Niebuhr's lectures on Roman history, Vol. 3 (of 3)

By Barthold Georg Niebuhr

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Title: Niebuhr's lectures on Roman history, Vol. 3 (of 3)

Author: Barthold Georg Niebuhr

Other: M. Isler

Translator: Havilland Le Mesurier Chepmell
        Franz Demmler

Release date: March 27, 2025 [eBook #75732]

Language: English

Original publication: London: Chatto & Windus, Piccadilly, 1875

Credits: Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NIEBUHR'S LECTURES ON ROMAN HISTORY, VOL. 3 (OF 3) ***





                           NIEBUHR’S LECTURES
                                   ON
                             ROMAN HISTORY


              TRANSLATED FROM THE EDITION OF DR. M. ISLER,
             BY H. M. CHEPMELL, M.A., AND F. DEMMLER, PH.D.

[Illustration: [Logo]]

                     _IN THREE VOLUMES.—VOL. III._

                               =London:=
                      CHATTO & WINDUS, PICCADILLY.
                                 1875.




                               CONTENTS.


                                                                    Page
 POLITICAL STATE OF THE WORLD THEN KNOWN. LEGISLATION. THE WAR WITH THE
                                PIRATES.

 General review of the Roman Empire. Political state of the then
   known world,                                                        1
 Venality of the Courts of Justice, the _Lex Judiciaria_ of
   Aurelius,                                                           4
 Restoration of the tribuneship,                                       5
 War with Mithridates,                                                 5
 Lucullus,                                                             6
 The war with the Pirates,                                             8
 Pompey terminates the war against Mithridates,                       10


                            CATILINE. CICERO.

 Character of Catiline,                                               12
 Cicero,                                                              15
 Cicero chosen consul,                                                21
 The Catiline conspiracy,                                             22
 Its suppression,                                                     23
 Enmity to Cicero after his consulship,                               25
 Cicero’s kindliness towards young men,                               26
 P. Clodius,                                                          27
 Ptolemy Auletes,                                                     28


                            C. JULIUS CÆSAR.

 Biographies of Cæsar by Suetonius and Plutarch,                      29
 History of the youth of Julius Cæsar,                                29
 His character,                                                       31
 Impeachment of Cicero by Clodius,                                    35
 Cicero goes into exile,                                              36
 Is recalled,                                                         36
 Consulship of Pompey and Crassus,                                    37
 Distribution of provinces under Pompey, Cæsar, and Crassus,          37
 Pompey becomes sole consul,                                          38
 Death of Clodius. Banishment of Milo,                                38
 Cicero proconsul of Cilicia,                                         38
 Congress at Lucca, between Cæsar, Pompey, and Crassus,               39


                            THE GALLIC WARS.

 Cæsar’s Commentaries,                                                39
 The Books, _De Bello Gallico_, and on the Alexandrine war,           40
 _De Bello Africano_,                                                 40
 _De Bello Hispaniensi_,                                              40
 Expedition of the Helvetians,                                        41
 Population of Gaul,                                                  42
 Arvernians, Æduans,                                                  42
 The German tribes. Ariovistus,                                       43
 Cæsar’s conquest over Ariovistus,                                    43
 War against the Belgians,                                            43
 Cæsar’s treatment of the Usipetes,                                   44
 His war with the Veneti, Expedition to Britain,                      45
 Cæsar crosses the Rhine,                                             46
 Rising of the Eburones under Ambiorix. Insurrection of
   Vercingetorix,                                                     46
 Cæsar made prisoner by the Gauls,                                    47
 Cæsar’s treatment of Vercingetorix,                                  48
 End of the war,                                                      48


                   CIVIL WAR BETWEEN CÆSAR AND POMPEY.

 Situation of Cæsar at the end of the Gallic wars,                    48
 C. Scribonius Curio,                                                 49
 Demand of the opponents of Cæsar,                                    50
 Cæsar crosses the Rubicon,                                           53
 Pompey flies before Cæsar,                                           54
 Cæsar in Rome,                                                       55
 Pompey goes over to Greece,                                          55
 Cæsar goes to Spain. Siege of Marseilles,                            56
 Death of Curio,                                                      57
 Cæsar nominates himself dictator. His legislation,                   57
 Cæsar passes over to Illyricum,                                      58
 Defeat near Dyrrachium,                                              59
 Taking of Gomphi,                                                    60
 Battle of Pharsalus,                                                 60
 Flight of Pompey,                                                    62
 Murder of Pompey,                                                    63
 Cæsar in Egypt,                                                      63
 Insurrection in Alexandria,                                          64
 War with Pharnaces, King of Bosporus,                                65
 Cæsar return to Rome,                                                65
 Meeting of the troops in Rome,                                       66
 The African war,                                                     66
 Battle near Thapsus,                                                 67
 M. Porcius Cato of Utica,                                            65
 Cæsar appears before Utica,                                          69
 Suicide of Cato,                                                     69
 Juba,                                                                70
 The Spanish war,                                                     70
 Battle near Munda,                                                   70
 Cæsar’s triumph,                                                     71
 Cæsar’s last enterprises and plans,                                  72
 Veteran Colonies. Colony at Corinth and Carthage,                    74
 Legislation,                                                         74
 Increase of the Patricians,                                          75
 Cæsar’s desire for the title of king,                                76
 M. Junius Brutus,                                                    76
 Cassius Longinus,                                                    78
 Conspiracy against Cæsar,                                            79
 Murder of Cæsar,                                                     80


     STATE OF ROME AFTER THE MURDER OF CÆSAR. TRIUMVIRATE OF ANTONY,
                 OCTAVIAN, AND LEPIDUS. DEATH OF CICERO.

 Indecision of the conspirators after Cæsar’s death,                  81
 Cæsar’s will,                                                        82
 C. Octavius,                                                         83
 M. Antony,                                                           83
 Cicero,                                                              84
 Cicero’s letter to Brutus,                                           88
 War in Mutina,                                                       89
 M. Æmilius Lepidus. Munatius Plancus,                                90
 Octavius becomes consul,                                             91
 _Lex Pedia_,                                                         91
 Meeting of Antony, Octavian, and Lepidus on an islet in the river
   Reno. Triumvirate,                                                 91
 Proscription,                                                        92
 Death of Cicero,                                                     93
 Character of Cicero’s writings,                                      95
 Battle near Philippi,                                                97
 Death of Cassius,                                                    98
 Second Battle. Death of Brutus,                                      99
 Horace,                                                              99


 THE PERUSIAN WAR. PEACE OF BRUNDUSIUM. PEACE OF MISENUM. EVENTS DOWN TO
               THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM. END OF THE CIVIL WAR.

 Antony. Cleopatra,                                                  100
 Destruction of the Julian colonies,                                 101
 Perusian war,                                                       103
 Taking of Perugia,                                                  103
 Peace of Brundusium,                                                104
 Sextus Pompey,                                                      104
 War in Sicily. Peace of Misenum,                                    105
 Labienus,                                                           106
 Asinius Pollio. Munatius Plancus,                                   107
 Antony’s campaign against the Parthians,                            107
 Octavian takes up arms against Sextus Pompey,                       108
 Lepidus forsaken,                                                   110
 Battle of Actium,                                                   110
 Fight at Actium,                                                    110
 Octavian in Egypt,                                                  113
 Death of Antony and Cleopatra,                                      118
 _Feriæ Augustæ_,                                                    114


   ROME A MONARCHY. MEASURES OF AUGUSTUS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION OF HIS
                                 POWER.

 Monarchical power of Octavian,                                      116
 Octavian takes the surname of Augustus                              117
 Reorganization of the senate,                                       118
 Jurisdiction, taxes, army,                                          119
 Constitution of the provinces,                                      120
 _Ærarium_,                                                          121
 _Lex Ælia Sentia_,                                                  122
 Extension of the Roman franchise,                                   122
 Police,                                                             122
 Division of the town into fourteen regions,                         123
 _Præfectus urbi_,                                                   123
 The Courts of Justice restored into the hands of the Knights,       124
 Italy divided into regions,                                         124
 _Cohortes prætoriæ._ _Auxilia_,                                     125
 Increase of soldier’s pay,                                          126


                               LITERATURE.

 Perfection of the Latin language by Cicero and his contemporaries,  126
 Varro. P. Nigidius Figulus. M. Lælius Rufus. Curio. C. Licinius
   Calvus,                                                           127
 Sallust. Lucretius. Catullus,                                       128
 Valerius Cato,                                                      128
 Perfection of his metres,                                           129
 Dec. Laberius. Furius Bibaculus. Varro Atacinus. Asinius Pollio,    129
 Munatius Plancus. Hirtius. Augustan age. Valerius Messala,          130
 Virgil,                                                             131
 Horace,                                                             133
 Tibullus. Lygdamus,                                                 137
 Cornelius Gallus,                                                   138
 Varius,                                                             138
 Propertius,                                                         189
 Ovid,                                                               139
 Cornelius Severus. Pedo Albinovanus,                                140
 Livy. Dec. Laberius. P. Syrus. Valgius,                             141
 Greek literature. Dionysius of Halicarnassus,                       141


     PRIVATE LIFE OF AUGUSTUS. AGRIPPA. MÆCENAS. FAMILY CONNEXIONS.
                               BUILDINGS.

 Character of Augustus,                                              142
 Livia. Agrippa,                                                     143
 C. Cilnius Mæcenas,                                                 144
 Marcellus. Julia. Death of Agrippa,                                 146
 Tiberius Claudius Nero. Lucius and Caius Cæsar,                     147
 Buildings of Augustus,                                              148


    WARLIKE ENTERPRISES OF AUGUSTUS. HIS DEATH. GENERAL SURVEY OF THE
                                 EMPIRE.

 War in Dalmatia,                                                    149
 The Cantabrian war,                                                 149
 New war in Dalmatia, Mœsia, Pannonia,                               150
 War against the Alpine races,                                       151
 War in Germany,                                                     152
 Nero Claudius Drusus,                                               153
 Tiberius,                                                           153
 Marbod. State of civilization in Germany,                           154
 Revolt in Dalmatia and Pannonia,                                    155
 Quintilius Varus. Arminius,                                         156
 Battle in the Teutoburg Forest,                                     157
 Consequences of the battle,                                         158
 Germanicus. Agrippina,                                              160
 Death of Augustus,                                                  160
 Extent of the Roman Empire,                                         161
 Legislation of Augustus,                                            162


                                TIBERIUS.

 Importance of the Imperial history,                                 163
 Sources. Tacitus. Suetonius,                                        164
 Velleius Paterculus,                                                165
 Early history of the Emperor Tiberius,                              165
 Tiberius succeeds Augustus to the throne,                           168
 Mutiny of the troops in Illyricum and on the Rhine,                 169
 Abolition of the popular elections,                                 169
 War of Germanicus in Germany,                                       170
 Drusus, son of Tiberius, Germanicus,                                171
 Piso. Death of Germanicus,                                          172
 _Crimen majestatis._ Informers,                                     173
 Death of Livia,                                                     174
 Napoleon’s opinion of Tiberius,                                     174
 Ælius Sejanus,                                                      174
 Macro,                                                              176
 Death of Tiberius,                                                  177


                    CAIUS CÆSAR, OTHERWISE CALIGULA.

 Events of the childhood of Caius,                                   177
 His character,                                                      177
 Suetonius’ life of Caligula,                                        178
 Prodigality of Caligula,                                            179
 Expedition against the Germans,                                     179
 Buildings,                                                          180
 Murder of Caligula. The Republic is to be proclaimed,               180


                     TIBERIUS CLAUDIUS DRUSUS CÆSAR.

 Character of Claudius,                                              180
 Historical works of his,                                            183
 Amnesty. _Donativum_ to the soldiers,                               182
 Rule of Slaves. Polybius. Narcissus. Pallas. Agrippina,             183
 Aqua Claudia. Buildings. Draining of the Lake Fucinus,              183
 Britain becomes a Roman province,                                   184


 LITERATURE AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS. MORAL CONDITION OF ROME AND THE
                               PROVINCES.

 Influence of the Greek Rhetoricians,                                184
 The elder Seneca. The philosopher Seneca. Pliny the elder,          185
 Lucan. Quintilian,                                                  186
 Nero. Fabius Rusticus,                                              186
 Moral condition of the empire,                                      187


                                  NERO.

 Natural talents of Nero,                                            188
 Burrhus. Seneca. Agrippina. Poppæa Sabina,                          189
 Burning of the city of Rome. The golden palace of Nero,             190
 Execution of Seneca, and others. War in Britain and in Armenia,     191
 Insanity of Nero,                                                   192
 Rebellion under Julius Vindex,                                      192
 T. Virginius Rufus,                                                 193
 _Servius Sulpicius Galba_ proclaimed emperor in Spain,              193
 Emperor in Spain,                                                   193
 Galba’s march against Rome,                                         194
 Nero’s death,                                                       194


         SERVIUS SULPICIUS GALBA. M. SALVIUS OTHO. A. VITELLIUS.

 Dissatisfaction towards Galba,                                      195
 Galba adopts Calpurnius Piso,                                       195
 Murder of Galba. Otho proclaimed emperor,                           196
 Vitellius proclaimed emperor by the troops on the German frontier,  196
 Battle near Bedriacum,                                              197
 Vitellius becomes emperor,                                          198
 Rebellion of the Mœsian legions under Antonius Primus. The Syrian
   under T. Flavius Vespasianus. The Parthian under Licinius
   Mucianus,                                                         198
 The Jewish war. Josephus,                                           199
 Vespasian,                                                          199
 Mucianus,                                                           200
 Battle near Cremona,                                                200
 Burning of the Capitol. Murder of Vitellius,                        201


               T. FLAVIUS VESPASIANUS. TITUS. DOMITIANUS.

 Domitian,                                                           201
 Helvidius Priscus,                                                  202
 State of Gaul,                                                      202
 Rebellion of Civilis,                                               204
 Character of Vespasian,                                             204
 Execution of Helvidius Priscus,                                     206
 Death of Vespasian,                                                 207
 _Titus_,                                                            207
 Buildings,                                                          208
 Fire in Rome. Catastrophe of Herculanum and Pompeii,                209
 _Domitian_,                                                         209
 Paraphrase of the _Phænomena_ of Aratus,                            209
 Endowment for Rhetoricians,                                         210
 _Agon Capitolinus_,                                                 210
 State of literature. Statius,                                       210
 Condition of the army,                                              210
 War in Britain. Agricola,                                           211
 War against the Chatti, and other German people,                    211
 War against the Dacians,                                            212
 Cruelty of Domitian,                                                212
 Delatores,                                                          213
 Murder of Domitian. _Forum Palladium_,                              214


                 M. COCCEIUS NERVA. M. ULPIUS TRAJANUS.

 Nerva,                                                              214
 Adoption of Trajan,                                                 215
 Death of Nerva. Trajan’s accession to the throne,                   217
 Character of Trajan,                                                217
 War in Dacia,                                                       219
 War with the Parthians,                                             219
 Conquests in the East,                                              220
 Trajan dies at Selinus,                                             221


                    ART AND LITERATURE UNDER TRAJAN.

 Apollodorus of Damascus,                                            221
 Architecture under Trajan,                                          222
 _Forum Ulpium._ Trajan’s column,                                    223
 Later buildings, and castings,                                      224
 Literature. Tacitus,                                                224
 Pliny the younger,                                                  226
 Florus,                                                             227
 Greek literature. Dio Chrysostom,                                   227
 Plutarch,                                                           228


           HADRIAN. T. ANTONINUS PIUS. M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS.

 Adoption of Hadrian,                                                229
 Remission of taxes,                                                 229
 Outbreak of the Jews, under Barkochba,                              230
 Hadrian’s journey through the provinces. Love for Athens,           280
 Hadrian’s melancholy,                                               230
 Adoption of Ælius Verus, and of T. Antoninus (Pius),                231
 Foundation of Roman jurisprudence,                                  281
 Literature. _Lingua rustica_,                                       281
 Contempt for the old writers,                                       232
 Hadrian favours Greek literature,                                   282
 Gellius. Fronto,                                                    233
 African school. Apuleius, Tertullian,                               233
 Greek literature,                                                   234
 Lucian. Galen. Pausanias,                                           286
 _Moles Hadriani._ Hadrian’s villa,                                  285
 Hadrian as an author,                                               286
 _T. Antoninus Pius_,                                                236
 Wars on the borders,                                                236
 Insurrections. Earthquakes,                                         237
 Gaius. Sextus Empiricus. Appian,                                    237
 Manufactures of Egypt,                                              237
 _M. Aurelius Antoninus_, philosopher,                               237
 Stoicism. Junius Rusticus. Epictetus. Arrian,                       289
 War on the borders,                                                 240
 L. Verus,                                                           240
 War against the Parthians,                                          240
 Plague,                                                             241
 War with the German nations,                                        241
 Rebellion of Avidius Cassius,                                       243
 Death of M. Aurelius,                                               246
 Gellius,                                                            247


         COMMODUS. PERTINAX. DIDIUS JULIANUS. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS.

 Commodus. M. Perennis,                                              247
 Extravagance and cruelty of Commodus,                               248
 Murder of Commodus,                                                 249
 _Pertinax_,                                                         249
 _Didius Julianus_, one of the prætorians, aims at the sovereignty,  249
 Clodius Albinus,                                                    250
 _Septimus Severus_,                                                 250
 War of Pescennius Niger,                                            252
 Victory over Clodius Albinus,                                       253
 War against the Parthians,                                          253
 M. Bassianus Antoninus Caracalla,                                   254
 Julia Domna,                                                        254
 Changes in the administration of Italy,                             255
 _Correctores_,                                                      255


    M. ANTONINUS CARACALLA. MACRINUS. ELAGABALUS. ALEXANDER SEVERUS.

 _M. Bassianus Caracalla_, Geta,                                     256
 Murder of Geta,                                                     256
 Caracalla’s journey through the provinces,                          257
 Massacre at Alexandria,                                             257
 The right of citizenship given to all the subjects of the Roman
   empire,                                                           257
 Fondness of Caracalla for Alexander the Great,                      258
 War against the Parthians,                                          258
 Murder of Caracalla,                                                259
 _Macrinus_,                                                         259
 Julia Domna,                                                        259
 Mamæa,                                                              260
 Insurrection of Elagabalus,                                         260
 Macrinus conquered and beheaded,                                    260
 _Elagabalus_,                                                       260
 Alexander Severus adopted as Cæsar by Elagabalus,                   261
 Rebellion against Elagabalus. His death,                            261
 _Alexander Severus_,                                                261
 His rule. Domitius Ulpianus,                                        262
 Advance of the Germans. Downfall of the Parthian dynasty,           263
 The Persians headed by one of the race of Sassan,                   264
 War with the Persians,                                              264


 END OF ALEXANDER SEVERUS. MAXIMIN, GORDIAN, FATHER AND SON. MAXIMUS AND
                 BALBINUS. GORDIAN III. PHILIP. DECIUS.

 Mutiny against Alexander Severus Maximin,                           266
 Murder of Severus, and of Mamæa,                                    267
 _Maximin_ becomes emperor,                                          267
 Insurrection of the Gordians in Africa,                             268
 Death of the Gordians,                                              268
 _Maximus_ and _Balbinus_,                                           269
 Murder of Maximin,                                                  269
 _Gordian III._,                                                     270
 _M. Julius Philippus_,                                              271
 The thousandth anniversary of the city,                             271
 Of Philip’s having embraced Christianity,                           272
 Marinus,                                                            272
 _Decius_,                                                           272
 Spread of Christianity,                                             273


             STATE OF THINGS AT ROME. FINE ARTS. LITERATURE.

 Freemen,                                                            274
 Difference between imperial and senatorial provinces abolished,     274
 Art. Literature,                                                    274
 Jurisprudence, Papinian, Ulpian,                                    275
 Curtius. Petronius,                                                 276


   INVASION OF THE GOTHS. DEATH OF DECIUS. GALLUS TREBONIANUS ÆMILIAN.
                VALERIAN. GALLIENUS. THE THIRTY TYRANTS.

 Rising of the Germans in the Roman empire,                          277
 The Franks. Swabians. Goths,                                        277
 Combat of Decius with the Goths. His death,                         278
 _Gallus Trebonianus_,                                               278
 Æmilianus. Valerian,                                                279
 P. Licinius Gallienus becomes the colleague of Valerian,            279
 War with the German people. In Mesopotamia and Syria. Imprisonment
   of Valerian,                                                      280
 Death of Valerian. The thirty tyrants,                              281
 Odenathus. Zenobia,                                                 282
 The empire of Palmyra,                                              283


           CLAUDIUS GOTHICUS. AURELIAN. TACITUS PROBUS. CARUS.

 Death of Gallienus,                                                 284
 _M. Aurelius Claudius Gothicus_,                                    284
 Victory of Claudius over the Goths. Claudius dies of the plague,    284
 _Aurelian_,                                                         284
 Dacia resigned to the Goths,                                        285
 War with Zenobia. Longinus executed,                                286
 National development of France,                                     286
 Murder of Aurelian,                                                 287
 _Tacitus_,                                                          287
 _Probus_,                                                           288
 _Carus_,                                                            289
 _Carinus_,                                                          290


  DIOCLETIAN. LITERATURE AND GENERAL STATE OF THE THEN WORLD. MAXIMIAN.
                      HIS SUCCESSORS. CONSTANTINE.
 _Diocletian_,                                                       291
 Outbreak of the plague,                                             291
 Literature. Nemesian. Calpurnius. Lactantius,                       292
 Arnobius. New-Platonism,                                            293
 Character of Diocletian,                                            293
 Diocletian takes Maximian as his colleague,                         293
 New plan of administration of Diocletian,                           294
 _Galerius._ _Constantius_,                                          295
 Revolt of Britain under Carausius,                                  296
 Reduction of Egypt. Campaign of Galerius against Persia,            296
 Persecutions of the Christians,                                     297
 Resignation of Diocletian and Maximian,                             297
 _Severus_, and _Maximus Daza_, appointed Cæsars,                    297
 Return of Maximian. _Maxentius_,                                    297
 _Constantius_,                                                      298
 Licinius,                                                           298
 Death of Maximian,                                                  299
 War of Constantius with his colleague,                              299
 Battle near Adrianople,                                             300
 Wars,                                                               300
 Oppression of taxes,                                                301
 Change in the monetary system,                                      301
 Character of Constantine,                                           302
 His establishment of the Christian religion,                        302
 His cruelty in the last years of his life,                          303
 Constantinople,                                                     303


 THE SUCCESSORS OF CONSTANTINE. JULIAN THE APOSTATE. JOVIAN. VALENTINIAN
   I. VALENS, GRATIAN. VALENTINIAN II. THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. MAXIMUS.

 Constantine’s will declared a forgery,                              304
 _Constantine_, _Constans_, _Constantius_,                           305
 Magnentius,                                                         305
 Vetranio. Gallus. Julian,                                           306
 Gallus made Cæsar,                                                  306
 Julian made Cæsar,                                                  307
 His successes in Gaul and Germany,                                  308
 _Julian_ proclaimed emperor by the soldiers,                        308
 Death of Constantius. The bishop Athanasius,                        309
 Persecution of the Homoousians,                                     309
 Julian as a writer. His opposition to Christianity,                 310
 Revolt in Antioch. Misopogon,                                       312
 War against Persia,                                                 312
 Julian’s death,                                                     314
 _Jovian._ _Valentinian I._ _Valens_,                                316
 _Gratian_,                                                          316
 Breaking in of the Goths and Huns,                                  317
 Reception of the Goths in the Roman empire,                         318
 Insurrection of the Goths in Marcianopolis,                         318
 Battle near Adrianople. Fall of Valens,                             319
 _Theodosius_, colleague of Gratian,                                 319
 Campaigns with the Goths,                                           320
 Murder of Gratian. _Maximus_, emperor of the West,                  321
 _Valentinian II._ Arbogastes. _Eugenius_,                           321
 Battle near Aquileia,                                               321
 Rufinus. Division of the empire,                                    322


                       LITERATURE, AND FINE ARTS.

 Anvsonius. Epitomes. Grammar. Donatus. Charesius, Diomedes,         323
 Servius. Festus. Nonius Marcellus. Macrobius,                       323
 Ammianus Marcellinus,                                               323
 Rhetoricians. Marius Victorinus Symmachus. Panegyrists,             324
 Claudian. Merobaudes,                                               324
 Sidonius Apollinaris. Renatus Profuturus,                           325
 Christian Literature. St. Jerome. St. Augustine,                    325
 Sulpicius Severns. Cælius Sedulius. Claudius Mamertus. Salvian
   Prudentius. Pope Hilary,                                          326
 Pope Leo,                                                           327
 Greek literature. Historians,                                       327
 Eunapius. Priscus. Malchus. Candidus,                               327
 Architecture. Mosaic,                                               327


      DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE. HONORIUS. ARCADIUS. STILICHO. ALARIC.
 RADAGAISE. ADOLPHUS. CONSTANTINE. GERONTIUS. PLACIDIA. VALENTINIAN III.
 BONIFACE. AETIUS. GENSERIC. ATTILA. PETRONIUS MAXIMUS. AVITUS. RICIMER.
    MAJORIAN. SEVERUS. ANTHEMIUS. OLYBRIUS. GLYCERIUS. JULIUS NEPOS.
                      ORESTES. ROMULUS AUGUSTULUS.
 _Arcadius._ _Honorius._ Stilicho. Rufinus,                          328
 Alaric,                                                             329
 Stilicho conquers Alaric near Pollentia,                            330
 Restoration of the walls of Rome,                                   330
 _Monte Testaccio_,                                                  330
 Radagaise driven back by Stilicho,                                  331
 Weight of taxation in Gaul,                                         331
 _Bagaudæ_,                                                          332
 Conspiracy against Stilicho. He is murdered,                        333
 Alaric appears in Rome. Capitulation. Alaric for the second time
   turns towards Rome,                                               333
 _Attalus_,                                                          333
 Burning of Rome. Death of Alaric,                                   334
 Adolphus. Placidia,                                                 334
 Constantine in Britain. Gerontius,                                  334
 Maximus. Constantius,                                               335
 _Theodosius II._ _Johannes_,                                        335
 Valentinian III. Placidia. Boniface. Aëtius,                        336
 Boniface calls the Vandals into Africa,                             337
 The Donatists,                                                      337
 Genseric makes himself master of Carthage,                          337
 Piracy of the Vandal fleets. The Huns,                              338
 Aëtius. Battle in the _Campi Catalaunici_,                          340
 Attila in Italy. Founding of Venice,                                341
 Murder of Aëtius. Death of Valentinian III.,                        342
 _Petronius Maximus_,                                                342
 Pillage in Rome by the Vandals,                                     342
 _Avitus._ Ricimer. _Majorian_,                                      343
 Ægidius, Marcellinus,                                               344
 _Anthemius._ _Olybrius_,                                            345
 Ricimer conquers Rome,                                              346
 _Glycerius_,                                                        346
 _Julius Nepos_,                                                     346
 Orestes. _Romulus Augustulus_,                                      347
 Odoachar. End of the Roman Empire,                                  347
 _Fine arts and literature_,                                         347




                       LECTURES ON ROMAN HISTORY.




 POLITICAL STATE OF THE WORLD THEN KNOWN. LEGISLATION. THE WAR WITH THE
                                PIRATES.


The states of Europe at this time were as follows. The Roman empire
comprised, besides Italy, Provence and part of Dauphiné, the whole of
Languedoc with Thoulouse, and Spain with the exception of Biscay and
Asturias, although the more distant peoples there were less under its
sway. The war against Sertorius had thus far completed the subjection of
Spain: beyond were the free Cantabrians, a numerous nation composed of
tribes which were quite independent of each other. In Gaul, the Æduans
had the ascendancy; yet most of the peoples were without any bond of
union, utterly weak, and already overwhelmed by the German tribes.
Dalmatia and Illyria were subject to Rome; but her rule did not reach
far into the interior, and in the Bosnian mountains the natives still
kept their freedom. Macedon, of which the extent was the same as it had
been under its last kings, and Greece were Roman provinces. The
inhabitants of Thrace, and the tribes north of mounts Scodrus and
Scardus, were free.

In Asia, the Bithynian monarchy had been broken up, the last king,
Nicomedes, having left his realms by will to the Romans. Mithridates had
in Western Asia, Pontus and part of Cappadocia; and on the shores of the
Black Sea, his dominions were still wider: the north of Armenia, the
country north of Erzerum, Georgia (Iberia), Imeritia (Colchis),
Daghestan, and also the peoples south of the Cuban were tributary to
him; the Bosporus and the Greek towns in the Crimea were to all intents
and purposes provinces of his empire; his influence was even felt as far
as the Dniester, on the banks of which his supremacy was acknowledged,
and his connexions moreover reached beyond the Danube into Thrace, even
to the Roman frontier. The kingdom of the Seleucidæ had quite fallen to
pieces, the disputes about the succession, after the death of Demetrius,
having split the country into a number of small principalities which
carried on feuds against each other with great fury: at last, Antiochus,
a petty prince on the coast who could hardly keep his ground, applies in
vain for help to the Romans. The other districts, longing for peace, are
glad to acknowledge Tigranes as their king, who rules from the frontier
of Erzerum as far as Cœle-Syria, over Great Armenia, Mesopotamia,
Northern Syria, Hyrcania, Kurdistan, and part of Cilicia: his empire
yielded him very rich revenues. In the East, it bordered on the
Parthians, who possessed nearly the whole of modern Persia and
Babylonia; in Eastern Persia and part of Khorassan, the kings of Bactria
may at that time have been still in existence, unless the Scythians had
already conquered these countries. Media also did not perhaps belong to
the Parthians even quite down to the breaking out of Pompey’s war.
Indeed their empire was very loosely connected; the Parthian sovereigns
were in the full meaning of the word kings of kings, the provinces being
ruled by their once tributary kings. The towns on the coasts of
Phœnicia, and in Cœle-Syria and Judæa, were free: the princes
(tetrarchs) of Jerusalem, of the race of the Maccabees, were
independent, and even bore the title of kings. In Cœle-Syria, numbers of
such tetrarchies had been formed.

Egypt under the Ptolemies was confined to its narrowest bounds, from the
river of Egypt to Elephantine; yet it was very rich. Its kings had still
a yearly revenue of 12,500 talents, as they were the sole owners of the
land. But the state was exceedingly weak and disorganised, being under
the most wretched and contemptible government. In Asia Minor, the Romans
had of latter years acquired through P. Servilius Isauricus Pisidia,
Lycia, and Pamphylia: these countries had until then been free; the
first, since the war with Antiochus; the two last, since the settlement
of the Rhodian affairs. Part of Cilicia was yet independent, each place
by itself: here were the real nests of pirates. Cyprus was a dependency
of the Ptolemies, but under kings of its own.

In Africa, after the death of Jugurtha, there was another king of the
house of Masinissa on the throne of Numidia. His name, however, is
unknown: for the inscription in Reinesius, which is said to have been in
existence in the sixteenth century, and in which Gauda is mentioned, has
not as yet been found again, and is therefore very doubtful. In Sylla’s
time, a Hiempsal was lord of Numidia. The country was certainly confined
within much narrower limits than it had been under Micipsa, and before
the war with Jugurtha; but, it was still a kingdom. The province of
Africa was governed by Roman proconsuls.

The Scordiscans and Tauriscans, those Gallic races which had formerly
been so harassed by those who had sprung from the same stock with
themselves, were dwelling on the banks of the Danube; higher up were the
Boians, who were independent, and also the people of Noricum which was
already subject to the supremacy of Rome. The German tribes can at that
time have scarcely dwelt farther south than the Mayne; there was
probably a line from that river and the Neckar through the Odenwald and
the Spessart towards Thuringia. The boundary of the German nation in the
east cut deep into Poland.

