CHRISTI. _Folio. “Emprynted by wyllyam
Caxton.” Without Place or Date. Edition B. (1488?)_
COLLATION the same as No. 71.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS the same as No. 71.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the Text begins thus on sig. ~a ij~
recto:--
~ℂ Jncipit Speculum vite Cristi.~
~A~ ~T the begynnynge of the prohemye of the booke that is
cleped the myrroure of the blessyd lyf of Jhesu Cryste
the fyrst parte for the monedaye/⁚ℂ A deuoute medy-
tacion of the grete counceyll in heuene for the restorynge of
man ‖ and hys sauacyon. Capitulum primum. ℂ Of the
manere ‖~
At the head of sig. ~b ij~ recto,
~Die lune ℂ Prima pars Capitulo j~
~dome all the Courte of heuene wondrynge and commendynge
the souerayne wysedome assented wel here to . but forther-
more ‖~
At the head of sig. ~f~ 6 verso,
~ℂ Die mercurij ℂ Tercia pars Capitulum xv /~
~parauenture ther with a few smale fisshes that oure lady
had ‖ ordeyned thenne as god wold . & soo therwyth the
aungels[* typo angels?] co-‖~
The “Speculum” ends at foot of sig. ~s i~ recto,
~hys moder Marye now and euer wythout end Amen
ℂ Explicit speculum vite Cristi.~
On the verso is a treatise on the Sacrament of Christ’s body,
~ℂ A shorte treatyce of the hyhest and most worthy sacra-
mente ‖ of crystes blessid body . and the merueylles therof /~
which finishes on sig. ~t~ 3 recto with the following imprint:--
~ℂ Emprynted by wyllyam caxton~
On the verso of the same leaf the Text ends,
~ℂ Jhesu lord thy blessyd lyf / helpe and comforte oure
wret ‖ chid lyf · Amen · soo mote it be
Explycit speculum vite Cristi complete /
ℂ Jn omni tribulacione / temptacione · necessitate & an-
gustya ‖ succurre novis pijssima virgo maria Amen.~
The recto of sig. ~t~ 4 is blank, and the verso occupied with Caxton’s
device.
EXISTING COPIES.--British Museum; Cambridge; Lambeth and two in private
collections.
NO. 78.--COMMEMORATIO LAMENTATIONIS SIVE COMPASSIONIS BEATÆ MARIÆ IN
MORTE FILII. _Quarto. Without Name, Place, or Date. (1491?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d~ are 4ns, signed on the first and third leaves
only. Altogether 32 leaves. If a sheet is printed in 4to, a signature
on the first page is sufficient guide for the binder; and two sheets
so printed, and the second inserted after folding inside the first,
would give signatures as in this copy, and, as in the “Servitium,” No.
79, which has Caxton’s imprint. This method, however, points to a late
period of Caxton’s career, and the date 1491 has therefore been affixed.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 5 only.
The lines are evenly spaced, and 24 to a full page. Without folios or
catchwords. One small woodcut is on the first page.
The Text begins on ~a j~ recto,
~Comemoraco Lametacois sine copassiois bte
marie i morte filij & dr Comemoraco bte ma-
rie pietatis vl’ ꝯmemoraco pietatis q celebrari
debet feria sexta imediate pcedete domica i passi
one p eo q) ipo die legit’ i eccl’ia de resuscitacoe
lazari~
The Commemoration ends on sig. ~d~ 8 verso.
This particular Commemoration seems quite unknown to all
bibliographers; and of the edition printed by Caxton, the only copy
known is preserved in the Public Library at Ghent. It was first
recognised as a Caxton by Mr. M. F. A. G. Campbell, chief librarian of
the Royal Library, The Hague.
NO. 79.--SERVITIUM DE TRANSFIGURATIONE JHESU CHRISTI. _Quarto.
Caxton me fieri fecit. Without Place or Date. (1491?)_
COLLATION.--Sig. ~a~ consists of a sheet folded in quarto, having a
half-sheet inside; the first recto of the sheet is unsigned, but upon
the first recto of the half-sheet, which is the third recto in the
book, is the sig. ~a ij~. Sig. ~b~ is a whole sheet, signed only on the
first recto, ~b j~. There are altogether ten leaves and no blanks.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. 5
only. The lines are spaced to an even length, and measure 3⅝ inches. 24
lines to a full page. Without folios or catchwords. One small woodcut
of the transfiguration on the first recto. The initial letter in wood,
with many rubrics, are printed in red, not as noticed in “Quatre
derrennieres choses,” by the same pull of the press, but by a separate
operation.
The Text begins on an unsigned leaf, in red ink,
~ℂ Octauo Jdꝯ Augusti fiat seruic’ / de tnsfigu~
The Text ends on sig. ~b~ 4 verso,
~Sci deꝯ . Per oia scl’a seculoru amen
ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit /~
REMARKS.--This little tract has considerable interest for the
bibliographer, for although Caxton had already printed several
service books before this was undertaken, such as the two (if not
three) editions of the “Horæ” (pages 189 and 240 _ante_), the Psalter
with Service for the Dead (page 105 _ante_), and the “Servitium de
Visitatione” (page 264 _ante_), not to mention the service books
for the priests, such as “The Festial” and the three editions of
“Directorium,” yet this can certainly claim a unique distinction in two
particulars, for it is the only _perfect_ service book in the types of
Caxton, and it is the only one known to have his imprint.
The observations concerning the printing of the “Horæ,” last noticed,
might be repeated here. This also has every appearance of being a very
late issue. No other book from the same press was signed in a similar
way. The first sheet was evidently, like sig. ~b~, printed four pages
at once, in which case it would be only necessary to sign the _first_
page, so as to show the binder how to fold it. As in the first sheet
the red-ink title and the woodcut would answer that purpose, we find no
signature at all; but the first page of the half-sheet, which is the
_third_ leaf in the tract, is signed ~a ij~. This is very systematic,
and according to the same plan the second sheet is signed ~b j~ on the
first recto only; but it is an advance in the art, beyond the usual
practice of Caxton.
This service is one of the numerous additions made to the “Church
Calendar” in the fifteenth century, and, being newly ordained by the
Church, would not be found in the old manuscript “Service Books.” To
supply this deficiency it was, therefore, printed separately.
The only EXISTING COPY was purchased many years ago in a volume of
theological tracts by Joshua Wilson, Esq., of Tunbridge Wells. When,
in 1831, Mr. Wilson presented a large portion of his collection to
the Congregational Library, Blomfield Street, London, this volume was
among the number. Here it was first noticed, in 1860, as containing
a Caxton, by Mr. Cowper, who sent an account of the volume to _Notes
and Queries_. It was determined shortly after to dispose of it, and,
in July 1862, it came under the hammer of Mr. Puttick, when it fetched
the high price of £200, and added another curiosity to the Caxtonian
treasures of the British Museum. The volume is in its original binding,
somewhat dilapidated, of oak boards covered with stamped leather, and
contains besides four other black-letter tracts.
NO. 80.--HORÆ.--A FRAGMENT. _Fourth Edition. 8vo. Sine ullâ notâ.
(1490?)_
The COLLATION cannot be given, as four leaves only, signed ~d j~, ~d
ij~, ~d iij~, ~d iiij~, are known.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is No. 5 only. The lines, of which
there are seventeen to a page, are fully spaced out, and measure 2⅝
inches. Large full-faced Lombardic capitals are plentifully used, and
printed in red ink separately, as are also such words as _Psalmus_ and
_Versicle_. This points to quite a late production in the career of
Caxton, probably after he had resigned the management of the practical
part to his successor, Wynken de Worde.
The Text of sig. ~d j~ recto begins thus, with a 2-line capital ~O~ in
red ink,
~O~ ~Gloriosa femina exel-
la p’rper sidera qui te cre-
auit prouide lactasti sacro vbere~
These are Latin rhymes printed as prose.
The first words on the succeeding recto are--2, ~rum liberati~; 3,
~dominum~; 4, ~Deus~.
These unique leaves, which have evidently been used as binder’s waste
to form the covers of a book, were presented to the British Museum, in
1858, by Mr. Maskell (C. 35. A.). Measurement 5¼ × 4 inches.
A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS PRINTED IN
TYPE No. 6.
_BOOKS PRINTED IN TYPE No. 6._
81. Fayts 1489
82. Statutes 1489
83. Governal 1489
84. Reynard. Second Edition 1489?
85. Blanchardyn 1489?
86. Four Sons of Aymon 1489?
87. Directorium Sacerdotum. Second Edition 1489?
88. Eneydos 1490?
89. Dictes. Third Edition 1490?
90. Mirror. Second Edition 1490?
91. Divers Ghostly 1491?
92. Fifteen Oes 1491?
93. Art and Craft 1491?
94. Courtesy. Second Edition 1491?
95. Festial. Second Edition 1491?
96. Four Sermons. Second Edition 1491?
97. Ars moriendi 1491?
98. Chastising 1491?
99. Treatise of Love 1491?
Books Printed in Type No. 6.
NO. 81.--THE FAYTS OF ARMS AND OF CHIVALRY. _Folio. “Per Caxton.”
Without Place. Printed the 14th day of July, the fourth year of
the reign of K. Henry VII., or 1489._
COLLATION.--Two unsigned leaves of table; ~A B C D E F G H J K L M N O
P Q R~ all 4ns; ~S~ a 3n, with the last leaf blank. In all 144 leaves,
of which one is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The whole book
is in one type only, No. 6. The lines, which are fully spaced out,
measure 4¾ inches, and there are 31 to a full page. Without folios or
catchwords. Woodcut initial letters.
The Text begins, with a 3-line initial,
~Ere begynneth the table of the rubryshys of the
~H~ boke of the fayt of armes and of Chyualrye whiche
sayd boke is departyd in to foure partyes /
ℂ The fyrst partye deuyseth the manere that kynges and~
On sig. ~A j~ recto,
~Here begynneth the book of fayttes of armes & of Chyual-
rye / and the first chapytre is the prologue / in whiche xpry-
styne of pyse excuseth hir self to haue dar enterpryse to
speke ‖ of so hye matere as is conteyned in this sayd book~
The Text ends on the verso of the same leaf,
~remayne alleway vyctoryous / And dayly encreace fro ver
tu to vertue & fro better to better to his laude & honour in
this ‖ present lyf / that after thys short & transitorye lyf /
he may at- ‖ teyne to euerlastyng lyf in heuen / Whiche
god graunte to ‖ hym and to alle hys lyege peple AMEN /~
~Per Caxton~
REMARKS.--There is a MS. in the British Museum (_Roy_, 15 E vi)
containing the original French text of Christine de Pisan. It agrees
very accurately with Caxton’s English version, and has the introductory
chapter, in which Christine excuses herself, and explains her reasons
for writing a work on chivalry. This manuscript is also interesting
from having been written for the celebrated John Talbot, Earl of
Shrewsbury, who died in 1453, and by whom it was presented to Queen
Margaret. A still greater degree of interest would invest the volume
if we suppose it to be the identical manuscript from which Caxton made
his translation. This is certainly not improbable, as the original
from the Royal Library was intrusted to our printer, for the purpose
of translation and printing, by King Henry VII of England, as we learn
from the prologue:--“which book, being in French, was delivered to
me, William Caxton, by the most christian king, my natural sovereign
lord, King Henry VII, in his Palace of Westminster, and desired me to
translate this said book, and to put it in print.”
Many French bibliographers (_Les Msc. Franç._ t. v, page 94) ascribe
the composition of “Fait d’Armes et de Chevalerie” to Jean le Meun,
so well known from his connection with “Le Roman de le Rose.” The
sole reason for this appears to have been the fact that Jean le
Meun translated into French the celebrated work of Vegetius, “De re
militari,” written in 1284, a work often quoted in the “Faits d’Armes;”
but since the writings of Christine have become better known, no one
has ventured to claim for the thirteenth, a work containing references
and facts applicable only to the fifteenth century. That a book on
the “Rules of War” should in any age have been written by a woman,
is sufficiently improbable to require a critical examination; and,
therefore, as the claims of Christine to the authorship of “Les Faits
d’Armes” are still denied by some writers, it may not be inappropriate
to state both sides of the argument.