Although the institutions of Sylla could not be overthrown by Lepidus,
yet there were many of them, particularly the transfer of the
administration of justice to the senate, so hateful from the shameful
manner in which they were worked, that even many of the well-meaning
among the ruling party abhorred them, and openly declared themselves
against them. The venality of the courts of justice was quite glaring:
we may learn what their condition was from Cicero’s orations; it was
such that honest men were ashamed of the vile abuse. To make the judges
independent, was therefore the great question of the day. But while it
was wished to wrest the jurisdiction from the grasp of the senate, there
was also, on the other hand, some reason to beware of the knights; and
therefore an expedient was sought for, to keep that immense privilege
from falling entirely into their hands. In such times, the line of
demarcation between the different ranks is formed only by landed or by
moneyed property; as soon as people want to generalize, there is no
other standard but this, although it is a thoroughly false one. Such a
classification then becomes unavoidable: Rome was on this wrong road, as
France is now. There was in that age, and very likely there had been
even as early as the war of Hannibal, a census fixed for the senators;
either of 800,000 or 1,000,000 sesterces, being at any rate more
considerable than the minimum of the _census equestris_. Now the _Lex
Judiciaria_ of Lucius Aurelius Cotta (682) enacted that a number of
senators, knights, and _tribuni ærarii_, chosen it would seem by the
tribes from people of a lower census than that of the equestrian order,
should in about equal proportions constitute the courts as a very
numerous jury (Asconius on Cicero).[1] This was a great improvement; the
judges indeed were still bad enough; yet they were after all infinitely
better than those taken from the senate.

Moreover Pompey during his consulship, with the acquiescence of Crassus,
made another great change. He restored the tribuneship to what it had
been, so that the tribunes might even again propose laws, it being
reserved to the augurs alone to interpose; besides which, the tribunes
were to be again allowed to get curule offices when they had served
their time, as had been the custom before the days of Sylla. Pompey saw
that Sylla had made a blunder, and he wished to root out the evil at
once, without being aware that it was only by going too far that the
mischief had been done: for it is ever the fault of men of moderate
abilities when in power, that they are always for running into extremes,
and keeping no bounds. But any essential reform was in fact impossible,
the tribuneship being a monstrous nuisance which it was necessary to
abate.

This happened during the consulship of Pompey in the year 682; the
further changes down to Cicero’s consulship (689), I leave until then.

The war with Mithridates broke out almost instantly after the death of
Nicomedes, many provocations having been given on the side of the
Romans: its immediate cause was the alliance of Mithridates with
Sertorius. He was completely armed for war, as far as could be done by
dint of money and great exertions. The rock on which his enterprise was
to split, was his having Asiatics under him, he himself also being one;
for Mithridates has been overrated in history. Whatever gold in masses
could accomplish, he achieved; but it was to little purpose that he was
ever sending new armies into the field, a thing which he was enabled to
do by spending vast sums: he knew neither how to conduct a campaign nor
to fight a battle. He overran Paphlagonia, and burst into Bithynia and
Cappadocia, advancing as far as Chalcedon in Bithynia, into which he
drove the Roman consul Cotta. His fleet had decided success; for he
chased the Roman ships into the harbour, and took them, The Romans had
still (it was then the year 678) the old soldiers of Valerius Flaccus,
who had now been there for about thirteen years: these men were quite
demoralized, their ranks were thinned by death, and their tempers soured
by their having been kept as it were in banishment. Mithridates
therefore, after taking Chalcedon and Heraclea, had the way before him
open to the most wealthy and powerful town of Cyzicus, a place which
maintained its fidelity to the Romans with the same determination which
it had already displayed in former campaigns. He had posted his troops
on the island upon which part of the city is built, being connected with
the mainland only by a dyke: from this island and from the sea, he
battered the town with all his engines. The people of Cyzicus, alone,
and without any help from the Romans, beat off all the attacks of the
enemy. In the meanwhile, Lucullus came to Asia. He was a staunch
partisan of Sylla, and of melancholy importance in Roman history: more
than any other Roman, he transplanted the luxury of Asia to Rome. He was
distinguished as a general, and as Cicero thinks so highly of him, he
must certainly have had some estimable qualities; but he cannot have
gotten his great wealth by fair means. Whilst Mithridates was besieging
Cyzicus, Lucullus took a very advantageous position in Phrygia, on the
Æsepus; and there, by cutting off his supplies, he put Mithridates to
such straits that he was forced to raise the siege, after which he was
no longer able to keep his ground any where. Mithridates indeed carried
on the siege of Cyzicus too long; yet he ought not to be blamed too
harshly for it, since the same thing has happened with generals of
higher name. All great generals have made blunders in their turn, with
perhaps the solitary exception of the Duke of Wellington. But the king
now at once retreats, vanishes entirely from our sight, and is in the
heart of Pontus whither Lucullus follows him. Here also Mithridates does
not know how to defend himself at all, or to make any sort of stand; nor
even how to impede the enemy when it was besieging the towns which, like
Amisus, Sinope, and others, bravely held out; nor yet how to relieve a
place; but he lets himself be driven out of his country, and throws him
self into the arms of Tigranes with whom he was allied by marriage. All
his great armaments, his hundreds of thousands of hoplites were
dispersed; all the most important towns of Western Pontus, the truly
favoured part of the land, were conquered. Lucullus now followed him
across the mountains into Armenia, and besieged Tigranocerta in the
Arzanene, in the district of Erzerum. The Armenian army was in the first
battle scattered like chaff before the wind, and Tigranocerta also was
taken after a somewhat better conducted siege, which, however, did not
last long. Tigranes fell back before Lucullus. Gibbon very justly
remarks, that under circumstances which seem unfavourable, the character
of a people will sometimes strikingly change; but that sometimes it will
only change in some of its features, and not in others. The Armenians
behaved on this occasion, just as cowardly as the troops of Xerxes had
done against the Greeks, and they had shown themselves the same at the
retreat of the ten thousand; but they afterwards improved so much, that
in the times of the Eastern Roman Empire, until late in the middle ages,
the Armenian soldiers were among the very bravest, and formed the flower
of the Byzantine army. Armenia is a very cold country, so that we can
still less account for the former cowardice of the nation, as Gibbon
likewise remarks: the Highlands of Armenia are much colder than Germany;
in the neighbourhood of Erzerum snow often falls as early as towards the
end of September, and quite commonly in October. Yet it seems that other
causes exercised their influence. In after days, the Armenians, since
the spread of the Christian religion among them, became very important
allies to the Christian Emperors against the Magians of Persia; and
still later they distinguished themselves by their enthusiasm for the
Paulician tenets. Lucullus went on as far as Mesopotamia, and took up
his head-quarters at Nisibis, the Zobah of the 2d book of Samuel[2] (in
the Vulgate, the 2d book of Kings), the seat of the Syrian kings in that
country; which from the times of Diocletian became the border fortress
of the Romans against Persia. Here Lucullus seems chiefly to have
employed his power as proconsul for the purpose of enriching himself. At
Nisibis, a mutiny broke out among his soldiers, headed by his
brother-in-law, P. Clodius: (Lucullus had married one of his sisters.)
This outbreak originated with the Valerian soldiers, who had obtained a
promise at Rome, that those who had served twenty years should have
their discharge. The actual period of service was in those days more and
more prolonged, whilst in the times of the younger Scipio not more than
six years of uninterrupted military service were exacted: the Valerians
therefore had a very good right to demand their discharge. Yet Lucullus
would not part with them; perhaps because he had not received the
necessary reinforcements, and was not able to let them go. Clodius on
this occasion played the mutineer, as he did during the whole of his
life. Lucullus, thus checked in his progress, was obliged to retreat to
Cappadocia: thither Mithridates again broke in, and he routed C.
Valerius Triarius, and reconquered the greater part of Pontus. An outcry
had already been raised against Lucullus, that he wanted to protract the
war for the sake of enriching himself; and now that the campaign was
unfavourable, he was compelled to yield the command to Pompey.

Pompey, in the meanwhile, after the conclusion of the war against
Sertorius, had conducted that against the pirates. These must have been
a nuisance of long standing; for the rough inhabitants of the coasts of
Cilicia had been sea-rovers for ages: even as early as the Macedonian
time, they are mentioned as such; so that they must already have had
their strongholds there. The coast of Cilicia was also very well suited
for this; for although there were some important and thriving towns,
like Tarsus, there, the people mostly dwelt in small fortified places as
at Maina. Formerly this coast land had been subject to the Syrian rule;
but when the power of the Seleucidæ was broken up in the year 630,
Cilicia became independent, and many robbers by land and by sea settled
there, especially in Κιλικία τραχεῖα. In the war of Mithridates, they
were encouraged by the latter to make prizes, and their daring was
beyond belief: Cicero in his oration _de imperio Cn. Pompeii_ (thus, and
not _de lege Manilia_ it is called in all the MSS,) gives an idea of the
extent of this pest. From the coast of Syria to the pillars of Hercules,
no man was safe anywhere; all the seas were swarming with the ships of
the pirates. Those whom they took prisoners they dragged into their
fastnesses, obliging them to ransom themselves; or else they sold them,
or tortured them to death and threw them into the sea. In Italy itself,
they sacked and conquered towns: they once even landed at Ostia whence
they carried off Romans of rank who were walking about the shore, even
prætors with all the state attached to their office. Rome depended on
supplies from Sicily and other agricultural countries, and as these were
very often intercepted, the city was in constant dread of a famine.
Allied with the pirates were the Cretans, who had, at all times, been
robbers like them by sea and land. The naval force of the Romans had
much decayed; whereas the pirates had a countless number of boats,
which, though small, were too strong for a merchantman. Pompey now
received the command against this enemy, and this is the most brilliant
period of his life. The fame which he acquired on this occasion is well
earned: his plan of operations is quite excellent. He surrounded them as
with a net in a battue, and hunted them out of the most distant spots;
then, more and more closely contracting his own fleet until he drove
them to Cilicia, he overpowered them in a battle, took their ships, and
reduced their towns, transferring the inhabitants to other places;
partly into larger Cilician towns and fruitful districts, where they
might gain their livelihood, and at the same time be well watched;
partly also into Greece, especially into the neighbourhood of Dyme, into
Achaia and the wasted countries of the Peloponnesus.

This was a benefit to the world itself: for this Pompey deserved the
everlasting thanks of all who dwelt on the coasts of the Mediterranean.
Standing higher than ever in public opinion, he was in consequence of
this popularity intrusted with the war against Mithridates. Nor had the
Romans ever reason to rue this decision, though indeed they made victory
much more easy for him than it had been for Lucullus, as he received
considerable reinforcements. Mithridates lost in one battle all that he
had regained, without the Roman arms having any great honour from it: he
fled to Colchis, and from thence along the roots of mount Caucasus to
the Bosporus. Pompey followed close at his heels, by what is now
Erzerum, as far as Georgia and the neighbourhood of Tiflis, and the
princes of that country did homage to Rome: one of the sons of
Mithridates, named Machares, who held the kingdom of Bosporus as a fief,
made a separate peace with the Romans; but when he heard that his father
was approaching, he laid hands on his own life. Mithridates, who in his
misfortunes, with eastern fury, freely vented his passions upon those
around him, now became an object of hatred; his servants and children
(of whom he had very many) trembled before him. Moreover, he had formed
boundless plans: having still a great deal of money, he now conceived
the vast design of going to Italy; and he wanted to stir up the Bastarnæ
and other peoples on the banks of the Danube, to league themselves with
him. When his soldiers heard of this, they could not but remark, that as
yet none of his undertakings had been successful; and so they broke out
into a mutiny at Panticapæum, being joined by Pharnaces the king’s son.
The outbreak displayed all the dreadful features of an eastern
insurrection; and therefore Mithridates put an end to his own life,
thinking perhaps that his son would not rest until he knew his father to
be dead. Pharnaces now made peace with Pompey, and he was not ashamed to
send him his father’s body: Pompey, however, had it buried with kingly
pomp. Pharnaces got the kingdom of the Bosporus and the neighbouring
lands, as well as the country of the Cubanians; and this he kept until
the later times of Cæsar: when, however, he ventured to mix himself up
with the civil wars (_se inserere armis Romanis_ as Tacitus expresses
it), he met with his ruin. Pompey now turned his arms against Tigranes,
who was glad to obtain a shameful peace by paying a large sum of money,
and by giving up all his possessions with the exception of Armenia: even
of this he had to yield a part to a rebellious son, but it soon came
back to him. Syria he had to renounce altogether: it was reduced _in
formam provinciæ Romanæ_. Pompey went as far as Egypt, and made himself
master of Syria and Phœnicia: one of his generals even reached the
country of the Nabathæan Arabs, where he received the homage of the Arab
king Haret. In Judæa, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus were contending for the
throne: Pompey declared for the former. Aristobulus was made prisoner,
and led a captive in his triumph; the town of Jerusalem fell into the
power of the Romans; the temple was held against them for nearly three
months, and then it was taken and pillaged, but not destroyed.

The death of Mithridates happened in the year of Cicero’s consulship,
the conquest of Syria in the following one: it is not certain whether
Pompey’s triumph was at the end of the year 690, or in the beginning of
691. Pompey’s behaviour after the conclusion of the war was
praiseworthy. He showed an _animus civilis_, and dismissed the whole of
his army: he might have tried to do just what Sylla did, and made
himself the tyrant of the republic. Of the extravagantly flattering
honours bestowed upon him, he only once took advantage, and that was at
the Circensian games. Thus far he behaved sensibly enough; but in other
respects, his conduct in peace was soon such as to belie the name of
Magnus, which had been conferred upon him by Sylla in war. His triumph
was magnificent: among the trophies, there was a list of the tributes
which the commonwealth had gained from the conquered countries. The
numbers of these, however, as given in Plutarch, seem to me rather too
small than too great: if we bear in mind the immense land-taxes which in
the time of the Maccabees came in from Judæa and other districts in
Syria, we cannot believe that these numbers can have been correct. It is
true that the amount of the new revenue was larger than the sum total of
all that had been levied until then; but it is also to be taken into
account, that Syria was one of the finest and richest countries in the
world.




                           CATILINE; CICERO.


We now come to Catiline, who, as an English writer says of Cromwell, is
“damned to everlasting fame;” a saying which is far more applicable to
him, as even Cromwell was an angel when compared with Catiline. In
Italian tales (in Malespini, for instance), he is so much the hero of
crime, and become such a popular character, that the vulgar corruption
of his name, which indeed is but a slight one (_Catellina_), has found
its way into the Latin manuscripts. I refer you for his history to
Sallust, who has written it with great truthfulness, giving every one
his due, and doing full justice even to Cicero, without heeding the
silly gossip of the people. He was himself, at that time, already a
young man and capable of observation; and he also became very soon
afterwards acquainted with the first men, such as Cæsar and Crassus.

Catiline, according to Cicero and Sallust, was indeed an extraordinary
being, endowed with all the qualities of a great man in such times: he
was of unequalled bravery and daring, and of giant strength of body and
mind; yet so thoroughly Satanic a creature, that his like is hardly to
be found in history, even though his oath, in taking which he drank the
blood of a child mixed with wine, and caused his conspirators to do the
same, may be but an idle tale. He had been a soldier of Sylla, and had
greatly distinguished himself in his days: he therefore found himself in
the same condition as the _Terroristes_ and the _Septembriseurs_ were
under the consulship, after the eighteenth of Brumaire. After terrible
civil wars, there remains for many persons who have allowed themselves
the greatest excesses, nothing but to return to bloodshed, even though
they have nothing particular to gain by it. It is altogether a doubtful
question, and one concerning which I have not been able to form any
positive opinion, what Catiline had in view. If we suppose that he had a
definite purpose, to attain which his crimes were only as means, his
object cannot be made out; but if crime itself was his object, then we
may understand his character. We have only to represent to ourselves
clearly the utter demoralization of that age: the anarchy of Athens
which is so much spoken of, was nothing in comparison to that of Rome;
it had settled down into forms of its own, and Athens was but a small
state. But in Rome there were some hundreds, or at most some thousands
of men, who were the masters of the world: these were divided among
themselves, recognising no law, no order, and striving by hook or by
crook to get their own ends, whilst the republic was a mere name and no
one paid any regard to the existing laws. There were, for instance,
heavy penalties denounced against bribery at elections, which moreover
had often been re-enacted and increased; and yet every body knew that,
except in extraordinary cases, as in that of Cicero, no one could be
consul at Rome unless he spent huge sums. The _Romani rustici_ had no
weight whatever: besides the men of rank, the rabble alone had still
some importance left; and it was employed by the leading citizens to
fight their battles against each other. In such times, even a man like
Catiline might in the eyes of very ambitious people seem to be a useful
tool; and the accusation against Crassus, a man of most middling
abilities, that he wanted to use him for his own ends, is to me not at
all unlikely, although Catiline, had he been successful, would have
certainly trampled him under his feet. If Catiline had any object at
all, it was perhaps to become a second Sylla, a perpetual dictator with
absolute power; and then he would not have troubled himself for anything
more. Two years before Cicero’s consulship, he had already intended to
murder those who were consuls at that time, and to make himself master
of the republic. We know him in his most brilliant light from Cicero
himself, the very man whom he hated above all others: for he says of
him, that he had a magic power by which he fascinated and enslaved all
who came near him; that it was not uncommon for young people, having
been attracted by his gigantic qualities, to attach themselves to him;
and that whoever had once been within his reach, had never been able to
get out of his clutches. Cicero himself had defended Catiline before a
court of justice. Catiline had been an officer of high rank under Sylla,
and afterwards prætor, and an action (_repetundarum_) was brought
against him from which he had a very narrow escape: it may have been on
this occasion that Cicero was his advocate. On the whole, people had
their eyes upon him, and his designs were dreaded, though no one had the
courage to face him: it was believed that he would burn and pillage, if
he once got into power. The most opposite characters, even many of
Sylla’s partisans, were convinced that they, just as well as any one
else, would fall his victims.

Cicero now stood for the consulship. Yet though his integrity and his
transcendent talents commanded general esteem, his prospects were but
poor. With the people indeed, he was a great favourite; but the men of
rank opposed him as a _homo novus_; prætor he had been already. The
well-grounded news, however, that Catiline and the conspirators meant to
murder the candidates for the consulship, and the belief that there was
no preventing the election of C. Antonius, an uncle of the triumvir, who
was greatly suspected of a connexion with Catiline, induced the nobles
to declare for Cicero. Thus he became consul in the year 698.

Cicero was born on the 3rd of January, in the year 647 according to Cato
(649, according to Varro, which is easier to remember, as it reminds one
of the year of Goethe’s birth);[3] he was a native of the municipal town
of Arpinum, from which Marius also had come. Arpinum was by no means a
small place; on the contrary, for a provincial town in the interior of
the country, it was very large and important, and it was also one of
those which are called the Cyclopian towns: now indeed it is only a poor
place. All the men of Arpinum undoubtedly were proud of Marius, an
impression which Cicero had shared from a youth, especially as there was
some kind of relationship between his family and that of Marius. His own
family was very respectable; in a petty feud in his town, his
grandfather was on the side of the _optimates_. His father and
grandfather were acquainted with the first families in Rome, and indeed
with the enemies of Marius, with Scævola and others of the
aristocratical party; so that the discord which runs through the whole
life of Cicero, takes its beginning even then. To Marius Gratidianus he
was also akin.

Of Cicero’s youth, we only know that he very early showed activity of:
intellect, and soon began to write. His first tastes were poetical, the
first things he wrote being poems in the old Roman form: (his “Pontius
Glaucus” was written _versibus longis_.) In his poetry, he had all his
life long the old Roman tinge, whereas his prose was altogether ahead of
that of his age. What the first teaching then given in the schools was,
one cannot quite tell: thus much only is certain, that instruction in
the Greek literature and language was one of the earliest subjects in
which youthful minds were trained; just as in Germany, in my time,
children had first to learn French. Cicero came to Rome shortly before
the outbreak of the Italian war, in his fourteenth or fifteenth year;
the reason why his father sent him to Rome, was perhaps because Arpinum
lay on the borders of the Italians. At Rome, he was much with Greek
philosophers and rhetoricians, and with the most distinguished men of
the republic: he was like one of the family in the house of both the
Scævolas, and was connected with Crassus and others. He came in a time
of the greatest excitement, which is one of the lucky circumstances of
his life. It is very doubtful whether he was what we would call _aide de
camp_ to Sylla: he does not mention the fact himself; at any rate, it
can only have been for a short time, and this military career of his had
no influence upon the rest of his life, as his was anything but a
warlike mind. He also studied civil law with the great lawyer Scævola:
young men would get leave to be present in the _Atrium_ of a
jurisconsult, to listen to the legal decisions and advice which he gave
there; just as in England one still learns the law to this day, and as
was formerly done in France, a way of studying which is of infinite
advantage for able minds. Although Cicero has been reproached with not
having a systematic knowledge of the law, it was not an empty word of
his when he said, “If I wished to get up the law, it would cost me only
a few months;” for he knew an endless number of cases in point.

If we compare Cicero’s veneration for his high born patrons, with his
affection for P. Sulpicius, whose political views were diametrically
opposed to those of his older friends, we are somewhat startled; but he
follows up the truth wherever he finds it, and we may recognise in this
the inward struggle of his mind. Those old gentlemen were very
respectable; but they had not highly intellectual minds: P. Sulpicius
was full of intellect, and as he was a partisan of Marius, there was a
closer bond between him and Cicero, who felt a patriotic enthusiasm for
Marius, and, when a youth, even sang of him in a poem. When the
revolutions began, he was in no danger from either of the parties, as he
was true-hearted and friendly to both; that of Marius protected him with
good will, and that of Sylla was not fierce against him: he was grieved
to see that the wrong was on both sides. Thus, although the distracted
state of his country well nigh broke his heart, he worked by himself,
making shift with a sort of neutrality. When the time of Sylla’s rule
began, he was in his twenty-seventh year, and had already pleaded
several _causæ privatæ_. The earliest of his orations is the one _pro
Roscio comœdo_, which is much older than is generally thought, being
several years earlier than the oration _pro Quinctio_, as Garatoni has
proved. The oration _pro Quinctio_ seems first to have drawn much
attention to him, owing to the boldness with which he defended his
persecuted client: still more did he gain the high esteem of the public
by the oration _pro Sexto Roscio Amerino_, whom Chrysogonus, a freedman
of Sylla, wanted to send out of the world. It needed a truly heroic
courage for a young man not to be afraid of this dangerous favourite of
Sylla, especially for one who was himself connected with the Marian
party. He carried his point; but his friends advised him to leave Rome,
that Chrysogonus might forget him. Thus he went to Rhodes and Asia, and
completed his study of Greek. What he was deficient in, was the
knowledge of mathematics, of which he had very little, whereas the
Greeks at that time regularly made them a part of their education.
Moreover, he never systematically studied Roman history, and its writers
were not to his taste. He was fond of poetry, yet only in a limited
style: his chief favourites in literature were the Greek historians
Herodotus and Thucydides; he was also well read in Theopompus, Timæus,
and the rest of these: he enthusiastically admired the Athenian orators,
in reading whom he felt called upon to vie with them. He had the
greatest facility for work, an excellent memory, readiness and richness
of expression, all the talents of a speaker. The predominant faculty of
his mind was wit, in which he was not equalled by any man of ancient
times: it was striking, easy, lively and inexhaustible, what we should
perhaps call the French manner.

As to his personal connexions, he seems in his youth to have been
without any bosom friend: it was only in his later years that there
sprang up that pure fine friendship with Atticus which was a true and
sincere union. His brother, for whom he had indeed much brotherly
affection and love, was a worthless man, and in no way whatever to be
compared with him. Nor was he happy in his married life, having allied
himself, chiefly at the instigation of his friends, to Terentia, a
domineering disagreeable woman, who exercised an influence over him
which strangely contrasts with the fact of his never having really loved
her; for on the whole, owing to his affectionate nature, he was easily
led by those around him. She egged him on to the most dangerous
enmities, as for instance, that of Clodius. The men of the oldest
standing all looked upon him with great esteem, but none of them had any
hearty love for him.

On his return from Asia, Sylla was dead, the troubles caused by Lepidus
were over, and a reaction against the tyranny of the oligarchs had
begun. Such a reaction has in its outset a peculiarly refreshing and
conciliatory influence; the most different persons agree, and become
friends. An example of this was seen in France, from the year 1795 to
1797, when men of the most opposite kind united in their endeavours; and
also in Germany, at the time when the people rose against French
tyranny: of ten who had then been sworn allies, there are now perhaps
not two together. The general feeling at Rome was against Sylla,
although his party had still the ascendency. This shows how they lost
their power: they resigned it themselves, being tired of it; just as the
national convention did, after the death of Robespierre. Very likely,
people at Rome felt at that time much more comfortable than they had any
reason for being: the danger without from Spartacus was so great, that
it was necessary to keep close together.

Although Cicero was a _homo novus_, and had not distinguished himself in
war, he yet resolved to obtain the highest offices. One step after
another was given him with the greatest goodwill of the people; and he
acquitted himself in the most creditable manner, not for the sake of
mere show, but from the bent of his noble disposition. He was thoroughly
a man of honour, far above even the thought of anything like meanness:
to put forth all his powers, and to display them most brilliantly, was
his generous ambition. The necessity of making himself conspicuous in
order to rise, was the source of that boastfulness with which he has
been so often reproached, and which perhaps he would not have had under
other circumstances. He distinguished himself by his accusation of
Verres, but yet more by his defences; whereas the other great orators
were always engaged as accusers. It is quite striking, how many he
undertook to defend; but he also pleaded for people for whom I could not
have said one word, but rather would have accused them. This was in many
cases to be accounted for by his kindliness of soul; as for instance,
there was in the defence of M. Æmilius Scaurus, the son, an apostrophe
to the father, that deep hypocrite, who, in his later years, it is true,
was really the worthy man that he had wished to seem in his earlier
ones. Cicero had personally much admiration for him, having been kindly
received by him when a youth; and it might perhaps have immensely
flattered him to be noticed by such a man. Scaurus was a _grand
seigneur_, the first man of the republic as _princeps senatus_ and
censor, and Cicero did not know him from history as we do. Thus I
confess that a certain great statesman, in whose house I almost lived in
my youth, appears to me in quite a different light from what he would if
I had not personally known him. Cicero may after all have been chiefly
led by the feeling, that he was sparing the manes of a man, who as it
were had inaugurated him for life, the grief of having his son
condemned. Vatinius he also defended, after having once pleaded against
him. Vatinius, however, was not that bad man which he would seem from
Cicero’s passionate speech; the latter had dealt his blows too hard.
Cicero had forgiven him, as he could not but pity him when he was in
such distress; and his gratitude to Cicero, as expressed in his letters,
shows him to have been no villain. Cicero thought it a dispensation of
providence, that he had power to take his part: the consciousness of
being able to give protection by his talent, was the highest delight of
his life. For having pleaded for Gabinius, he is indeed to be blamed;
but this was a sacrifice which he made to the republic in order to gain
Pompey over to the good cause, and it was very hard for him to do. For
it was the misfortune of that age, that to do good, one had to be
friendly to very bad people. It is a sad pity that this defence has been
lost; but the oration _pro Rabirio Postumo_ being a close continuation
of the same arguments, we may form some notion of that _pro Gabinio_; he
surely did not make out Gabinius to be innocent. The courts indeed at
that time were not juries, whose business is only to find out whether
the defendant is guilty or not guilty, and where a higher authority may
step in and grant a pardon or commute the punishment; but the
_quæstiones perpetuæ_ had come into the place of the former popular
tribunals, and combined both of these functions: they gave a verdict as
to innocence or guilt, and also had the right of pardoning. This latter
power must not be wanting in any state, _summum jus_ being only too
often _summa injuria_: as no one else had it in Rome, the courts of
justice themselves had to be invested with it. This is the point of view
from which we are to judge the tribunals and advocates of that time.
When Kant in his _Kritik der Urtheilskraft_ (Critical Enquiry into the
Faculty of Judgment) assails the eloquence and the profession of
advocate, he is in some measure in contradiction with himself; for even
on this occasion, he has written with the greatest eloquence when
inveighing against political, and still more against forensic eloquence.
Before our (German) tribunals, eloquence indeed is not allowable: the
question in our mode of administering justice being “guilty or not
guilty,” the Judge has to throw aside anything that might beguile or
mislead him. If, as has been often proposed, but cannot be carried out,
there were a board which had to inquire whether there be room for
pardon, a generous orator pleading for mercy would be very much in his
place.[4]

Cicero having thus passed through the quæstorship, ædileship, and
prætorship, was now, in his forty-third year, unanimously chosen consul.
It cannot be denied that, at the end of his consulship, he became giddy;
but he entered upon it with cheerful confidence, and the circumstances
in which he was placed were exceedingly difficult. The tribunes
everywhere abused their recovered power. The speeches against Rullus are
some of the most brilliant examples of eloquence, when he demanded a
small sacrifice from the people, and induced them not to accept the
bounty which was proffered them in the scheme for the division of the
lands. Moreover, when the sons of the proscribed (some of whom were of
the first families, and had become impoverished, inasmuch as Sylia had
deprived them of all prospect of office), had by the motion of a tribune
been given to hope that they might recover their honours, he persuaded
them _concordiæ causa_ to renounce them. The person who from the very
first withstood him, was Catiline. How Cicero was to be murdered; how he
discovered those plots; how he saw into the secrets of the conspirators,
without being seen himself; you may read in his own writings, and in
Sallust. Matters came to such a pass, that Cicero found it necessary to
attack Catiline in the senate; whereupon the latter left Rome, which was
considered a great advantage. He betook himself to Tuscany where one of
his partisans had gathered together some thousands of armed men, a
number of vagabonds and outcasts, part of them Etruscans driven from
their homes, others military colonists and such like. The accomplices,
however, who had remained behind in Rome were men of the highest
standing: among others was the prætor Lentulus, who had already been
consul, but had been struck off from the list of the senate _ambitus
causa_; so that he had once more to pass through all the offices,
beginning at the lowest, to be able again to come into the senate. As to
him, Cicero knew of his guilt for certain; in other cases, the connexion
was very probable, though it was never proved; in that of M. Crassus, it
was very likely. Julius Cæsar was also mentioned; yet Cicero believed
him innocent: it is my conviction, that he could not have engaged in
anything of the kind, the conspiracy being such, that this is not to be
thought of. To get such evidence that the crime might, according to the
Roman law, be _delictum manifestum_, Cicero made use of a stratagem. The
envoys of the Allobroges, who since Pompey’s return from the war with
Sertorius, were Roman citizens, and just then were present at Rome to
negotiate a loan, and to obtain relief, he persuaded to disclose to him
the offers made them by the conspirators: they were also to get the
letters of these to Catiline, and then to give them up to him. The
envoys being thereupon arrested, for the sake of appearance, by the
prætor Valerius Flaccus, those letters were found among their papers.
The punishment to be inflicted, was the question now mooted in the
senate. According to the Roman law, there was no doubt but that, the
identity of the signatures being proved, the culprits might be condemned
to death, and this was moved by Dec. Silanus: but Cæsar argued that this
would be a highly dangerous step; that great odium would be incurred by
it, as one would have to return to the former mode of wholesale
executions; that one should rather disperse the men, and keep them
imprisoned for life in different places. I believe that, if in later
years the question had been put to Cicero, what would have been best for
the republic, he himself would have wished that Cato had not spoken,
however honest a man Cato was: it was a misfortune for the republic that
those men were executed. That the events are here very much crowded,
must not surprise us; for the greatest things may happen within a few
weeks. On the other hand, it startles us when Cicero in the oration for
Sextius says, “what would have happened, if the conspiracy had been
discovered later, if Catiline had had time during the winter, and thrown
himself into the mountains?” This seems enigmatical; for those familiar
with Cicero’s writings, are aware that he designates his triumph as
_Nonæ illæ Decembres_, and in Tuscany it is certainly winter in
December. Yet this comes from the derangement of the calendar; just as
Cæsar also once betakes himself into winter-quarters in February.