Among the manuscripts in the British Museum is one entitled “The
Boke of Noblesse” (_Royal_ 18, B. XXII). This, for the first time,
was printed in 1860, for the members of the Roxburghe Club. The
author is entirely unknown, and the only reason for mentioning this
at all is that the name of Christine frequently appears in its pages
as an authority upon military matters, but is always referred to as
“Dame Cristyn in hir booke of Tree of Batailes,” or some military
phrase. But “L’Arbre des Battailes” is the well-known compilation
of Honoré Bonet, of which copies may be seen in _Royal_ 20 C. VIII,
and _Addit._ 22768. Now, what is the natural conclusion from this
erroneous ascription? Evidently that the unknown writer of the “Book
of Noblesse,” quoting probably from a copy of “L’Arbre des Battailes,”
which had neither prologue nor epilogue; and having in his mind the
great fame of Christine as the writer of a book on a similar subject,
made the not unpardonable mistake of misquoting the author’s name, and
attributing to Christine, the compiler of “Les Faits d’Armes,” all the
quotations drawn from Bonet’s “L’Arbre de Battailes.” Not so, argues
Mr. John Gough Nichols, in his interesting preface to the Roxburghe
impression. “Christina de Pisan,” he urges, “was a Poetess;” and it
is not likely that she had more to do with the “Faits d’Armes” than
the “dame Christine” of “The Book of Noblesse” had with the “Arbre des
Battailes.” In support of this opinion is quoted a marginal note in
“The Boke of Noblesse,” in an old hand-writing, but more modern than
the original manuscript, to the following effect:--
“_L’Arbre des Battailles compose par Honore Bonet Prieur de Sallon en
Prouuence._”
“Note y^t in some Authors this Booke is termed Dame Christine of
y^e tree of Battayles, not that she made yt; But bicause she was a
notable Benefactour to Learned men and perchance to y^e autor of this
Booke And therefore diverse of them sette furthe their Bookes under
her name.”
The author of this note was evidently unacquainted with the
particulars of the life, or the character of the writings, of
Christine--the “virilis fœmina” of her eminent contemporary,
Gerson--and “La grant sagesse” of her editor, Jean Marot. The assertion
that authors set forth their books under her name is unsupported by a
single known instance; while her early tuition, political life, and
numerous writings, would both enable and incline her to compose such a
work.
Christine expressly states in the preface that she wrote the work; and
although Verard, in his printed edition of 1488, omits the prefatory
address, it appears in numerous manuscripts, and may be read in
Caxton’s translation. “Because,” says Christine, “men of arms are not
clerks, nor instructed in the science of language, I have assembled
and gathered together diverse books to produce this work. And because
that this is a thing not accustomed and out of usage to women / which
commonly do not intermit but to spin on the distaff and occupy them in
things of household. I supplicate humbly * * to have nor take it for no
evil if I a woman charge myself to treat of so high a matter.”
Then follows an appeal to the goddess Minerva, who, being born in
“Puylle” in Italy, was “somewhat consonant in the nation,” for, adds
Christine, “I am as thou wert, a woman Italian.”
Christine was no common poetess whose strength was in the prettiness
of her amatory verses. The short account of her already given (see
_ante_ page 195) will show the energetic and comprehensive character
of her mind. Educated by her father in the whole course of literature
at that time in vogue, she had, while yet young, made herself mistress
of the Latin language, and stored her mind by the perusal of the most
celebrated writings, as well Pagan as Christian. Living in the midst
of wars and preparations for war, many of her acknowledged writings
teem with warlike allusions. In politics her opinion had great weight;
she was consulted by the highest nobles of France; and many years of
her life were spent in the endeavour to raise the political and moral
tone of the country. The celebrated Jean le Meun found in her no weak
opponent, and the equally celebrated Chancellor Gerson a most potent
ally.
There are 21 copies of this work known, of which eleven are in private
libraries.
NO. 82.--STATUTES OF HENRY VII. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. (1489?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d~ are 4ns, with the first leaf of ~a~ blank; ~e~ a
5n, with the last blank. Total 42 leaves, of which two are blank.
Note.--The signature is omitted on ~a ij~. The third and fifth leaves
of ~e~ are erroneously signed ~d iij~ and ~d v~.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No.
6. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 4⅝ inches,
and there are 31 (in three instances 33 lines) to a full page. Without
folios or catchwords. Only one 2-line woodcut initial is used.
After a blank leaf, the work commences on the second recto of sig. ~a~.
The Text begins thus--
~ℂ The kynge our souereyn lorde henry the seuenth after the
conquest by the grace of god kyng of Englond & of Fraunce
and lorde of Irlonde at his parlyamet holden at west-~
The Text ends with nine lines on sig. ~e~ 9 verso, the last three being
as follows:--
~‖ pleysure Wheder he wylle after the fourme conteyned &
ordei ‖ ned in and by this acte / or after the maner & fourme
afore ti ‖ me vsed /~
REMARKS.--This is the earliest known volume of printed statutes, and is
further remarkable as being in English. It contains some very curious
and interesting legislation on political, trade, and domestic matters.
The British Museum copy was purchased from Mr. Lilly, who, a few days
before, had bought it at Hodgson’s for £2, 10s. It was then bound up
with some other law tracts and year-books, mostly from the press of
Machlinia, one of which, being unique, was catalogued by Mr. Lilly at
100 guineas. There is also a perfect copy in the National Library,
Paris, and the Inner Temple, London, with one copy only in private
hands.
NO. 83.--THE GOVERNAL OF HEALTH.--THE MEDICINA STOMACHI. _Quarto.
Sine ullâ notâ. (1489?)_
COLLATION.--The “Governal,” ~A~ and ~B~ 4ns; the “Medicina,” two
unsigned leaves = eighteen leaves.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page. Only one type, No. 6,
is used throughout. The lines, which are of an even length, and measure
2⅝ inches, excepting ~B~ 7 verso, which has 24, have all 23 lines to a
page. Woodcut initials to chapters. Without folios or catchwords.
The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ recto,
~n this tretyse that is cleped Go
uernayle of helthe : What is to
~I~ be sayd wyth crystis helpe of so-
me thynges that longen to bodi
ly helthe / hadde and to be kept or
to bodily helthe . lost and to be recouered / and~
and ends,
~This receyte boughte is of no potycarye
Of mayster antony ne of mayster hughe
To all indyfferent it is rychest dyetarye~
~Explicit medicina stomachi:~
REMARKS.--The “Governal” was originally written in Latin, and soon
after translated into English, but no trace of the translator’s name
is left. The date of the original composition is unknown; we can only
gather from the non-existence of manuscripts of an earlier date than
the latter half of the fourteenth century that it was composed about
that period.
The name of the author or compiler is doubtful. From _Sloane_ 989
one would say that John de Burdeux wrote it for the good of a “frende,”
but _Sloane_ 3149 attributes it to another writer, “Explicit tractatus
Bartholomei.” John de Burdeux was the author of several tracts on
medicine, and flourished in the latter half of the fourteenth century.
Bartholomeus was rather a prolific writer of the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, but the “Governal” is not found among the works
generally attributed to him. Whoever may have been the author, the work
possesses small claims to originality, being a compilation from the
medical works of the Arabian and Greek physicians, and quoting largely
from the “Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum.” The “Medicina Stomachi” is
contained in most collections of Lydgate’s poetry, and in _Harl._ 116
is directly attributed to him.
[Illustration: Plate XIII.
_Caxton’s Type, No. 6._]
Both tracts were reprinted by Wynken de Worde, _sine anno_, who repeats
all the blunders of the first edition. These editions are equally rare,
the only copy of the second being in the Public Library, Cambridge.
An annotated reprint of Caxton’s text was issued privately by the
editor of this work in 1858. On no other occasion does this interesting
treatise, which was the earliest medical book printed in the English
language, appear to have passed through the press.
A good copy is in the old library of the Earls of Dysart, at Ham House,
Surrey, and another in the Bodleian.
NO. 84.--THE HISTORY OF REYNARD THE FOX. _Second Edition. Folio.
Sine ullâ notâ. (1489?)_
COLLATION.--An unsigned sheet of introductory matter; sigs. ~a b c d e
f g h~ are 4ns; ~i~ is a 3n. No blank leaves. In all seventy leaves.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type throughout
is No. 6. The lines, which are fully spaced out, measure 5⅝ inches, and
there are 31 (sometimes 32) to a page. Woodcut initials are used. On
the first recto is Caxton’s device, underneath which is the following
line only:--
~ℂ This is the table of the historye of Reynart the foxe /~
On the verso commences the table, which ends seven lines down the
second recto, underneath which is,
~ℂ Hyer begynneth hystorye of reynard the foxe.~
The preface finishes the page. The second verso is blank.
On sig. ~a j~,
~ℂ How the lyon kynge of alle bestys sent oute hys
maude ‖ mentys that alle beestys sholde come to hys feest
and court / ‖~
~ℂ Capitulo Primo~
The conclusion of the text cannot be given, no perfect copy being at
present known. For an account of the first edition of this celebrated
allegory see _ante_ page 229.
The only EXISTING COPY is in the Pepysian Library, Cambridge. It
unfortunately wants the last two leaves, containing the epilogue of
Caxton, and ends on sig. ~i~ 4 verso, with these words,
~And her wyth wil J leue fforw
hat haue J to wryte of thyse mysdedis J haue ynowh to doo~
It is in good condition, but cropped, measuring 9 × 6¾ inches. Pepys’s
arms on the binding, and his book-plate inside. The wanting leaves are
supplied in manuscript of seventeenth century.
NO. 85.--THE HISTORY OF BLANCHARDIN AND EGLANTINE. _Folio. Sine ullâ
notâ. (1489?)_
COLLATION.--Imperfectly known. The introductory matter makes a 3n,
signed ~i~, ~ii~, ~iij~, the sixth leaf being blank. ~A B C D E F G H
J K L M~ are 4ns, and there were probably several other additional
signatures.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title. The type is all No. 6. The
lines, which are all of one length, measure 4⅝ inches, and there are 31
to a full page. Woodcut initials. Without folios or catchwords.
The Text begins on sig. ~j~ recto, with a prologue by Caxton,
~U~ ~Nto the right noble puyssaut & excellet pryncesse my
redoubted lady my lady margarete duchesse of So-
mercete / moder vnto our naturel & souerayn lord and most~
and finishes on the verso of the same leaf,
~Joyes desirs in thys present lyf: ℂ And after this short
and transytorye lyff . euerlastynge lyff in heuen Amen /~
The table follows on sig. ~ij~, with a 2-line initial,
~H~ ~Ere begynneth the table of the victoryous prynce
Blanchardyn / sone of the noble kyng of Fryse~
and finishes on the 5th recto, which, however, in the only copy known,
is, unfortunately, in manuscript. This appears to have been copied
from the very rare reprint by Wynken de Worde, the last four lines
being--“How Blanchardin wedded his love the proude | pucelle in amours:
And of the grete ioye that | was made there . and of the Kynge of Fryse
deth capl° liiij°”
The sixth leaf is blank. On sig. ~A j~ recto the first chapter
commences as follows:--
~ℂ The first chapitre of this present boke conteyneth how
Blanchardyn departed out of the court of his fader kynge
of fryse / Capitulo primo .~
~T~ ~Hat tyme when the Right happy . wele of~
All the text after sig. ~M iiij~ is wanting in the only known copy.
REMARKS.--The prologue to Caxton’s translation of this romance is
fortunately preserved, from which we learn that Margaret, Duchess of
Somerset, brought to Caxton the French version of this romance (which
she had “long before” purchased of him), with her commands that he
should translate it into English. Having made the translation, he
presented it to Her Grace, probably as a manuscript, as he says nothing
of any command to print it. It was, however, soon after put to press,
perhaps at Caxton’s own risk, as a trade speculation. As to the date,
there are only the typographical particulars to guide us, which,
however, all point to about the year 1489.
The only known EXISTING COPY is in the library of Earl Spencer. One
leaf is in the Library of the British Museum.
NO. 86.--THE FOUR SONS OF AYMON. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. (1489?)_
The COLLATION cannot be given accurately, as no perfect copy is known.
~A B C D E F G H J K L M N O P Q R S T U X Y Z aa bb cc dd ee ff gg
hh ii kk ll~ are all 4ns, ~mm~ being a 3n, with the sixth leaf,
probably, blank. This makes a total of 278 leaves; but it is more than
likely that some introductory matter preceded sig. ~A~.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Only one type, No. 6, is used. The lines,
which are all of an even length, measure 4⅝ inches, and there are 31 to
a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Woodcut initials throughout.
The only known copy of this edition begins on sig. ~B iij~, in the
middle of a sentence:--
~Reynawde one of the sones of Aymon / wherof specyally tre~
The Text ends on the fifth verso of sig. ~mm~, with the following
sentence:--
~M~ ~y fayr lordes thenne that this present boke shal re-
de or here . we shall praye god & the gloryous saynte
Reynaude the marter / that he gyue vs grace to perseuere /
and ‖ contynue our liff in good werkes . by the whiche we
may ha ‖ ue at our endynge the liff that euer shall laste /~
~AMEN.~
REMARKS.--Manuscripts of this favourite romance, concerning the
original of which little appears to be known, mount up to the
thirteenth century, and references to it are found in manuscripts of a
still earlier date; but all these are rhythmical romances, and Caxton’s
translation (if we may give him the credit of it) was evidently made
from a French prose text, perhaps that printed at Lyons, about 1480,
under the title “Les quatre filz Aymon.”
Before the discovery of the volume under review, the earliest printed
English text of “The four sons of Aymon” was the 1554 edition of R.
Copland, to which was appended the following colophon:--
“ℂ Here finishith the hystory of the | noble and valiaunt knyght
Reynawde | of Mountawban, and his three bre- | thern ℂ Imprinted
at London, by | Wynken de Worde, the . viij . daye of | Maye, and
y^e yere of our lorde . M,C | CCCC iiii . at the request and com-
| maundement of the noble and puis- | saunt erle, the Erle of
Oxenforde, | And now Emprinted in the yere of | our Lord . M . CCCCC
. l iiii . the | vi daye of Maye, By wylliam Cop- | land, for Thomas
Petet.”
From Copland’s colophon we learn that an edition was issued in 1504
by Wynken de Worde, although, unfortunately, not a single copy is
now known to exist. He, of course, reprinted from the text under
review; and, indeed, the first portion of the colophon above quoted,
so far as it concerns Wynken de Worde, is quite in Caxton’s style,
and recalls the numerous instances already noticed in which Wynken
de Worde, by altering the printer’s name and the date, has falsified
both typographical and historical truth. That in this case he used
Caxton’s colophon, with alterations, is rendered almost certain when
the prologue to Copland’s edition is perused. Here we have all the
peculiarities of our first printer’s style, and his very diction.
No manuscript or printed copy of Caxton’s life of Robert, Earl of
Oxford, is known.
The only known EXISTING COPY of Caxton’s edition is in the library of
Earl Spencer. It is imperfect, wanting all before sig. ~B iij~; ~D~ 8,
~N~ 8, and ~MM~ 6, upon which probably was the Device.
NO. 87.--DIRECTORIUM SACERDOTUM, UNA CUM DEFENSORIO EJUSDEM; ITEM
TRACTATUS QUI DICITUR CREDE MIHI. _Folio. Second Version. Second
Edition. “Impressum per Willelmū Caxton apud westmonasteriū
prope London/” Without Date. (1489?)_
COLLATION.--A preliminary 4n, signed only on the fourth recto with the
figure 4; ~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u x y~ are all 4ns;
~z~ is a 5n. Total 194 leaves. No blanks.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No.
6. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 4⅝ inches.
Exclusive of head-lines there are 31 to a page. A few 2-line woodcut
initials. Without folios or catchwords. The Table on the 8th recto is
printed in black and red.
The “Kalendar,” which has the same woodcut KL as in the first edition,
commences on the first recto, thus:--
[Illustration: ~KL~]
~Prima dies mensis et septima trucat vt ensis
Januarius habet dies xxxj / luna vero .xxx~
The Text ends on sig. ~z~ 10 verso,
~vix poterit errare: in seruicio diuino Deo Gracias~
~ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit .~
REMARKS.--From the fact of the Printer beginning his table for finding
the Golden and Dominical Letters at the year 1489, we may safely assume
that year to be the date of printing, as to print back years would be
useless. The combination of red and black figures, the black form being
first printed, and the red form secondly and separately, shows a great
advance in workmanship over other books by Caxton.
Like the first edition, there is only one EXISTING COPY known of this,
which is in the Bodleian Library. It is, with “The Art and Craft to
know well to die” by the same printer, still in the original parchment
wrapper, as issued from Caxton’s workshop. It is perfect, and in good
condition.
NO. 88.--ENEYDOS. _Folio. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date.
“Translated by me wyllyam Caxton,” June 22nd, 1490._
COLLATION.--Sig. ~A a~ 3n, with the first leaf blank: ~B C D E F G H J
K L~ are 4ns, with ~L~ 8 blank. In all 86 leaves, of which two are
blank.
Dr. Dibdin erroneously ascribes only four leaves to sig. ~A~.
Note.--Sig. ~a~ is very irregular: the first leaf, which is blank,
is not reckoned in the signatures, the second and third leaves being
signed respectively ~A j~, and ~A ij~. The fourth leaf, which, to agree
with the others, should have been signed ~A iij~, has no signature at
all; while the omitted signature, ~A iij~, appears on the sixth or last
leaf of the 3n.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all
No. 6. The lines are spaced to an even length, and measure 4¾ inches.
There are 31 lines to a full page. Woodcut initials of two, three, and
six lines in depth.
After a blank leaf the prologue begins on the second recto, signed ~A
j~,
~After dyuerse werkes made / translated and achieued / ha
uyng noo werke in hande . J sittyng in my studye where as
laye many dyuerse paunflettis and bookys . happened that~
The Text ends on sig. ~L~ 7 recto, with the following colophon:--
~HERE fynyssheth the boke yf Eneydos / compyled by
Uyr ‖ gyle / whiche hathe be translated oute of latyne in to
frenshe / ‖ And oute of frenshe reduced in to Englysshe by
me wyllm ‖ Caxton / the xxij . daye of Juyn . the yere of our
lorde. M . iiij ‖ C lxxxx. The fythe yere of the Regne of
kynge Henry ‖ the seuenth~
Caxton’s device on the verso. The eighth leaf is a blank.
REMARKS.--The “lytyl booke in frenshe, named Eneydos,” which happened
to come under our Printer’s notice while sitting in his study
surrounded with many divers pamphlets, is a free paraphrase of portions
of “The Æneid,” by Virgil. Had Gawin Douglas, who, in 1553, issued a
Scotch metrical version of “The Æneid,” read Caxton’s preface, he would
have seen that Caxton does not pretend to give a translation of the
Latin poem, and might have spared himself the trouble of some hundreds
of lines in abuse thereof. The “Eneydos” was issued only as a romance
compiled from Virgil’s “Æneid,” and Bocace’s “Fall of Princes;” and,
with little merit, it seems to have gained little favour, even with the
lovers of such compilations, for it never reached a second edition. It
would appear, however, that a good sale was expected, and an impression
more numerous than usual struck off, as few of Caxton’s books are so
common as “Eneydos.”
EXISTING COPIES.--British Museum (3); Cambridge; Trinity College,
Cambridge; Oxford (3); St. John’s, Oxford; Hunterian, Glasgow; and 11
in private libraries.
NO. 89.--THE DICTES AND SAYINGS OF THE PHILOSOPHERS. _Third Edition.
Folio. Westminster. The year 1477 erroneously reprinted, the
real date being about 1490._
COLLATION.--The device and prologue occupy two unsigned leaves; then,
~A B C D E F G~ are 4ns; ~H~ and ~J~ 3ns, the sixth leaf of ~J~
being blank. In all 70 leaves, of which the last is blank. Dr. Dibdin
erroneously says “only 66 leaves.”
There is no title-page. The only type used is No. 6. The lines, which
are fully spaced out, measure 4⅝ inches. There are 30 and 32 lines to a
page, but mostly 31. Without folios or catchwords. 2 and 3-line woodcut
initials.
Caxton’s device is in the centre of the first recto, the prologue
commencing on the verso with a 2-line wood initial,
~W~ ~Here it is so that euery creature by the suffraunce of
our lord god is born and ordeyned to be subgette and
thrall vnto the stormes of fortune . And so in diuerse and~
On sig. ~Aj~ the work commences:--
~Edechias was the first. Philosophir by whom
~S~ through the wyl and pleaser of oure lord god. Sa-
pience was vnderstande and lawes resceyued. whi-
che. Sedechias saide that euery creature of good beleue~
The Text ends at foot of fifth recto of sig. ~J~,
~Whom J beseche Almyghty god tencrece and to continue
in his vertuous disposicion in this world . And after this
lyf to lyue euer lastingly in heuen . Amen .~
~ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit .~
The verso and final leaf are blank.
REMARKS.--This is another instance of the original date and imprint of
a book being reproduced in subsequent editions. All the typographical
particulars prove it to have been printed about 1490; and the presence
of signatures, printed initials, and evenly spaced lines, give
direct testimony against the date 1477, at which time none of these
improvements had been adopted at Westminster.
For literary particulars, see the first edition, page 188, _ante_.
EXISTING COPIES.--Cambridge: St. John’s College, Cambridge; Oxford, and
Lambeth Palace. Three copies are in private libraries.
NO. 90.--THE MIRROUR OF THE WORLD. _Second Edition. Folio. The Name,
Place, and Date of the First Edition reprinted; but about 1490._
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l~ are 4ns, the last leaf occupied
with the device only. In all 88 leaves.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No.
6. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 4⅝ inches,
and a full page contains 31. Without folios or catchwords. 2 and 3-line
initials in wood.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the table follows on the second recto,
signed, however, ~a j~.
The Text begins on ~a j~ recto,
~H~ ~Ere begynneth y^e tahle of the rubrices of this presen-
te volume named the myrrour of the world or thy-
mage of the same /~
The Text ends on the seventh verso of sig. ~l~,
~and transytorye lyf he brynge hym and vs in to his eelesty-
all blysse in heuene AMEN /~
~ℂ Caxton me fieri fecit .~
On the eighth verso is the device, the recto being blank.
REMARKS.--Although this book bears the same dates as the first edition,
it is very evident from the type, from the device, from the use of a
woodcut to head Chapter II, which had been used shortly before in the
“Royal Book,” and from many other more minute evidences, that it really
was not printed till about 1490.
It would seem that the proper cut for Chapter II, viz. a figure of a
philosopher with the globe in his hand, having been injured or lost,
that the workman chose the first which offered itself, and thus, in
this edition, we have the very inappropriate illustration of Christ’s
transfiguration, as head to the chapter, “Why God made and created the
World.”
EXISTING COPIES.--Cambridge: Pepysian, Cambridge; Exeter College,
Oxford; Hunterian, Glasgow; Baptist College, Bristol; and eight in
private hands.
NO. 91.--A BOOK OF DIVERS GHOSTLY MATTERS, CONTAINING:--THE SEVEN
POINTS OF TRUE LOVE AND EVERLASTING WISDOM, OR OROLOGIUM
SAPIENTIÆ: THE TWELVE PROFITS OF TRIBULATION;--THE RULE OF ST.
BENET. _Quarto. Wyllelmū Caxton. “Emprynted at westmynstre.”
Without Date. (1490?)_
COLLATION.--The “Seven points of True Wisdom” has ~A B C D E F G H J K
L M~ all 4ns, or 96 leaves.
The “Twelve profits of Tribulation” has ~A B C D~ all 4ns, or 32
leaves.
The “Rule of St. Benet” has ~a b~ 4ns, and ~c~ a 2n, or 20 leaves.
Total of the three tracts, 148 leaves, all printed.
Note.--The signatures to the third tract are unusual, viz. ~a~ is
signed ~aa~, ~a ij~, ~aa iij~, ~a iiij~; ~b~ is signed ~bb~, ~b ij~, ~b
iij~, ~b iiij~; ~c~ is signed ~cc~, ~c ij~.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page. The type throughout
is No. 6. The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 3⅝
inches, and 24 make a full page. Without folios or catchwords.
The Text of “The Seven points of True Wisdom” begins on sig. ~A j~:--
~T~ ~Hese ben the chapitres of thys tretyse
of y^e seuen poyntes of trewe loue and
euerlastyng wysdom drawen oute of
y^e booke y^t is writen in latyn and cleped Oro-
logium sapiencie /~
The tract ends thus, on sig. ~M~ 8 verso,
~ℂ Thus endith the treatyse of the vij
poyntes of true loue & euerlastyng wysdom /
drawen of of the boke that is wryten in laten na
med Orologiu sapiecie .~
~ℂ Emprynted at westmynstre~
~ℂ Qui legit emendet / pressorem non repre
hendat~
~ℂ Wyllelmu Caxton . Cui deꝰ alta tradat~
The “Rule of St. Benet” ends on verso of sig. ~c~ 4,
~ℂ Emprynted at westmynstre by desiryng
of certeyn worshipfull persones:.~
REMARKS.--Little is known of Jehan de Soushavie, or Souaube, as a
French copy has it. Bibliographers generally call him Henry de Suso,
probably after the example of Echard, in his “Script. ordin. Prædicat.”
The English version printed by Caxton is correctly described, not
as a translation, but as “drawen oute of” a book named “Orologium
Sapientiæ.” The printed text is not equal in extent to one-half of the
original. Was it this induced Caxton to end the tract with “Qui legit
emendet, _pressorem_ non reprehendat?”--a parody of the phrase often
seen in manuscripts “Qui legit emendet _scriptorem_ non reprehendat.”
Caxton says of the “Rule of St. Benet,” which is a translation from
the Latin, that he was employed to print it “by desire of certain
worshipful persons.”
The signatures given by the Printer to these three tracts suggest the
probability that they were intended to be issued separately; but as
in all the known copies they appear bound together, and as they have
hitherto been described under the general head of “Divers Ghostly
matters,” it has been deemed advisable to retain that arrangement.
EXISTING COPIES.--Cambridge, Durham Cathedral, and four in private
libraries.
NO. 92.--THE FIFTEEN OES, AND OTHER PRAYERS. _Quarto. “Printed by
commandment of the Princess Elizabeth, Queen of England, and the
Princess Margaret, Mother unto our sovereign lord the King, by
their most humble subject and servant William Caxton.” Without
Place or Date. (1491?)_
COLLATION.--~a b~ are 4ns; ~c~ is a 3n = 22 leaves.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title. The type is all No. 6.