Catiline had joined C. Manlius in Etruria. Cicero adopted the most
excellent arrangement. Q. Metellus Celer, who was posted with an army in
the _ager Gallicus Picenus_, marched to the northern slope of the
Apennines, to cut off the passes which lead from Fæsulæ to Rome. C.
Antonius, whom Cicero with wonderful cleverness had detached from the
conspirators, and had quite neutralized by giving up all sorts of
advantages to him, had likewise the command of an army; but whilst he
was ill, Petreius, his lieutenant, led the troops into action. Catiline,
as all retreat from Etruria to Gaul was cut off from him, was obliged to
accept the battle. He died as he had lived, like a valiant soldier: the
whole band fought like lions; they fell like the soldiers of Spartacus.

For this consulship, Cicero indeed got thanks for the moment; but
instead of gaining for him lasting gratitude, it only brought upon him
enmity and detraction. This is one of the saddest lessons taught us by
the observation of human affairs. It is quite natural for a
distinguished man to put forth his claims to acknowledgment; just as the
striving after truth is a deep-rooted impulse of our nature:—a true
saint, like Vincent de Paul, could alone have raised himself above such
a weakness. Plato justly says, “the last garment which the pure man
doffs, is the love of fame;” and when he does cast it off, he generally
stands on most dangerous ground. When I bethink myself of the crying
evil of our age, then I see with pain that there are so few who are bent
upon seeking deathless fame: this wretched unsatisfying life, which is
all for the present moment, leads to no good. He who yearns after glory
from posterity, is sure to be a good man; and even his own age also must
acknowledge, and must honour him. The only poetical genius among the
Germans now living, Count Platen, has a painful longing after renown,
and often speaks of his not being appreciated by the men of his day.
Cicero was of a morbid sensibility: if it is in the power of a great man
always to command and to act, he cares less whether he is honoured or
not; but if he is only able to command the souls of men, and not their
bodies, he is much more susceptible with regard to such matters. Cicero
was keenly, and even morbidly alive to anything like a slight; any
injury, or ill-will, any kind of envy upset him. Unhappily, he tried to
overcome this by putting himself forward to show to the people what he
was, sometimes chiding, and at other times remonstrating with them. They
were certainly the vainest of all men, who in the most highly edifying
language forsooth! have written on Cicero’s vanity: I am grieved at it,
as I love Cicero as if I had known him, and also feel hurt by the scoffs
which even the ancients already uttered against him. A source of great
heart-burning to him, was the mortification which he suffered from
Pompey’s indifference. He must have known very little of the latter
before he went to Asia, and they can only have met during Pompey’s first
consulship; on what terms of friendliness they were, cannot be known: at
that time, Cicero was ædile. Afterwards, Pompey was for the most part
absent, whereas Cicero was always at Rome. Pompey, full of his victories
over Mithridates, thought of no one in all the republic but himself; and
when Cicero wrote an unfortunate letter to him in Asia, in which he told
him of the events in Rome, to make him aware of what he himself had done
for the good of the country, he answered coldly: he took it as an
offence, that Cicero should have presumed, in the face of his own
achievements, to speak of what he too had done for his country. Another
motive were the aristocratical airs which Pompey was pleased to give
himself towards a _homo novus_ like Cicero, although his own ancestor
was but a low musician.

Hardly was Cicero’s consulship at an end, when he met with enmity. The
whole college of tribunes in the following year, with the exception of
Cato, was seditious: party names had no longer any meaning, and Metellus
and Bestia, who belonged to the plebeian nobility, were playing the part
of demagogues, and attacking him with the greatest impudence. His
oration for Murena breathes the inward quiet joyfulness, which, just
after his victory, made him happy for some time: it is by no means
appreciated as it ought to be, and least of all by those jurists who
have taken up the gauntlet as knights errant for the great lawyer
Servius Sulpicius. People never bethink themselves of the state of mind
in which the speaker is, but they are offended by trifling expressions;
a thing which has often been the case with myself. This went on for
centuries; no one understood how innocently Cicero here laughs at the
Stoic philosophy as well as at the lawyers.

In his later years, Cicero displayed much kindliness towards younger
men, whom he took by the hand and attached to himself; which was quite
different from what most of his contemporaries did, Hortensius
especially. Thus he behaved to Brutus, thus also to Cælius Rufus, a very
opposite character; Catullus he likewise knew, and was most kind to; nor
did he repel young men whom he found astray in evil paths, and whom he
mourned over: such was the highly gifted Curio, a man whom he tried by
every means to lead to better ways. In the epistles of M. Aurelius to
Fronto, the Emperor says, “We have no word for φιλοστοργία, nor have we
the thing itself.” This tenderness of heart which very few Romans had,
this fatherly and friendly affection Cicero possessed, and therefore he
was ridiculed as unmanly and soft: his mourning for the death of his
daughter, arose from this inward depth of feeling. He was not a weak
character; on the contrary, he showed in great emergencies a very
decided strength of will: but he was a most impressible being, and
easily upset; he needed “a nice and subtle happiness,” as Milton calls
it, and thus the _indignum_ utterly overpowered him. Friedrich Heinrich
Jacobi was reproached with vanity, irritability, and weakness; he was
just such a character, and in him Cicero often becomes clear to me.

The event soon happened which gave rise to the misfortunes of his whole
life. The root of the conspiracy was torn up; but many fibres of it had
still remained in the ground, and grew up again. P. Clodius was
descended in the direct line from old Appius Claudius, being the
youngest of the three sons of one Appius Claudius. The eldest of these,
who bore the hereditary name of Appius, was a good-natured man, very
superstitious, narrow-minded, and commonplace, though on account of his
high rank he was raised to the first dignities. There were also two
sisters, one of whom was married to Lucullus. Thus Clodius belonged to
the very noblest aristocracy: but mere nobility was no longer thought
of, and power was all that men cared for. In that profligate age, P.
Clodius was among the most abandoned: he is one of those persons who
have had most to do with the ruin of Rome. At the festival of the _Bona
Dea_, which, like the Thesmophoriæ, was celebrated only by women in the
house of the pontifex maximus, he smuggled himself in, in disguise, that
he might meet with Pompeia, the wife of Julius Cæsar; but he was
discovered, and tried for it. According to the true Roman law, the trial
ought to have been before the spiritual court of the pontiffs, where he
would undoubtedly have been condemned: but we see from this instance
that the real jurisdiction, except in cases which were strictly
ceremonial, must have been taken away from them. Clodius wanted to prove
an alibi, and had the impudence to call in Cicero as a witness. The
latter is said till then not to have had any quarrel with him, and the
fellow was so dangerous that he ought to have contented himself with
declining to give evidence; but Cicero, as we are told, to clear himself
with his domineering wife of all connection with that family, not only
bore true witness, but also gave free vent to his wit: he said things of
Clodius in open court which put him in a ridiculous light, and could not
but have caused his conviction. But Clodius had bought himself off from
the condemnation of the Judges; he had actually lodged the money for his
acquittal. For this day’s work, Clodius never forgave Cicero, and he
thirsted for revenge.

Pompey now came back to Rome, where he renewed his former behaviour to
Cicero, treating him not only with indifference but with scorn; and he
encouraged Clodius to undertake something against him. Clodius, having
now got a plebeian to make a show of adopting him, stood for the
tribuneship, and was returned. Such _transitiones ad plebem_ were quite
lawful: even in former times, no adoption would have been needed at all;
for one had only to go over to the _plebs_, as many patricians did, when
all that was required was that the censor admitted them. But people had
now no longer any clear notions in these things, and Cicero himself
impugns the validity of that tribuneship.

One of the atrocities of the age was now perpetrated. Ptolemy Auletes,
who on account of his utter worthlessness had been driven from
Alexandria, came to Rome; and there he bargained with those who were in
power about the price of his restoration. The people of Alexandria sent
a counter embassy with the most bitter complaints, to prove his guilt;
but Ptolemy was powerful enough, with the connivance of the leading men
at Rome, to have those who were of highest rank in that Alexandrine
embassy assassinated: Clodius had a hand in all this. His tribunate took
place in the year after Cæsar’s consulship.




                            C. JULIUS CÆSAR.


Cæsar’s consulship (693) is to be looked upon as the true beginning of
the civil wars; its date is four years after that of Cicero. He had not
been much talked of until then, although he enjoyed extraordinary favour
with the people; as yet Pompey and Crassus alone were powerful.—The two
biographies of Cæsar by Suetonius and Plutarch, are, strange to say,
both of them ἀκέφαλοι.[5] In the former, there is wanting besides the
real beginning, the dedication to the then _præfectus prætorio_, a fact
which we have known since the year 1812. With regard to the latter, as
far as I am aware, this has not been noticed before; but Plutarch could
not have altogether passed over his ancestors, the whole of his
genealogy, and the history of his boyhood and youth, so as to begin with
Sylla’s attempt to have him divorced from his second wife. For this
reason, we know hardly anything of his origin. The Julii were an Alban
clan, and therefore in the earliest times of Rome belonged to the
_gentes minores_: in the first ages of the republic they are often to be
met with in curule dignities; but from the fourth to the seventh
century, the _gens_ is no where to be found. Notwithstanding their being
patricians, they sided with the popular party. The sister of his father
having been married to Marius, Cæsar clung from a youth to Marius and
his memory; just as Plato did to the uncle of his mother. He was married
to Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, a union which Sylla wanted to break;
but Cæsar, in an age when all men trembled, showed already the greatness
of his soul, disdaining, as he did, to stoop and to forsake the wife of
his love. Her dowry was taken from him, as the property of her father
had been confiscated; and he had to put up with it: he had also to hide
himself; and though he was not on the proscription lists, he was closely
hunted, with Sylla’s knowledge, by what were called the Cornelians, and
he had to buy his life. He was at that time still very young, having,
according to the custom of the high born families, been married very
early; yet there was something so extraordinary about him, that even the
wild myrmidons of Sylla, and his most eager partisans, could not bear
the thought of sacrificing such a fine young man. It was only, however,
with great reluctance, that Sylla consented to his being saved from
persecution. Cæsar now returned to Rome; but with all his boldness and
determination, he was exceedingly guarded: it would have been happy for
Cicero, if he had had Cæsar’s circumspection. As long as Sylla was
alive, Cæsar, like an industrious youth who was going through his
studies, had his attention wholly given to literature; and the greatest
general of his age showed no military inclinations whatever. Nor did he
serve any military apprenticeship: when he went out as quæstor to Spain,
he at once took the command of troops; just as if among us, one who had
never learned the drill, were to lead a brigade. So likewise did General
Moreau, in his very first campaign, act at once as a general of
division; Frederic II. also had never been in any school of war. After
his quæstorship, Julius Cæsar became ædile, when he greatly
distinguished himself by the pomp which he displayed, although he was by
no means wealthy. But in these matters, he was very careless: to those
who lent to him, he gave a pledge in his heart, to repay the debt
tenfold, when once he should have come into power.

The opposite party were already losing ground in public opinion. He now
boldly set himself up as the head of the remnant of Marius’ party: thus
he made over his aunt Julia, the widow of Marius, a brilliant funeral
oration, the first which was ever spoken for a woman. And as the
conquering faction had unseemingly destroyed all the monuments and
statues of Marius, Cæsar one night secretly caused the statue of Marius
to be raised again in the Capitol, together with a Minerva which crowned
it, and an inscription in which all his titles were recounted. This
awakened such affright, that old Catulus was foolish enough to try and
stir up the senate to take steps against him; but he did it in vain, as
Cæsar was already too high up in public estimation. He then got the
prætorship, and in 693, the consulate.

If we place Cæsar before our minds with all his qualities, we find in
his character a great deal of openness and friendliness. He was a very
kindhearted man, though not affectionate like Cicero; he wanted to have
many friends, and there he was quite different from Cicero, who was very
exclusive: he was indulgent, and formed friendships with many who were
diametrically opposite to himself, and whose acquaintance was even
hurtful to his good name. He was free of all envy and jealousy of
Pompey, though he could not endure the assumed superiority of people who
were infinitely below himself. Pompey could not bear that Cæsar should
stand side by side with him, nor Cæsar on the other hand, that Pompey
should set himself above him:

             Nec quemquam jam ferre potest Cæsarve priorem,
             Pompejusve parem.[6]

His genius was most versatile: he possessed an unexampled facility and
power in all that could be done by intellect; he had an excellent
memory, together with presence of mind, and the firmest reliance on
himself and his good fortune, being confident that he must succeed in
everything. Owing to this great facility, most of his acquirements were
not the fruits of the toilsome drudgery of the school, but of the
cultivation and exercise of his great talents: thus it was with his
eloquence and his style. In the very fact that he owed nothing to art,
and everything to himself, lay the chief secret of his wonderful power.
He had made himself master of many branches of knowledge; for while they
interested him, he devoted to them all his energy and attention. He was
particularly remarkable for his acuteness and keen observation; and it
is certainly no small honour for grammar that Cæsar was so fond of it:
his work on analogy would very likely be as much superior to all the
grammars of that time, as his history was to all other works of the same
kind which are founded on personal observation. The same originality is
also manifest in his strategical talents: his sound, strong intellect
clearly marks its aim, and then finds out for itself the means of
attaining it. He was no intriguer; of all those plots which were then so
general, he knew nothing: on the contrary, he was the frankest person in
the world, which was the very reason why he was often so little on his
guard. Not a few of the arbitrary acts of which he was guilty, were
merely the consequences of a former want of caution, of frankness and
openness. His kindliness of soul, his mildness and humanity, he showed
after his victory in a manner which could never have been expected from
him; nor was there anything artificial in it. Augustus was an actor in
all he did; but Cæsar was always true and open-hearted. Had he lived in
times when the machine of the state was smoothly going on, and was not
yet rusty and disorganised, when it was still possible to govern the
republic with a strong, sound hand,—as for instance, in the days of
Scipio; or, had he been born on the throne, he would calmly have gone
through his career, and without destroying anything, have most
brilliantly reached the goal. But he was thrown upon a time, when as
Göthe says, “one must needs be either anvil or hammer;” and of course
the choice was not difficult. Cato might dream as long as he liked, that
there was still hope with the _fæx plebis_, and that the age of Curius
and Fabricius were not yet over; Cicero might trim and tack about in
this republic, if he chose; but Cæsar could not do otherwise than rule
the circumstances in which he found himself, and he had unremittingly,
untiringly to advance towards the mark which he had in view. That he was
unscrupulous in his wars, cannot be denied: his Gallic wars are for the
most part downright crimes; his conduct towards the Usipetes and
Tenchteri was shocking, and towards Vercingetorix deplorable, it was
dictated by an unhallowed ambition; yet he never did anything of the
kind against his fellow-citizens. His behaviour to the Gauls may indeed
be accounted for by what we know of the manners of the times. The ruling
party at Rome behaved towards Cæsar, not only foolishly, but with utter
injustice: they ought never to have hindered his offering himself from
Gaul as a candidate for the consular dignity. If they had allowed him
quietly to get it, matters would not only have gone on better than in
Pompey’s second and third consulships, but all would very likely have
passed off peaceably, and even perhaps beneficially for the republic.
Had it in any way been possible to find a remedy for the disorders of
the state, Cæsar was the only man to devise it, and to carry it out.

In his behaviour to Cicero, who during his consulship had offended him,
he shows himself to be a very different person from Pompey, though
Pompey’s vanity only had been wounded, whereas Cicero had everywhere
leagued himself with the enemies of Cæsar. Yet the latter did not bear
him the least grudge; but would gladly have taken him with him to Gaul,
and there protected him.

As to Cæesar’s style, everybody knows that there is no greater master
among prose writers in the γένος ἀφελές. The highest acknowledgment is
what Cicero says of his eloquence: it is _sermoni proprior_, the most
finished conversation of a highly educated man. Posterity has indeed
been more just to Cæsar’s genius, than his contemporaries have been;
Tacitus, however, discerned it.[7]

Cæsar was as a man possessed by fate, who rushed on with a headlong
impulse of passions, though always benevolent and amiable: he thus got
entangled in most unfortunate embarrassments. To this feature in his
character belongs his extravagant prodigality; not for his own
pleasures, but for the people, which made him dependent upon the rich,
especially upon Crassus, who advanced him immense sums. If during
Cæsar’s consulship, there had been a party which had wished honestly to
attach itself to him, and to rid itself of Pompey’s influence, his year
of office would have passed without a stain. It was in fact rather a
loss of time for him; as his real object was the province, which,
according to the custom of those times, he could only obtain at the end
of the year. Vatinius, who was then _tribunus plebis_, with a violation
of the laws which was become common in those days, caused Cisalpine Gaul
and Illyricum to be given for five years as a province to Cæsar; and to
this was afterwards added Transalpine Gaul, which at that time was not
yet a province. Pompey until now had had his province only for an
indefinite period.

Cæsar enacted several popular laws. He founded a colony in Capua which,
since its conquest in the Second Punic War, had always been in a strange
position: the buildings there, and the ground, were the property of the
Roman republic; the houses might be held on lease, and the land was
cultivated by hereditary tenants who had to pay the tenth of the
produce. The state, however, might resume these grants at pleasure, and
attempts had twice before been made to change the system: the former of
these was in Cinna’s consulship, on the motion of M. Brutus; and the
latter in that of Cicero, when Servilius Rullus brought it forward.
Against this colony, Cicero had already spoken on that occasion; and
when Cæsar now returned to the plan, he refused being one of the
commissioners for founding it: Cæsar resented this as a very bitter
personal affront, and the two were for some time estranged. Yet for all
that, they would have been friends again, had Cicero chosen to go with
Cæsar to Gaul. Cicero’s brother Quintus was with him there, and was
treated by him with the greatest distinction. Cæsar afterwards tried in
every possible way to show his good feeling towards Cicero; but the
latter was induced by his evil star to remain at Rome.

Cicero had a great deal of trouble with Cæsar’s colleague, a
narrow-minded and obstinate, but honest man. The next consuls, L.
Calpurnius Piso and A. Gabinius, were ἄνθρωποι ἀλιτήριοι: all the evil
that Cicero says of them is quite true. They bought of Clodius, by
letting him carry without hindrance his detestable rogations which were
to revenge himself on Cicero, the provinces of Syria and Macedonia: the
former of these was for Gabinius, who wanted to restore Ptolemy Auletes;
the latter for Piso. Clodius now impeached Cicero for having put Roman
citizens to death without trial; and yet, as we have already remarked,
it was a case of _delictum manifestum_, in which, by the _lex Porcia_,
no further judicial proceedings were requisite. There were three _leges
Porciæ_, the last of which had probably been brought in by L. Porcius
during the Social War. In former times, any one could evade the popular
tribunals by going into a _municipium_; but after the citizenship had
been granted to the Italians, the state of things was necessarily
altered. The question must now have been, whether men who were full
Roman citizens were at all liable to capital punishment for any crime;
and public opinion indeed seems to have answered it in the negative. By
the _lex Porcia_ therefore, either a Roman citizen could not be put to
death at all; or if it must be, it was to be done on the spot. According
to this, Cicero could only be proceeded against _quod civem Romanum
necasset_, but not _quod indemnatum Romanum civem necasset_.

All kept aloof: Pompey went into the country, and would not see Cicero
or his friends; Cæsar was in Gaul; Crassus had a bitter spite against
Cicero for having been mentioned in Catiline’s conspiracy,—as was
generally believed, with justice, but yet without Cicero’s having
anything to do with it, as this was said by one of the witnesses. With
the son of Crassus, however, P. Crassus, who was a very distinguished
man, Cicero was very intimate; and he loved him notwithstanding all his
father’s enmity. Cicero could not abide the day of his trial, or he
would have been lost: the _concilia_ were now in truth little better
than the rakings together of the dregs of the Roman market and streets,
and such meetings allowed themselves to be guided by a leader in any way
he liked. Cicero had therefore to leave the city to save his life. The
senate, bad as that body was, mutually encouraged each other, showing
great sympathy for Cicero. Clodius, however, followed up his victory, as
he saw that the government was quite cowed. He pulled down Cicero’s
houses; he destroyed his villa; he put up his property for sale, though
not a soul would buy it; and on the ground where his house had stood, he
built a small temple to Freedom. The place on the Palatine where it
stood, I made out within about fifty paces, and I was there often: in
the reign of the emperor Claudius, the house was rebuilt; but it was
burnt down again in Nero’s fire. Not only was Cicero himself outlawed,
but likewise all those who should give him shelter or abet him. Thus he
was not able to go at all to Sicily, the prætor there, with whom in
former times he had been on friendly terms, having allowed himself to be
intimidated: he therefore went to Macedon, where he lived with the
quæstor Plancius, who behaved to him like a brother. Clodius now kept
his word to the consuls. Gabinius and Piso got the provinces which he
had promised them, whilst he himself with the greatest shamelessness
laid hands on whatever he listed. This went on as long as his year of
office lasted. In the following year, public opinion declared so loudly
for Cicero, petitions pouring in from all sides, that he was regularly
recalled, and received with a triumphant welcome which consoled him for
the moment;—nay, he deemed himself happier than ever. Yet for all that,
his misfortune had made a deep impression upon him: the speeches which
he made just before the year of that calamity, especially that for
Flaccus his assistant in the affair of Catiline, are clouded with
anxiety, and with bitter grief at the reward which he received from his
country, a sorrow which even endangered his life; and this imparts to
them a peculiar interest. The very next year, that happiness was already
at an end. The internal condition of Rome became worse and worse. Pompey
fell out with Clodius, and showed himself friendly to Cicero. Pompey and
Crassus now wanted to be consuls, against the wishes of all _viri boni_;
and they carried their point, as Saturninus and Glaucia once did. To
intimidate Domitius, Cato’s brother-in-law, who likewise stood for the
consulship, they had him waylaid early in the morning, as he was going
home, and his servant, who went before him with a torch, stabbed before
his eyes; thus showing him what he was threatened with, and warning him
to withdraw from his competition: he was forced to give way.

Now that these two pillars of the aristocracy had thus become consuls,
they managed, by means of a _Lex Trebonia_, to have provinces granted
them. From this time, the _gentes_ of the Italians are met with more and
more in the Fasti. Trebonius is a Lucanian name: to the same class
belong men like Asinius Pollio, Munatius Plancus, and others, who
likewise came from Italian towns. The Trebonian law gave Spain with the
legions quartered there, to Pompey for five years; and to Crassus, the
war against the Parthians. This time, sin was its own punishment: for
Crassus found his death in that war, and Pompey also was brought by this
illegal measure to his fall. To gain the consent of Cæsar, the
possession of his own province was prolonged to him likewise for five
years. It is a melancholy fact, that Cicero felt obliged from his
experience to speak in favour of this assignment, thus making a painful
sacrifice to necessity.

The anarchy and confusion daily increased. In the year 701, the
elections were stopped, and what had never been done before, Pompey was
elected sole consul. While in this capacity, he brought in several laws,
especially concerning the _res judiciaria_, the details of which,
however, cannot be made out: thus much is known, that the number of the
knights from which the jury was taken was considerably increased, and
the pleadings extended. There was also a law passed against _ambitus_,
which indeed is a ridiculous one; but it was only intended to check
those cases which were too gross.

It was shortly before this consulship of Pompey, that Annius Milo, who
was of an old Roman Syllanian[8] family, and the deadly enemy of Clodius
met the latter on the road from Rome to what is now Albano. Each of
them, as was then the custom of men of rank, was accompanied by a great
retinue; and in the scuffle which then arose, Clodius was mortally
wounded. On this, a dreadful tumult broke out, and Milo was arraigned as
a murderer. Pompey was against Milo, whose consulship he wished to
prevent; he therefore sided with the party of Clodius, and took such
measures, that Cicero, when pleading for Milo, for the first and only
time, lost his presence of mind. Milo had to go as an exile to
Marseilles: he returned from thence during Cæsar’s war, and perished,
having engaged in an insurrection against the latter.

Thus far goes on the history to the tenth year of Cæsar’s proconsulship:
he now stood for the consulship, and was thwarted in this by all sorts
of sophisms and cabals. During the last years, Cicero had been forced
against his will to accept the proconsulship of Cilicia. It was a very
dangerous position: on the one hand, he was afraid of the country being
overrun by the Parthians, who since the death of Crassus had been let
loose; and on the other, he could not bear to live in an out-of-the-way
corner, where even the rudiments of Greek learning were hardly to be met
with, and the gentry themselves had only a short time before been
captains of pirates. The overthrow of Crassus happened in the fifth year
of Cæsar’s proconsulship.

The peace between Pompey and Cæsar, which lasted during the absence of
the latter, was made in a congress at Lucca between Cæsar, Pompey, and
Crassus, all three of whom came thither with a strong body of followers,
and settled about the fate of the commonwealth. If may be imagined what
must have been the condition of a state in which such things could have
happened. Pompey then married Cæsar’s daughter Julia, who, however, died
not long afterwards in child-bed: her infant daughter soon followed her.
This broke again the connexion: had it lasted, Cæsar would certainly not
have undertaken any war. He was a man of so much heart, that he would no
doubt have rather borne with anything, if by the war his daughter and
grand-daughter were at all likely to be injured.




                            THE GALLIC WARS.


Cæsar’s Commentaries and Hirtius’ supplements are written with such
conciseness and terseness, that to abridge them still more would leave
nothing but a reduced miniature outline; and therefore I refer you to
the work itself. The oftener one reads them, the more one recognises the
hand of a great master. There remains, however, much to be done for him:
a critical edition is much wanted. With regard to the Gallic war much
good is to be expected; not only from the manuscripts already collated,
of which there are many, but also from those not yet collated, the
number of which is still greater. The Italian ones, especially those at
Florence and in the Vatican, are some of them very old, and have for the
most part not yet been made use of; the English ones, the majority of
which have been collated, are of very inferior value. The manuscripts of
the books _De Bello Gallico_ are not to be traced to one single family,
as is the case with those _De Bello Civili_: in these little is to be
gathered from the collations; the same gaps are found in all of them,
and they are likewise ἀκέφαλοι, the first words being patched in, in the
later times of the middle ages, to hide the defect a little. Davis and
Oudendorp were very well aware of this. As for the other books, I put
them up some time ago as the subject for a prize essay, but without
success: I will tell you my opinion about them. The appended book on the
Alexandrine war, and the last on the Gallic war, in their style and
manner evidently betray the same author, that is, A. Hirtius, a most
accomplished man, to whom we may certainly give the credit of something
so sterling. To think of Pansa is quite preposterous. It is one of the
most excellent works which we have in the range of Latin literature; the
language is most highly classical, being the Latin then spoken by the
first men of the day. Very different is the book _De Bello Africano_,
which I unhesitatingly ascribe to C. Oppius. It is indeed clever,
written by a very good officer, and thoroughly trustworthy; but the
style is much less elegant. Oppius was the companion of Cæsar in all his
wars, and one of his dearest friends. Once, while on a journey, they
both put up for the night at the same cottage, when, Oppius being ill,
Cæsar gave up to him the only disposable room in the house, and he
himself slept in the passage. Such traits are quite unstudied, showing
us Cæsar as he really was. Who wrote the book _De Bello Hispaniensi_,
heaven knows; certainly a man who did not belong to good society, its
language being the genuine vulgar idiom of the common Roman soldier: it
is an extract from the diaries which a dull fellow kept during the war,
and it is a curious and odd performance of its kind.

When Cæsar came to Gaul, the country was in great commotion. Languedoc,
Provence, and only since a short time, Dauphiné also and Savoy, were
subject to the Roman sway; the Allobroges called for Cæsar’s protection
against the inroads of the Helvetians. This is one of the strangest
events in the whole of antiquity. A man of high rank prevails upon the
whole of the nation to break up, and to conquer new abodes in the then
distracted land of Gaul, promising to lead them into fine countries
where they might live like gentlemen, whilst the conquered people were
to till the fields. He might perhaps have felt some dread at the spread
of the Sueves in the Alps, as they would have been obliged to defend
themselves against them at a disadvantage, or have to place themselves
under the protection of Rome. Such a thought as this conceived by an
individual is not a thing quite so unheard of; but that he could have
made the whole nation destroy its towns and villages, and that after his
death, they still followed up his plan, is certainly surprising. Yet
they did it, and marched with the Tigurini into Southern Gaul. How Cæsar
now negotiated with the Helvetians; how he blocked up their road to the
Roman province, and having beaten them in two battles, obliged them,
after a terrible slaughter in which the Romans revenged themselves on
the Tigurini for the Cimbric devastations, to capitulate to him; is not
only generally known, but also told very circumstantially in the first
book of the Commentaries. The power of the Helvetians having been
broken, the remnant returned to their home: it was an awful end of a
fantastic scheme. What may be said to explain and excuse it, is the then
situation of Gaul, which, quite different from the present compact
country of France, was parcelled out among a great number of distinct
tribes. One must distinguish the Aquitanians, who were Iberians, in
Guienne; the mingled Iberians and Celts, in Languedoc; the mixture of
Celts and Ligurians on the Rhone; the Ligurians on the coast of
Provence; and further in the interior of France, the Celts or Gauls. Yet
all the people between the Garonne in the south, and the Seine and the
Marne in the north, were not Celts: there certainly were Cymri or
Belgians already in Basse Bretagne. Their alleged emigration from
Britain in the fifth century is fabulous. These Cymri were strangers to
the true Gael or Celts. It is not surprising that they kept their ground
in Brittany; for originally they had their abodes all along the north of
the Seine and the Marne, but were afterwards severed from each other by
the Celts, who pushed on from the south to the north.

In the remaining parts of free Gaul, the Arvernians were of old the
ruling people; all the rest were dependent upon them, even as the
nations of the Peloponnesus were on Sparta. And just as afterwards in
Greece, Athens put up for the hegemony; so likewise the Æduans rose by
the side of the Arvernians, being encouraged by the Romans, who were
true to their policy of dividing: they sided with the Romans in the war
which, in the year 631, the Allobroges and the Arvernians waged so
disastrously against Rome. It was then that the Æduans got the name of
brothers and friends of the Roman people, and they grew powerful at the
expense of the Arvernians. They were now great for some time; but at
length the Sequani rose in Franche Comté, and on this occasion a German
tribe, the Sueves, burst into Gaul: the Arvernians never raised their
heads again. Gaul was an exhausted wretched country. Owing to the many
emigrations which there had been, its population may have dwindled;
although, on the whole, emigrations, if they be not too extensive, will
not weaken a country, even if they have drained it of two-thirds of its
inhabitants, as the loss will be made up in about seventy to eighty
years. What may have then induced the German tribes to cross the Rhine,
is buried from us in the night of oblivion. Very likely, even before the
Gallic conquest, they had once their dwellings as far as the Alps: in
the Valais, according to Livy, ere yet the Gauls had settled there,
there were Germans who must have been overpowered by the Celts: as
conquerors, the Germans never came thither. Ariovistus, who was in the
country of the Sequani, took for his Sueves part of the arable land,
some of which they tilled themselves, and the rest they made the
conquered inhabitants farm for them: this policy was afterwards always
followed by the Germans. Against him, the Æduans and the Sequani called
upon the aid of the Romans, and it was the very difficulty of the
enterprise which emboldened Cæsar to engage in it. Situated as he was,
he ought not to have done it; for the year before his consulship,
Ariovistus had actually been acknowledged by the Roman people as a
sovereign king. Cæsar marched against him notwithstanding, and won a
decisive victory near Besançon: most of the Sueves were destroyed, and
the remnant again crossed the Rhine, whither Cæsar at that time was too
wise to follow them. There was now, not only the whole country of the
Gauls beyond the Alps under his rule, but also Cisalpine Gaul, down to
the frontier of the Romagna; Illyricum, as far as Macedon; and on the
side of the Barbarians, quite boundless tracts. Here he had seven
legions, and all the auxiliaries he could get from the allies. We of
course hear no more of real _socii_, but merely of _auxilia_, which were
quite a different thing: the _socii_ were armed in the Roman manner, and
were true legions; whilst the _auxilia_ were formed into cohorts, and
for the most part retained their national weapons.

There must now have been something which led the Belgians to dread that
Cæsar would attack them: from his Commentaries, it appears as if the
Gallic peoples had always been mistrustful and ill-disposed, without any
reason at all. All the Belgians between the Seine, the Marne, and the
Rhine, with the exception of the Remi—who were the most distinguished
among them—were arrayed in arms against the Romans. I suppose that the
Remi intrigued with these last, that they might thus get the other
Belgian tribes under their clientship. The weakness of the Gallic and
Belgian nations lay in their not having a free population: they had only
priests (Druids), knights, and serfs. These last on many occasions could
not forget that they were fighting only for their masters, and not for
their country, although they often indeed behaved bravely;—sometimes
they even fought with the courage of lions, but there was no
steadfastness in it. Of a people like the Nervians, one might almost
surmise that they had no serfs. This Belgian war Cæsar decided in two
battles, on the Aisne and on the Sombre; whereupon he invaded Brabant,
then the country of the Nervians. They stood their ground most nobly,
but yet they were almost entirely exterminated.

The Æduans and the Arvernians now silently acknowledged the supremacy of
the Romans; and most of the peoples of Gaul, as far as the Ocean, were
completely subdued. Cæsar was already spreading his troops in extensive
winter-quarters among the Belgians, from whom he expected to meet with a
stouter resistance. Thus he got into collision with the Germans, the
Usipetes and the Tenchteri, having crossed the Rhine, and made war
against the Belgians on the Meuse. Ever ready to take advantage of such
an opportunity, he fell upon them; and here he committed the worst act
of his life. Having entered into negotiations with these tribes, he got
their chiefs to come to him, threw them into prison, and then attacked
the host which he had thus deprived of its leaders—a base deed which he
tries in vain to justify. This business was brought before the senate.
Cato was for having Cæsar given up to the Germans as one who had broken
the law of nations, a motion which of course came to nothing.

He also turned himself against the Veneti in Brittany, a seafaring
people at the mouth of the Loire: on this river, he built a fleet with
which he overpowered them. The whole of this campaign was conducted by
him with remarkable skill; yet here also, as in the whole of the Gallic
war, he behaved with great cruelty. Soon afterwards, he went on his
first expedition to Britain, where the tin mines of Cornwall had already
been known for ages. Tin is even now chiefly brought from England and
the East Indies (from the peninsula of Malacca and the island of Banca);
a little only is found in the Hartz and the Erzgebirge. The Phœnicians
did not fetch it from India. An immense quantity of tin was used in
ancient times, as it was by an alloy with it that copper was made
fusible. Brass was only of late invention, considerably later than
bronze, for the founding of which, however, tin is required. Bronze is
very old indeed, being met with in the temple of Solomon, and even in
the tabernacle of Moses already. The trade in tin was carried on through
a twofold channel; either by Cadiz, which was by sea the whole way, or
else by land, through Narbonne and Nantes. About the rest of Britain
nobody cared. The country at that time was thought at Rome to be quite
inaccessible, and Cæsar became smitten with the fancy of conquering
these untrodden lands. Booty there was little to be gained in that
undertaking, as he did not go near the tin districts, and Kent and
Sussex, which he invaded, were very poor: the Romans are said to have
found there neither gold nor silver, whereas in Gaul there was a good
deal of money in circulation. He nearly lost his ships, which, being
badly built, could hardly make their way in these foreign seas: the ebb
and flow of the tides, especially the strong tides of the Channel, was
what the Romans knew nothing about. After having defeated the half-naked
and badly-armed barbarians, he made their seeming submission a pretext
for going away again. A second expedition was as unsuccessful: yet he
penetrated beyond the Thames, above London, very likely to the
neighbourhood of Windsor, got some hostages, and returned. Scarcely,
however, had he left the island, when that show of obedience ceased.

Twice also did Cæsar cross the Rhine, and that in our own neighbourhood,
against the Sigambri and the Sueves; both times, however, without
obtaining any advantage. Yet that it was possible to advance so far into
those wild forests, is much to be wondered at: as the _Westerwald_ is in
fact the western part of that immense tract of forests, which reached to
the heart of Poland, and for some time formed the southern border of the
Germans against the Celts. Ambition only could have led Cæsar to seek
for conquests in those countries.

While Cæsar was in Britain, the oppression of the Romans, and the
lawlessness of the soldiers, caused the grand rising of the Eburones
under Ambiorix: this was the most propitious undertaking which this
people could have attempted. A whole legion under L. Titurius was
annihilated, and another under Q. Cicero nearly so. Had not Cæsar given
up his somewhat Quixotic expedition to Britain, Q. Cicero would even
have been utterly lost; luckily, however, he returned. On the other
hand, the Aquitanians were conquered by Crassus; and thus Cæsar, in the
beginning of the seventh year of his proconsulship, was master of the
whole of Gaul. An insurrection then broke out which had been long
brewing, that of Vercingetorix, and among those tribes which until then
had always been faithful to the Romans. This war, from its vastness,
from the rage and dogged determination of the Gauls, and also on account
of Cæsar’s great generalship in it, highly deserves indeed to be read.
Cæsar here overcame, by sheer superiority of talent, armies which far
outnumbered his own. Headed by the Æduans and Arvernians, who, before
that had always been jealous of each other,—the Æduans, however, rose
somewhat later,—the peoples from the Saone to the Ocean, and from the
Loire to the Cevennes, were in open revolt: the Arvernian Vercingetorix
showed himself worthy of the choice which his nation had made of him.
The outbreak of the war was attended with barbarity and cruelty: in
Genabum, the present Orleans, all the Romans who happened to be there,
were massacred. Cæsar was then in the north of Gaul; but he instantly
started for the south, the Belgians in his rear remaining perfectly
still. He reduced Orleans and avenged the murder of the Romans, and he
also took Bourges, after a long siege and a very brave defence: then he
penetrated into what is now Auvergne. Near Gergovia, above Clermont, the
war was for some time at a stand. Cæsar himself suffered a defeat, in
which he lost a legion, and found himself obliged to raise the siege.
The Æduans also having now risen, the seat of war was transferred to
Alesia, between Autun and Langres, in their country. This town, into
which many thousand Gauls had thrown themselves, Cæsar besieged with the
utmost skill: on the other hand, he was pressed upon by the great
Vercingetorix with a powerful army. In one of those skirmishes which
took place in many points with varying success, Cæsar was once made
prisoner by the Gauls; but good luck, or rather providence, which had
destined him to great things, enabled him to escape owing to the folly
of a Gaul. This was the account which Cæsar himself gave of this
matter.[9] But it is much more likely, that just as Napoleon, in May
1800, bribed an Austrian patrol into the hands of which he had fallen
when reconnoitring, Cæsar also got off by offering money to a Gallic
soldier. If he told the man that he would give him a million, the fellow
would be sure to let him go free, as Vercingetorix would at most have
given him a dram. When, however at last the war was protracted, and the
famine in Alesia had risen to the highest, so that the troops of the
Gauls became discontented and deserted; Vercingetorix had the nobleness
of mind to stand forth in the city, and say, “that they should yield him
up on condition that their lives were spared.” This stamps him as one of
the greatest men of antiquity. He went and gave himself up to Cæsar, who
again behaved vilely. Though Cæsar ought to have been more than a common
Roman, and to have treated him generously, sending him to a _libera
custodia_; he bound him in chains, kept him for his triumph, and then
had him put to death. This is one of those stains from which indeed
Cæsar is not free.

After this, there were still some smaller insurrections. There was a
rising of the Belgians, but the time for it was past; and moreover there
was one of the Bellovaci, in the neighbourhood of Beauvais and Chartres:
yet it was now very easy for Cæsar to conquer them. We see clearly that
it was the will of Providence to make the Roman Empire great, and to
gather all the nations then known under its sway. Had Vercingetorix, who
could not have been unacquainted with the state of affairs at Rome, kept
back the outbreak in Gaul for a couple of years, until the heartburnings
between Cæsar and Pompey had brought on the civil war, Gaul might
perhaps have recovered her freedom.




                  CIVIL WAR BETWEEN CÆSAR AND POMPEY.


The way in which Cæsar was situated with regard to the republic at the
end of his time in Gaul, was indeed so unhappy, that it was not in the
power of man to bring matters to a good and joyful issue. If it was
difficult even for Scipio, after his victory, to live as a citizen, and
he did not quite know how to conduct himself; how much more for a man
who, for nearly ten years, had been used to rule over vast tracts of
country with the absolute power of a prince. Such a habit is hard to get
rid of, as we may perceive in the less important things of our every-day
life, wherein the change from one situation to another is often fraught
with endless difficulties. All that Cæsar could have got lawfully, was a
second consulship: this, however, as affairs then stood, was nothing but
an empty honour; for what could he have done with himself and with the
republic? He could indeed have only employed his great intellectual
faculties by devoting himself in utter retirement to study. He had not
been in Rome for ten years; and all that he heard from thence from those
who came to him, was hateful to him, and showed him the government in a
contemptible light. To live on a footing of equality with inferior, and
some of them bad men, was what he could not think of without disgust.
Matters therefore were in such confusion, that they could not possibly
have righted. His opponents, instead of taking steps towards
reconciliation, showed, on the contrary, symptoms which must have vexed
him to the utmost. M. Marcellus, the consul of the year 701, let slip no
occasion of annoying Cæsar: for instance, he had caused a man from Como,
to whom Cæsar, by virtue of the full powers given him, had granted the
citizenship, to be flogged like a common criminal, merely to insult and
mock at Cæsar. In the following year, C. Marcellus, a cousin of the
former, was consul with L. Æmilius Paullus, C. Scribonius Curio, being
also tribune at the same time. Of him we have still some letters among
those of Cicero: he was a young man of great talent, but of the most
consummate profligacy. At first, owing to his family connexions, he
belonged to Pompey’s party; and he was then considered as even a decided
and very bitter enemy of Cæsar. But Cæsar knew that Curio was over head
and ears in debt,—as much as two million dollars, we are told, which may
give us some measure of the magnitude of the Roman fortunes, as well as
of the vice and prodigality of the times,—and he is said to have gained
him over by paying his debts. He likewise bought over the consul Æmilius
Paullus with an immense sum: from this we may see what a mockery of a
government the system of provincial administration was. The accounts
were only given in after the triumph had been celebrated: this had been
the case since the earliest times, and it still remained so, even now
that the _imperia_ were held for such long periods. What the proconsul
had gotten for himself, was not thought worth looking into: he had
merely to show that he owed nothing to the army, and to account for what
the senate had placed at his disposal from the _ærarium_. Æmilius
Paullus built with those millions the Basilica Æmilia in the Forum, an
edifice to which those noble pillars undoubtedly belonged, which, as
Nibby supposes, stood in the Church of St. Paul until the calamitous
fire in the year 1823.[10] Curio was uncommonly clever and adroit, and
he put on an air of perfect impartiality: at first, he even sided
against Cæsar; then, against both Cæsar and Pompey; at last, he flung
off the mask, and declared for Cæsar.

With the next year, Cæsar’s proconsulship was to expire. He now, after a
lapse of ten years, stood for a second consulship, and asked for a
triumph beforehand; so that he might keep his army together, and disband
it when that was over, as Pompey had done after the war with
Mithridates. He wanted to be allowed to become a candidate at the
consular election while still in his province,—an irregularity which had
crept in during the seventh century,—and then to lead his army to Rome,
and triumph. To prevent such a thing, it had been the rule, we do not
know for how long, that no one who had an army should stand for the
consulship. His opponents therefore demanded that he should lay down the
_imperium_; disband his troops, that is to say, give up his triumph; and
stand for the consulship as a private person. Had he thus delivered
himself into the hands of his enemies, he was convinced that he would
have lost his life. Curio now moved that Cæsar and Pompey should both
disband their troops, and come to Rome as private persons; which was the
fairest proposal. But the friends of Pompey maintained that, as the term
of his _imperium_ was not yet come to an end, he ought not to be placed
on an equal footing with Cæsar. It was the misfortune of Italy that
Pompey, who was dangerously ill, did not then die: he was indeed so
popular, or so dreaded, that all Italy prayed for his recovery. Pompey
seemingly was ready to submit to the humiliation, though indeed he
complained bitterly of the slight put upon him. Curio’s motion was
carried by a majority of three hundred against about twenty;[11] but the
consul Marcellus cancelled the decree. The aristocrats of that day
professed to uphold the decrees of the senate, whereas in reality they
wanted to rule the senate with a rod of iron; and so they did not even
scorn the help of the rabble, being in every sense of the word
_populaciers_, if it suited their ends: they would raise an outcry
against rebellion, and yet they were the rankest revolutionists, if
matters did not go on quite as they wished. Thus the party of Lamennais,
as soon as the government does anything that they dislike, at once begin
to preach regicide and revolution. I have heard men of the extreme right
in France talking like Jacobins, uttering it as their opinion that the
people of the very lowest class were gifted with an immense deal of
sense, and that they showed the highest interest in the welfare of the
country. Curio also did not make his proposal from any good motive: this
he cannot have credit for, being one of those to whom the worst
confusion is the most welcome state of things.

The next year, the tribunes were all of them the hireling creatures of
Cæsar; and among these was he who was afterwards the frightful triumvir
Antony. Pompey had received the command of Italy, and been authorized by
the senate to raise an army for its safety, which, however, he was too
indolent to do. On the first of January, in the year 703, the
distribution of the provinces was again discussed in the senate; and as
Pompey had troops in the city, it was decreed under his influence, that
Cæsar should lay down his _imperium_. The tribunes protested; but so far
was their protest from being heeded, that they were even threatened with
personal violence by the consuls: having perhaps magnified the danger,
they fled to Cæsar at Ravenna, on the frontier of the province of Gaul.
Cispadane Gaul had, at that time already got the Roman franchise; but it
belonged notwithstanding to Cæsar’s province. At Rome, Pompey and his
friends swallowed the most absurd reports. It was said that Cæsar’s army
was most highly disaffected, that it wanted to be disbanded; that it was
weak in numbers; that it was worn out by wars:—in short they believed
whatever they wished. Cæsar had in those parts not more than five
thousand men with him, partly in order not to alarm the province, partly
because he did not wish to strip Gaul of troops; now, at length, he gave
orders that every one should march. What is indeed most inconceivable,
is that the Gauls were now quite still, and did not move, whereas they
had revolted when they had ten legions to keep them down: they very
likely thought that the Romans would themselves destroy each other.
Cæsar had before that already given up two legions, which were to go to
Syria. Even at the end of the year, he was still negociating: he had
offered to retain the command of Illyricum and Gallia Cispadana only,
with two legions, or even one alone, on the sole condition that Pompey
should likewise resign his _imperium_. All was, however, rejected:
Pompey was to be left entirely out of the question, and the letter of
the law was to be carried out. Now that the tribunes had arrived at
Ravenna, the _senatus consultum_ was brought, in which Cæsar was ordered
to come to Rome, and to give up his army to Domitius Ahenobarbus: this
made him afraid of being prosecuted as soon as ever he came to Rome by
himself. Passion then got the better of him, and he resolved upon
starting for Ariminum. It is probably on the other side of Ariminum, in
the neighbourhood of Cesena, that the bridge over the Rubicon was: the
people about these places disagree as to which of the small rivers was
the Rubicon. He was still wavering, not knowing whether he should
sacrifice himself, or violate the law and save his life; for even then
he seems to have thought much more of his safety than of dominion. There
he stood in deep emotion, until he made up his mind to cross the river.
Thus he arrived at Ariminum, which had opened its gates to him. In all
that part of the country, nothing was prepared against him: people
fancied that the times had not changed; and that the troops would
abandon Cæsar, and go over to Pompey, because the latter had formerly
been so popular with them. But Pompey had had his day; Cæsar’s soldiers
even shared the emulation of their general, and were proud of their
victories. There is not a more remarkable contrast than that which
thirty years had brought about. Sylla’s war had lasted even to the third
year, and throughout Italy the two parties were struggling most fiercely
against each other; but now, there was not a man who cared so much as to
raise his hand. Cæsar’s small army overran the whole of Italy, without
meeting with any resistance, as would also happen in these days: the
habits of the municipal towns were at that time quite as unwarlike as
those of modern Italy. It may have had something to do with it, that
Sylla’s legions in the military colonies were no longer inclined to such
a civil war: from party motives, they ought in fact to have sided with
Pompey; but it was perhaps the great general whom they liked best. What,
however, turned the scale, was the utter want of any thing like public
feeling: people no longer felt any interest either for one party or the
other, as they were perfectly aware that there was now no regard for
law, and that matters could not become much worse; and to lose life and
limb for Pompey’s sake alone, was what they were by no means willing to
do. Pompey had hoped to make an effect upon the people by high sounding
words, and to pass off shadows for realities: no soldier’s heart could
have beaten for him, as it might indeed for Cæsar. He had given himself
airs as if he could have raised legions by stamping on the ground; but
when he heard that Cæsar was already marching on the Via Flaminia, he as
well as the senators had no other thought but that of flight. They had
only a small army under the command of Domitius Ahenobarbus, the one who
was to have taken Cæsar’s province. The latter now reached Rome without
any further check. A short time before, Cicero had returned from
Cilicia, and he was now the mediator of a peace; but although his
counsels were the very justest and wisest, no one would listen to him.
Pompey’s party took it into their heads, that at present it was much
better not to defend themselves at Rome; that they ought by all means to
let Cæsar make himself hateful in Italy; and that Pompey, whose
lieutenants, M. Petreius and Afranius, were in possession of Spain,
should draw all his forces (seven legions) thence, and concentrate them
in Greece, and call to his aid all the moneyed resources of the east:
Spain and Africa were theirs; Gaul would likewise declare against Cæsar;
and the reaction could not fail to come. Thus they calculated very
nicely, how they were to crush Cæsar in Italy. Pompey now went to
Brundusium, and with him all the troops which had not fallen off. L.
Domitius was besieged by Cæsar in Corfinium, on which his men made a
capitulation for themselves. Cæsar gladly took most of them into his own
army, and allowed the rest to go whithersoever they liked; thus leaving
every one the choice of rising for him or keeping quiet. Domitius was
completely deserted. At Rome, Cæsar was waited for with fear and
trembling. Pompey had declared that whosoever was not with him, was
against him; and every one who wished to stay in Rome, was threatened by
his partisans with prosecution and proscription after the victory. From
Cicero’s letters, one may see the monstrous way in which the Pompeians
wanted to tyrannize over the opinions of the people.

Cæsar went from Corfinium to Brundusium. Pompey had wanted to keep this
town, that he might have an arsenal, and a landing-place in Italy; and
he hoped that his rival would not venture upon besieging it. Cæsar had
hardly a ship, while Pompey, who was master of the east, had at his
command the whole of the seafaring part of the world then known. The
latter had collected his fleet in the harbour of Brundusium, where Cæsar
attacked him with such resolution, that, having the open sea behind him,
and ships at hand, he was obliged to withdraw from the place, and to
betake himself to Illyricum. This was of great importance to Cæsar, as
Brundusium was faithful to the Syllanian interest, which Pompey
represented. Cæsar now had the treasury at Rome forced open, as the keys
had been put out of the way: he took out the money, nominated
magistrates, and dealt as an absolute monarch with the opposition of
those who, like the tribune Metellus, wanted to play the farce of
liberty. The people of the capital now expected scenes like those which
had been witnessed in the time of his uncle Marius; but whoever chose to
trust him was quite safe: he did not even utter a bitter word against
any one. But it was not the same in Italy, whenever he could not be
present; for his soldiers, and not a few of his officers, committed a
great number of outrages, owing to which the feelings of many were
turned against him. With his wonted great activity, after having
arranged at Rome all that was to be settled, he went through the south
of Gaul to Spain, where the generals did not even march to meet him, or
block up the way over the Pyrenees. His army was far less than that of
his opponents, which consisted of seven legions; and he even left part
of it behind for the siege of Marseilles, that city having wanted to
keep neutral. He may have had some particular reason to be hard upon it,
and perhaps he still bore it an old grudge: he now called upon it to
declare for him, and on its refusal, he detached two legates to attack
the place. The description of this siege in the second book of the
_Bellum Civile_ is very interesting, as it shows us the system then in
use, which was very different from the Greek one. After a long siege,
and not till Cæsar’s return from Spain, the Massilians were forced to
surrender. Cæsar did not destroy the town, nor was he guilty of any
outrage against it; but the inhabitants had to give up their arms, and
had long to suffer the loss of their freedom. The triumph over the
Massilians is one of the most shameful things ever done, as they had
always been the staunch allies of the Romans.

Afranius and Petreius made a stand against Cæsar near Lerida in
Catalonia, and he had to employ the whole of his art, the victory which
he gained being properly speaking, a moral one: he caused such a
desertion in their army, that they were obliged to treat. Afranius, a
commonplace man, was for coming to terms, but Petreius spurned the very
thought: he even inflicted heavy punishments on the soldiers who wanted
to place themselves in communication with Cæsar. This was, however, of
no avail: he saw that the legions would desert him altogether. The two
leaders therefore made a capitulation for themselves, and for M. Varro,
by which they agreed to evacuate the whole of Spain; and they were
allowed to go free with those who did not wish to serve under Cæsar,
which, however, most of the men did. Thus Cæsar became master of the
whole of Spain.

Cato had left Sicily, of which he had had the government as prætor, and
Curio had taken the command there. The latter went from thence to
Africa, where he was opposed by the Pompeian general Varus, and by Juba
king of Mauritania, a client of Pompey. This expedition of Curio’s came
to a sad end, partly owing to the desertion which broke out among his
legions, partly owing to his unskilful generalship, and to various
disasters. Curio at last was killed in a battle with Juba, and most of
his soldiers were scattered and cut to pieces: some of them made their
escape to Sicily. Cæsar had nominated himself dictator; in what form,
cannot be made out with certainty, there being much discrepancy in the
accounts which we have. He did everything as expeditiously as possible,
and he passed several welcome and just laws. Among others was one
concerning debts; a thing which is always necessary whenever there is an
extraordinary fall in the value of every kind of property, so that a
debt in money ceases to be what its nominal value expresses. A
commission was appointed, before which all who had land in Italy might
have it estimated, and thus made available to pay off their debts. This
was often done under such circumstances; and no doubt the statement is
also true that the interest was deducted. A number of other enactments
were also made to meet the wants of the moment. And now that he had
brought his army back to Italy, and considerably strengthened it by
forming the troops which had gone over to him into legions, he marched
forthwith to Brundusium. It was already about a year since Pompey had
left Rome, and had gathered around him all the Romans whom he had been
able to gain over: he had moreover an immense host of auxiliaries, and a
fleet with which, as Cæsar had nothing to oppose to it, he might have
been master of the sea, had not his lieutenants been so wretched. He
wintered in Thessalonica, and his army in Macedon: his chief strength
lay in his fleet, as the people of Rhodes and other places, and also
many of the subject Greek towns still kept up their ships:—even the
whole naval power of Egypt was at his disposal. Having collected all
this force, he placed it under the command of Bibulus, Cæsar’s colleague
in the consulship; and thus he hoped to make the passage by sea
impracticable for Cæsar, so that he would have to go by land through
Dalmatia, where he would have had to encounter M. Octavius, Pompey’s
best general. But in this also, Cæsar tried to strike awe into the
enemy, and he succeeded: to reach Illyricum, he was not afraid to use
whatever vessels he had, or anything that could only float upon the sea.
Bibulus was an able man, personally very praiseworthy, who did not
neglect his duty, but he was deficient in that peculiar activity and
watchfulness which in such cases are indispensable. One of the
distinguishing features of Cæsar is that, whenever the utmost speed was
necessary, though his forces were not quite complete, he would, without
even a moment’s loss of time, at once strike the blow with whatever he
chanced to have at hand; and he would try and gain a firm footing until
he had collected the whole of his army. Thus he passed over to
Illyricum; and thus he afterwards made his appearance in Egypt without
the force which could support him, and later again in Africa: this is
one of the marks of a great general, who calculates not only what he
risks, but likewise what he can effect by it. Quite unexpectedly, he
appeared with a small squadron at Oricum, a town on the farthest borders
of Illyricum and Epirus, behind the bay of Acroceraunia; he landed,
reduced the place, and immediately set out to attack Apollonia, which
opened its gates to him. His name went before him, nor did any one
suppose that he had only a few thousand men with him. Near Apollonia, he
took up a position; but when an attempt of his against Dyrrachium had
failed, Pompey tried to drive him back and to surround him. As Cæsar’s
orders to send the troops immediately after him had not been fulfilled,
he tried in this dilemma himself to cross, in a twelve-oared boat, over
the dangerous, stormy sea; but after having struggled for a whole day
against the currents and the waves, he was at last obliged to yield to
the storm. Although his commands to follow him were most peremptory, his
lieutenant Gabinius, whose heart failed him, disregarded them: he went
round the gulf through Dalmatia, where he was afterwards routed by
Octavius, and slain. Mark Antony, on the contrary, who ventured to pass
over, led the troops most successfully close by Pompey’s fleet; for
Bibulus had a short time before fallen ill, and he was now on the point
of death. Thus did Antony, with the loss of only a few ships, make his
passage to Illyricum. But for all that, Cæsar’s force was far inferior
to that of Pompey, who was stationed near Dyrrachium; and yet he
advanced against him, and ventured to hem him in by throwing up lines
and bastions round Dyrrachium. This was an undertaking which Pompey
could very easily let him go on with; for he got his supplies by sea,
while Cæsar had no other provisions but those which he could collect by
forays into the neighbouring country. Here Cæsar tried to finish the
war; but he was unsuccessful, being repulsed with considerable loss in a
coup de main against Dyrrachium: Pompey showed determination, and made
himself master of part of the lines, so that the blockade had to be
given up. The soldiers were so disheartened that day, that Cæsar
despaired of the issue: they were certainly in a wretched plight, as
they had to feed on grass and roots. Grass means here as much as salad:
the poor in the south very often eat such herbs with vinegar and oil,
which indeed the soldiers had to do without. Cæsar afterwards said, that
he would have been routed on that day; and that Pompey would have
conquered, if he had known how to make use of his victory. But Pompey
had grown sluggish, and he had lost the faculty of doing anything to
justify the pretensions which he put forth. After this rebuff, Cæsar was
unable to go on with the war there any more; and so he ventured upon an
expedition which, had it failed, would quite as much have been classed
among fool-hardy freaks as the march of Charles XII. to Pultawa. Leaving
Pompey in his rear, he betook himself to a country where he had nothing
to rely upon, but every inch of ground to conquer: he broke up from
Dyrrachium. No doubt Pompey expected that he would now turn towards
Illyricum, and there unite himself with the troops of his party: but far
from doing this, he went to the high mountain ranges between Epirus and
Thessaly, and without stopping, to Gomphi, near the pass from Janina to
Thessaly, and took it by storm. By this means, he restored the
confidence of his soldiers, as they refreshed themselves with the booty.
The panic caused by the destruction of this town, opened to him the
whole of Thessaly. Pompey, who had such a superior force of soldiers,
ought now to have gone to Italy; and the more so, as those legions of
Cæsar’s which had been formed of the troops which had gone over to him
in Spain, had partly become mutinous again, while Cæsar, with the fleet
which he had, could never have reached Italy. But those who were about
Pompey, were now so full of joy at Cæsar’s having got into a trap by
going into countries from which he had no way out, that they went after
him. Terror, however, paved the way for Cæsar: he was quite comfortably
off in luxurious Thessaly, and having everything in plenty, he was
enabled to recover himself. He took up his position near the rich town
of Pharsalus, where for some days the two armies were facing each other,
and manœuvring: he again got into a very bad plight, as he was in want
of provisions, and Pompey’s cavalry was much stronger than his own. Here
again it was now the opinion of the cautious, that Cæsar’s army should
be allowed to wear itself out more and more by the distress in which it
was; and this was the opinion of Pompey himself. But his followers were
so childishly intoxicated with their hopes of victory, that they looked
upon this judicious advice as disgraceful. The senators, who knew
nothing whatever of war, deliberated with regard to the battle, how they
would after the victory divide the advantages among themselves; and
growing warm, they quarrelled together about who was to have the
pontificate and the other offices of Cæsar, and also the estates of his
partisans about to be proscribed. Cæsar was very anxious for a speedy
decision, being most confident of victory; for he despised Pompey, such
as he was then, and all his officers, They, on their side, deemed it a
shame to delay the battle; and they forced it on in such haste, that
Cæsar had hardly time to call back three legions which he had sent out
to forage.

Of this battle there are very different accounts, the best of which of
course is that of Cæsar himself; but we may believe Asinius Pollio that
the numbers which he gives are exaggerated. We may take it for granted,
that Cæsar had no more than twenty-two thousand infantry against forty
thousand infantry of Pompey, who had also an immense number of Greeks
and Asiatics as _auxilia_: these, however, were of no use whatever,
being somewhat ashamed to display their incapacity on a field where
Romans were arrayed against each other. In cavalry also, Pompey was far
superior to Cæsar in numbers; but the latter had Gallic and German
horse, whilst Pompey had young Roman volunteers, who perhaps faced an
enemy for the first time, and were like children against a host of
veterans. The story of the _faciem feri, miles!_ is not to be taken
literally. Cæsar had also trained his infantry to stand the shock of the
cavalry, and the onset of the Pompeians was repulsed by the cohorts; he
then made the Gallic and German cavalry charge the enemy, which decided
the battle: they broke Pompey’s left wing, so that his right, which
until then had fought with considerable success, was likewise forced to
retire. All fled into the camp, and there these foolish men believed
that the day was now over. But when they saw that the foe did not stop
at all to plunder, and that in close order they were attacking the camp,
the greatest confusion and rout ensued; Pompey started up like a madman,
and calling out, “Not even here will they leave us quiet!” ran away. All
dispersed, no one thinking of rallying so much as one cohort. The booty
was immense, as the camp of Pompey was found to be furnished with
Asiatic luxury; the tents were bowers, fitted up with carpets and costly
furniture. The Gauls and Germans gladly availed themselves of the
opportunity to revenge themselves on the Romans: but Cæsar had already
issued an order during the battle, that no one should be hurt who did
not flee nor offer any resistance; and thus most of them threw away
their arms, and whole cohorts surrendered. It is known from Foggini’s
Kalendarium, that the battle was fought on the tenth of August,[12]
according to the calendar of that time: this cannot indeed be the real
day, which at all events ought to be dated in June.