The lines, which are spaced to an even length, measure 3¼ inches, and
there are 21 to a full page. Without folios or head-lines. Woodcut
initials. A woodcut border, in four separate pieces, is placed round
each page. This border was used later, for an undated but very early
edition of “Horæ,” by Wynken de Worde. The wood engraving of the
Crucifixion, which appears upon the verso of the first leaf, has
considerable artistic merit. It appears to have been a favourite,
having been used at a later period by Wynken de Worde in several
publications.
The recto of the first leaf is blank, but the verso is occupied with
the woodcut of the Crucifixion, already noticed.
Upon the second recto (not signed, unless the signature has been cut
away in binding) the Text begins with a 5-line initial in wood,--
~Jhesu endles swetnes of
louyng soules / O Jhesu
~O~ gostly ioye passing & ex-
cedyng all gladnes and
desires. O Jhesu helthe &
tendre louer of al repentaut sinners that~
and on the verso of ~c~ 6, ends thus:--
~ℂ Thiese prayers tofore wreton ben en
prited by the comaudementes of the mos
te hye & vertuous pryncesse our liege la
di Elizabeth by the grace of god Quene
of Englonde & of Frauce . & also of the
right hye & most noble pryncesse Marga
rete Moder vnto our souerayn lorde the
kyng / &c~
~ℂ By their most humble subget and
seruaut William Caxton~
REMARKS.--The fifteen prayers, named from the fact of their all
commencing with the letter O, “the fifteen Oes,” are commonly found in
the manuscript Horæ of the fifteenth century, in their original Latin.
They were frequently printed both in that language and in English,
Caxton’s version of the latter being possibly the earliest. All these
prayers breathe a spirit of earnest devotion, and as an example the
following is laid before the reader.
“O Jhesu heuenly leche haue mynde of thy langour and blewnes of thy
woūdes & sorowe that thou suffredest in the heyght of the crosse /
when thou were lifte vp fro the erthe / that thou were all to torne
in all thy limmes / soo that there was noo limme abydynge in his
right ioynte / soo that noo sorowe was like to thyne fro the sole
of thy fote to the toppe of thy hede there was no hole place / And
yet forgetying in maner all those greuous paynes / thou preydest
deuoutly & charitably to thy fader for thine enmyes sayeng thus /
Fader foryeue it theim / for they wyte not what they done / For this
blessed charytable mercy that thou shewdest to thyne enmyes. and for
mynde of thyse bytter paynes / graunte me / that the mynde of this
bytter passion be to me plenar remyssion & foryeuenes of my sinnis
Amen / ℂ Pater noster Aue maria”
Another prayer commences thus:--
“O blessid Jhesu swetnes of hertes and gostli hony of soules. I
beseche the for the bytternes of the aysel and galle that thou
tasted,” &c.
The “Rex Henricus” of the Prayer on ~c iiij~ verso, was Saint Henry,
surnamed the Pious and the Lame. He was son of Henry Duke of Bavaria,
and was born in the year 972; crowned King of Germany, at Mentz, in
1002; died 14th July 1024; and was canonised by Pope Eugenius III in
1152.
Preceding a printed Latin version of the “Fifteen Oes” in the British
Museum (C. 23. b. 24), is the following paragraph in English:--“These
be the . xv . oos the whyche the holy virgyn saint brygitta was wonte
to saye dayly before the holy rode in saint Paules chyrche at rome :
who so saye this a holy yere he shall deleuer . xv . soules out of
purgatory of hys nexte kyndred . and conuerte other . xv. synners to
gode lyf and other . xvx. ryghtuouse men of hys kynde shall perseuer in
gode lyfe.”
In _Harl. MS._ 2255 is a paraphrase of the “Fifteen Oes,” by John
Lydgate, beginning--“O blessyd lord my lord, O Christ Jesu.”
The only EXISTING COPY known is in the British Museum (C. 25. c),
and is bound with several tracts printed by Wynken de Worde. It is
_perfect_ and in good preservation, although a good deal cropped in the
binding. Measurement, 6⅞ × 5 inches. Purchased in 1851.
NO. 93.--THE ART AND CRAFT TO KNOW WELL TO DIE. _Folio. Translated
by Caxton in 1490. Without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date.
(1491?)_
COLLATION.--~A~ a 4n; ~B~ a 2n; then a single leaf improperly signed
~B iij~, which was, probably, followed by a blank. Total, thirteen
printed leaves.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used
is No. 6. The lines, which measure 4⅝ inches, are spaced to an even
length, and there are 31 to a page. Without catchwords or folios.
Several 2 and 3-line woodcut initials are used.
The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ recto,
~ℂ Here begynneth a lityll treatise shorte and abredged spe-
kynge of the arte & craft to knowe well to dye~
~Hhan it ys soo that what a man maketh or doeth / it
~W~ is made to come to some ende / And yf the thynge be
goode and well made / it muste nedes come to goode
ede . Thenne by better & gretter reason / euery man oughte to~
The Text ends on a single leaf, signed ~B iij~,
~Thus endeth the trayttye abredged of the
arte to lerne well to deye / translated oute of
frenshe in to englysshe . by willm Caxton
the xv . day of Juyn ⸝ the yere of our lord a
M iiij Clxxx x .~
REMARKS.--Manuscripts of this work are usually known as “The Art and
Craft to live well and die well.” This was often printed. A Latin
edition was issued by Guy Marchand, at Paris, in 1483, and French
editions by Verard, at Paris, and Colard Mansion, at Bruges. From
the latter it seems very probable that our Caxton, as he says in the
colophon, “abredged” his text.
An English version of the full work was made early in the sixteenth
century by Andrew Chertsey, and printed by Wynken de Worde in 1506.
Copies are in the British Museum, Oxford, and National Library, Paris.
NO. 94.--THE BOOK OF COURTESY.--_Quarto. Second Edition. “Emprynted
atte westmoster.” Without Name or Date. (1491?)_
COLLATION.--This little piece probably consisted, like Caxton’s early
editions, of a 4n and a 3n, making fourteen leaves, all printed--a
conclusion gathered from the only fragment known.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The fragment, from which alone we know
that such an edition was printed, consists of two quarto pages only,
printed upon one side of a half-sheet, the other side being blank. One
of the pages is signed ~bb~, which, as already seen in “The Rule of St.
Benet,” was used for ~b j~. Here then we have the first recto of the
outermost sheet of the second signature, and, by folding the half-sheet
with the unprinted part inside, we see directly that the opposing page
must be the last of that signature, and, in all probability, the last
of the tract.
The type is all No. 6, but the appearance of the small device, which
was probably never used in Caxton’s lifetime, points out a late date
for its execution.
The last lines, underneath which are the imprint and the small device,
are as follows:--
~a Thraue of thresshers a Lyeng of pdoners
a Lasshe of carters a Hastynes of cookes~
~ℂ Here endeth a lytyll treatyse called
the booke of curtesye or lytyll John .
Enprynted atte westmoster .~
_The small
“W. C.” Device
up-side-down._
As this edition, like the first and second, has three stanzas to the
page, it would, although in a somewhat smaller type, take up the same
number of leaves. The early editions had a blank leaf at the end, which
here we find filled up with the curious phrases noticed above.
The _fragment_ is in the Douce collection at the Bodleian, having
apparently been rescued from the cover of a book. Measurement, 6¾ × 5¼
inches. The reversal of the device, and the blank side of the paper,
suggest the idea that this fragment was a _first proof_, although, from
the numerous blunders in most of Caxton’s pages, it is difficult to
believe that corrections were ever made after the matter was once set
up.
NO. 95.--THE FESTIAL (LIBER FESTIVALIS). _Folio. Second Edition.
“Caxton me fieri fecit.” Without Place or Date. (1491?)_
COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p~ are 4ns, with the first
leaf of ~a~ blank; ~q~ has but one printed sheet, or two leaves; ~R~ a
4n; ~s~ a 3n, with device on ~s~ 6. In all 136 leaves, of which one
is blank.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type consists
of two sizes, Nos. 6 and 7, the latter being that in which Wynken de
Worde printed many of his early books. The lines are in double column,
and measure only 2⅝ inches. They are spaced to an even length, and
there are 33 to a column. Without folios or catchwords. Plain initials,
cut in wood, of the depth of 2, 3, or 5 lines are used. There is a
small rude woodcut on sig. ~f~ 6 verso.
Commencing with a blank leaf, the prologue follows, in double column,
on sig. ~a ij~, the Text beginning--
~ℂ The helpe and grace of of all the hie festis of the
al- ‖ myghty god thrugh the yere. J ‖ wyll & praye that
besechyn ‖ ge of his blessed it be called fes- ‖ tiuall / the
moder saynt ma ‖ whiche begineth at the ‖~
The Text ends on the fifth verso of sig. ~s~, three-fourths of the way
down the second column,
~the rather by the helpe of his
bles ‖ sid moder mary / &
his holy spow- ‖ sesse saynt
brygytte / and all sayn ‖ tes .
AMEN~
~Caxton me fieri fecit~
The next recto is a blank page, the verso having the large device.
REMARKS.--From the use of No. 7 type, which was Wynken de Worde’s,
it is very probable that this book was printed by him immediately
after his master’s death. This edition too is not an exact reprint of
Caxton’s, issued in 1483. Every Festival has the prefix “Gode men and
wymmen,” or “Good frendis,” and every tale is preceded by the word
“Narracio.” Several stories not in the first edition have been added,
while the Pardon of Corpus Christi, in Latin and English, which follows
Trinity Sunday in first edition, is here entirely omitted.
Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, Oxford; and three in
private libraries.
NO. 96.--FOUR SERMONS. _Folio. Second Edition. Sine ullâ notâ.
(1491?)_
COLLATION.--~A B C~ are 4ns; ~D~ is a 5n = 34 leaves.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title. The type is all No. 6.
In double column. The lines measure 2½ inches, being a very little
shorter than the “Festial,” and are spaced to an even length. 33 lines
to a column. Without folios or catchwords.
The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ with a 3-line woodcut initial:--
~He mayster of sentence se myn owne soule . ne yours /
~T~ in the seconde boke · and J ‖ purpose me by his leue
the fyrst dystynction / hoomly ‖ thus to shew it and
sa- ‖ yth that the souerayn rede it to you ‖ in the boke /
cause / whi ‖ god made all for to your lernynge ‖ it is as
creatures in heuen ‖ good thus as wythout ‖~
The Text ends half-way down the second column of the ninth verso of
sig. ~D~, with the collect “Absolve quesumus,” the last three lines
being--
~gloria inter sanctos et electos
tuos ressussitati respirent /
Per ‖ xpm dmn nostrum
Amen / ‖~
On the recto of the tenth leaf is the device of Caxton, the verso being
blank.
For REMARKS, see the first edition, page 264.
Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, and three private
libraries.
NO. 97.--ARS MORIENDI; THAT IS TO SAY, THE CRAFT FOR TO DIE FOR THE
HEALTH OF MAN’S SOUL. _Quarto. Without Printer’s Name, Date, or
Place. (1491?)_
COLLATION.--~A~ a 4n = 8 leaves, all printed.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--No title-page. The type of the text is No.
6, but the four lines of heading at the beginning, and some head-lines
at the end, are in Wynken de Worde’s No. 1 type. The lines are spaced
very evenly, except on four pages at the end, and there are 24 to a
page. Woodcut initials to chapters. Without folios or catchwords. With
the exception of the use of Wynken de Worde’s type, this tract agrees
in all particulars with No. 83, “The Gouvernal of Helthe.”
The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ recto,
~ℂ Here begynneth a lytyll treatyse schortely
compyled and called ars moriendi / that is
to saye the craft for to deye for the helthe of
mannes sowle .~
~W~ ~han ony of lykly hode shal deye / thenne
is moste necessarye to haue a specyall~
The tract ends on ~A~ 8 verso, with a full page:--
~For suche right bere ad=usite or oni tribulacon
To that y^e chirche techeth y^e put ful credulyte .~
~That god hath pmysed trust it well withou
defallacyon .~
~In hope abydyng his reward and eulastyng
glorie . Amen Explicit .~
REMARKS.--This short tract appears to be a translation from the Latin,
and doubtless by Caxton himself. No other copy, however, manuscript or
printed, in Latin or any other language, appears to be known.
This unique specimen is in the middle of a volume of black-letter
tracts in the Bodleian Library.
NO. 98.--THE CHASTISING OF GOD’S CHILDREN. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ.
(1491?)_
COLLATION.--An unsigned sheet (two leaves), containing table and
prologue; ~A B C D E F G~ are 3ns; ~H~ a 2n. In all 48 leaves, and no
blanks.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--In this book we meet with the first
approach to a title-page, which consists of a 3-line paragraph printed
in the centre of the first recto. The types are No. 6 for the Text,
No. 7 being found on the first page only. Double column--the lines
measuring 2⅝ inches, and being fully spaced out. 36 lines to a column.