Pompey fled to Larissa, and having got on board a ship, arrived at
Mitylene, where his wife Cornelia was staying: his intention was to go
to Cilicia and Cyprus, and from thence to the Parthians, a most shameful
resolution! This, however, was opposed by his friends, and he saw no
other plan, but to flee to Egypt. The right thing would have been to
have gone to his fleet which was still untouched, and with it to
maintain Africa; but his spirit was quite broken, and he determined to
apply to the king of Egypt. Ptolemy Auletes, whom Gabinius had restored
with Pompey’s connivance, was dead: as he was under obligations to
Pompey, he had sent him a fleet, which, however, had now returned home
after the battle. He had left two daughters, Cleopatra and Arsinoë, and
two sons, who were younger: one of these had somewhat passed boyhood,
while the other was still a child. The elder of the sons was by his
will, according to the custom of incest which was rife among those
Macedonian kings of Alexandria, to marry his eldest sister Cleopatra,
and to rule with her in common; but being very imperious, and wanting to
have everything for himself, he expelled her, and war broke out. She
fled to Syria; and on the borders of Syria and Egypt, near Mount Casius,
Ptolemy also, with his guardians Pothinus and Achillas was encamped.
Pompey’s unlucky star brought him to this very coast. On this, L.
Septimius, who had been left by Gabinius as commander in Egypt, advised
Ptolemy to murder Pompey, and by this sacrifice to bribe Cæsar to give
him the crown of Egypt. Such advice was quite to the taste of those
Alexandrian rulers. L. Septimius was sent with a boat to go out and
receive Pompey. Though all his companions had their suspicions roused,
and he himself felt uneasy, yet Pompey was so entirely without a will of
his own, and so stupified, that after all he chose to go into the boat:
there he was stabbed, and his corpse was cast unburied on the strand.

Cæsar, continuing his pursuit without stopping, hastened with a few
followers to Egypt; another great piece of daring! On his arrival, they
brought him the head and ring of Pompey: history has not forgotten his
tears. I will not deny that this death saved him from some anxiety; for
how could he have made peace with Pompey?—the war could not end in any
other way, but with his destruction;—yet for all that, judging from the
disposition of Cæsar’s heart, I believe that his tears were sincere. He
buried Pompey: to have erected a monument would have looked like a
farce; but his family raised a small, humble monument over him. The name
of the Pompeii still existed to the time of Tiberius; then it
disappears. The emperor Hadrian found the statue taken away, and set up
in a neighbouring temple, the monument itself being nearly buried in the
sand; and he had it restored. An epigram on the subject, consisting of
two distichs, is one of the most beautiful left us from antiquity: it is
certainly genuine, although the second half has been called in question.

           Marmoreo tumulo Licinus[13] jacet, at Cato nullo,
             Pompeius parvo: credimus esse Deos?
           Saxa premunt Licinum, levat altum fama Catonem,
             Pompeium tituli: credimus esse Deos.

Cæsar now went to Alexandria whither his troops were to follow him; but
his orders could not be carried across to Rhodes, as in the
Mediterranean the Etesian gales blow from the north-west for about fifty
or sixty days, until the dogdays, and the ships could not work their way
against the wind. In the meanwhile, Cæsar had to stay in Alexandria
among the most insolent and licentious populace in the world, one in
which the vices of the east and the west were combined: the Macedonian
Greek population had been mostly exterminated in the reign of Ptolemy
Physcon, and the Alexandrine-Egyptians only remained, who were a
detestable race. This rabble now became bold: as Cæsar had only so few
with him, the eunuch Pothinus, the regent at that time, resolved to
overpower him. Cæsar was in possession of the royal palace, where he
entrenched himself as Ferdinand Cortez did in Mexico. An insurrection
broke out; and the palace was set fire to, on which occasion the library
of Ptolemy Philadelphus was burnt: the struggle in the streets was
terrific. The account of how Cæsar then maintained himself,—making head
against the immense danger which assailed him; destroying the entrance
to the harbour to the dismay of the Alexandrians; taking the island of
Pharos, and holding his ground there until he got reinforcements;—is
given by Hirtius in a most graphic and attractive style. At last, Cæsar
succeeded in making himself master of Alexandria, and the elder Ptolemy
was accidentally drowned in the Nile: in short, the Alexandrians
surrendered, and Cæsar, glad to have done with the war, declared
Cleopatra queen, by whose arts he had been enslaved, and bestowed upon
her the whole of the country.

Having now learned that Pharnaces king of Bosporus had invaded Pontus,
and defeated Domitius, one of his legates; he hastened thither, attacked
the enemy on the very day that he came up, without even allowing his
troops to rest, and the Asiatics were routed and scattered. It was then
that he wrote to Rome the celebrated “_Veni, vidi, vici._”

Cæsar now, for the first time since his departure from Brundusium,
returned to Rome; and there he set many things to rights. He paid great
regard to his adherents, and also appointed a provisional government,
which was much wanted; for his party was a medley of all sorts of
people, who aimed at the most different ends and objects, and during his
absence had undertaken the most contradictory things. In the meanwhile,
the insurrection of Milo, Cælius Rufus, and Dolabella, had taken place,
and been quickly put down: of this I shall say more further on.

He did not wait long at Rome. Servility proffered him the next
extravagant honours; the whole power of the state was given him. Yet it
must be said that men’s minds were very favourably disposed towards him
on account of his unexpected mildness, whereas Pompey, had he been
victorious, would undoubtedly have shed seas of blood. As far as he
possibly could, he protected every one of the opposite party; and he
also told the chief men about him, that each of them had free leave to
rescue one of the proscribed, and all such were reinstated in their
honours: with respect to their property, however, these had much to
suffer, as it was not in his power to put a stop to all the robberies of
his partisans. A great number indeed, still remained in exile; yet by
degrees he let them all return.—The honours granted him by the senate,
were bestowed three different times: I shall treat of them collectively
when we come to his last stay in Rome.

While he was still at Rome, he had to deal with a most dangerous
commotion among his troops, who were eagerly waiting for their triumph.
His favourite legion, the tenth, which he had left behind in Italy that
he might take it with him to Africa, broke out in open mutiny; and the
veterans demanded, not only the payment of their arrears, but also the
money and allotments of land which had been promised them. Sallust, whom
Cæsar had sent to them, was ill-treated, and some senators were slain:
the danger therefore was great. Cæsar had then the courage to let them
come to Rome: he ordered them to lay aside their _pila_, but to keep
their swords; and now he fearlessly made his appearance in the midst of
them. When he harangued them in the Forum, his intrepidity, and the
confidence which he showed in them, made such an impression on them,
that they became quite tame. He treated them with contempt, addressed
them as Quirites, and announced to them that he dismissed them: he
would, however, allow those who wished to share the honour of the
campaign to enlist. Upon this, all those who before had been loudly
clamouring for their dismissal, almost with one voice entreated him to
let them continue in his service.

He again went with a small army to Africa, where Cato and Q. Scipio, the
father-in-law of Pompey, Afranius and Petreius, stood forth as the
leaders of the whole party. Cato had not been present at the battle of
Pharsalus: he had gone from Dyrrachium to Corcyra, and from thence to
Cyrene. Here he got together a number of scattered Romans; but his army
was much more distinguished for the rank, than for the bravery of its
soldiers. Cyrene had hardly the honour of being a Roman province; there
he was quite cut off from the rest of the world: he therefore made one
of the most dreadful of forced marches, through the African desert all
round the Syrtes, by Tripolis to the province of Africa. He was offered
the chief command of the army, which was a respectable one; but he
declined it, and only kept the command of Utica. Allied with him was
Juba of Numidia, who ruled over the greater part of Jugurtha’s empire:
in Mauritania, Bogud was king. In the latter country, there was also a
Roman adventurer, P. Sitius of Nuceria, a remarkable character, and a
man of great energy: he had formed a regiment of stray fugitives and
deserters, which had gotten king Bogud the victory against Juba, and the
ascendency in Africa. (I have treated of this Sitius in my edition of
Fronto.) He attached himself to Cæsar, who promised to restore him to
his civil rights; and he made war upon Juba, while Cæsar established
himself in Tunis. The latter, having gradually received the
reinforcements for which he was waiting, marched likewise against his
foes. The campaign lasted several months without being decided, until
Cæsar took his position near Thapsus, a peninsula with a fortified town.
The enemy under Petreius, Afranius, Scipio, and Juba, occupied the
isthmus, surrounding him with overwhelming numbers, and thus cutting him
off from the mainland. But Cæsar broke through, first defeated the
Romans, and then Juba, on the same day, and scattered their hosts. As
soon as the battle was won, the soldiers went over to him in throngs:
Juba was so utterly done for, that he fled from his kingdom. All was
lost: Juba and Petreius took away each other’s life; Cato remained
behind in Utica with a Roman garrison.

If there be indeed a great man in Roman history who deserves his fame,
it is Cato. Cæsar has tried to disparage his virtue; but this arose from
a pardonable feeling of irritation. After Cato’s death, Cicero wrote his
celebrated _laudatio M. Catonis_;—would to heaven that we had it still!
we should be able to discover from it Cicero’s inmost soul. This work
does great honour, as well to Cicero, for having had the courage to
write it, as to Cæsar for having borne with it: one sees how sincerely
people believed in Cæsar’s magnanimity. When Cæsar says that Cato had
harmed him by his death, as he had thus robbed him of the pleasure of
pardoning him, not a word can be added: on the other hand, one may
easily believe that Cæsar still felt hurt by Cicero’s eulogium. He
therefore wrote the Anti-Cato, in which he may have displayed a
bitterness of passion which in real life, he would certainly have as
little shown to Cicero as to Cato himself. There was nothing that he so
much wished for as Cato’s friendship, though indeed Cato could not have
given it him. The Stoic philosophy did not raise up any heroes among the
Greeks, except the great founders Zeno and Cleanthes himself; but while
not one Greek statesman professed it, among the Romans, all the great
and virtuous public men were either its disciples, or at least, like
Cicero, its admirers. It would be the most detestable misconstruing of
human virtue, to call Cato’s integrity in question; yet it is quite
another thing to say that Cato, with his principles and his philosophy,
did infinite harm to the commonwealth. He wanted stoutly to uphold every
existing institution, and to allow of nothing that bordered upon
arbitrary power. It is well known that Cato estranged the Roman knights
from the senate, and made enemies of them, thus tearing open the wound
which Cicero with very great difficulty had succeeded in closing: he
refused to grant the _publicani_ a request which was not at all an
unfair one, merely because he deemed that this would be favouring them.
This caused a breach which was never healed. On another occasion, Cato
was for voting the execution of Catiline and his accomplices; which was
quite in accordance with the laws, but a most unhappy measure for the
republic. He did not pay the least regard to existing circumstances, and
the consequence was, that he made them much worse. But his personal
character was above all blame: profligates might rail at him; but no one
dared to slander him, and in this he stood above those times.

Cato had found little happiness in his party, even when Pompey was
alive; and now that he was dead, his situation was quite wretched. They
were going on in Africa in the most savage manner, and it was with very
great trouble indeed that he saved Utica: they had wanted to plunder it,
on pretence of the inhabitants being friendly to Cæsar, but in reality
to preserve the goodwill of the soldiers. For this, the inhabitants of
Utica considered Cato as their saviour, and the town remained quiet, as
he had pledged himself that it should. When Cæsar appeared before Utica,
Cato advised every one not to prolong their resistance. The generals,
and those who were able to bear arms, had fled; so that the garrison
consisted mostly of old people and gentlemen of rank: he therefore
counselled them to throw themselves on Cæsar’s mercy, bidding even his
own son go out and do it. Here he in a fine manner showed himself
inconsistent, the father getting the better of the Stoic: he said that
he could not indeed live now, he who had seen the better days of the
republic; but that his son, who had never known the republic, might
embark in the new state of things. The night before the town was to open
its gates, he retired to his room and read the Phædo, surely not to find
in it the strengthening of his belief in the immortality of the soul,
and of his hopes:—of this he had no need; for as a Stoic he believed in
immortality, and moreover the Phædo itself does not give this faith to
those who have it not:—but as in terrible moments one must find
breathing-room for one’s feelings, so he sought for support in the
example of a great man, and he very likely was much more taken up with
that part of the work in which Socrates’ death is told. He took leave of
the world, turning his mind to the contemplation of the last hours of
one of the most virtuous men on earth.

He then gave himself the deadly wound. But he fell from the bed in the
agonies of death; and when his son and his friends tried to recover him,
having pretended to slumber, he tore the wound open, and let his bowels
gush out.—The reduction of the other towns was easy enough.

The son of Juba surrendered to Cæsar, and afterwards had such an
excellent education bestowed upon him at Rome, that he became one of the
most learned men of his time. As he undoubtedly was master of the Punic
language, the loss of his books on historical and geographical topics,
is very much to be regretted; for in the historical ones, he must have
given the substance of what the Carthaginians have written.

At Rome, there was a quarrel between Antony and Dolabella, the
son-in-law of Cicero, to whom he caused much grief: both of them were
equally bad. Cæsar therefore went thither, and quieted them. From thence
the successes of Cneius and Sextus, the sons of Pompey, again called him
away to Spain, whither these had betaken themselves from Africa, that
they might join a newly formed legion of his which had revolted.
Southern Spain had taken up arms for the Pompeians; but not with hearty
agreement among themselves, as in the days of Sertorius. This struggle
was by far the hardest of any which Cæsar had to go through; it is quite
extraordinary, how, when all was exhausted, the people now fought with a
rage which had not been seen until then. The beginning of this war may
be read in the barbarously written _Bellum Hispaniense_. After Cæsar had
been obliged for several months to put forth all the resources of his
mind, to carry on the war within a very limited area in Andalusia and
Grenada: the seat of the contest was chiefly in the exceedingly strong
fastnesses of the mountains north of Grenada. Cneius had the chief
command, and he showed himself here a far more able general than his
father had been. In the battle near Munda, the anniversary of which was
yesterday (March 17), Cæsar’s fate hung upon a thread: his troops were
breaking, and he was already giving up all for lost, when in his despair
he jumped from his horse, and placed himself in the way of the
fugitives, calling out to them that if they wished to flee, they should
cut him down, and not oblige him to outlive such a day. Suwarow behaved
very much in the same way at the battle of Kinburn, in the year 1787,
when his soldiers refused obedience in an undertaking which he had
ordered, because they thought themselves lost. As they now were flying,
he cried out to them, “Run, run, and leave your general to the Turks, as
a keepsake of your cowardice!” With the greatest trouble, Cæsar stopped
his soldiers; but thus he only restored the battle, and he owed his
victory to the Mauritanian auxiliaries, who attacked and plundered the
Pompeian camp, which was hardly guarded at all. For when Labienus
marched with a legion against them, to save the camp and drive them off,
the other troops, thinking this to be a retreat, fell back, but did not
run. Cæsar had, after the battle, to destroy them one by one: Cneius was
wounded and cut down; Sextus remained with the Celtiberians, among whom
he hid himself until the death of Cæsar, some time after which he once
more played his part in public life. It was several months before Cæsar
had reduced the whole of Spain.

On his return from Africa, Cæsar had already had a triumph of four days:
there was the Gallic triumph, the Pontic, the Egyptian, and the African
one over Juba, in which no Roman general was mentioned. He had now a
Spanish triumph, in which the Spanish towns were individually named. The
former one had highly pleased the Romans; but this one hurt their
feelings, notwithstanding all the presents given to the people and the
soldiers, as it was evidently a triumph over their fellow-citizens,
although none of them were named. Velleius Paterculus states the amount
of the treasures which Cæsar had brought in triumph to Rome, to have
been _sexies millies_ (six hundred million _sesterces_ = twenty millions
of Prussian dollars). This sum is not at all incredible: even if Cæsar
gave to every soldier twenty thousand _sesterces_ (nearly seven hundred
dollars), and for all these presents spent even as much as thirty or
forty million dollars, which are to be added to that sum, the account is
indeed by no means unlikely. But Appian as he is generally understood,
states a sum which is quite enormous, even six and a half myriads of
talents, which would be a hundred million dollars. But here we are not
to think of Attic, but Egyptian, that is to say, copper talents; and
thus, though the whole amount does not indeed quite agree with what
Velleius tells us, there is no longer any exaggeration. Justus Lipsius
did not know how to reconcile this discrepancy.

Cæsar returned in October 707. The last five months of his life were
spent partly in his preparations for a Parthian war, and partly in
making a number of arrangements in civil affairs: even as early as his
return from Africa he had regulated the calendar, and thus done away
with a source of intolerable favouritism. In the last times of the
republic, it was quite a usual thing to intercalate a month at pleasure
by a mere ordinance. Curio in fact had fallen out with the senate,
because he too wanted to have a month intercalated for himself, and the
pontiff refused.

It is one of the inestimable advantages of legitimate, hereditary,
time-honoured, and unquestioned government, whatever may be its form,
that it may sometimes outwardly remain inactive when the state is
concerned. As in most cases it interferes only where it is absolutely
necessary, and it seems to let things take their own course, it meddles
very little with people’s affairs; and thus it is also able to allow a
much higher degree of individual liberty. A government, on the other
hand, which is called a usurpation, and is but newly established, has
not only to try and hold its own, but also, in all that it undertakes,
it has to prove its inherent right to govern, and to establish its
reputation. Those who are placed in such a position, are forced to act
from a most grievous necessity; and if this was the case with any one,
it was with Cæsar. What could he have undertaken in the centre of the
empire? Modern governments may do many things of which the ancients had
no notion; and indeed that much cried down, and in many respects baneful
system of centralization has still this good effect, that it gives the
activity of rulers a wider range. There remained in truth no measures to
be carried out by Cæsar, either in Italy or in the provinces; and as he
had for fifteen years been accustomed to the most prodigious exertions,
he was now as it were in a state of sloth, unless he could employ
himself abroad: he must undertake something which would engage his whole
soul; rest he no longer could. His first thought was war, and that in
countries where since the time of Alexander, the most brilliant military
glory was to be earned,—where the unburied bones of the legions of
Crassus were still to be revenged,—against the Parthians. The Getæ also
had spread in Thrace, and Cæsar wanted likewise to check them. But his
grand design was to destroy the empire of the Parthians, and to extend
that of the Romans as far as India; and in this he would undoubtedly
have not been unsuccessful. He already felt so near the result, that he
began to think of what was to be done afterwards; and therefore we may
consider the statement as a very likely one, that he then meant to march
through the defiles of the Caucasus and ancient Sythia into the land of
the Getæ, and to return through Germany and Gaul. These plans of his had
all of them a gigantic range: he had other projects besides which were
quite as grand. The harbour of Ostia was bad, and large sea-going
vessels could not come up the river; he is therefore said to have
intended to cut a canal from the Tiber, above or below the city, and
through the Pontine marshes as far as Terracina, which should be
navigable for large ships to sail up to Rome. He likewise undertook many
things which were done at once; so much indeed, that we hardly
understand how he could have accomplished the whole of it during the
five months which he had still to live. The veterans having now retired,
he followed Sylla’s unfortunate precedent, and founded a number of
colonies for them throughout Italy: the old soldiers of Sylla, or their
children, were many of them driven out, thus reaping the reward of their
own cruelty, or that of their fathers, to the inhabitants of the
_municipia_. In Southern Gaul, Corinth, and Carthage, he likewise
established colonies again. Corinth, however, was a _colonia
libertinorum_, a thing which it is not easy to account for: everything
in the place remained a medley, and it has never risen since to any real
prosperity. He also wanted to cut through the isthmus, a plan which I
cannot quite understand; owing to the state in which hydraulic
architecture was then. The work might indeed have been executed by means
of a succession of locks. That these, however, were employed in great
canal works among the ancients, we have no proof; yet they were known to
them. They were brought to their present perfection, as late as in the
fifteenth century, by the Netherlanders.

With regard to the state, he enacted several measures; among others,
that of restoring the _jus honorum_ to the children of those whom Sylla
had proscribed. He had received from the senate the dictatorship for
life, the consulship for ten years, and the right of filling up at once
half the offices which the centuries had to give, and recommending for
the other half those whom he wished to be nominated; so that henceforth
the election was a mere sham. The tribes still had their elections free.
Moreover, he made several laws for the relief of debtors, and such like
purposes. He raised the number of the prætors to ten, and afterwards to
sixteen; that of the quæstors to forty, which was now more than was
wanted for filling up the vacancies of the senate: this he had also
enlarged, though how much is uncertain.[14] He gave the citizenship to
whom he pleased, and he chose into the senate whom he pleased; so that
he filled it with his partisans, which caused much dissatisfaction. Yet
it is a striking fact, that at the time of his death, the majority of
the senate did not consist of Cæsarians. It is moreover very remarkable,
that in all his measures there is no trace to be found of his ever
having wanted to modify the constitution, and to put an end to anarchy;
for all his changes are in reality but trifling. Sylla meant to do this:
it is true that he did not attain his end, and the way in which he set
about it was most stupid; but he at least felt the need of it. Cæsar
seems not even to have thought upon a remedy for the evil: for his
increasing by a special edict the number of the patricians, and his
adding new patrician families to the old ones, is a case which has no
connexion whatever with the constitution. He did not admit a whole
_gens_ into the patrician order, but individuals only and their
children; just as one is ennobled in our days. This had no other object
than to provide for the filling up of the priestly offices: the new
_ædiles Cereales_ even remained limited to the _plebs_. Had Cæsar died
in peace, the state would have been in the same disorganization, as if
he had never lived; perhaps it would have been still worse off. His
sound sense and his powerful understanding told him, that the solution
of the problem was not so easy as Sylla had dreamed; that, on the
contrary, it was very difficult, the first condition being that he
should become a prince, a condition which of course would seem quite
intolerable even in the eyes of many of his partisans, who were quite
ready to go on with him as fellow-rebels. And in Cicero’s books _de
Republica_, we may remark throughout his conviction that the Rome of his
day could not possibly remain any longer as it was, and that it wanted a
king; yet Cicero undoubtedly said to himself the whole time, that no one
would listen to his advice.

The title of king had a great charm for Cæsar, as it has had indeed for
many a practical man, Cromwell among others. It was so managed that when
Cæsar at the Lupercalia had seated himself on the _suggestum_, Antony
offered him the diadem, to see how the people would take it; but Cæsar
made a show of declining it, as the people were alarmed, and thereupon a
general shout of applause and praise burst forth, which now made it
impossible for him to do what he wished. Antony then had the diadem put
upon the statue of Cæsar; two of the tribunes, however, Cæsetius Flavus
and Epidius Marullus, took it down. Cæsar’s real feelings now betrayed
themselves; for, he looked upon this as a personal insult, and having
lost all command of himself, wanted to have them arrested: the least
that he could be prevailed upon to do, was to deprive them of their
office and banish them. This made an immense sensation. On the other
hand, he had himself committed a fault, perhaps from absence of mind.
When the senate issued those extravagant decrees which conferred upon
him unlimited power, and a deputation from the whole body now brought
them to him, he neglected to rise from the curule chair, and saluted
them but very slightly. This want of courtesy people did not forgive,
who had granted to Cæsar everything that he could have wished, but still
expected some sort of acknowledgment in return. Cicero, who certainly
was no democrat, wrote soon afterwards, _turpissimi consulares, turpis
senatus, populus fortis, infimus quisque honore fortissimus_. The first
part of this is true, the latter part exaggerated.

During the last year of Cæsar’s life, Brutus and Cassius were prætors,
both of whom had formerly been among the leaders of Pompey’s party.
Brutus was a nephew of Cato. Livia, the mother of the latter, had, after
the death of her first husband, married Servilius Cæpio; so that
Servilia was Cato’s half-sister: Servilia was a profligate woman,
unworthy of her son and brother, and she did not even care for the
honour of her own daughter. Brutus indeed had very few eminent persons
in his family after it had become plebeian. In the first years after the
Licinian law, some Junii are to be found in the Fasti; but they are not
above mediocrity: at a later period, the family had become truly
contemptible. M. Brutus especially disgraced his house: after having
carried on the business of an informer (_accusationes factitabat_), and
acted a vile part in the time of Marius, he was put to death by Pompey
in Gaul. Thus, although indeed no Roman family was so illustrious as to
its _gens_, Brutus was by no means one of those who have been raised by
great and fortunate circumstances. The training of his youth had,
however, much effect upon him: his uncle Cato, whose daughter Porcia he
afterwards married,—it is uncertain whether this was still in Cato’s
lifetime,—had devoted him from a child to the Stoic philosophy, as if it
were a religion. Besides this, he had qualities in which Cato was
wanting, who had a certain scrupulosity and puritanism about him. Brutus
was free from such qualms as these; he had also a finer and more
versatile mind, not only endowed by nature with the happiest gifts, but
likewise highly cultivated. Cato was not one of the distinguished
orators, which Brutus certainly was; and had the latter lived longer, he
would undoubtedly have been one of the first writers of Rome. Cicero had
quite a fatherly affection for him; he saw in him a man who, he hoped,
would one day become the head and heart of the state.[15] Cæsar’s
attention also had been drawn to Brutus whom he had known and loved from
a child: it is indeed quite natural that he should have shown fondness
for so extraordinary and so amiable a mind; for he had as little of the
feeling of envy as Cicero himself. The stories which have gone about of
a connexion of a different kind, have been devised by some stupid
fellow. Brutus had fought on the side of Pompey at the battle of
Pharsalus, and Cæsar immediately afterwards inquired if any one knew
what was become of him; on this Brutus wrote to Cæsar, who being quite
rejoiced to see that Brutus wished to live, fully trusted him, and gave
him the government of Cisalpine Gaul, where he greatly distinguished
himself.

Cassius was considerably older than Brutus, to whom he was related. He
was a good officer: he bore a very high character in the army; and he
had as _quæstor_, after the death of Crassus, held Syria against the
Parthians: yet he was not better than the common run of Cæsar’s
officers. He too had been in the ranks of the Pompeians, and when Cæsar,
as he was pursuing Pompey, passed over to Asia, he was lying with a
squadron of galleys in the Hellespont. Cæsar boldly went in a boat into
the midst of his fleet, and asked him to go over to his side, which he
did. Cæsar pardoned almost all his enemies: even Marcellus, who had
mortally offended him, he forgave at the intercession of Cicero; and as
far as in him lay, he tried altogether to do away with the consequences
of the war. This year, Cæsar had appointed both Brutus and Cassius to
the prætorship, which in fact was a troublesome office, affording but
little gratification: the only honourable and lucrative prætorship was
the _prætura urbana_ which formerly was given by lot.[16] This latter
dignity both of them now tried to get. Cæsar gave it to Brutus, and this
caused a quarrel between Brutus and Cassius.

A meeting of the senate having been appointed for the fifteenth of
March, there was a report that the motion was then to be brought forward
to give Cæsar the crown. Cassius who both hated Cæsar of old, and also
wished to revenge himself upon him for not having got the _prætura
urbana_, made the first advances to Brutus, and sounded him as to
whether he would conspire against Cæsar: in the night, inscriptions were
left on Brutus’ tribunal and house, which bade him remember that he was
a Brutus. Brutus at once held out his hand, and agreed to be reconciled.
They enlisted several others, Cæsarians as well as Pompeians, a complete
fusion of parties having taken place. Two of the chief conspirators were
old generals of Cæsar, Decimus Brutus and C. Trebonius, both of whom he
had raised to high honours: they had served in the Gallic war, and had
been jointly commissioned to crush the noble town of Massilia. The
number of accomplices is unknown; but the conspiracy indiscriminately
comprehended people who had fought against each other at Pharsalus
(704). No proposals were made to Cicero; but it is a pitiful calumny to
say that his courage was mistrusted: to slander a great man in such a
way, is really shameful.[17] They might have been quite sure of his
courage; what they feared were his objections. Brutus had as fine a soul
as any one could have, but he was passionate; Cicero, on the other hand,
had arrived at mature age, and had become a sadder and a wiser man: his
feelings moreover were of such extraordinary delicacy that he would
never have betrayed his benefactor to whom he owed his life, a man who
had always behaved towards him in the handsomest and noblest manner, and
who had particularly distinguished him before the world as his friend.
Nor could the conspirators conceal from themselves, that the undertaking
which they were plotting could not but displease a wise man. Goethe has
branded the murder of Cæsar as the greatest folly which the Romans ever
committed; and never was a truer word spoken.[18] Hirtius and Pansa, two
generous and wise men who were well aware that the republic needed to
become settled, and not to be stirred up again, had advised Cæsar to
look to himself, and to keep a body guard; but he disdained to do this,
saying, that he would not wish to live, if he had always to think of
preserving his life. He knew well that Brutus might entertain such a
thought against him, and he spoke of it to his friends; but he would
add, that his health had indeed been too much impaired, and Brutus would
surely wait until that frail body of his had gone to decay. And it was
the general belief that Cæsar would soon transfer his power to Brutus,
as the most worthy to succeed him. It was while these things were going
on, that Porcia, when she saw that Brutus was harbouring an important
secret, and that he did not make her his confidante, inflicted upon
herself a deep wound with a knife. The wound brought on a fever, the
cause of which she hid from her husband; and it was only when he
repeatedly pressed her, that she at last disclosed it, thus giving him a
proof of her discretion. Cæsar went to the curia, although his own
forebodings, the dreams of his wife, and the prophecies of the Haruspex
had warned him of his death: Dec. Brutus basely enticed him thither. The
conspirators were at first seized with fear, lest their plot should have
been betrayed. Plutarch now beautifully tells us, how C. Tillius Cimber
forced his way up to Cæsar, and worried him with his importunity, until
he got angry; how Casca struck the first blow; and how Cæsar was
murdered by twenty-three stabs. He lost his life in his fifty-sixth
year, or after its completion.—I am not yet quite clear as to this
point; but the latter seems to me more likely, judging from the time of
his first consulship.—He was born on the eleventh of July, and died on
the fifteenth of March, between eleven and twelve o’clock.




    STATE OF ROME AFTER THE MURDER OF CÆSAR. TRIUMVIRATE OF ANTONY,
                OCTAVIAN, AND LEPIDUS. DEATH OF CICERO.