Without folio or catchwords. Initials in wood 3 and 4 lines deep.
The Text begins with the following 3 lines in the centre of the first
recto,
~ℂ The prouffytable boke for manes soule / And right
comfor= ‖ table to the body / and specyally in aduersitee &
trybulacyon / whiche ‖ boke is called The Chastysing of
goddes Chyldern~
On the verso, with a floriated 4-line initial, and in double column,
the first two lines being in type No. 7,
~N drede of almigh= The causes considered . and
~I~ ty ‖ god Relygyous many ‖ other skylfully . J
sus= ‖ ter a short may drede to wri ‖ te of this
pistle J sen ‖ de chastysing But askyng ‖
you of the mater of ‖ temp= helpe of god almyghty / by
tacons / whiche pystle as whoos ‖ might the asse had
me ‖ speche to the pro ‖~
The Text ends on the recto of sig. ~H~ 4, with the verso blank,
~not denye to the alone that to ful Joye & blisse / Now
prayest ‖ her soo besely / Yet god gra ‖ unt that it myghte
ouer all this ‖ whan thou art so be . that euer ‖ is lastyng
harde tempted . and ‖ in Trinyte /~
* * * * *
REMARKS.--The use of a title-page, a practice unknown to Caxton, the
appearance of type No. 7, and the adoption of signatures having three
sheets only--all point to Wynken de Worde, rather than to Caxton, as
the printer of this book, which was probably executed about 1491. The
original writer of the work is unknown, and there seems but little
reason for attributing its composition to Caxton, as some writers have
done.
EXISTING COPIES.--British Museum; Cambridge, University Library (2);
Pepysian, and Sydney Sussex College; Hunterian, Glasgow; Lincoln
Cathedral; Sion College, London; Göttingen University; and three copies
in private hands.
NO. 99.--A TREATISE OF LOVE. _Folio. Translated in 1493. Without
Printer’s Name, Place, or Date. (1493?)_
COLLATION.--~A B C D E F G H~ are all 3ns = 48 leaves, all printed.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title. The type is No. 6 for the
Text, but on the first page is a line in type No. 7, the first of
Wynken de Worde’s founts. The whole is in double column.
The Text begins on sig. ~A j~ recto,
~ℂ This tretyse is of loue
and spe ‖ kyth of iiij of the
most specyall lo ‖ uys that
ben in the worlde and she~
* * * * *
~whiche tretyse was
translatid out of frenshe
Into en= ‖ glyshe / the yere
of our lord M cccc ‖ lxxxxiij /
by a persone that is vnper ‖
fight insuche werke wherfor
he hu ‖ bly byseche the lernyd
reders wyth ‖ pacyens to cor=
recte it where they ‖ fpnde
nede. And they & alle other ‖
redders of their charyte to
pray for ‖ the soule of the
sayde translatour ‖~
The Text ends on the second column of the sixth recto of sig. ~H~,
~Whiche boke was lately
transla- ‖ ted outeof frensh
in to englisshe ‖ by a Right
well dysposed persone / ‖ for
by cause the sayd persone
thoug ‖ hte if necessary to al
deuoute peple ‖ to rede / or to
here it redde / And also ‖
caused the sayd boke to be
enpryn- ‖ ted /~
Underneath this is the small device. The reverse is blank.
REMARKS.--This is evidently an issue from the press of Wynken de Worde,
whose earliest type is seen in the first page, and who was accustomed
to make up his books in 3ns instead of 4ns, as was the plan
during Caxton’s life. The tract does not appear to have been translated
till 1493, and may have gone to press the succeeding year: now Caxton
died in 1491. The non-occurrence of the small device in any other
book attributed to Caxton is another reason for supposing it to be in
reality the workmanship of Wynken de Worde, who frequently used this
shaped device in his early publications. At a later period he added his
own name to the design.
Although not the work of Caxton, “A Treatise of Love” has been included
in this chapter, because “A List of Books printed in Type No. 6” would
be imperfect without it.
Copies are in the University Library, Sydney Sussex College, and
Pepysian Library, Cambridge; in Lincoln Cathedral Library; the
Hunterian Museum, Glasgow; University Library, Göttingen; and two in
private libraries.
[Illustration: Plate XIV.
_From Caxton’s “Order of Chivalry.” Type 4*_]
[Illustration: Plate XV.
_Woodcuts from Caxton’s “Speculum vitæ Christi.”_]
[Illustration: Plate XVI.
_The earliest instance of a Title-page in any English Book; Printed
about 1491._]
[Illustration: Plate XVII.
WOODCUT INITIALS FROM CAXTON’S BOOKS.]
[Illustration: Plate XVIII.
CAXTON’S DEVICE.]
A
LIST OF BOOKS
NOT PRINTED BY
WILLIAM CAXTON,
BUT HAVING SOME
CONNECTION WITH HIS TYPES;
ALSO OF
DOUBTFUL WORKS,
AND
BOOKS ERRONEOUSLY ASCRIBED TO HIS PRESS.
POSTHUMOUS AND DOUBTFUL WORKS.
NO. 100.--THE LIFE OF SAINT KATHERINE.--THE REVELATIONS OF SAINT
ELIZABETH OF HUNGARY. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. (1493?)_
COLLATION.--~a~ is a 4n; ~b c d e f g h i k l m n o p~ are 3ns; ~q~
is a 2n. Total 96 leaves, all printed.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type for
some of the headings is No. 7, the same as that already noticed in
“Chastising” and “Festial;” but the type for the body of the work is a
partial re-casting of No. 4*, with many new additions, and on a rather
smaller body, being evidently a different fount from any known to have
been used by Caxton. The pages are in double column, and have 43 and
44 lines to a page. Full lines measure 2⅞ inches. Without folios or
catchwords. On the last leaf is the large Device.
This book, like some already mentioned, was in all probability the
workmanship of Wynken de Worde, shortly after Caxton’s death. This
opinion is borne out by the types used, by the signatures being in
3ns instead of 4ns; by very long pages, and by wood initials,
identical with those used in the early books of Wynken de Worde.
NO. 101.--THE GOLDEN LEGEND. _Third Edition. Folio. “Fynysshed at
westmestre . . The year of our lord M CCCC lxxxxiij / . . ℂ By
me wyllyam Caxton.”_
COLLATION.--Table and prologue a 2n; ~a b c d e~ are 4ns; ~F~ a
single sheet; ~f g h i k l m n o p q r s t v x y z &~ 9 are 4ns;
~e~ a 2n, signed to ~e iij~; ~A B C D E F G H J K L M N O P Q R S T
V X Y~ are 4ns; ~aa bb cc dd ee~ are 4ns; ~ff~ a 3n, signed to
~ff iiij~; and ~gg~ a 2n, signed to ~gg iij~. Total 436 leaves, all
printed.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page. The types are No. 7,
and the re-casting of type No. 4*, noticed in the preceding work, which
fount is only known to have been used for these two books. The work is
in double column, and the lines, of which there are 44 to a column,
measure 2⅞ inches. Without folios or catchwords. Many woodcuts and
woodcut initials.
Caxton died two years before the date of printing.
NO. 102.--THE SIEGE OF RHODES. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ._
COLLATION.--Four unsigned 3ns, or 24 leaves all printed.
TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title of any sort. The type is
very rude and uneven, being a different fount to that used for the
“St. Katherine” and “Golden Legend” just noticed. Some of the letters
are the same as Caxton’s No. 4*, but many rude additions have been
made. There is a space between each line, probably made by the use of
“reglets,” the unevenness of which is very apparent. The lines are
spaced to an even length, and there are 26 to a page, except the first
and second, which have, respectively, 30 and 31. They measure in length
4½ inches, the depth of 26 lines varying from 7 to 7⅛ inches. Without
signatures, folios, catchwords, or printed initials.
NO. 103.--MISSALE AD USUM SARUM.--EXARATUM PARISIUS IMPENSA OPTIMI
VIRI GUILLERMI CAXTON. _Folio. Paris, 4th Dec. 1487._
The type is the usual church text used for service books. In double
columns, with head-lines.
As connected with Caxton, the whole of the interest centres in the
colophon.
~Missale ad vsum Sar’ cun
ctitenetis dei dono / magno
conamine elaboratum finis
feliciter . Exaratum Parisiꝰ
impensa optimi viri Guil-
lermi Caxton . Arte vero et
industria Magistri Guiller
mi Maynyal . Anno domini
M . CCCC . lxxxvii . iiij De
cembris.~
This is on the recto of the last leaf, and upon the verso is Caxton’s
large device.
REMARKS.--Passing by the great interest which this missal has in being
five years earlier in date than the celebrated Rouen edition, dated
October 1st, 1492, hitherto considered as the _editio princeps_, we
have to elucidate it in relation to Caxton.
It has not, until the discovery of this volume, been supposed that
Caxton employed foreign printers to help him, although it is well
known that his successors did so. In this case he used the services of
a printer at Paris, whose name very seldom appears in typographical
annals. Little is known of William Maynyal, who is erroneously called,
by Panzer, George. In 1480, working in conjunction with Ulric Gering,
the first printer at Paris, he produced “Speculum aureum,” as well as
“Summa de virtutibus cardinalibus,” both in Roman types. Afterwards,
he worked alone. In 1487, Caxton, not having appropriate types of his
own, sent instructions to Maynyal, of Paris, to print for him the
Salisbury Missal. The commission was executed, and Caxton, desirous
of associating his press more directly with this issue than by the
colophon only, which many people might overlook, probably designed his
“mark” for the purpose of attracting attention. It is certainly the
earliest date at which it has yet been found; and the state of the
block, which has fewer breakages than any other known example, confirms
the priority of this in a most interesting manner. Since 1484 Caxton
had not used woodcuts; but just at this time, 1487, he appears to have
found some one for the purpose, and the “Royal Book” and the “Speculum”
appeared with numerous cuts. The same artist was probably employed to
design and engrave the new “trade mark.”
The only known copy is in the possession of W. J. Legh, Esq., M.P., and
was first made known in the _Athenæum_, March 21st, 1874.
BARTHOLOMEUS DE PROPRIETATIBUS RERUM.
This work is supposed to have been printed by Caxton, at Cologne,
on the strength of a statement by Wynken de Worde. As, however,
this printer has perpetrated the most curious contradictions and
mis-statements in many of his prologues and colophons, it seems more
than probable that he blundered here also, as no connection whatever
can be traced between the typographical customs of Caxton and those of
the Cologne school; nor does any copy of “Bartholomeus” exist which
can, with any show of reason, be attributed to Caxton’s press.
For further remarks on this subject, see page 64.
THE METAMORPHOSES OF OVID.
In the Pepysian library, Cambridge (2124) is an English manuscript
of the fifteenth century, not improbably Caxton’s autograph, and
consisting of the Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth, Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and
Fifteenth Books of Ovid’s Metamorphoses. Each book in the manuscript
begins with a red-ink title, the first being:--
“Here followeth the ‖ xth booke of Ouyde ‖ wherof the first fa ‖ ble is
of the mari ‖ age of Orpheus ‖ and Erudice his lo ‖ ue. Cap° p’m°.”
For an imitation of this paragraph see Dibdin’s _Typ. Ant._, vol. i,
page 14. At the end of the volume is the following colophon:--
“Translated and fynysshed by me William Caxton at Westmestre the xxij
day of Apryll / the yere of our lord m. iiij^c iiij^{xx} And the xx
yere of the Regne of kyng Edward the fourth.”
Now Caxton, from what we know of his disposition, would never have
begun a translation in the middle of a book. He therefore, no doubt,
translated the former nine books also. But all Caxton’s translations,
and especially in the busy time of 1480, were made for the press. There
seems, therefore, good reason to believe that the Metamorphoses were
printed also by Caxton, although unfortunately no fragment of such a
work is at present known.
It seems not unlikely that the Pepysian MS. is in Caxton’s own
autograph.
THE LIFE AND MIRACLES OF ROBERT EARL OF OXFORD.
In the preface to “The Four Sons of Aymon,” Caxton says, “Therefore
late at the request and commandment of the right noble and virtuous
Earl, John, Earl of Oxford, my good singular and especial lord I
reduced and translated out of French into our maternal and English
tongue the life of one of his predecessors named Robert Earl of Oxford
tofore said, with divers and many great miracles which god showed for
him as well in his life as after his death as is showed all along in
his said book.”
Having translated this Life, it is not improbable that Caxton also
printed it.
A BALLAD.
“The small fragment of an unknown work,” preserved among some old
ballads in the British Museum (643. m.) and described by Sir Henry
Ellis, and Dr. Dibdin in _Typ. Ant._, vol. i, page 359, is a portion of
the “Cook’s Tale,” from Caxton’s first edition of Chaucer’s “Canterbury
Tales.”
* * * * *
Several works, such as “STATUTA” (probably Machlinia’s), “LYNDEWODE’S
CONSTITUTIONES,” “THE LUCIDARY,” “AN ACCIDENCE,” and others, have been
by various writers included among the books issued by Caxton, but in
all cases erroneously.
[Illustration]
THE COMPARATIVE RARITY OF BOOKS PRINTED BY CAXTON,
SHOWING THE NUMBER OF COPIES OF EACH WORK KNOWN TO EXIST.
_Quanta fuisti si tanta sunt Reliquia._
No. of
Copies
known.
Brass, Temple of _frag._
Book of Courtesy, 2nd edit. _frag._
Directorium Sacerdotum, 4to. _frag._
Horæ, 1st edition _frag._
Ditto, 2nd ditto _frag._
Ditto, 3rd ditto _frag._
Indulgence--Sixtus IV _frag._
Anelida and Arcyte 1
Ars moriendi 1
Aymon, Four Sons of 1
Blanchardin and Eglantine 1
Book of Courtesy, 1st edition 1
Catho, Parvus et Magnus, 1st
edition, 4to 1
Ditto, ditto, 2nd edition, 4to 1
Charles the Great 1
Chorle and the Bird, 1st edit. 1
Ditto ditto 2nd ditto 1
Commemoracio beatæ Mariæ 1
Death-Bed Prayers 1
Directorium Sacerdotum, folio,
1st edition 1
Ditto ditto ditto 2nd ditto 1
Fifteen Oes 1
Glass, Temple of 1
Horse, Sheep, and Goose, 1st edit. 1
Ditto ditto 2nd ditto 1½
Image of Pity 1
Infancia Salvatoris 1
Indulgence--Sixtus IV 1
Another, different 1
Meditacions sur les sept Pseaulmes 1
Paris and Vienne 1
Psalterium 1
Quatre derrennieres Choses 1
Reynard the Fox, 2nd edition 1
Stans Puer 1
Servitium de Transfiguratione 1
Sex Litteræ 1
Visitatio Mariæ Virginis 1
Advertisement, An 2
Arthur, Life of King 2
Catho, Parvus et Magnus, folio,
3rd edition 2
Curial, The 2
Gouvernal of Health 2
Indulgence, 1481 2
Propositio Johannis Russell 2
Saona, Gul. de 2
Æsop, Fables of 3
Art and Craft 3
Curia Sapientiæ 3
Dictes and Sayings, 2nd edition 3
Good Manners, Book of 3
Jason, Les fais du 3
Moral Proverbs 3
Saint Winifred, Life of 3
Book of Fame 4
Chivalry, Order of 4
Festial, The, 1st edition 4
Rhodes, Siege of 4
Statutes of Henry VII 4
Troilus and Creside 4
Vocabulary 4
Golden Legend, 2nd edition 5
Pilgrimage of the Soul 5
Four Sermons, 2nd edition 5
Reynard the Fox, 1st edition 5
Divers Ghostly Matters 6
Festial, The, 2nd edition 6
Jason, The Life of 6
Knight of the Tower 6
Recueil, Le 6
Chronicles of England, 2nd edit. 7
Dictes and Sayings, 3rd edition 7
Life of our Lady 8
Royal Book 8
Treatise of Love 8
Canterbury Tales, 1st edition 9
Ditto 2nd ditto 9
Doctrinal of Sapience 9
Four Sermons, 1st edition 9
Chess, Game and Play of, 1st ed. 10
Cordial 10
Golden Legend, 3rd edition 10
Katherine, Life of St. 10
Godfrey of Boloyn 11
Speculum Vitæ Christi 11
Caton 12
Chastising of God’s Children 12
Chess, Game and Play of, 2nd edit. 12
Chronicles of England, 1480 12
Description of Britain 12
Mirrour of the World, 2nd edit. 12
Dictes and Sayings, 1st edition 13
Mirrour of the World, 1st edit. 15
Boethius 16
Confessio Amantis 17
Eneydos 18
Recuyell, The 20
Fayts of Arms 21
Tully of Old Age, &c. 22
Polycronicon 30
Golden Legend, 1st edition 31
* * * * *
The reader who examines this list may well be astonished at the number
here given of _unique_ Caxtons. Out of 102 works above enumerated, no
less than 38 are known to us by single copies, or by fragments only.
The fact is almost incredible even to those most conversant with
the rarities of the Westminster Press; and the question naturally
arises--If about one-third of Caxton’s issue has been _nearly_
destroyed, how numerous may have been the editions of which we shall
never learn the existence? A glance at the titles of the _uniques_
will show that the books most liable to destruction, probably owing
in part to their being much used, and in part to the destructiveness
of religious sectarianism, are those, directly or indirectly, of an
ecclesiastical character--such as “Horæ,” “Psalters,” “Meditacions,”
&c. School-books also, such as the “Stans Puer,” “Catho,” &c., are
always difficult of preservation. On the other hand, there seems no
especial reason for the almost total destruction of such works as the
romances of “King Arthur,” “The Four Sons of Aymon,” “Blanchardin,”
“Charles the Great,” the second edition of “Reynard,” or the various
short poems in quarto.
The greatest number of copies ever brought together is 83, being
the number now in the British Museum; but of these 25 are duplicates,
leaving the number of works 58, of which three are mere fragments. The
Caxtons in Earl Spencer’s Library, although numerically less than those
of the National Library, make nevertheless a more complete collection,
and embrace 57 separate works. Other Libraries come far behind these
two. The Public Library, Cambridge, has 42 separate works, a total
considerably augmented by the numerous unique pieces of poetry in
quarto. The Bodleian has 34 separate works, and the Duke of Devonshire
25.
INDEX.
Abbey, Meaning of word, 73
Adventurers (_See_ Merchant Adventurers)
Advertisement printed by Caxton, 72, 239
Æneid by Virgil, 347
Æsop, The Fables of, printed by Caxton, 48, 91, 287
Aforge, Daniel, 86
Ailly, Cardinal Pierre d’, 228
Alburgh, John, 150
Alcock, Bishop, 181
Aldus, Pius Romanus, 106
Alfonse, The Fables of, printed by Caxton, 287
Almonry, The, Its position, &c., 73, 74, 75, 79
Alphage, St., Parish of, 4
Ambassadors at Bruges, 27
Ames, Joseph, Note on Caxton’s death, 85
Amman, Jost, 104
Anderson’s History of Commerce, 26
Anelida, Queen, and False Arcyte, printed by Caxton, 212
Anne, St., Chapel of, 73, 74
Apprentices, Entry and Issues of, 6
Apprentices, Duties of, 8
Apprentices and Executors, 14
Apprentices, Oath of, 145
Apprenticeship of Caxton, 5
Arbre de, Batailles, 337
Arcyte, Queen Anelida, and False, printed by Caxton, 212
Ars moriendi, printed by Caxton, 358
Art, The, and Craft to know well to Die, printed by Caxton, 346, 354
Arthur, The Noble Histories of King, and of certain of his Knights,
printed by Caxton, 304
Arundel, Earl of, his Device, 81
Ascensius Jodocus Badius, 128
Assumption, Guild of Lady of, 77
Atkyns, Richard, Origin and Growth of Printing, 90
Aubert, David (a Scribe), 35, 187
Avian, The Fables of, printed by Caxton, 287
Ayenbit of Inwit, The, 324
Aymon, The four Sons of, printed by Caxton, 343
Bagford, John, 75, 91
Baker, John, 150
Bakker, Jenyne, 149
Ballads, Some, printed by Caxton, 211
Ballad, A, 369
Ballard, Mr., of Cambden, 85
Balls, Inking, 124
Bartholomeus de Proprietatibus, 55, 64, 65, 340, 368
Bath Cathedral, 284
Bavaria, Henry, Duke of, 353
Bayntun, W., 321
Beauvais, Vincent de, 226, 227
Bedford, Duke of, 34, 36
Bedford Library, 255
Bedfordshire General Library, 324
Bedleem Hospital, Bequest to, by Large, 10
Belet, 282
Benet College Library, 220
Bernard, M. A., 106, 109
Bernard, M. A., Opinion on Colard Mansion, 62
Berners Juliana, 338
Betts, Edward, 151
Bequests, Various, of Large, 10
Bible, The Mazarine, 45
Bibles and Psalters, First, 43
Bibles not in demand in Fifteenth Century, 83
Bird, the Chorle and the, printed by Caxton, 209, 210
Blanchardin and Eglantine, The History of, printed by Caxton, 342
Blanche, Queen of France, 326
Blandford, Marquis of, 198
Blois, Library of, 36
Boat Hire, 19
Bocace, Fall of Princes, 347
Boethius de Consolatione Philosophiæ, translated into English by
Geoffrey Chaucer, printed by Caxton, 215
Boke of Noblesse, The, 336
Bolomyer, Henry, 307
Boloyne, The History of Godfrey of, printed by Caxton, 252
Bomsted, Henry, 20
Bonet, Honoré, 337
Bonifaunt, Rich, 10, 147
Bowyer, William, 109
Bookbinder described, 130
Bookbinding, 95
Book of Courtesy, The 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 211
Second Edition, 355
Book of Good Manners, printed by Caxton, 81, 315
Book, A, of Divers Ghostly Matters, printed by Caxton, 350
Book of Fame, The, printed by Caxton, 292
Book, The, which the Knight of the Tower made to the “enseygnement”
and teaching of his daughters, printed by Caxton, 273
Books, Covers of, 215
Books not printed by Caxton but having some connection with his
types, &c., 363
Books, Passion for, in Europe, 36
Botfield, Mr., 306
Bouillon, Godefroy de, 253
Bradshaw, H., of Cambridge, 55, 192, 295
Brand, John, 198
Bretaylles, Louis de, 190
Brice, Hugh, 228
Bristol, 350
Brito, Jean, 38
Broad, St. Ward, 75
Brown, J., 151
Browne, Willis (Mit. Abb.), 223
Bruges, 13, 15, 27, 37, 38, 57, 81, 150
Bruges, City of, Caxton, a Merchant at, 15, 17
Bruges, Ducal Library of, 214
Bruges, Guild of St. John the Evangelist, 37
Bruges, Records of, 158-160
Brute, Chronicle of, 89
Bryant, Mr., 327
Bryce, H., 82
Bryce, T., 17
Bullen, Mr., 244
Burdeux, John de, 340
Burchiello, Portrait of, 91
Burgh, Richard, 16, 17, 148, 204, 205, 279
Burgundy, Duke of, 15, 16, 24, 27, 34, 38, 58
Burgundy (Philip the Good), 38
Burial Fees for Wm. Caxton, 79
Campbell, M. F. A. G., 330
Canterbury Tales, 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 193
Canterbury Tales, 2nd Edition, printed by Caxton, 290
Caradoc, Prince, 304
Carmen de Vere, 271
Caslon, W., 105, 108
Castel, Etienne, 193
Catchwords, 133
Catho Magnus, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 202, 204
Catho Magnus, printed by Caxton, 204, 205
Caton, printed by Caxton, 277
Cattlyn, Richard and John, 224
Caustons, Manor of, 3
Causton, Michael de;
Henry de;
Nichol de;
Richard de;
Theobald de;
Roger de;
William de;
Stevyn, 147
Cauxton and Causton, a form of Caxton, 3
Cawston, Johannes, Will of, 3
Cawston, Oliver, 161
Caxston, W., 148
Caxton, Elizabeth (daughter of Caxton), 30
Caxton, Elizabeth: Deed of Separation, 166
Caxton, John, 4
Caxton, Maude, 81
Caxton, Pedigree, 4;
his Patrons, 29;
his knowledge of Printing, derived from Colard Mansion, and not at
Cologne, 49 to 68;
Settles at Westminster, 70;
Extracts from Works, showing a connection between his own name and
a locality, 70;
his Daughter, 75;
Patronised by Edward IV., 80;
Receives a Payment from Edward IV., 80;
List of Works, 82;
Classification of Works, 82;
Time taken for Translation of Works, 83;
Death and Burial, 85;
his Property at Death, 85;
his Will, 86;
his Literary Attainments, 87 to 90;
a Linguist, 88;
Portraits of, 90;
Anecdotes in Appendix to Æsop’s Fables, 91;
his Character, 92;
a Master Printer, 93 to 142;
his Printing Office and Workmen, 93;
his Types, 103;
his large Device, 137;
Price of his Books, 141;
Judgment by, 158;
Payment by the King, 160;
Burial Fees, 161;
Auditor of Parish Accounts, 161;
Chess Book, Interpolation of, 174
Caxton, William (not the Printer), 81;
Burial, 4
Censuria literaria, 197
Charles, King of France, 33
Charles the Bold succeeds Philip the Good, 24