The conspirators were so far from having formed a deliberate plan, that
they were not even agreed as to what was to be done next. In the first
moment, Cassius demanded that Antony should die; but Brutus was against
it, declaring that it was enough that one man should have died. In this
Brutus was evidently wrong, as many besides ought to have been slain, to
set everything right: at all events, Antony should have been killed, if
even a shadow of the republic was still to be kept up; for indeed it was
he, and men like him, who had made Cæsar’s rule hateful. He had been his
chief instigator to take the diadem, and it is generally acknowledged
that, if left to himself, Cæsar would have done nothing but good. In the
height of the tumult, most of the senators took to flight, a few openly
declared for Brutus and his companions, as tyrannicides. Cicero was one
of these, which shows no small courage on his part. On neither side were
people at all aware of what was next to follow. One might have believed
that the people would have been full of exultation after Cæsar’s murder,
as public opinion was against him, ever since he had aspired to the
diadem; yet there is nothing more changeable than man: now that the
thing which they had wanted was done, the same people who a few days
before had wished for Cæsar’s death, were bewailing and lamenting him.
The tumult lasted for some days. Cæsar had been murdered on the
fifteenth of March; on the seventeenth, the senate met to deliberate on
the steps which were to be taken in a time of such great excitement. In
this meeting, Antony behaved quite differently from what had been
expected, holding out his hand for a reconciliation: people indeed did
not trust him; yet they believed that he was forced by circumstances to
act in this way. Cicero came forward as an adviser, and it was decreed
that an amnesty should be granted for all that was past; just as they
did at Athens after the time of the thirty tyrants. There was much
consultation about what was to be done. Brutus and Cassius, as public
opinion was against them, had betaken themselves to the Capitol to
escape from the storm; and from thence they began to negotiate: there
were many of Cæsar’s soldiers in the city, others thronged in, and the
commotion was very great. The resolutions which were come to, aimed at
reconciliation; but they were full of contradictions to each other.
Whilst, on the one hand, there was a strong feeling of admiration for
the murderers, the decrees of the senate took quite the opposite turn.
The proposal that Cæsar should be declared a tyrant, and all his acts be
repealed, was not only rejected by the senate, through fear of the
veterans, but divine honours were even conferred upon him, and the
validity of all his ordinances expressly acknowledged. The motion had
been made that his will should be annulled; but his father-in-law, L.
Calpurnius Piso, with persevering impudence, carried that it should be
ratified, publicly read, and executed. Cæsar had bequeathed to the
soldiers, and to every single individual of the Roman people, great sums
from his immense treasures; with this one would be sure to rekindle the
enthusiasm of the soldiers and of the populace for him who was dead.
Some had wisely requested that the burial should be quite private; yet
this also was overruled, owing to the boldness of the faction and the
cowardice of the senate, and it was ordered that he should have a
stately funeral in the _Campus Martius_. The corpse in an open bier,
according to the Italian custom, as is still the case at this day, was
set down in the Forum before the _rostra_; and there his nearest kinsman
Antony, who was allied to him by his mother Julia, delivered the
oration, thus working powerfully on the minds of the fickle and
capricious people: he not only recounted Cæsar’s great achievements, but
he afterwards showed the wounds, and held aloft the bloody toga pierced
by the daggers. At this sight, the people became so frantic and enraged,
that instead of bearing the dead body to the _Campus Martius_, they at
once built up a funeral pile of the benches and whatever wood besides
chanced to be at hand, and there they burnt it: they then tore a man to
pieces, whom they had groundlessly mistaken for one of the conspirators,
and they stormed the houses of Brutus and Cassius. These had already
come down from the Capitol on a promise which Antony and Lepidus had
made on oath; and now they betook themselves to Antium, whilst others
went down to the provinces of which they were governors. Dec. Brutus
withdrew to Cisalpine Gaul which had been promised him by Cæsar; there
he meant to take the oaths of the legions, and to make sure of them: M.
Brutus was to have had Macedon; Cassius, Syria.

The events of this year (708) are so complicated and various, that it is
quite impossible to relate them in order. Fr. Fabricius gives a detailed
account of them in his life of Cicero: the knowledge of them is of
importance for the Philippic orations.

Cæsar had in his will made the grandson of his sister Julia, C.
Octavius, his heir _ex dodrante_ after the payment of all legacies; the
remaining quarter he had bequeathed to his wife’s relations: Antony and
L. Piso, were not among the heirs. Cæsar’s aunt Julia, had been married
to Marius; his sister Julia, the wife of M. Atius Balbus, had a daughter
Atia, who was married to C. Octavius, the son of C. Octavius: this last
was a worthy man, and but for his early death, would have risen to the
consulship. Whether these Octavii belonged to those who in former days
had acted a part in history, especially the colleague of Tib. Gracchus,
is a point which I do not clearly know. I am, however, inclined to deny
it, as they are spoken of too positively as having been _ordinis
equestris_. At the time of Cæsar’s murder, C. Octavius was in his
nineteenth year, having been born on the 23d of September, 689. Cæsar
had taken an interest in this young man after his return from Spain; for
hitherto he does not seem to have bestowed any attention upon him. He
had settled that he was to accompany him in the Parthian war, and
thenceforth remain with him to finish his education: until then, he had
sent him to Apollonia in Illyricum, to get Grecian learning there. The
Greek language was at that time quite common among the Romans: Cassius
and Messalla spoke it to each other;[19] and in Cicero’s letters there
are long passages in Greek, without the writers being themselves aware
of it: Cicero’s Greek, however, has sometimes a peculiarly foreign air
about it; it would be interesting to make this at once the subject of an
accurate research. When Octavius had heard the sad news, he came up to
Rome, and presented himself to Antony as Cæsar’s heir, ready to enter
upon his inheritance. This was a most unpleasant arrival for Antony, who
had the most urgent reasons not to let the property go out of his hands:
for as he was answerable for it, he had to look sharp that no mistake
should be made, and that it should be most faithfully administered; just
as was the case with those with whom Napoleon had deposited the five
millions. Octavius is the first example which I know of in history of an
adoption by will; afterwards, this was very often done. Antony now tried
to deter Octavius: he as well as others represented to him that he had
better give it up, telling him that he was still too young: his mother
and his stepfather had allowed themselves to be intimidated. But he
already had Agrippa for his adviser, a man of whom, at a later period,
there is a great deal of good to be said, but whose conduct at this
crisis brought sad consequences upon the republic. But for Agrippa,
Octavius would have played quite a different part: he would have let
himself be intimidated; or else would have been overpowered, and Brutus
would at last have been obliged to take upon himself the dictatorship,
though perhaps under a different name, as the _dictatura_ had been
abolished for ever by a decree of the senate. Octavius now attached
himself to those by whom he hoped to strengthen himself against Antony;
and as, of course, he could not league himself with the murderers of
Cæsar, he made particular advances to Cicero, whose hands were clean in
that affair, and who allowed himself to be entrapped by the deep cunning
of the young man: for he deemed it impossible that one so young should
be false; and he always tried to see what he wished, to find in Octavius
a disposition to consult the good of the commonwealth. Thus arose this
connexion.—Octavius carried his point, and Antony had to give up to him
the will and the inheritance, that is to say, as much of the latter as
was still left; for Antony had already made away with the greatest part
of the sums which Cæsar had deposited with him. The ill-feeling between
Octavius and Antony now ran very high: each suspected the other, and
perhaps with good reason, of trying to murder him. To so great a height
had the excitement risen, that Cicero resolved to go away to Athens,
until the first of January of the following year, when Hirtius and Pansa
were to be consuls: the former of these was a very worthy and able man,
and really his friend, whilst Pansa was much less eminent, being only a
commonplace soldier.

This summer Cicero displayed the greatest intellectual activity. He
began the books _de Officiis_; he wrote the ones _De Divinatione_, _De
Fato_, _De Gloria_, the _Topica_, and also that huge quantity of
letters, many of which are no longer extant. I do not know of any
person, who was so intensely laborious as Cicero, was at that time. A
common man will under such circumstances be stunned; he only thinks with
terror of what is before him: Cicero, on the contrary, was aware of
everything that was going on; but instead of letting himself be made the
slave of events which he could not check, he turned all his thoughts to
the intellectual world. This activity was the recreation which he found
in this grief; it shows the wonderful strength of his soul. Contrary
winds obliged him to stop at Rhegium.

Antony had, by means of decrees which he had wrung from the senate,
given Macedonia to his brother Caius, and Syria to Dolabella, who, after
Cæsar’s death, was consul with him: for himself, he had chosen Cisalpine
Gaul. All at once, he turned round, and seemed to be quite another man:
he showed himself friendly to the _optimates_, and most ready to
conciliate men’s minds; and he enacted laws which aimed at peace. When
Cicero was told that Antony was doing everything that one could wish,
his friends earnestly begged him to return, and to reconcile himself
with Antony. Had Cicero, on his arrival, ventured to appear in the
senate, notwithstanding the risk there was of his being murdered in it;
and had he brought himself to speak there to Antony, as if he could
trust him; he might have prevented a great deal of mischief. Antony was
embittered against him, and hated him; but he would perhaps after all
have consented to make friends with him. On the whole, Cicero was guilty
of a blunder in so loudly expressing his too just abhorrence of Antony’s
utter profligacy. Antony, though a bad man, might still to some extent
be gained over; he was at least an open character. Octavian, on the
other hand, was a thorough hypocrite; and there was much truth in his
last words at Nola, when he asked, whether he had well acted the comedy
of his life: for it was all a part which he had got up most carefully
and deliberately, and which he played with uncommon skill. Dissimulation
was the master faculty of his mind. Antony, profligate as his life was,
still did some good-natured, and even generous actions: Cicero could not
have made a worse choice between the two. He may likewise have uttered
things, which gave deep offence to Antony, and very often have made him
the butt of his wit. However this may be, when Cicero did not show
himself in the senate, Antony broke out against him in the most unseemly
manner; and this called forth the second Philippic, which was never
spoken, but written, and being immediately circulated, was devoured with
the greatest admiration. As Cicero no longer deemed himself to be safe
at Rome, he now went into the country.

Towards the end of the year, Antony betook himself to Cisalpine Gaul:
Gallia Transpadana likewise had already received the franchise from
Cæsar. During the whole of the summer, he went on in the most outrageous
manner: on the strength of the senate having confirmed the _acta
Cæsaris_, he did what he listed, pretending that he was acting according
to commands which he had found among Cæsar’s papers. He granted to
colonies immunity; gave others the franchise, and to some the _jus
Latii_; chose his creatures into the senate; and all for money. In the
same way, he had distributed the provinces.—In Spain, there was Asinius
Pollio; in Gaul, M. Lepidus and L. Munatius Plancus. Antony betook
himself to his province, where he tried to tamper with the legions of
Dec. Brutus, but without success. The Transalpine and Illyrian towns
showed themselves at first very friendly towards him; but his
debaucheries and extortions estranged them from him. In the beginning of
the year 709, the two consuls whom Cæsar had still nominated, Hirtius
and Pansa, entered upon their office,—so far did Cæsar’s power reach
even now!—and the senate assigned them the provinces of Gaul and Italy,
to carry on, in common with Dec. Brutus, the struggle against Antony.
Octavius had beguiled Cicero to get him the power and insignia of a
prætor. Antony having, on the other hand, recalled the legions from
Macedonia, whither they had been sent by Cæsar to be employed against
the Parthians, two of them went over to Octavian; and they formed the
nucleus of his force against Antony, and afforded protection to Cicero
and the other patriots, although there was no one whom they hated so
much. In the meanwhile, Brutus and Cassius had gone to Greece.

To the last year of Cicero’s life (709), belong the last Philippics,
which come down to the end of April, besides several of the letters _ad
diversos_, and also those to Brutus. This collection of epistles, as is
well known, consists of two portions: an older one, which was very
likely found in the same manuscript with those _ad Quintum fratrem_; and
another, which has first appeared in the _Cratandrina_, and is stated to
have been found in Germany. With regard to these last letters, there is
a difficulty which cannot be cleared up. Whether they were forged in the
sixteenth century, or, whether they are really old, I am not able to
decide: if they are forged, he who did it has produced an incomparable
masterpiece. And as for the other letters to Brutus in the first part,
there is likewise a great dispute whether they be genuine or not. That
they are very old, even as old as the first century, there can be no
doubt; yet for all that they may very easily have been fabricated, even
as early as the reign of Augustus, or at least in that of Tiberius: they
are written by an ingenious man who had a very good knowledge of that
age. It is nearly a hundred years since the question of their
genuineness was first mooted by an English editor. Wolf was fully
convinced that they were spurious; but I would not assert it so
positively. I should however be glad if they were not genuine, of which
I am morally convinced, as I am also with regard to the oration _pro
Marcello_; yet there are still great doubts on the subject. These
letters show some misunderstanding between Brutus and Cicero; and
although we must not implicitly rely on them, yet they date so near the
time itself, and are written so much from contemporary sources, that
they may be looked upon as authorities.

While the first months were passing, Antony was besieging Dec. Brutus in
Mutina. All in those parts had now declared against Antony. Modena must
at that time have been of very great extent, since Brutus with all his
army lay in it. Antony however, who was very much superior to him in
numbers, having nine or ten legions, could have starved him out; and he
was going to compel him to surrender, when Hirtius and Pansa, and C.
Octavius as prætor, came up with three armies to his relief. Hirtius and
Octavius first posted themselves in the neighbourhood of Bologna,
whither Pansa followed with reinforcements: Octavian only had veterans;
the rest were newly raised legions inferior to those of Antony. The
latter having marched against the enemy to prevent the junction with
Pansa, the troops of Pansa and especially the _legio Martia_ which had
been sent forward to his aid, heedlessly let themselves be drawn into a
sort of irregular fight in which Antony at first had the worst of it,
and then the better. When he was on the point of turning this advantage
into a decided victory, Hirtius came up with reinforcements, and won the
day. We have still extant an official bulletin of this battle, which was
sent to Rome, and of which perhaps something must be abated. Pansa was
severely wounded. As Antony did not stir from his lines, and the
position of Dec. Brutus was by no means improved; the armies united, and
ten or fourteen days afterwards Hirtius undertook an attack upon the
camp of Antony: he broke through the upper lines, and took the camp; but
he himself was killed in the battle. Dec. Brutus, however, had in the
meanwhile made a furious sally, and joined the troops of the senate; so
that Antony was obliged to give up the siege. He might still have kept
his ground; but he entirely lost his head, and resolved upon leaving
Italy.

At the end of April, things looked very cheerful in Rome, were it not
for the death of the two consuls. Octavian’s reputation was then already
such, that people suspected him of having had the wound of Pansa
poisoned by his surgeon, and Hirtius killed in the battle, in the midst
of his soldiers, by assassins: it is true that his moral character was
by no means too good for such things to be ascribed to him; at any rate,
great suspicion attaches itself to him, as those deaths left him the
stage quite free. To the consuls who might have followed, the republic
could not have intrusted itself. Under these circumstances, C. Cæsar, as
he is now called, took the command of the armies of the two consuls, and
Antony, whose army was dispersed, crossed the Alps with a small troop.
It would now have been in the power of M. Lepidus—an abandoned fellow
whom Cæsar unfortunately had been intimate with, and who after his
death, in defiance of all right, had managed to get the _pontificatus
maximus_—and of Munatius Plancus, to put an end to the whole affair, as
the two were staying in Gaul, and might have crushed Antony: but this
they did not wish. Lepidus would not have raised a hand against Antony.
The latter—perhaps it was a got up farce,—was received in his camp, and
proclaimed _imperator_ by his soldiers and those of Plancus. This
happened in the course of the summer, that season beginning in Italy as
early as the seventh or eighth of May.

In this orphan state of the republic, Octavianus unmasked his real
sentiments, and got his veterans loudly to demand that the consulship
should be given him. Before that, he had applied to Cicero, proposing
that they should be consuls together, in which case he would be entirely
guided by Cicero’s advice. But Cicero did not fall into the snare: he
saw that everything was hopeless. These last months after June were the
most unhappy ones which he had ever known; so that it is no wonder that
he got so tired of life, and would not even try to escape from death.
The veterans with threats demanded the consulship for Octavian; but
Cicero spoke against it quite as resolutely as any other senator. Surely
here are no signs of cowardice, for which his excessive sensibility has
indeed too often been mistaken!—They were, however, at last obliged to
give way, and on the 19th of August, Octavian had himself proclaimed
consul, together with his cousin Q. Pedius. There was now no more hope
left for the lovers of their country: the senate was ready for slavery,
and Cicero withdrew himself altogether. One of the first acts of the new
consuls, was that frightful _Lex Pedia_ by which criminal proceedings
were instituted against all the accomplices in the murder of Cæsar.
Judges were appointed, who were _pro forma_ to summon Brutus, Cassius,
and the other conspirators; and as these last, of course, did not
surrender, they were condemned for contempt and proscribed:—they were
outlawed and a price was set on their heads. This was quite against all
Roman law; for whoever of his own free will renounced the republic,
might always save his life. Dec. Brutus, whose army had been made
disaffected by Octavian, fled to the borders of Gaul, and there he was
murdered by a guest-friend. Octavian also reproached the senate with
having ill-treated him, and with having slighted him after the war of
Mutina; yet as he had the _potestas prætoria_, the senate could not
indeed have done more for him than it did.

It was now November. Antony returned with Lepidus and Plancus and their
army, and Octavian marched to the neighbourhood of Bologna to meet them.
Lepidus, however, acted as a mediator, and the three came together on an
islet in the river Reno, where they agreed to share among themselves for
five years the government of the Roman world as _triumviri reipublicæ
constituendæ_. The idea of such a magistracy was not a new one, as it
had already been legally instituted once before, after the time of the
Licinian law,[20] under quite different circumstances: it is also
possible that on some other occasion there may also have been something
of the kind. Italy was to be administered by them in common with
consular power: of the provinces, Lepidus was to have Spain and
Narbonnese Gaul; Antony, Cisalpine, Lugdunensian, and Belgic Gaul;
Octavian, Africa, Sicily, and Sardinia. With regard to the eastern
provinces nothing was settled. And likewise they first began with
publishing a proscription of seventeen persons. Antony gave up his uncle
as a victim; Lepidus, his brother,—or rather he demanded his death; as
for Octavian, the historians say that it was only after a struggle that
he made up his mind to sacrifice Cicero. Yet this cannot by any means
have been hard for him to do: on the contrary, it must have been a
relief to him to get rid of a benefactor, whom he had so beguiled and
deceived, and to whom he had so often made vows of gratitude and of
devotion to the republic. And moreover, this is only stated by Velleius
and those writers who follow the historians of the Augustan age. How
Livy treated this part of history, we unfortunately do not know for
certain; but it is very likely that he was more free-spoken than others:
we are told that Augustus called him a Pompeian, and a fragment also of
his with regard to Cicero displays much boldness. It is, on the whole,
astonishing how openly the writers of Augustus’ times—Asinius Pollio for
instance—spoke out what they thought of the state of things in their
day: this was partly because it was looked upon as the opinion of
private persons, and perhaps also because these writings were not
immediately circulated. A second proscription followed of a hundred and
thirty senators, which was afterwards still further enlarged. These
lists were much worse than those of Sylla. These last were the offspring
of party spirit alone,—plunder was only a secondary object, or at most
it followed as a thing of course; nor was it even for Sylla’s own
benefit,—whereas now in most cases there was less of revenge than
rapacity. Men who had never given any offence whatever, were made
victims because they were rich, and of every one who was proscribed the
goods and chattels were confiscated.

Cicero was in his Tusculan villa when the proscription list came out. He
was undecided whether he ought not at once to await his death; yet he
let himself be persuaded by his brother to flee. They went to the sea
coast as far as Astura, to look out for a ship; and thence his brother
returned, only to be murdered. Cicero took a fishing boat; but being
tired of life, he had not the least wish to escape, and the murderer was
welcome to him. Much as he honoured Cato, he did not think it right to
lay hands on his own life: he therefore wished to leave it to
Providence, whether he should flee to Sextus Pompey, who was already
master of Sicily, or to Brutus, or any where else. Had he got to Sex.
Pompey, he would have very likely died a natural death; for he would
have lived to see the time when the latter made his peace, and all the
proscribed persons of note who were with him returned to Rome. But
Providence willed otherwise. The wind was contrary; he became sea sick,
and found his wretched life not worth having: the sailors wanted to put
back, and he allowed them to land near Mola di Gaëta, in the
neighbourhood of one of his estates, to wait till the storm was over.
Here he was betrayed by one of his own people, and a centurion,
Popillius Lænas,—a man of a very distinguished plebeian clan, whose
crime was perhaps exaggerated by the rhetorical invention that Cicero
had once defended him,—overtook him. Cicero’s friends had prevailed upon
him to let himself be carried away in a litter; but when his pursuers
had come up with him, he ordered it to be set down, and, forbidding his
slaves to fight for him, he himself stretched out his head to receive
the deathblow. He died on the seventh of December 709, with great
courage. His son, who was at that time with Brutus in Macedonia, still
behaved in such a way as to give hopes of what he would become: he
afterwards plunged into the lowest sensuality, and the coarsest
debauchery. For all that, he was a man of much intellect, and he had his
father’s wit; but he wanted all the moral qualities, which distinguished
the first Cicero.

I recommend to you Middleton’s Life of Cicero: it is written not only in
a very fine style, but also in a very fine spirit, whereas Hooke is
revoltingly unjust to Cicero, and his diffuse work after all is only
patchwork. Until the time of my youth, Cicero was ever revered as a
great name, like a god before whom one bows the knee, albeit a θεὸς
ἄγνωτος. Throughout the whole of the middle ages also, he stood high in
men’s esteem: great minds, like Dante, St. Bernard, Petrarch and others,
knew how to enter into his ideas, and could admire him. This feeling
rose even to a greater height at the time of the revival of learning.
The mania of the _Ciceroniani_ in the sixteenth century is well known:
it was held to be quite a heresy to use a phrase which was not to be
found in Cicero. Some have been made quite dull by it; others, on the
contrary, have thus formed a noble style: of this Manutius is an
instance. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, a reaction began:
people neglected, and even disdained the Latin language and literature,
whilst the study of Greek got more in fashion. This was carried still
farther during the first ten years of this century, when distinguished
philologists would look down upon Cicero with scorn, and sneer at his
twaddle, especially in his philosophical writings. Nowadays an
enlightened and just estimation of Greek and Latin philology seems to
have come into vogue. The philologist’s true standing, according to
Quintilian’s saying, is to be judged of by his love of Cicero’s Latin:
on the whole, nothing better can be said of him as a writer than this
passage of Quintilian. Yet his style is not without its faults: in his
earlier writings, particularly in the speeches against Verres, there are
passages which are quite unworthy of him, and which he himself also
afterwards criticised so severely in his Brutus. In his latest writings,
on the other hand, he has not gone down, nor become dry; but there is
always a freshness about him. The real spring-time of his life was the
time of his prætorship and consulate. After his return, the oration _pro
Cælio_ is particularly distinguished; in the later ones, we must take
the distress of the times into account. The famous second Philippic, as
compared with the rest, has in my opinion been much overrated by the
rhetoricians: wherever he gives himself up to vehemence, he exaggerates,
which was not natural to him. His mind in fact was thoroughly
benevolent, and wherever he shows himself in this light, he is finest.
M. Seneca in the Suasoria gives us opinions on Cicero by Livy, Asinius
Pollio, and Cassius Severus, which are most remarkable.

Cicero’s death ends for us this unhappy year. During its course, Brutus
and Cassius had more and more established their power in the east: the
former had made himself master of Macedonia, and been acknowledged by
the legions; the latter whilst Cassius was in possession of Syria, had
hemmed in Dolabella near Laodicea, and compelled him to surrender. This
fellow, though he had at Rome as _consul suffectus_ overthrown the
statue of Cæsar, had afterwards, when in Asia, killed Trebonius, who
indeed, like Decius Brutus, had formerly been Cæsar’s friend, and
therefore was one of the most guilty of his murderers: for this, he was
now condemned as a traitor, and put to death. Cassius was still most
highly popular in Syria owing to the Parthian war; the legions declared
for him, and the whole of the country submitted to him. At the end of
the year, Brutus and Cassius were masters of the whole of the east, of
the Adriatic sea, of Macedonia, and of Achaia, as far as the frontiers
of Egypt. Brutus kept C. Antonius, a brother of the triumvir, as a
prisoner in Macedonia; but when the tidings came of the proscriptions at
Rome, he had him executed.

In the unfortunate issue of the war of Philippi, we may see the
irresistible sway of what the ancients called _fatum_: one untoward
circumstance followed close upon another, and everything which seemed to
promise well took an unlucky turn. This was especially the case with the
long expeditions of Brutus and Cassius in Asia. Though indeed these were
of some advantage to them in bringing in money and soldiers, as they
could both of them increase their resources and make conscriptions; they
became notwithstanding the cause of their mishap. The chastisement of
Xanthus in Lycia by Brutus, the taking of Rhodes by Cassius, and other
things of the same kind, belong rather to the later Greek history than
to this. Whilst they were training and recruiting their troops, they
ought indeed to have kept themselves in Macedon and Greece, and have
made it impossible for the triumvirs to bring together large masses;
they would have compelled them to march a long way round through
Illyricum, and should the enemy have landed at last, they might have
prevented them from undertaking anything. Thus the chances would have
been considerably in their favour. Fortune was likewise against their
fleet. The two commanders, Statius Murcus and Domitius Ahenobarbus, who
were stationed in the Illyrian waters, do not seem to have neglected
anything; but the wind was fair for the triumvirs, and they landed two
or three times in several squadrons on the Illyrian coast, and advanced
from thence to Macedon. Here Brutus and Cassius had no troops, although
they were not at all in want of soldiers; so that they must have
withdrawn them to Thrace. It was not until the armies of Octavius and
Antony had established themselves in Greece, and had subdued the whole
of it, that their two antagonists concentrated their forces in Asia, and
passed over the Hellespont into Macedon. Near Philippi, in the
neighbourhood of the gold mine of Pangæus, there is between the
mountains and the sea, where the road leads from Amphipolis to Thrace, a
narrow defile which the triumvirs had occupied. Brutus was guided by a
faithful Thracian ally, and so he turned the pass, and encamped over
against the enemy near Philippi: the fleet was in the western seas.
Before he started for this march, Brutus, either at Sardis or at Abydus,
saw the vision which called itself his evil genius, and announced that
it would meet him again at Philippi. The question now was, what was to
be done. Cassius, an experienced general, rather shrank from bringing
matters to a quick decision; but the general voice of the army called
for the attack. The troops stood faithful to their generals, and no
desertion took place: it would therefore have been possible to protract
the war. Had Brutus and Cassius caused themselves to be joined by their
fleet, which they did not know that they could do, and then acted for a
considerable time on the defensive, Octavian and Antony would very
likely have been forced for want of provisions to retreat; but unhappily
they determined upon giving battle. In the army of Brutus and Cassius
were the Romans of the highest rank; the greater part of these had been
proscribed. Most of those who had saved their lives were now with them;
only a few were with Sextus Pompey in Sicily, who had a large fleet of
pirate ships, with which, however, Brutus and Cassius, as men of honour,
and, even for the simple reason that they would thus have made
themselves hateful to the people, would not unite themselves. The battle
was fought; Brutus leading the left, Cassius the right wing (or rather,
according to the ancient way of speaking, the left and right _horns_;
for the term wing supposes a centre, whereas there were two separate
armies, which were drawn up close together). In the battle, the _fatum_
again showed its influence. Brutus overcame the enemy with great ease;
and the one who distinguished himself most under him, was M. Valerius
Messalla, a very young man, whom Cicero much loved, and whom he had
recommended to him. In the reign of Augustus also, Messalla afterwards
bore a high character. Brutus opposed Octavian; Cassius, Antony.
Octavian is generally accused—Antony taxed him with it in his letters,
and in public—of not having taken the least share in the battle; his
army was utterly defeated. The excuses which are pleaded for him are
very sorry ones; but as the command had devolved upon Agrippa, it
certainly had not fallen into worse hands. In the Julian centre, a stout
resistance was made; the right wing, however, was undeniably beaten, and
the camp of Octavian taken. That of Cassius was not forced; but his
troops were routed before it. Owing to the centre standing its ground,
it was not possible to see the success of the army on the left wing; so
that Cassius was led to think that all was lost. He sent an officer to
bring him a report of the state of things on the other side, and after
waiting a very long time for his return, matters appeared to him so
desperate, that he bade his servant take away his life. The suspicion
was already afloat among the ancients, that the slave behaved as a
traitor, and did this without being ordered. Brutus was very downcast
about the issue; twenty days passed, and both parties were still in the
same position to each other as before: all was not yet lost. Had Brutus
known that on the very day of the first battle his fleet had gained a
complete victory, he would certainly have sent for it, and would have
remained firm to his plan of keeping on the defensive. He had much
trouble to get provisions, and it pained him to see that his troops were
as lawless as those of the enemy: he had been obliged to promise them
the plunder of Thessalonica and Lacedæmon in case of victory. On the day
only that he yielded to the wish of his army to decide the war at once,
he heard from the prisoners of the victory of his fleet; but
low-spirited as he was, he would not believe it,—the messengers sent to
him had been intercepted,—and he let himself be brought to an
engagement. In this battle, his troops did not behave with the same
gallantry as before, and they were signally beaten: Brutus escaped with
a small band to a hill. As he could not reach the sea, and life would
only be to him a most heavy burthen, he called upon his faithful
servants to do the last duty to him; and on their refusing it, he fell
upon his sword.

He was only in his thirty-seventh year when he died: at the time of
Cicero’s consulship therefore, he was fifteen years old.[21]

Antony at that time saved many a life, whereas Octavian displayed a
cold-blooded sneering cruelty which was revolting to the feelings: of
this the strangely impartial account in Suetonius bears evidence. Antony
had the body of Brutus solemnly buried: it is true that he likewise
caused the son of Hortensius to be put to death, as he laid to his door
the execution of his brother Caius. Most of the proscribed who were
still alive, now killed themselves. Strikingly enough, among these was
the father of that Livia who afterwards became the wife of Augustus, and
the whole of whose family belonged to Pompey’s party: her first husband,
Tiberius Claudius Nero, even tried to get up an insurrection in favour
of the last of the proscribed.

After the battle, the fleets were still untouched. The army took service
with the conquerors; many of the soldiers were scattered, many also
returned unobserved to Italy; especially the young volunteers, among
whom was also the poet Horace. From Athens, where he was pursuing his
studies with other young Romans, he had joined the army of Brutus, who
gave them appointments as tribunes. He was afterwards very badly off,
until he was recommended to Mæcenas by whose means he got his
pardon.[22]




THE PERUSIAN WAR. PEACE OF BRUNDUSIUM. PEACE OF MISENUM. EVENTS DOWN TO
              THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM. END OF THE CIVIL WAR.


Octavian led his legions back to Italy. Antony remained in the East, and
was really master of all the countries on the other side of the
Adriatic. Immediately after the victory, he behaved everywhere with
humanity, and what was heard from Italy of Octavian was more terrible
than what those countries suffered from him: moreover the provincials
were well accustomed to ill usage, which in this case was after all such
as might be borne. In Greece, he was forbearing; in Asia Minor only, he
extorted immense contributions; the inhabitants there had had already
before to pay to Cassius the tribute for the next five years, and now
Antony demanded new ones. Yet these countries were always sure to
recover after a short time.

While he was on his way through these provinces to Cilicia, he summoned
Cleopatra to come to him: in this he was either led by the fame of her
beauty, or by pride. Cleopatra, conscious of her irresistible charms,
repaired fearlessly to him, although she had formerly supported Cassius,
and done many things besides which must have given offence. With a
fairylike pomp, on galleys bedecked with gold and purple, she sailed up
the Cydnus to Tarsus, where she invited Antony to a banquet, who was
quite dazzled by this enchanting scene:—there were but few Romans who
understood how to display such splendid luxury. He fell irretrievably
into her nets, and she went about with him in Asia, and he accompanied
her to Alexandria.

Whilst he now lay there in the chains of Armida, but not as Rinaldo,
there arose in Italy a new misfortune which sprang from his love affair
with Cleopatra. Octavian had led back his legions, and his veterans were
about as insolent as in the times after the death of Commodus: it is
surprising how for two centuries these wild beasts, in whose hands was
the fate of the empire, still let themselves be kept under as subjects.
Octavian had promised them the most flourishing municipal towns and
colonies of Italy,—one cannot for certain make out which: in 710, the
battle of Philippi took place; and in 711, the founding of the Julian
colonies. (I trust that I shall one day ascertain these military
colonies, with tolerable exactness.) Every one knows that Cremona, which
had at first been a Latin colony, and afterwards since the _lex Julia_,
a _municipium_, had become now—perhaps ever since the time of Sylla—a
military colony: it was on this occasion that Virgil’s life was
endangered. The allotments of those days far exceeded the old
proportions: the fields around for many square miles were parcelled out,
and a common soldier got from fifty to a hundred _jugera_, a centurion
double, a tribune three times as much. If however, the territory of a
place thus doomed would not suffice, there was cut off from a
neighbouring district as much as was required to complete the
assignments; for the soldier was everything. Thus when Cremona was
allotted, a great part of Mantua was taken in, which otherwise would not
have been divided; and Virgil moreover lived about three (Italian) miles
from Mantua: from the distance between the two towns, one may learn what
was the extent of such assignments. One can hardly form an idea of it!
All the landed property was entirely taken away from the citizens, and
given to the soldiers, from whom the countryman of course generally had
his piece of ground again to farm; and perhaps he bought it all back, in
the course of time, when the new possessor had lived too wastefully.