Charles the Great (Prologue), 83
Charles the Great, the Life of the Noble and Christian Prince,
printed by Caxton, 306
Charron, The Jesuit, 310
Charters, Mercers and Merchant Adventurers, 18-21
Chartier, Alain, 297
Chases, 123
Chastising, The, of God’s Children, printed by Caxton, 359
Chato, et Parvus Magnus, 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 202;
2nd Edition, 205;
3rd Edition, 224
Chaucer, Geoffrey, 89, 294;
Envoi of, to Skogan, printed by Caxton, 211
Chaucer, Geoffrey, Canterbury Tales, 1st Edition, 193;
2nd Edition, 290;
Boethius de Consolacione Philosophiæ, printed by Caxton, 213
Chaucer, The complaint of, to his purse, printed by Caxton, 212
Chertsey, Andrew, 355
Chess Book, The, 56, 59, 61, 68, 80, 111, 289
Chess, Game and Play of, 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 23, 173
Chess, The Game and Play of, the, 2nd Edition, printed by Caxton,
232
Chivalry, The Order of, printed by Caxton, 289
Chobham, Eleanor, her penance, 13
Chorle, The, and the Bird, printed by Caxton, 209, 210
Chronicles of England, The, 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 247;
2nd Edition, 255
Chronicle of King Alfred, 104
Chronicle of Brute, 248
Churche, Daniel, 204
Clarence, Duke of, 173
Cloth, English, excluded by Duke of Burgundy, 16, 23
Coburger, Nuremberg, printer, 239
Colard Mansion, _See_ Mansion
Cologne, 62
Colonna Ægidius, 174
Commission issued, 1464, for renewal of Treaty of Trade, 22
Complaint, The, of Chaucer to his purse, printed by Caxton, 212
Commemoratio Lamentationis sive compassionis Beatæ Mariæ in morte
filii, printed by Caxton, 329
Composing-Stick, 122, 124
Compositor, The, described, 121
Confessio Amantis, printed by Caxton, 271
Congregational Library, 331
Connection between Caxton and Colard Mansion, 64
Copenhagen, Royal Library, 316
Copland, R., 344;
one of Caxton’s workmen, 70
Copland, W., 94, 345
Corpus Christi College, 220
Cordyale, or the Four Last Things, printed by Caxton, 216
Court of Sapience, printed by Caxton, 250
Courtesy, Book of, printed by Caxton, 211, 355
Cowper, Mr., 331
Craes, W., 16
Creveceur, Seigneur de, 50
Crede Mihi, Tractatus, printed by Caxton, 319, 345
Croppe, Gerard, 30
Crosse, John, 86
Cristyne of Pisan--Moral Proverbs, 194, 195
Cura Sapentiæ; or the Court of Sapience, printed by Caxton, 250
Curial, The, 296
D’Ailly, Pierre, Cardinal, 180
D’Angers, Guy, 187
Dares Phrygius, 172
Daubeney, William, 80
Daunnou, M., 227
Day, John, Printer, 104
Death-bed Prayers, printed by Caxton, 285
Dedes, Robert, 10
Deguilleville, Guillaume de, Pilgrimage of the Soul, 259
Delff, 76
Denis de Leewis, 186
Description of Britain, The, printed by Caxton, 249
Development of Printing, 38
Device, Caxton’s, 48, 138
Devonshire, Duke of, Purchase of the Recuyell, 171
Dictes and Sayings, 24, 65, 70, 79, 86, 188, 221, 348
Dictes and Sayings, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 188;
2nd Edition, 221;
3rd Edition, 348
Dictys Cretensis, 172
Dinner, Visitation of Mercers’, 76
Directorium, seu Pica Sarum, printed by Caxton, 241
Directorium Sacerdotum, una cum Defensorio ejusdem, item tractatus
qui dicitur crede mihi, printed by Caxton, 319, 345
Doctrinal de la foy Catholique, 326
Doctrinal of Sapience, The, printed by Caxton, 324
Domus Angliæ, 22
Donatus, St., Church of, 50
Douce, F., 172
Douce Collection, 356
Drapers, Merchant Adventurers, 18
Durham Cathedral, 351
Dysart, Earl of, 341
Echard, Script. Ordin. Prædicat, 351
Edward III introduces cloth factories to England, 2
Edward IV, 3, 27, 28, 35, 80, 87
Elizabeth of Hungary, Saint, the Revelations of, 365
Ellis, Sir Henry, 370
Eneydos, printed by Caxton, 2, 74, 80, 346
English, First Book in, 170
English Nation, The, 22
Esterlings, 22, 192
Essex, Earl of, 204
Esteney, John, Abbot of Westminster, 74
Eton College, 179, 230
Eugenius III, Pope, 353
Evilmerodach, King, 233
Exeter, 215
Exeter College, Oxford, 279, 301, 350
Eye, witch of, 13
Eyre, Thomas, husband of Elizabeth Large, 11
Fables of Æsop, the; of Avian; of Alfonse; and of Poge, the
Florentine, printed by Caxton, 287
Faits d’Armes, les, 335
Fait d’Armes et de Chevalerie, 336
Fall of Princes, 347
Fame, the Book of, printed by Caxton, 292
Farmer’s, Dr., Library, 241
Faron, Jean, 174
Fastolf, Sir John, 81, 232
Fayts of Arms and of Chivalry, The, printed by Caxton, 80, 335, 338
Felding Geoffrey, Mayor, 17
Festial, The (Liber Festialis) 1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 263,
331
Festial, The (Liber Festialis) 2nd Edition, printed by Caxton, 356
Fèvre Ravne le, 58
Fifteen Oes, the, and other Prayers, printed by Caxton, 352
Figgins, V., 108
Filastre, Guillaume, 172
Fineschi Vincenzio, 102
Fishmongers, Merchant Adventurers, 18
Flanders, Peace between England and, 13
Flemish goods prohibited, 23
Flemish settlers in England, 2
Fostalf, John, Knight, 191
Founders’ Company, 18
Four Last Things or Cordyale, printed by Caxton, 216
Four Sermons, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 265
Four Sermons, &c. (Quatuor Sermones, &c.), printed by Caxton, 2nd
Edition, 358
Four Sons of Aymon, The, printed by Caxton, 343
Fowls, Parliament of, printed by Caxton, 211
Frankfort typefounders, 107
Franklin, Benjamin, 108
Freeman of London, Oath of, 146
Friskets, 129
Gairdner, Mr., Memorials of King Henry the Seventh, 269
Galiard, Messire, 197
Gallopes, Jean de, 261, 318
Galiot du Pré, 297
Gedney, John, 11
Geiffe, William, 86
Gering, Ulrich, 367
Gerson, Chancellor, 338
Gervers, M., 29
Ghent, 27
Ghent, Public Library at, 330
Glass, The Temple of, printed by Caxton, 208
Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of, 30
Godfrey of Bulloyn, printed by Caxton, 83
Gödike, K., 230
Golden Fleece, order of, 15
Golden Legend, 65, 96;
Copies left by Caxton to St. Margaret’s, Westminster, 86;
1st Edition, printed by Caxton, 280;
2nd Edition, printed by Caxton, 310;
3rd Edition, 365
Gossin, Jean, 51, 227
Göttingen, Royal University Library, 208
Governal of Health, The, printed by Caxton, 340, 358
Governor of English Merchants at Bruges--Duties of, 20
Guido of Colonna, 172
Granton, John, 16
Grenville Library, 210
Greyhounde, The, 75, 76, 79
Groote, Guerard le, 16
Gruthuyse, Louis de Bruges, 35, 36, 50
Guilds:--
St. John the Evangelist, 37;
St. Thomas-à-Becket, 18;
Lady Assumption, 77;
Vassel feasts, 78;
Accounts, 78;
“Les Frères de la Plume” of Brussels, 37;
St. Luke at Antwerp, 37
Hadlow, 3
Hague, Royal Library, 330
Halle, Robert, 147
Hamburgh, 13
Ham House, Surrey, 304
Hansard, T. C., 109
Hanseatic League, 192
Hardwicke Hall, 205
Harrowe, John, 10, 148
Hasted on Kent, 2
Hastings, Lord, 24, 197, 229
Hawes, 209
Haywarde, a Scribe, 191
Health, The Governal of, printed by Caxton, 340
Hecht-Heinean Library, Halberstadt, 271
Hende, William, 19
Henricus, Rex, 353
Henry, Dr., 232
Henry II, 204
Henry IV, 18
Henry VI, 18, 36, 80
Henry VII, 80
Heton, Christopher, 10
Heton, Jas., 147
Higden’s, Ralph, Polycronicon, 249
History of Blanchardin and Eglantine, The, printed by Caxton, 342
History of Godfrey of Boloyne, The; or the Conquest of Jerusalem,
printed by Caxton, 252
Histoire du Chevalier Paris, et de la belle Vienne, 310
Holkham Library, 198
Holtrop’s Monumens Typographiques, Woodcut from, 76
Horæ, 242, 320, 331, 352
Horæ, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 191;
2nd Edition, 242;
3rd Edition, 321;
4th Edition, 332
Horham, Manor of, 9
Horse, Shepe, and Ghoos, printed by Caxton, 66, 205, 206
House of the English Nation, 22
Hunter, Rev. Joseph, 223
Illuminators, 95, 113, 134
Image of Pity, printed by Caxton, 322, 324
Indenture of Apprentice, 5
Infancia Salvatoris, printed by Caxton, 207
Initials, 42, 135
Ink for Printing, 95
Jackson on Wood Engraving, 137
James, John, Typefounder, 109
Jason, English Edition by Caxton, 187;
French Edition, 56, 60, 63, 172, 178
Jason, Derivation of Name, 15
Jean de Bruges, 36
Jersey, Earl of, 306
Jerusalem, Conquest of, or the History of Godfrey of Boloyne,
printed
by Caxton, 252
Joan of Arc, 195
John, Duke of Berry, 34
John II, King of France, 33
John Stubbes, 28
Jones, J. Winter, 182, 187, 215
“Justification”: a Printer’s term, 44
Karlemaine, 307
Katherine, Saint, the Life of, printed by Caxton, 365
Kendal, John, Letters of Indulgence issued by, printed by Caxton,
222, 223
Kentish Dialect, 2
Kynge Apolyn of Thyre, 70
King Edward VI Grammar School, St. Alban’s, 243
Knight of the Tower, the, Book to the ensaygnement and teaching of
his Daughters, printed by Caxton, 40, 81, 273
Knight Paris, the, and the Fair Vienne, printed by Caxton, 308
Könnecke, Dr. G., 271
Lambert, John, 150
Large, Alice, 11;
Elizabeth, 9, 11;
Jone, 161;
Johanna, 9-11;
Marries John Godnay, 11;
John, 5, 9, 148;
Richard, 9;
Robert, 147;
a Mercer, 8;
Sheriff and Lord Mayor, 8;
Warden, 9;
House in the Old Jewry, Account by Stow, 9;
Family, 9;
Death and Will, 9;
Widow, 10
Large, Robert, his Will, 153-158;
the younger, 5, 11;
Thomas, 9, 11
Latour-Landry, 274
Laurent, Frere, 324
Le Recueil des Histoires de Troye (_see_ Recueil), 25
Leeu Gerard, 188, 309
Lefevre, Raoul, 188
Legenda Aurea, 282
Legends, Bequest from Caxton, 162
Legh-Gerard, 188
Legh, Stephen, M.P., 140
Legh, W. J., Esq., 368
Legrand, Jacques, 316
Leper Houses, Bequest to, by Large, 10
Letter to Caxton from Mercers, 23
Letters of Indulgence from Johannes de Giglis, printed by Caxton,
254
Letters of Indulgence issued by John Kendal in 1481, printed by
Caxton, 222
Lettou, 94
Lewis, Rev. John, 91, 217
Life of Christ, 318
Life of Saint Katherine, The, 365
Life, The, and Miracles of Robert, Earl of Oxford, 369
Life, The, of the Holy Blessed Virgin, Saint Winifred, printed by
Caxton, 301
Life, The, of the Noble and Christian Prince, Charles the Great,
printed by Caxton, 306
Lilly, Mr., 339
Lincoln Cathedral, 285
Livre de Sapience, 326
Livre des bonnes Mœurs, le, 316
Livre des Vices et des Vertus, 323
Livre Royal, le, 323
Louis de Bruges, 35
Louis of Anjou, 34
Louvre Library, 33
Low Countries, 20
Lucidary, The, 370
Lydgate, John, 172, 206, 211, 262, 299, 341, 354
Lyf of our Lady, printed by Caxton, 299
Lyndewode’s Constitutiones, 370
Machlinia, 45, 339
Madden, Sir F., 223
Maittaire, 217
Mallet, Gilles, 33
Malory, Sir Thomas, 305
Manipulus Curatorum, 326
Mansion Colard, 36, 38, 39, 42, 43, 45, 49, 51, 54, 63, 67, 109,
179,
214, 253, 355
Mansion Colard, a Skilful Caligrapher, begins to Print, 68;
his Connection with Caxton, 54;
Dean of the Guild of St. John, 50;
Place of Residence and Workshop, 51;