In Italy there now arose the greatest despair. Places which had not
offended in the least, nor ever once withstood the Julian party, were
confiscated just as much as those which had sided with the Pompeians.
Among those who were driven out, there were no doubt in many instances
the sons of the old soldiers of Sylla: these were ready to rush to arms,
and were only looking about for some one who would put himself at their
head. Two men now declared for them. One of these was the consul L.
Antonius, a brother of the triumvir, who was seeking for an opportunity
to overthrow the rival of his brother, in which he was chiefly set on by
Fulvia, his sister-in-law. Fulvia was a termagant, a furious
bloodthirsty woman, profligate but clever: to Antony she was attached
with passionate love, and she had also been faithful to him ever since
she married him. The late Queen Caroline of Naples, the wife of
Ferdinand, was by no means unlike her. Fulvia had been a deadly enemy to
Cicero; now she was jealous of Cleopatra, and brooding over schemes for
putting everything into confusion, so as to bring Antony back to Italy.
In Præneste she gave out that the oppressed should be protected. In the
same manner, Tib. Claudius Nero, the husband of Livia, had stood forth
in Campania, and he seems to have done it out of humanity and justice.
Octavian, however, never once lost his head. He was a coward; but by
degrees he had accustomed himself to look difficulties in the face,
events having matured him, and therefore, thanks chiefly to Agrippa, he
now behaved with prudence and address. He turned himself to his
veterans. Those generals of Antony who were near at hand, showed
themselves undecided; C. Asinius Pollio in Gaul and Illyria, would not
declare for Antony, though in his heart he was for him; and thus
Octavian succeeded in isolating L. Antonius, who with part of the old
soldiers, with refugees, senators, and knights, and also with Fulvia,
betook himself to Perugia. There they were blockaded by Octavian, and as
peace seemed hopeless, they held out to the last: at length, driven to
it by the most frightful famine, and left by M. Antony to their fate,
they capitulated. L. Antonius betrayed his party, made up with Octavian,
and was allowed to go free with Fulvia who now withdrew to Asia. The
veterans went into the service of the young Cæsar, having hopes of new
assignments of land, as he promised to take care of them as he would of
his own men; the newly levied soldiers also went over to him: and thus
there remained only the unfortunate senators, knights, and inhabitants
of Perugia, who were obliged to surrender at discretion. Three hundred
of these, all of them men of rank, were offered up like beasts of
sacrifice at the altar of Divus Julius; Perugia was set fire to, and
burned to ashes, either during the pillage, or owing to the despair of
the inhabitants. The town was afterwards rebuilt as a Julian military
colony, under the name of Augusta Perusia, as it is still called on
solemn occasions.

From the year of the Perusian war (712), dates Virgil’s fourth eclogue,
which is in praise of Asinius Pollio under whose protection he then was,
probably at Mantua: Asinius was, at that time, all but an enemy to
Octavian, and very near taking up arms against him. Now that all was
over, Antony, who had concentrated his troops in Greece, went across to
Brundusium; and there, by the mediation of Mæcenas and Cocceius, a peace
was concluded between him and Octavian, by which the civil war was put
off for nine years. To this period belongs Horace’s journey to
Brundusium. (The greatest part of his poems were written in his early
youth, or at least before the battle of Actium: his most poetical time
was about his thirtieth year.) As a bond of peace, it was agreed that
Antony should marry Octavia, the widow of C. Marcellus, and half sister
of Octavian,—not indeed by Atia, and therefore not of the Julian house,
but by the same father. In the midst of a most corrupt age, and in a bad
family, she was a noble-minded woman,—a sad example of the hard fate to
which persons of the highest rank may be subjected. She was an exemplary
wife: in her behaviour to C. Marcellus, she was spotless; and such she
was also to Antony, who neglected her in the most shameful way. An
excellent mother she also was; but she had the misfortune of losing her
dearest son, the hope of the Roman people: of her children by Antony,
the Antonia who was afterwards married to Drusus, the son of Livia,
seems alone to have been worthy of her. Antony got the empire of the
east as far as the Ionian Sea,—the self-same division which was
projected under Severus, nearly settled under Diocletian, and at last
established under the sons of Theodosius; the west was given to
Octavian; but Lepidus was to have Africa, and doubtless Sicily also and
the islands between those countries.

But Sicily was then in the power of Sextus Pompey, the younger son of
the great Pompey. He had, after the battle of Munda, collected a force
among the Celtiberians, and in the year of Cæsar’s death he carried on
an indecisive war against Asinius Pollio. When the amnesty was decreed,
at which time he was at Marseilles, he was recalled together with the
rest by the senate; the value of his father’s property was to be
refunded to him, and the _imperium oræ maritimæ_ was promised him. This
_imperium_, however, he had first to create. When the proscriptions came
out, he was in great danger: Antony was in possession of his paternal
mansion on the Carinæ, and for the sake of it, he was already trying to
have him killed. He did not therefore venture to come to Rome, but
surrounded himself with all sorts of adventurers, and gathered together
a swarm of pirates such as his father had crushed,—in fact the sons of
these, and even in some instances the self-same men: he was their
natural patron; for, according to Asiatic custom, the conquered placed
themselves under the protection of the conqueror. Thus he made himself
master of Sicily, which was still quite a Greek island: his pirates too
were either Greeks or hellenized Asiatics. He was joined by Statius
Murcus, with part of the fleet of Brutus and Cassius. With the rest of
it, Domitius Ahenobarbus carried on the war for two years under his own
auspices; after this, he united himself with Asinius Pollio, and by him
was reconciled to Antony, to whom also he then attached himself. Antony
had, even before the battle of Philippi, been foiled in an attempt on
Sicily, and moreover Sextus Pompey had very much strengthened himself
since; Antony therefore and Octavian now began to treat with the latter
by themselves, taking no heed of Lepidus, whom, without asking his
leave, they confined to Africa. There was a peace made near the headland
of Misenum. Pompey went to them on shore, and trusted himself to them
with some generosity; they, on the other hand, with a magnanimity which
was otherwise foreign to them, went on board his flagship, and partook
of a meal with him. One of his commanders wanted on this occasion to cut
the cables of the anchors, and to seize them; but Pompey ordered that it
should not be done. By this peace Pompey had Sicily, and as it is stated
in an account very likely to be true, Achaia likewise, together with
Sardinia, given up to him; so that he had the heart of the maritime
dominion. In this possession he peacefully maintained himself for four
years.

Sextus Pompey is said to have been _sermone barbarus_. He was indeed a
rough fellow, and had lived abroad from his earliest youth; but we see
in what a corrupt and neglected state the vulgar tongue must at that
time already have been. People only who were highly educated spoke well;
it was a particular refinement, a perfection of language, which, if not
carefully cultivated, was very liable to degenerate before long. Cicero
tells us of the _sermo urbanus_ of the time of Lælius, and remarks that
the ladies of that period spoke an idiom of uncommon elegance.[23] But
now this refined style was already gone off, as is the case at the
present day nearly everywhere, even in England and France. Sextus Pompey
was a mere _condottiere_ like Antony and others: he thought of nothing
beyond maintaining himself in Sicily and those parts, the restoration of
the republic being no concern of his. By the peace of Misenum, all the
proscribed were allowed to return to Rome.

Peace having been thus restored, Antony turned to the east, where
Labienus had fled over to the Parthians. The latter was one of those men
whose fate does not inspire any sympathy: he was a seditious tribune in
Cicero’s consulship, and afterwards a tool of Cæsar’s usurpation. His
family also was a seditious one: his uncle had been slain with
Saturninus, and he had tried to avenge him upon C. Rabirius, one of the
few still living of those who with Marius had stormed the Capitol,
thirty-seven years having passed since then. Labienus was an intriguer
from inclination, not from need, as he was very rich: he threw himself
into the arms of Cæsar, and distinguished himself as an officer in the
Gallic wars. Afterwards, it is not known for what reason, he went over
to Pompey, to whom he remained faithful. Then, after the battle of
Pharsalus, he went to Africa, and from thence to Spain; after which he
again makes his appearance in the army of Brutus, takes a part in the
battle of Philippi, and at last betakes himself to the Parthians. He now
led a Parthian army to Syria, and these barbarians, when commanded by
one of Cæsar’s comrades, achieved things such as they had never done
before: yet after gaining several victories, they were at length driven
back by Ventidius.

The same family policy as that of Labienus is met with at that time in
more instances than one. That Asinius Pollio was so determined an enemy
to Pompey, Cicero, Brutus, and the other Pompeian senators, whose
characters he must otherwise have liked, whereas the Cæsarians were not
at all to his taste; was owing to nothing else but personal feeling. It
so happened that when Pompeius Strabo, the father of Cn. Pompey,
overcame in the Social War the Picentines and Marrucinians, the prætor
of the Marrucinians was slain, Herius Asinius, the father or grandfather
of Pollio (very likely his father; for he also called his son again
Herius Asinius). For this reason, he looked upon Cæsar’s party as the
Marian one, and attached himself to it as such. This was also the case
with Munatius Plancus, a man of distinguished intellect, and not to be
slightingly spoken of; but whom in other respects I cannot uphold. He
was a Tiburtine, and all the inhabitants of Tibur, Præneste, in short,
all the Latins, were thoroughgoing partisans of Cinna; so that Munatius
quite naturally became a Cæsarian, as Cæsar, who was Cinna’s son-in-law,
might in truth be deemed the representative of his party.

Antony now again withdrew to the East, and being separated from
Cleopatra, he lived for some time with Octavia, until he obliged her to
go back to Rome. Whilst he now stayed in Asia, and sometimes also in
Alexandria, he was allured by the hope of Asiatic trophies; for the
Romans still smarted under the disgrace of the overthrow of Crassus. The
Armenian king Artavasdes had made advances to him. The whole of the
Parthian empire consisted of a number of distinct kingdoms, which in
reality were vassal principalities, and not mere satrapies of the king
of kings who kept his court at Ctesiphon near Seleucia. Antony marched
with a large army through Armenia and Aderbijan to Media, the true Irak
Ajemi; and there he besieged the town of Phraata. (The geography of
those parts we know very little of.) His plan was wretchedly devised.
Owing to the impassable nature of the ground, he had left his battering
engines behind, with two legions under the legate Statianus to protect
them; this depot was taken by the Parthian sovereign Phraortes, and the
two legions were cut to pieces. Afterwards the main army also was so
closely pressed, that Antony, having narrowly escaped the fate of
Crassus, had to retreat to Armenia: the fourth part of his army had been
annihilated, and most of his baggage entirely lost. Antony now returned
to his revels with his paramour, to whom he gave Cœlesyria, Judæa, and
Cyprus for her empire, a thing which highly disgusted the Romans. To
that kingdom, as the coins of Cleopatra show, the puzzling name of
Chalcis is given, which I cannot account for in any way: it is certainly
to be understood of this realm, and not of the tetrarchy of a later day.

The life of Antony by Plutarch is a very lengthy one; but there are many
very remarkable accounts in it, which he had still heard from his
grandfather or great grandfather, especially about the frightful
distress which there was in Greece: the parallel with Demetrius is very
happy. To this period belong the stories of the profligate way in which
he spent his time, squandering in eastern luxury and pomp the sums which
he had extorted from the nations. The only feeling that one can have
with regard to Antony, is that of satisfaction that all is over with
him. Here he forgets the shame which he had suffered in war. Fortune,
however, was yet once more favourable to him; for the king of Media
besought his protection, and showed himself inclined to acknowledge his
supremacy instead of that of the king of the Parthians.

In the meanwhile, Octavian took up arms against Sextus Pompey. The soul
of this war was Agrippa, who built a fleet on the Lucrine Lake, which he
converted into a sort of harbour, where he exercised his ships: a fair
ground of quarrel did not exist. Twice was the fleet destroyed by
storms: when it was restored, Agrippa gained a glorious victory near
Mylæ (Milazzo); but at Tauromenium, Octavian’s ships were utterly routed
before his eyes, the commanders of the Pompeian fleet, to crown his
disgrace, being freedmen, Mena (Μηνᾶ = Μηνόδωρος, not Mænas; we know the
name from Horace’s Epistles)[24] and Menecrates. Octavian’s troops had
landed under Cornificius, one of his most faithful servants, and had
likewise been beaten, almost indeed annihilated: Agrippa retrieved
matters. Another fleet was built, and now Agrippa won a great naval
victory. Pompey left Sicily, sought the protection of Antony, and staid
for some time in the Levant. Antony was favourably inclined towards him;
but whilst he wavered as to whether he should receive him or have him
executed, Pompey, owing to one of those fatal orders, was murdered by a
proscribed person in Phrygia, a deed which was yet more shameful, as he
had formerly made it a point in the peace of Misenum, that all the
proscribed should be reinstated. Whether the house of the Pompeii became
extinct with him, or whether the consul Sextus Pompeius in the reign of
the emperor Tiberius was a descendant of his, is more than I can say.

Cæsar was now master of Sicily. He had called on Lepidus to give him aid
from Africa; but the latter, who was discontented with the smallness of
his share, and insolent on the strength of the power which belonged to
him, had delayed, and had only come over at last with a considerable
army, when matters had already become very much entangled. He then began
to quarrel with Cæsar for the possession of Sicily; and he seems to have
been quite in the right, if in such a division of robbers there can be
any question at all of right. But Lepidus had neither the respect nor
the love of any one, not even of his own soldiers; and therefore Cæsar,
who was his superior in determination and address, betook himself into
his camp,—the boldest feat of his life!—and called upon the soldiers to
declare for him. The thing succeeded: the daring recklessness of the
step, perhaps also the feeling in favour of Cæsar’s adopted son, but
more especially the hope of a great donation, such as Lepidus was not
able to give, had its effect. Lepidus was forsaken by all the world.
Octavian assigned him Circeii for his abode; and thus the whole of the
west was united under him. In that dreary place near the Pontine
marshes, which is only beautiful from the sea-side, Lepidus passed the
rest of his life, having the title, but not the power of a _pontifex
maximus_.

The immediate cause of the war which ended with the fight at Actium, was
the divorce of Antony and Octavia. The latter had brought to him very
rich presents, military stores, and troops which she had raised for him,
and had gone with them to meet him to Athens; yet he would not see her,
but ordered her to hand over the presents to his officers, and then to
go back to Rome. There, however, she was not to dwell in his house,
although she had even the children of Fulvia with her; and when moreover
she still went on living as his wife, he sent her a letter of
divorcement, and married his paramour, which was a great outrage in the
eyes of the Romans. The war now began under circumstances which left no
doubt whatever as to what its end would be. Antony indeed had formerly
been a much superior general to Octavian; but the best commanders were
now on the side of the latter, who could also recruit his legions, which
his rival had not the means of doing, as he ruled over quite different
races of men, and could get nothing better than deserters to fill up the
ranks of his army with. Where Antony seemed to have the advantage, was
in his fleet; for the Phœnician and Greek nations were at all times far
more seafaring than those of the west: had these resources been for ten
years in the hands of an able man, they might have given him power; but
owing to the carelessness with which Antony had wasted his means, they
were useless. The fleet of Octavian consisted of the remnants of
Pompey’s, and also of the ships which Agrippa had lately built: these
last were small sailing vessels, whereas Antony had immense rowing
galleys fitted up with towers and additional decks, rather as if for
fighting by land, than for manœuvring by sea. Agrippa, who to all
intents and purposes was Octavian’s admiral, displayed from the very
first quite an extraordinary activity.

At the entrance of the gulf of Ambracia, near the Corinthian colony of
Actium, Antonius collected his fleet; so that in the event of a
favourable issue, he might have the passage open to Italy: the fleet of
Octavian was lying off the Thesprotian coast. As the fleets faced each
other, thus also did the two armies at the entrance of the gulf of
Prevesa. Agrippa undertook several detached enterprises, and by taking
Leucas and Patræ in the rear of the enemy, made it uncommonly difficult
for them to get provisions. In the battle, the strength on Antony’s side
was greatest; and if perhaps he could not have conquered, he might at
least have stoutly disputed the victory, had not Cleopatra and the
Egyptian ships taken to flight with womanish cowardice, at a moment when
nothing as yet was lost. Whether Antony thought in his jealousy that
Cleopatra meant to sacrifice him and gain over Octavian, or whatever it
was; forgetting everything else, he followed her in a fast sailing
vessel, and was received in her royal ship. The whole of the fleet which
remained, being thus bereft of the strongest ships, was now destroyed by
that of Agrippa. All was then lost. Antony was in despair: between him
and Octavian no peace was possible; for the conquered there was nothing
left but to die. Three days was he angry with Cleopatra, whom he had
followed to Alexandria; but her power of bewitching him was so great,
that he made it up with her again. He still tried to deceive himself as
to the terrible condition in which he stood: he hoped that his land
force would be more successful, as it was very much attached to him. It
is remarkable how faithfully in these wars the troops still clung to
their leaders: it was quite different under the Macedonian successors of
Alexander, when, even on the field of the battle, the soldiers would
pass over from one side to the other. After Antony had left his troops,
though hard pressed by Agrippa, and in spite of all Octavian’s great
promises, they held out with unshaken fidelity for six days, nor would
they believe that he was not to return; but when Canidius, his
lieutenant, also deserted them, they acknowledged Octavian as imperator.
With this the war was ended: whatever Roman legions there were still in
the eastern provinces, yielded without a struggle; though indeed there
were some trifling exceptions, owing to personal motives.

The battle was fought on the second of September 721. This ought to have
refuted those later writers, like Gellius and Macrobius, who did not see
with their own eyes, and who would have it that the old rule was still
held, that no battle could be fought on the days after the calends,
nones, and ides, without its being unlucky for Rome. At that time, the
whole state of affairs was unpropitious; but yet, all circumstances
considered, the victory of Octavian over Antony was the most fortunate
thing that could have happened. What Horace says of it, is perfectly
just; and no man of sense, let him think of Octavian what he will, could
have had any other wish than that he should conquer.

Eleven months passed before the war was quite over. Octavian went back
to Italy, where new commotions had broken out; for the veterans, who
were as unruly as ever, were again crying out for allotments of land.
Agrippa took possession of the eastern provinces; but it was not until
the spring of the following year, that Octavian marched through Asia
Minor and Syria to Egypt, so as to force the _claustra_ of the country,
near Pelusium. There was probably a secret order from Cleopatra to open
the gates of the place, as she was afraid of war: it is very likely that
as a vain woman she felt sure that she should be able to enslave
Octavian, even as she once did Cæsar who was so much against her. The
only thing that she seems to have been afraid of, was that the war would
be prolonged, and that Octavian would come to Alexandria quite
implacable. But Octavian made an attack likewise from the other side,
from Parætonium in Libya. This, however, was not feasible for a large
army; for although there were fortified towns in that quarter, the
country between Cyrene and Alexandria is one of the most inhospitable
regions in the world. Here Antony had still a number of Roman soldiers,
both cavalry and infantry, with which he wanted to make a sally; but the
troops went over to the enemy, all but a few who had no hope left, like
Cassius of Parma, one of the murderers of Cæsar. Antony therefore made
up his mind to die; but his end was cowardly and pitiful: the deadly
thrust was not strong enough, and he lingered on for a considerable
time, slowly bleeding to death. Cleopatra had shut herself up in her
palace with all her treasures: Octavian wished very much to get her
alive for his triumph; but it was feared that she might choose the death
of Sardanapalus. On the first of August 722, the day that Antony died,
Alexandria capitulated; and on the morrow, the gates of the town were
opened to the Roman army. Cleopatra kept the dead body of her lover in
her room: she wavered between the hope of gaining Octavian, and the
feeling that she ought not to live any longer. Proculeius, an officer of
Octavian, of whom also Horace makes honourable mention, gave her his
word that her life should be spared, and tried to persuade her not to do
any harm to herself: but when she saw that Octavian would not on any
account let her come before him, but treated her like a slave; when she
got no answer to her prayers, that she might still have the countries
given to her by Antony,—for Egypt, for her treasures, nay even for a
life of freedom,—then it was, that after having tried several sorts of
poison, or not having ventured to try them, she put the asps on her
bosom, and so killed herself.

Thus ended the civil war and the triumvirate: in fact, there had for the
last years already been no more triumvirate, as Lepidus had been set
aside. Augustus was now sole ruler of the Roman world. The first of
August was by a decree of the senate appointed for ever as a holiday,
under the name of _Feriæ Augustæ_:[25] the month of Sextilis henceforth
had the name of August, even as Quintilis, in which Julius Cæsar was
born, had been called after him July. Augustus would have liked better
to have had September, in which he was born, named after him; but as all
the great events of his life had happened in August, and in that month
he had also first entered upon the consulship, the preference was given
to it. These Feriæ were celebrated with banquets, festivities, garlands
of flowers, and the like, and were still observed in the days of
Placidia, and even down to the reign of Pope Leo the Great. It was in
fact a political festival, but accompanied with libations and other
religious ceremonies, all of which were kept up on that day to the
latest times. For this reason, the festival of Vincula Petri[26] was
(according to Beda and Biondo of Forli) appointed for the first of
August. In the church of S. Pietro in Vincola on the Esquiline, in the
baths of Trajan, the chains with which the apostle St. Peter was bound
in Rome, as well as those which he wore at Jerusalem, are deposited; and
the public secular holiday, with its feasting and revelry, still
remains, just as it was on the _Feriæ Augustæ_ of old. Even now, whoever
is in any sort of clientship in the later meaning of the word, visits
his patron on this day; the servants in the houses of acquaintances have
presents given them, as it is with us on the first of January; and the
people spend the money which they get in treating themselves. When first
I lived in Italy, I was very much annoyed at this impudence, until I
found in Biondo that it was the keeping up of a most ancient custom.
There are many of these usages in modern Rome, which have their origin
from the remotest antiquity. Down to the last century, it was still the
practice to carry a carved image of the Virgin on a certain day out of
the city, and to wash it in the river Almo, as was formerly done with
the image of Cybele. A number of such old customs are now become
obsolete; for instance, an image was carried from one church to another,
and back again, by way of paying a visit. The festival of the first of
August has been called, all through the middle ages to this very day,
_Feragosto_.

Here ends the old Roman history: the last contest was the death
struggle, and from henceforth the history changes its character. Here I
hope also to end my (large) work. The events which followed, down to the
fall of the empire, may most suitably be divided into the histories of
the several emperors, the first of whom the ancients themselves quite
rightly deemed Augustus to have been; for Augustus he was now already
called. Yet there is still to be described the transition from an
usurped _tyrannis_ into a regularly constituted monarchy.




ROME A MONARCHY. EASURES OF AUGUSTUS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION OF HIS POWER.


Augustus had already been more than once invested with the consulship.
His first was in 709; the second, which he immediately afterwards
resigned, was ten years later; two years afterwards came his third; the
others, down to the eleventh, followed year by year: he was altogether
thirteen times consul. It was soon after the end of the war of Actium,
that he behaved as if he wanted to lay down his power as dictator. This
was, as every body knew, a farce; nor could he have been taken at his
word, as the whole army had sworn obedience to him, and besides the
soldiers, no citizens were under arms. And no man in his senses could
have wished him to resign his authority: for, if under far more
favourable circumstances, when very many eminent men were living, and
people were still quite accustomed to the republic, the free
constitution had not been able to stand its ground, and the state was
ruled by individuals; how should it now have held its own, if Augustus
had given up his power: some one else, and very likely some more
unworthy person, would have been placed at the helm; and thus there
would only have arisen new civil wars. The senate therefore may have
been quite in earnest when beseeching him; and Augustus may also have
put on a serious face, as he hoped thus to have his former cruelties
forgotten. To show the exact date of the rise of his power might be
impossible, or at least very difficult. The name of _Imperator_ was
now—this was a peculiar form of flattery—given him as a _prænomen_; so
that instead of C. Julius Cæsar Octavianus, he was now called Imperator
Julius Cæsar Octavianus: from thence, _Imperator_ was always the
_prænomen_ of the Roman emperors; as we may see from the coins. In the
second century, this was forgotten: in official style indeed one said
Imperator Antoninus Augustus, but otherwise Imperator M. Antoninus
Augustus as well. Octavian in fact wished to have Romulus as a kind of
_agnomen_; but as some took umbrage at this, it was resolved on the
motion of L. Munatius Plancus—who now distinguished himself by his
flatteries, just as had been done among the Greeks with regard to their
Macedonian rulers—to call him Augustus, which the Greeks at once
translated into Σεβαστός. The dictatorship was offered to him; but he
declined it: this may have been owing to superstition, from which he was
not free. It is possible that Sylla’s and Cæsar’s ends frightened him;
but perhaps also, the thing seemed to him to be too straightforward, and
it pleased him as it were to play with it. But he was named consul every
year, if he chose: they wanted to make him sole consul; but he refused
it, and rather wished to have two consuls to help him: this again was
opposed by the senate; “one besides him was already too much.” At the
same time, the proconsular power out of Rome was given him over the
whole of the empire, and he could always exercise it by deputy; so that
he was enabled to give away the provinces at his pleasure. With the
censorship, he got the privilege of excluding from the senate, or
calling into it, any one whom he chose. By virtue of his office of
tribune, he could annul the decrees of the senate, and interfere with
every act of all the magistrates: moreover it gave him the _provocatio_
from all judicial decisions, which is the source of the modern appeal.
He was tribune for life, and as such had the right of calling the senate
together, of making motions, and of putting matters to the vote: this
first began in the seventh century, and no one was now startled at
it.[27] To Lepidus he left indeed the name of _pontifex maximus_; but
after his death, he had that dignity also conferred upon himself, and
thus he engrossed the whole authority of the spiritual law. Moreover, he
had, by means of the tribunician and censorial powers, the supreme
control over the _ærarium_; so that, by an artificial accumulation, all
the powers of government, with the exception of the administrative ones
of the præetors and consuls, were concentrated in his person.

When Augustus, after the battle of Actium, tried to give a new form to
the state, he, for the sake of appearance, went back in everything to
the ancient form. Cæsar took into his own hands half of the elections,
and at last even all of them; but Augustus restored the elections which
were held by the _comitia_, though the _Candidati Cæsaris_ now stood, of
whom it was an understood thing that they were to suffer no _repulsa_.
The poets of that time, for instance Horace, speak of the _ambitio
Campi_, and of the uncertainty of the elections, in language which one
could only have used in the days of the republic; and there is some
truth in it: for Augustus did not give himself the trouble, or did not
take it upon himself to meddle with all the elections. This was so much
the case, that owing to Egnatius Rufus in particular a tumult arose; as
the latter, in defiance of the person who represented Augustus, and in
violation of the _leges annales_, stood for the prætorship, just after
he had been ædile; and also, immediately after his prætorship, for the
consulship: to such a degree was the show of liberty kept up! Yet, after
all, assemblies of the people were in reality confined to those
elections. Of _plebiscita_ no mention is made in earnest in the reign of
Augustus: for we cannot reckon that to be one, which Pacuvius, a
tribune, brought forward to have the month of Sextilis called August. Of
laws, there were several passed: the form in which this was done, was
that a decree of the senate was laid by the consuls before the
centuries, and approved of by the latter. This, as there is reason to
believe, may have lasted until some time in the reign of Tiberius, to
judge from the _Lex Julia Norbana_: afterwards we do not hear any more
of laws properly so called.

Cæsar had already introduced a host of adventurers into the senate, and
Antony a great many more; and it was just the same in the times of the
triumvirate. Augustus now caused it to be made known, that those who
felt that they were not fit for the senate, had better to leave it of
their own free will; so that he might not have to strike them off the
list: whoever acted thus should be treated in the most considerate
manner. A few only, not more than about fifty, did so. As this was not
enough, he put out a great many more: but not to hurt their feelings,
and because he feared for his life from their offended vanity, he left
to them the _latus clavus_ and the first seats in the theatre; which was
a great consolation for those wretches. He raised the _census
senatorius_, which for an indefinite period had been double the _census
equestris_, to a million sesterces: at the same time, he behaved
liberally, and to those whom he wished to keep in the senate, he made up
what was wanting from the public means. The senate had until then its
regular sittings three times a month, and extraordinary ones only when
summoned; Augustus reduced these to two, and gave it holidays during the
months of September and October. Even now, the whole of October is still
the vacation time at Rome; after the end of September, no more business
can be done: under the emperors, all the courts of law had vacations in
the autumn, which was a thing quite unknown in the days of the republic.
In the senate, nothing else could be taken in hand but what the consul
laid before it, as to him belonged the _jus relationis_. Augustus,
however, was also _princeps senatus_; and as such he revived the claim
he had by the old forms to the _jus relationis_, a right which had been
dropped in the later times of the republic. He now formed for himself
another and more select council of state, which had previously to
discuss all those matters that were to be brought before the senate.
Anything like a debate in the senate is no more to be thought of: all
that was proposed, was sure to pass; there was nothing else done but
making fine phrases and compliments.

The extraordinary powers which Augustus had, he caused to be given him,
after the battle of Actium, first for ten years; then, for five; then,
once more, for five; then, three times, for ten years: in the very
beginning of the third decennium, he died. The tribunician authority he
had given him for life. The senate had formerly been, for their Roman
subjects, the supreme court to judge political crimes; and this
privilege Augustus left to it, so as to shift the odium thereof from
himself upon the senators: it afterwards became their chief business.
With the taxation, the senate had nothing whatever to do, as Augustus
had the control over the finances of the whole empire, and could raise
or lower the taxes. In Italy itself there was no land-tax, even as with
us there is none on the seignorial estates; but indirect taxes were
paid, and of these there was a variety, as, for instance, on legacies
and bequests, and when slaves were made free. Even as the hereditary
Stadtholder of Holland was Captain General and high Admiral, so was
Augustus master of the whole army, that is of the forty-three or
forty-seven legions, and of the innumerable _auxilia_, about 400,000 men
in all: over these, the senate had not the slightest power, not even
over the enlistment of them. The provinces in which no troops were
regularly stationed, and which therefore did not belong to the military
department, (Italy, as the country of the sovereign people, was excepted
from all these regulations,) came under the care of the senate: these
were Asia, Africa (so far as it was not subject to Juba), Gallia
Narbonensis, Hispania Bætica, Achaia, Macedon, Bithynia, Cyprus, Crete,
and Cyrene.[28] For himself, Augustus kept by far the larger and richer
share, namely, Spain, all but Bætica; Gallia Lugdunensis and Aquitaine;
the countries north of the Alps, Rhætia, and Vindelicia; Dalmatia,
Pannonia, (Thrace had a king,) Mœsia; Pontus, (Cappadocia had a king,)
Cilicia, Syria, and Egypt: the revenues of these provinces may have
hardly been sufficient to keep the armies which lay there in fortified
camps. The senate had two proconsular and ten pro-prætorian provinces;
but it was not until five years after a man had been consul or prætor,
that he could be admitted to cast lots with those who were to preside
over the provinces. Augustus made some wholesome changes with regard to
the arbitrary rule which was exercised in the provinces; certainly in
his own provinces, yet very likely also in those of the senate. Until
then, all governors had unchecked power to take whatever they pleased:
he was the first to assign fixed appointments to these functionaries.
His governors, whom he chose indiscriminately from the senators, _viri
consulares_, _prætorii_, and knights, were called _legati Augusti_: as
we learn from coins and inscriptions, their official title was _legati
pro Consule_, _Prætore_, and so forth. The senatorial governors were as
before, for one year; those of Augustus, for an indefinite period; for
four, five, or even ten years. This was a very happy change for the
provinces; yet the ones which had an imperial governor, were much better
off than those which were senatorial: in these last, we are sorry to
meet with _actiones repetundarum_; even as late as the second century;
in fact their whole establishment was but a pageant for which the
subjects had to pay dearly. There was a double _ærarium_, that of the
senate, and that of the emperor: how far the latter had also the
disposal of that of the senate, is more than we can tell. Among the
proofs of Augustus’ thoughtfulness, are to be reckoned measures like the
_Lex Ælia Sentia_, by which a stop was put to those disgraceful
emancipations which brought down the franchise to the very lowest
slaves. The way in which the Roman citizens were spread far and wide,
was prodigious: the franchise reached much beyond the frontiers of
Italy, and Narbonnese Gaul, and a great many places in Spain, had
likewise the privileges of citizenship. Such provincials could not,
however, get into the senate. Yet even to this rule there were
exceptions: as early as in the days of Cæsar, some of them had been
brought into it; and under Augustus there were yet more, especially from
Provence, where Latin was spoken very early, so much so indeed that the
country itself was called _Italia altera_.[29] The number of the _capita
civium_, as is given at that time,—somewhat more than four
millions,—seems to us frightfully small; for we are not to look upon it
as that of the fathers of families, as all free men who in their
sixteenth year had put on the _prætexta_ must be reckoned therein. One
quite shudders at the falling off of the population, and by this again
we learn how great was the rage and fury of the civil wars.