Opinion by Bernard, 62;
Peculiarity of his Printing, 52-54;
the first Printer at Bruges, 49
Mansion, Paul and Robert, 51
Marchand, Guy, 355
Margaret (of Flanders), 34
Margaret, Queen, 284
Margaret’s, St., Westminster, Records, 4, 31, 77-79, 85, 163
Margarita Eloquentiæ, Fratris Laurentii Gulielmi de Saona, printed
by
Caxton, 218
Mariæ Virginis Servitium de Visitatione, printed by Caxton, 267
Marot, Jean, 337
Marshall, J., 151
Marten, Walter, 86
Marte Townes, Apprentices sent to the, 14
Martin, St. Otewich, 75
Maskell, Mr., 322, 332
Maydestone, Clement, 320
Maynyal, W., 140, 367
Medicina Stomachi, printed by Caxton, 340, 341
Meditacions sur les Sept Pseaulmes Penitenciaulx, printed by Caxton,
179
Mercer’s Company, 5, 8, 16, 28, 75, 76, 145
Merchant Adventurers, their Institution, Object, and Charters,
15-19,
21, 24
Metamorphoses of Ovid, 51
Meun, Jean le, 336
Middleton, Dr., 321
Mielot, Jean, 187, 232
Mirkus, John, 264
Mirrour of the World, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 226;
2nd Edition, 234
Missale ad Usum Sarum, printed for Caxton, 366
Montaiglon, M., 276
Moral Distichs, printed by Caxton, 199
Moral Proverbs, printed by Caxton, 194
Mores, Rowe, 109
Moule, Bib. Herald, 290
Mountfort, Symoni, 222
Moxon, Joseph, 105, 109
National Library, Paris, 355
Neche, Thomas, 10, 148
Nichols, J. G., 76
Noblesse, Declamation of, 230
North, Mr., 220
Nouns, Substantive, and Verbs, The proper application of certain,
printed by Caxton, 205, 206
Nugent, Dr., 321
Nyche, Thomas, 147
Obray, William, Governor of the English Merchants, 19, 21
Old Age, Tully of, 330
Oldys, 228
Onkmanton, Henry, 10, 148
Order of Chivalry, The, printed by Caxton, 289
Orford, Lord, 217
Orologium Sapientiæ, 351
Osborne, 208
Ottley, 128, 135
Ovid, Metamorphoses of, 90, 368
Oxford, Robert, Earl of, 208, 369
Palmer, Samuel, 109
Paper, its Value, 102;
its Watermarks, 98;
Large-Paper Copies, 97;
Paper Mill, 96;
the kind used by Caxton, 97
Paris, M., 172, 214
Parker, Archbishop, 105, 220
Pannartz, 84
Pannizzi Sir Anthony, 106
Pegge Dr., 3
Pembroke College, Cambridge, 273
Pepysian, 235, 342, 350, 368, 369
Perkin Warbeck, 223
Perrot, Thomas, 27
Peterborough, Earl of, 253
Petrus Carmelianus, Sex Epistolæ, printed by Caxton, 268
Petzholdt, Dr. Julius, 271
Philadelphia, Loganian Library, 285
Pica Sarum, seu Directorium, printed by Caxton, 241
Pica, type of printers, 240
Pilgrimage of the Soul, The, printed by Caxton, 259
Pins, Jean de, 310
Pisan, Christine de, 336
Poge, the Florentine, the Fables of, printed by Caxton, 287
Polycronicon, printed by Caxton, 65, 89, 256
Portraits of Caxton, 90
Pratt, William, 17, 75, 81, 316
Prayers, Death-bed, printed by Caxton, 285
Premierfait, Laurence de, 231
Preste, Simon, 24
Psalter, the First, 44
Psalterium, &c., printed by Caxton, 243
Purgatoire des mauvais Maris, 63
Pye, The, a Tenement, 75
Pye, a collection of rules, 240
Pykering, John, 151;
Successor to Caxton as Governor of the English Nation, 21;
summoned before the Court of the Mercers, and discharged from his
office, 21
Pynson, Richard, 94, 295
Quadrilogue, Le, by Colard Mansion, 67, 179
Quaternion, Meaning of, 132, 168
Quatre derrennieres Choses, 56, 61, 63, 64, 67, 68, 185, 330
Queen’s College, Oxford, 273
Quinternion, Meaning of, 168
Rawlett’s Library, Tamworth, 284
Recto, Meaning of, 168
Recueil, Le, des Histories de Troye, 25, 60, 63, 65, 68, 171
Recuyell, The, of the Histories of Troye, 26-28, 31, 41, 56-60, 63,
68, 104
Redeknape, Esmond, 17
Redeknape, W., 17, 19, 151
Red-Pale, The, 75, 80
Red Ink, Curious use of, by Caxton and Mansion, 185
Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, 341
Reglets, 123
Reinaert die Vos, die Historie Van, 230
Revelations of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary, 365
Reynard the Fox, History of, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 229;
2nd Edition, 341
Rhodes, The Siege of, 223, 366
Richard III, 80, 198, 290
Richmond, Margaret, Countess of, 80
Ripon Minster, 215, 263
Ripoli Press, 102, 106
Ritson, 201;
Bib. Poet, 205
Rivers, Anthoine, Earl of, 24, 28, 80, 217;
translated the Dictes, 189
Robert, Monk of Shrewsbury, 302
Rock, Canon, D.D., 240
Roger, Monk of St. Werberg, 257
Roman Types, 43
Romans, Les, de la Table Ronde et les Contes des anciens Bretons,
305
Romuleon, written by Colard Mansion, 50
Rood of Oxford, 265
Rotherham, Bishop, 242
Roxburgh Club, 207, 210
Royal Book, the, or Book for a King, printed by Caxton, 322, 368
Roye, Guy de, 326
Rubrisher, The, 135
Rule of St. Benet, The, printed by Caxton, 350, 351, 355
Russell, John, Bishop of Lincoln, 24, 197, 228;
his “Propositio,” printed by Caxton, 196
Ryolle, William, 86
Sacerdotum Directorium, printed by Caxton, 345
Salisbury Missal, 367
Salve Regina, printed by Caxton, 199
Saona, Fratris Laurentii Gulielmi de, Margarita Eloquentiæ, printed
by Caxton, 218, 220
Scala Cœli, 326
Scales, Lord, 24, 197
Scriptorium of Westminster Abbey, 74
Scrivers, 134
Scroope, Archbishop, 321
Selle, John, 16
Seven Points, The, of True Love and Everlasting Wisdom, or Orologium
Sapientiæ, printed by Caxton, 350
Sermons, Four, printed by Caxton, 265, 358
Sermons of Vitriaco, The, 326
Servitium de Transfiguratione Jhesu Christi, printed by Caxton, 330
Servitium de Visitatione B. Mariæ Virginis, printed by Caxton, 267,
331
Sex perelegantissimæ Epistolæ per Petrum Carmelianum Emendatæ,
printed by Caxton, 268
Shakspere, W., 172, 298
Shrewsbury, John Talbot, Earl of, 336
Siege of Rhodes, 220, 366
Signatures, 41, 42
Sixtus IV, Pope, 197, 220
Skogan, John, Envoy of Chaucer to, printed by Caxton, 211
Sloane, Sir Hans, 310
Sluis, The Port of, Bruges, 26
Smithfield, Jousts in, 12
Smith, John, 109
Somerset, Margaret, Duchess of, 343
Somme de Roi, La; or, La Somme des Vices et des Vertus, 323
Sophologium, 316
Sotheby, S. Leigh, 102
Soushavie, or Souabe, Jehan, 351
Southey, Robert, 305
Spacing, 44
Speculum Historiale, 307
Speculum Vitæ Christi, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 316;
2nd Edition, 328
St. Alban’s, the Printer Schoolmaster of, 45, 219;
Grammar School, 215, 241, 242;
St. Alban’s Chronicle, 248
St. Benet’s Chapel, Westminster, 214
St. James of Compostella, 189
St. John’s College, Cambridge, 349
St. John’s College, Oxford, 225, 248, 347
St. John’s Hospital of Jerusalem, 174
St. John the Evangelist, Guild of, 37
St. Martin’s Otewich, 152
St. Olave, Old Jewry, 10
St. Omer, Proposed Convention at, 23
Stans Puer ad Mensam, printed by Caxton, 66, 199
Stanzas, various, printed by Caxton, 205
Star Chamber Decree, 105
Statutes of Henry VII, printed by Caxton, 339
Staunton, Thos., 147
Steel Yard, 22, 78, 192
Steevens, G., 172
Stomachi Medicina, printed by Caxton, 340
Stow, John G., 250
Stower, C., 109
Streete, Randolph, 10, 147, 148
Strete, Hundred of, 10
Stubbes, John, 31, 149
Styles, Old and New, in the Year, 56
Suso, Henry de, 351
Sutton, John, 19
Surigo, Stephen, 214
Surse, Pistoie, 232
Sweynheim and Pannartz, 43, 84
Tate, John, 103, 151
Temple of Brass, The, printed by Caxton, 1st Edition, 208;
2nd Edition, 211
Terms, Explanation of, 168
Ternion, Meaning of, 132, 168
Thomassy, Raimond, 195
Thorney, Roger, 253
Timperley, C. H., 109
Title Pages, 45
Tractatus de ymagine mundi, 228
Trade Marks of Printers, 76
Trades, List of, in the Guild of St. John the Evangelist, 37
Trading Guilds, 17
Treatise of Love, A, printed by Caxton, 258
Treatise on Hunting and Hawking, 338
Treaty of Trade, Commission for Renewal of, 22
Tree of Battailes, 337
Treveris, Peter, 94
Troilus and Creside by Shakspere, 172
Trojan War, 172
Troy, Siege of, 172
Trinity College, Cambridge, 347
Trinity College, Dublin, 222
Troylus and Creside, printed by Caxton, 297
Tully of Old Age; Tully of Friendship; The Declamation of Noblesse,
printed by Caxton, 230
Turnat, Richard, 10
Twelve Profits of Tribulation, The, printed by Caxton, 350
Tympans, 130
Typefounding, 104
Type, No. 1, Books printed in, described, 169-182
Type, No. 2, 64, 112
Type, No. 3, 114, 115
Type, No. 5, 118
Type, No. 6, 119
Types, 43, 104, 109
Upsala, University Library, 221
Utrecht, Old Records, 25
Vaghan, Thomas, 197
Valerius, Maximus, 50
Van Praet, M., 37, 50, 51, 179
Vegetius, De re militari, 336
Vellum used for Caxton’s books, 103
Vento, Jeronimo, 160
Vérard, Antoine, 338, 355
Verso, meaning of, 168
Vienna, Imperial Library 235, 253, 295
Vignay, Jehan de, 174, 283
Vignoles, Bernard de, 223
Vins d’honneur, 27
Vitæ Patrum, 85
Vocabulary in French and English, printed by Caxton, 262
Wagstaffe, Bishop, 321
Walbrook, Watercourse of, 10
Walpole, Horace, 196
Warde, John, 150
Warwick, Earl of, 23, 27, 80
Watermarks in Caxton’s books, 98
Watson, James, 109
Weald of Kent, 1
Westminster, 70;
Abbots of, 74;
Wool-staple at, 77
Whitehill, Sir Richard, 22
Whetyngton, Quit Rents, 152
Wideville, Richard, 161
Wilson, Joshua, Esq., 331
Winchester, Earl of, 35
Windsor, Royal Library, 289
Winifred, Life of Saint, printed by Caxton, 301
Wright, Thomas, Mr., 305
Wool-staple at Westminster, 77
Worde, Wynken de, 45, 75, 94;
His blunders, 64, 66;
Various ways he spelt his name, 66
Wyche, Hewe, 28, 31, 149
Wyche, Richard, burnt, 12
Year. Old and new style of reckoning in England and Flanders, 56
York, Cathedral Library, 207, 210
Zanetti, 102
Zel Ulric, 44, 62, 63
Transcriber’s Notes
• Italics represented with surrounding _underscores_.
• Small caps converted to ALL CAPS.
• Blackletter (old style printing) represented with surrounding
~tildes~.
• Superscripts not available in Unicode represented with a caret and
braces if more than one character: Rob^{t.}
• Subscripts not available in Unicode represented with an underscore
and braces: Rob_{t.}
• The superscripted signatures described on p. 168 are not
superscripted in this text version. So, for example, 4^{ns} is
presented as 4ns throughout.
• The initial character of every chapter is an ornate illustrated
letter. No attempt to represent these is made in the text or
electronic book versions but is reproduced fully in the HTML version.
• Obvious typographic errors silently corrected. No corrections made
to any representation of original texts.
• Variations in hyphenation and spelling kept as in the original.
• Illustrations moved close to the relevant content.
• Footnotes numbered consecutively and moved to the end of their
respective chapters.
• p. 47 - The word “edition” in the table has been shortened to “ed.”
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