Among the praiseworthy regulations which he made, are also those about
the police of Rome. The state of the capital was awful. Since the days
of Sylla and the proscriptions, no one at Rome was sure of his life, nor
was there any kind of police: to see this, we have only to read the
orations of Cicero _pro Cluentio_, _pro Milone_, _pro Sexto Roscio
Amerino_; in Suetonius, we meet with accounts of bandits (_grassatores_)
openly showing themselves in Rome with their short swords. Augustus,
with great determination, put that down. We see what consequences will
arise, when old institutions are allowed to go on without being modified
according to the wants of the times: that which at first was wise and
expedient, in after days becomes perverted and mischievous. Augustus
made a new division of the city. Rome had kept all its municipal
arrangements even as Servius Tullius had left them: it had four regions,
and also the liberties of the Aventine, as a sort of suburb: the real
suburbs were quite neglected. These four regions had _vici_, and this
perhaps was also the case with the other districts: all police matters
there were under the charge of the _ædiles plebis_, which was quite
insufficient. Augustus, without troubling himself about what was old
town, new town, _pomœrium_, and so forth, now divided the whole extent
of the city, as it was then really inhabited, into fourteen regions:
over each region he placed a magistrate, and it had likewise a number of
_vici_, every one of which was presided over by a _magister vici_. This
division proved excellent, and by it security was restored in Rome.
Owing to the extension of the empire, the Roman magistrates, who at
first had been the magistrates of a city, could now no longer give their
time to city business; and therefore several _magistratus minores_ had
been established: but these offices had no authority, and they were in
the hands of freedmen, as no man of any rank would have anything to do
with them. Some years after the battle of Actium, Augustus instituted a
_præfectus urbi_ in whom the whole of the city administration was
concentrated: this place he bestowed according to his own pleasure; L.
Piso held it for twenty years. The good done by this magistracy, and his
most happy choice of the person who filled it, was one of the chief
causes which gained for him the affection of the inhabitants of the
capital. Moreover he set up a sort of _Gensd’armerie_, _vigiles_,
_cohortes urbanæ_, which had to act and to be at hand whenever it was
wanted; as when there was a riot, a fire, in short, anything serious.
The men were in barracks, thus forming a sort of garrison which he might
keep without its making any show. He also established a _præfectura
ærarii_, very likely, not only for his own _ærarium_, but also for that
of the senate: at least, the imperial treasury afterwards absorbed the
other which had formerly been managed by quæstors. For all these offices
he chose, from a εὐπρόσωτος αἰτία, _equites Romani_, not senators: these
last, cringing and fawning as they were, still had a mighty opinion of
their own dignity.

By a _lex Julia_, the courts of justice had been entirely restored into
the hands of the knights. This law he maintained; but he prodigiously
increased the lists of the jury (the decuries), inasmuch as for petty
cases he admitted persons of less fortune than the _census equester_
required.

Italy had accidentally grown into one mass. At first, it had not reached
beyond the south; but by little and little it had been stretched further
to Cisalpine Gaul: Etruria and Umbria thus belonged to it, whilst the
Rubicon was the boundary between it and the provinces. Augustus now
extended it, as was right, to the Alps, and this Italy he divided into a
number of regions. What was the meaning of these regions, cannot be made
out; but one would almost believe that they must have had some reference
to the quæstors, of whom, at that time, there were forty to collect the
revenue, and also ten prætors. Whether presidents besides were given to
such districts, like the consulars appointed by Hadrian, and the
_correctores_ under Severus; is a thing of which there is no trace to be
met with in the reigns of Augustus and his immediate successors. By this
I do not, however, mean to say, that they had not some sort of
authorities over them; for the supposition that the region must have had
a corresponding office is so very natural. At a later period, we find in
inscriptions and in books very many notices, which bear upon the
subject; but at this time, none whatever.

Augustus had a huge private fortune. He possessed whole principalities,
of which Josephus gives us a very striking example in the will of Herod,
who bequeathed his property to the family of the Cæsars: such kings and
tetrarchs very often left all that they had to the emperors. The
stewards of the countries which belonged to these last, were the
_procuratores Cæsaris_: they were generally knights, but never senators;
they might even be imperial freedmen, though perhaps this was not yet
the case under Augustus. In the provinces, the emperor was so absolute,
that Augustus, for instance, changed the whole registration of land in
Gaul without asking any body’s leave, were it only for form’s sake. The
soldiers all swore fealty to the emperor, certainly also to the
_imperium populi Romani_; but no one was bound to the consul. The
establishment of the prætorian cohorts was no innovation. There had been
such troops from the earliest times, being a sort of guards or
orderlies, like the “_guides des généraux_” during the French
revolution: they are to be met with in the Punic wars, and also in the
civil wars, on both sides; and they had arisen out of the former
_evocati_. Augustus had taken them back with him, and had founded
twenty-eight military colonies, as a means of checking any popular
movement; and that he might likewise curb these veterans themselves, he
formed the _cohortes prætoriæ_, which in Italy represented in fact the
armed Roman people: they were chiefly enlisted, or raised by
conscription, from the districts of Latium which had been the
strongholds of the Marian party. At first, he kept them scattered in
Italy, so as to cause no alarm; but by degrees they were drawn nearer
and nearer, until at last the _castrum prætorium_ before the city was
built. Under Augustus there were about eight thousand of them.

Formerly the provincials were called to arms only in cases when a
province was threatened; henceforth from the subjects of all the
provinces of the emperor, many of whom had the lesser Roman franchise,
cohorts were formed, which we hear of under the name of _auxilia_, and
which may have made up about the half of the army. _Socii_ are no more
spoken of at all. The legions, with regard to the organization of which
in those days one is quite in the dark, had to serve a regular term of
sixteen years; afterwards, they still remained for some time under the
_vexilla_ as a reserve, and then they were to have land assigned them.
This system of allotments was Augustus’ work, as was also the increase
of pay. Hitherto the soldiers had got the old pay of a hundred and
twenty _denarii_, or twelve hundred _asses_, yearly; Cæsar doubled, and
Augustus trebled it. This was, after all, not much, about sixty dollars
of our money; and as the price of everything at Rome had then immensely
risen, it was not a large pay for fellows like these who had the throne
in their gift. Still, owing to the number of soldiers, it was a burthen
which the state could hardly bear, as even Tiberius, who was a very able
ruler, already acknowledged.




                              LITERATURE.


Roman literature reached perfection through Cicero and with him, even as
our own did through Lessing, and we may almost set down the year 680,
when Cicero was in the prime of his life, as the epoch in which it made
this step; the language shared likewise in this decisive advance.
However much there may be of the beautiful in earlier times, yet there
is always something wanting, even in Cicero’s first writings; but all
that was coarse and clumsy is now thrown off, and nothing remains but
the pure and polished language. With the greatest justice, the Latin of
Cicero has been acknowledged as the very best: it is, after all, the
language which was spoken by the well educated in his day, and had we
more of Cornelius Nepos than the _Vita Attici_, there again we should
also find Ciceronian latinity. As yet, Latin prose had been altogether
weak and unequal, being sometimes spun out, and sometimes cramped:
Cicero alone gave it its perfection. His influence also on his
contemporaries is incalculable: there is no doubt but that the finish of
Cæsar’s style is to be attributed to him and to his age.

There was then a host of distinguished writers and men of genius; and
though of some of them we know but little, they are not for that the
less eminent. I do not, however, mean to say that all who at that time
were remarkable in literature, are to be reckoned among the classical
writers; some of them, especially the older contemporaries of Cicero,
are quite in the spirit of the earlier age: thus among us, Winkelmann,
as to his style, belongs to the period before Lessing. So likewise
Varro, who for his immense learning and reading in Roman matters—in what
was Greek, this may not have been so great—had such a high renown, is,
in all that is left of him, not at all like one who lived in the same
age with Cicero: he is as strong a contrast to him as Mascov, Mosheim,
and Reimarus were to Lessing. Nigidius Figulus also was very likely a
writer of the same kind. The real bloom of Roman literature consisted of
men who were younger than Cicero, and whom he beheld springing up around
him. One of these was the orator M. Cælius Rufus, whom we may still
judge of even from his letters: his language was like that of Cicero for
excellence. Curio’s letters do not make the same impression upon me: yet
they are not of importance enough for one to be able to give a positive
opinion about them, and I would rather trust Cicero’s own judgment, who
assigns him a very high rank. C. Licinius Calvus, a contemporary of
both, was an orator and a poet as well: him also Cicero greatly
esteemed; and if Quintilian does not think favourably of him, Tacitus,
on the other hand, says that he really had talent as an orator.[30] He
died young. Sallust was considerably younger than Cicero, and of the
same age with Cælius, Calvus, and Curio: he went his own way, living in
the past, and the language and style of his contemporaries remained
foreign to him. As he was not conversant with the language as it was
spoken, it is no wonder that his style has quite a different air from
what we find in theirs: as an historian, he is all that one could wish.
That Priscian charges some of those men with archaisms, is nothing at
all against them.[31]

This was truly the age of the poets. Living at the same time, but not
quite of the same standing, were Lucretius, Catullus, and Calvus, the
rival of Catullus, the greatest poets of that day. Lucretius, whom men
have long tried to exclude from the poets altogether, is now at length
acknowledged in his high excellence as such; not but what, had he chosen
a more favourable theme than that wretched philosophical system, he
might have done far greater things. But the greatest poet Rome ever had,
is Catullus. He never strains after words or expressions: poetry flows
from his tongue, it is with him the very language which the impulse of
the moment brings out; every thought, every word of his, is the
expression of what he actually feels. He has the same perfections as the
Greek Lyric poets down to Sophocles, and is fully equal to them. Other
poets there were, who, though undoubtedly his inferiors, were still
eminent. If we had C. Helvius Cinna; if we had other poems than those
still extant of Valerius Cato (whose _Diræ_ are still very doubtful); if
we had Valgius,[32] and Ticida; we should read them with considerable
pleasure, we should acknowledge still more that the age was rich in
distinguished men, even though they were not equal to Catullus: and this
is certainly more than can be said of any other period. Poetry is now
becoming inured to the strict rules of metrical forms: the greater poems
are composed in hexameters; the smaller lyric pieces, in foreign or
Greek measures; and the old Latin forms are laid aside. The hexameter is
rightly constructed, and the _cæsuræ_ carefully observed: in trifles
only, the Roman poets of those times have some peculiarities to which
they take a fancy; as for instance, in the construction of the
pentameter. Dec. Laberius, the well known composer of mimes, no doubt
was very original: this sort of poetry consisted very much of
improvisation, being like the _Sermones_ of Horace. Furius Bibaculus was
very pleasing; Varro Atacinus, the translator of Apolonius Rhodius, is
by no means to be despised. Comedy had quite gone down, not even
mediocrities being mentioned.

This full bloom of poetry fades away at the time of Cæsar and Cicero’s
death, and a new generation takes the place of the old one. Few eloquent
men of that period survive; Asinius Pollio, for example, who when Cæsar
died, was about thirty-four years of age, and therefore had already
formed his mind. As a writer, however, he belongs to a somewhat later
date, after the war of Brundusium; for it was not till then that he had
completely retired from public life. From the fragments of him in Seneca
the father, we may gather that his style was very unequal, but that he
sometimes could write very well, especially when impelled by passion; as
he did with justice against the Pompeians, and with great injustice
against Cicero. His was a soured and embittered nature, without any
kindly feelings. Another skilful orator was Munatius Plancus. Hirtius
indeed still belongs to the former age, but is not the less excellent:
he is a most elegant writer, although his whole life was spent in the
midst of arms. Asinius Pollio is the connecting link between the two
generations (which might be called _proventus_,[33] φορά); just as
Lessing is between Klopstock, Winkelmann, Kant, Kästner, Gellert,
Cramer, on the one side, and Göthe, Voss, Friederich Leopold von
Stolberg on the other, not reacting upon those who were older than
himself, but paving the way for the rising generation. Thus Asinius
stands between the time of Cicero and Virgil; for the latter may indeed
be mentioned as his contemporary.

It is a very just remark, that it is incorrect to speak, as we do in
Germany, of the Augustean age; we ought only to call it the Augustan
age, Αὐγούστειοι being met with in Greek authors[34] only. Except in the
case of Livy, prose had entirely fallen off: besides him, there was only
Messalla, of whom, however, nothing is left to us. And the cause of this
lay in the state of things at that time, as is shown by Tacitus in his
excellent _Dialogus de Oratoribus_. Prose was in times of old always
developed by oratory; it was poor as soon as people ceased to speak in
public. For this, however, there was no more a free opportunity: the
_rostra_ were dumb, the _curia_ was hushed, and if there were still any
speeches, they were only λόγοι ἐπιδεικτικοί,—dismal signs of the times!
The only field therefore for prose was history, which was written by
Asinius Pollio and Livy: Valerius Messalla alone, who was much older
than Asinius, and about the same standing as Virgil, was of any
importance as an orator. It may also be that he was more remarkable for
his nobleness of mind and his personal excellence, than for
extraordinary talent.

To the first half of the reign of Augustus, belong the brilliant days
of Virgil and Horace, and of many other contemporaries of less
eminence. In Horace poetry is still lyric; but afterwards it loses
this character. It adapts itself more and more to the Greek; the old
licences of metre are altogether set aside, and the Greek being law in
everything, it is a mere translating of the Greek: it is Grecian
poetry in Latin words. The language—except in particular cases, for
the sake of embellishment,—carefully eschews every obsolete phrase,
and the written phraseology is in perfect harmony with the spoken one.
Though Virgil says _olli_, _aulai_, he never does so in the Bucolics
and Georgics, but in the Æneid; and that from the same grammatical
reasons which the Alexandrian writers had for their rules for the
Greek epic style.

Virgil was born on the fifteenth of October 682, and he died in 733, on
the twenty-second of September; Horace was born on the eighth of
December 687, and he died the twenty-seventh of November 744. We cannot
allow of the adoration with which the later Romans regarded Virgil: he
is wanting in that fertility and richness of invention which his theme
required. His Eclogues are far from being a happy imitation of
Theocritus, as they try to produce something on the Roman soil which
could not be there. Theocritus’ shepherds have sprung from true
Siculian, and not from Greek materials; they bear the stamp of genuine
nationality: Daphnis is a Sicilian hero. But when Virgil wishes to
transfer them to the sky of Lombardy, he places Greek names and Greek
peculiarities in a spot where they could not exist at all. More happy is
his didactic poem on husbandry: he keeps himself in a middle sphere, and
one cannot speak otherwise than in its praise. The whole of the Æneid,
from the beginning to the end, is a misconceived idea: but this does not
prevent its being full of beauties in its details; and it also displays
a learning from which the historian can never glean too much. No epic
poem can be successful, unless it be a lively, hearty narrative of some
achievement of which the whole story has become a kind of national
heir-loom. It is a silly remark of a still living historian, that an
epic poem would never tell with the people, unless the subject were
sufficiently old: if the events are such as every one knows, and as can
be made to receive a certain impress of originality without losing their
own distinguishing character, then they are fit for epic poetry, and for
the arts in general. This is the reason why subjects from Sacred History
are so well adapted for the historical painter: it is because the
beholder understands at once what the artist wants to represent, and is
able to bring to mind the whole of the associations with which the
picture is connected. Subjects from mythology are far more hazardous,
inasmuch indeed as the artist himself, and with him the many, are too
little acquainted with them, and they cannot therefore but seem somewhat
unmeaning: in ancient times, however, such mythological subjects were as
much household words among the people as the Sacred History is with us.
Generally known events in modern history would now be perfectly well
suited to be dealt with by the artist. So long as in a nation there be
legends which every body is sure to sing and know by heart, there will
always be something which one may choose as one thinks good, and pick
out as the subject for an epic poem. Thus the epos makes choice of a
single part, whilst the cyclic poem, on the other hand, takes in a whole
series of tales. Such is the wretched Pharsalia of Lucan. Virgil took a
Latin story, and dove-tailed it into Greek legends; whereas had he
wanted to have anything out of the Roman legends, he ought to have
treated it in the Italian style: this might indeed have been very
difficult, as that kind of knowledge was no longer general; but it would
have been the only means of making a poem with much life in it. Virgil
is one of the remarkable instances of the way in which a man can miss
his true calling. His was lyric poetry. The little poem on the _Villa
Syronis_ and the _Si mihi susceptum fuerit decurrere munus_, show that
he would have been a poet like Catullus, had he not made the mistake of
wishing to write nothing but Grecian-Latin poems. It is a pity that
posterity so much overrated the very work which was but a failure; yet
we may well account for it, as people were not able to compare it with
Homer, whom they did not know at all, and its extraordinary beauties had
their full effect. Nor was the superiority of Catullus acknowledged
until the end of the eighteenth century. The first who spoke without
prejudice about Virgil, was Jeremy Markland: amidst a terrible outcry,
as if he had committed high treason, he openly said what he thought. It
was certainly no affectation that Virgil wished to burn the Æneid; that
poem was the task of his life, and he had in his last moments a feeling
that it was a failure. I am glad that he did not do so; but still we
must in all things learn to keep our judgment free, and even then we
cannot but love and honour him. It may be that the tomb on Posilipo,
which during the whole of the middle ages was already shown as that of
Virgil,—yet I know not why,—is not his, and that the laurel on it may
have been replanted many a time; but notwithstanding, I have gone to see
it as a pilgrim, and the laurel branches which I also plucked off at his
grave, are dear to me as relics.

Venusia, the birthplace of Horace, was a Latin colony, founded between
the third Samnite war and that of Pyrrhus. This town, which had always
been true to the Romans, is mentioned by Appian (whose accounts of this
are very trustworthy) among those which revolted in the Social War: it
must therefore have lost its Latin character, and, like the other
peoples in those parts, have rather become Lucanian and Oscan in
feeling. Horace says, that he went to school with the sons of
centurions: this is a hint that Venusia must have been a military
colony, and in fact one of Sylla’s, which may be accounted for by that
rebellion. Moreover, when Horace wrote the second book of his
_Sermones_, a new military colony must have been established there; for
Ofellus, whom Horace when a boy had still seen well off, had had his
allotment of land given away to a soldier. Horace’s father was a
_libertinus_; the cognomen of Flaccus, if the father had it as well,
would prove that he was not of foreign, but of Italian race: his father
may indeed have been taken prisoner in the Social War, and sold for a
slave; for otherwise the children of freedmen have different names. The
father gave his son a very liberal education: when Brutus came to
Greece, Horace, who was twenty-two years old, was staying at Athens
whither his father had sent him. He with several other young Romans
entered the army, and, what was an immense honour for the son of a
freedman, was promoted by Brutus to be a tribune. This raised a good
deal of envy; but it shows him to have been a distinguished young man,
as there were at that time not more than six tribunes to every legion.
After the battle of Philippi, he made his escape like many others, and
was perhaps under the protection of Messalla; then he went to Rome,
where he was recommended to Mæcenas, who soon became exceedingly fond of
him, interesting himself for him even more than he did for Virgil: this
kindness of Mæcenas, Horace received with great gratitude. Mæcenas made
him a present of a small farm on the Sabine hills, where, as he had
indeed but few wants, he lived retired and happy: in his latter years
especially, he was almost always there. The life of Horace by Suetonius
is very interesting; and from this work, as well as from the poet’s own
writings, Wieland in his commentary, particularly on the Epistles, has
said many very fine things on his personal character and his position in
the world, and has cleared him of many a calumny: he has shown that
Horace deserves the reproach of being a flatterer far less in truth than
Virgil, as unfortunately we cannot help allowing. His praises are the
outpouring of a general feeling, which he very fairly shared with other
persons of his day. Wieland moreover points out how he tries to keep
himself from being dependent on Mæcenas, and to push the golden chains
aside as far as he could do so without seeming ungrateful. Augustus was
not at all pleased when Horace did not dedicate to him the first book of
the _Sermones_, and also when he wanted to have him for his secretary
and he declined it: he could not have hidden from himself, that Horace
was one of those who, notwithstanding all the good that he had done,
would not forget his former life, and always judged of him by it.
Wieland calls our attention to a letter of Augustus, in which he betrays
how much he felt Horace’s indifference, and says, _An vereris ne apud
posteros infame tibi sit quod videaris familiaris nobis esse?_ We can
hardly have the odes in chronological order: some of them were written
very early, perhaps even as far back as the time that he lived in
Athens: of many indeed it is impossible to give the exact date; and
though most of them were composed before the war of Actium, the first
three books were not published till afterwards. Some of the _Sermones_
also belong to a very early period: the earliest that we have of his, is
perhaps the banquet of Nasidienus, that is to say, Salvidienus,
according to the undoubtedly correct remark of the scholiast; just as
Malthinus stands for Mæcenas, so that the fictitious name has the same
quantity as the real one. Against a man who had become unfortunate,
Horace would not have written after his execution; and therefore the
poem must date soon after the battle of Philippi, 710. To the last years
of his life belong the fourth book of the Odes, and the second of the
Epistles.

Horace, as a poet, was once admired beyond all bounds; but for the last
thirty years or more, he has not had justice done to him. His imitations
from the Greeks are of wonderful beauty, and they have also much in them
which is his own. Yet for all that he has many faults. When searching
for an original expression, he sometimes contents himself with another
which is none of the most appropriate or the most terse: if one keeps
this remark well in mind, many of Bentley’s emendations fall to the
ground. Moreover he has two great failings. One is quite annoyed at his
misappreciation of the earlier writers; the times had quite changed, and
hence he took a dislike to many things because they were strange in his
day, more especially to archaisms. How he could have been blind to the
merits of Plautus, is quite inconceivable: the age to which he belonged
had wrought on him the same effects which difference of nationality has
on other men; many an expression may have quite gone down to the common
people, and thus have become vulgar, so that Horace was shocked by it.
This feeling may have been much increased by his disgust at those who
made a ridiculous parade of quaintness, playing the same farce as the
exaggerated admirers of the middle ages among us. And besides this,
painful is the impression which is made upon us by the irony of Horace’s
Epicurean philosophy, owing to which he, in fact, looks upon everything
as a folly, and tries to sneer at everything, treating what is most
venerable with irreverence: this becomes at last a bad habit with him.
Yet there is excuse for this in the age in which he lived; in better
times, it would not have been thus. One sees in him a mild and quiet
man, who in truth was always constrained and reserved; the wild,
reckless Catullus, with his loud laugh, and his loud wailings, comes
more home to our hearts: the same tone which there is in Horace may also
have been that of Menander, and the latest Athenian comedy. Horace did
not choose to let his heart bleed, and thus he puts us indeed into a
sadder frame of mind. When a real good is lost for the people, one
should not deaden the feelings to it, and try to make the world
thoughtless; but one should carry the grief for it within one’s breast,
and let it have free course, yet without cherishing or artificially
fostering it. “He who has lost a real good,” says Friederick Leopold Von
Stolberg, “has often much left to him, if he retains the consciousness
of what he has lost.” Horace with all this is still ever noble and
amiable: he has only misunderstood an unhappy age. He lived nearly to
his fifty-seventh year.

Of the same standing as Horace was Tibullus an _Eques Romanus_: he was
one of those whose fortune had somewhat suffered in those stormy times.
The year of his birth is unknown to us: from an epigram which is
ascribed to Domitius Marsus (_Te quoque Virgilio comitem non æqua,
Tibulle_, &c.), we merely gather that he died soon after Virgil. Yet
there is some doubt about that epigram: the way in which Horace
addresses Tibullus, seems to bespeak a contemporary. Of Tibullus, the
first two books are not to be doubted; but the third cannot possibly be
his, although the name of the author can hardly be Lygdamus: for it may
only be substituted for the right one, as being of the same quantity.
Thus it is also with the names of women: that of the mistress of
Propertius, whom he calls Cynthia, was Hostia; that of Tibullus’ Delia,
was Plania. Owing to party spirit, people will not admit the truth of
Voss’s remark, that in the third book there is quite a different
metrical character, and also quite another turn of expression: he who
does not see this, is in my opinion no judge of questions either of
grammar or of metre. A distich has been rejected as spurious because it
clashes with the chronology of Tibullus: the poet of the third book was
born, like Ovid, in 709, under the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, as
he says himself:—

                 Natalem primo nostrum videre parentes,
                 Cum cecidit fato consul uterque pari.

These verses cannot be struck out. The fourth book is just as little
Tibullus’ own: the panegyric on Messalla is the production of some poor
fellow who was in want of a patron, and certainly not that of a knight.
Both books, the third and the fourth, are by authors who are inferior to
Tibullus. The smaller poems which bear the names of Sulpicia and
Cerinthus, may be Tibullus’ own; but they are almost too good to be his:
there is too much strength and boldness in them. To me, Tibullus is an
unpleasing poet: this womanish and maudlin grief, this unantique
sentimentality, are mistaken tones of Mimnermus, which to me are
unbearable; and above all, in a Roman.

Somewhat older perhaps than Horace was Cornelius Gallus, a man of rank
who had also tried his fortune in war, and whom Augustus had appointed
governor of Egypt, in which post indeed he behaved shamefully. He must,
however, have had his amiable qualities, as Virgil was so fond of him,
and introduced his praise in the fourth book of the Georgics: it was to
replace it, that the poet had afterwards to put in the episode of
Aristæus. Having been convicted of very disgraceful things, Gallus put
an end to his own life. He had translated Euphorion, and written
elegies, of which, however, one line only remains. He must have been a
distinguished poet, though what goes under his name, all but a few
fragments, is not genuine. If he is called _durior_, this perhaps
implies that he had the old language and versification of Catullus and
Lucretius, which Quinctilian might indeed have found harsh.

One who also lived at the same time as these men, was Varius. Of him we
have unfortunately but a few verses; the ancients, however, ranked him
with Virgil and Horace among the great poets of that age; he was
especially renowned for his tragedy of Thyestes. This is a very unhappy
subject; and I am afraid that there was a good deal of rant in that
piece, and that it stood in the same relation to Greek tragedy as the
Æneid to the Iliad. The tragic poets of that age in all likelihood no
longer had before them the old Athenian tragedy, like Pacuvius and
Attius, but the Alexandrian; for what was called the Pleias, was
certainly something quite different from the old tragic poets. One may
get an idea of it from Seneca, whose pieces are certainly not of Roman
home-growth, but evidently formed after foreign models: his lyrical part
is limited to anapæsts, and very rarely contains quite simple strophes
of four lines. If I had the choice, I would rather have Varius’ poem _De
Morte_ than his tragedy.

This was the noble group of the poets of that age, such as seldom have
met together in this world. These poets Augustus found living when he
made himself master of the state; they have passed the shortest part of
their lives under his rule. But now a second generation arose, which is
really to be called the Augustan. It begins with Propertius, whose poems
are evidently imitations from the Alexandrian school; whereas Horace
kept to the older lyric style, although Virgil already begins to follow
somewhat in the track of the poets of Alexandria and Pergamus.
Propertius must have been born about 700. He was a native of Umbria, and
his youth was about the time of the assignments of land: it was his
ambition to be the Roman Callimachus or Philetas.

Much greater than he,—in fact, of all the Roman poets whose works have
come down to us, by far the most poetical after Catullus,—was Ovid, born
in 709. Virgil is evidently disheartened by his lot; Horace’s mind was
painfully distracted in another way, as he fondly loved Brutus;
Tibullus, with his feeling heart, was weighed down by evil times;
Propertius was so affected by the early loss of his property, that free
enjoyment of life and perfect ease never returned to him: but as for
Catullus, on the other hand, the unbounded freedom of his humour sprang
from the independence of his fortune. His father must have been one of
the most eminent men in his province; he was a guest-friend of Cæsar.
Ovid was born with one of the most happy dispositions that heaven can
give, at a time when the troubles of the Perusian war could only reach
him in his cradle; he was in his thirteenth year when Cæsar Octavianus
conquered at Actium: thus his lightheartedness and cheerfulness arose
from the circumstances of the age in which he lived. On this we are all
of us dependent: my own tone of mind is quite different from what it
would have been had I been born thirty years sooner or later. Ovid was a
young man of rank and wealth at Sulmo, who began the world adorned with
every gift of mind and body: a greater facility no man could have, and
in this respect, he is among the very first poets. In Schiller’s poems,
one may every where remark his struggle with the forms of verse, and the
toil with which he worked; whilst in Goethe’s early productions,
everything is as if written off-hand. The Greek lyric poets also are
never far-fetched; it is as if they could express themselves only in the
way in which they did, and in none other: Horace, unlike them, is
plodding, and it is but seldom that anything, as it were, bubbles out of
him. In Ovid, all comes fresh from the heart: his faults, which also run
through his poetry, are well known. The cause of his misfortune is a
riddle which no human sagacity will ever be able to make out; and the
endless stories which have been spread about it are but so many
absurdities. The utter depression of his mind during his abode in Tomi
has been turned into a reproach against him; but I am rather struck with
admiration, that in this dreadful exile among barbarians, his freshness
and liveliness forsook him so little.

One of his contemporaries was Cornelius Severus, of whom we have a
fragment which strengthens the opinion that had he lived longer, he
would have become an eminent epic poet, infinitely superior to Lucan.

Pedo Albinovanus must also have been distinguished. Whether he is the
author of the poem to Livia on the death of her son Drusus, seems not to
be so certain as is generally believed.

Livy was born in the consulship of Cæsar, 693, and lived to his
seventy-fifth, or seventy-seventh year;[35] he thus reached far into
Tiberius’ reign. I have already spoken of him before. History was the
only thing that one could then write in prose; eloquence had sunk into
wretched declamation, or mere lawyer’s pleading. He was fifty years of
age, or somewhat older, when he began to write his history. The
unfavourable opinion which Asinius Pollio gave of him, certainly arose
from party spirit, as the latter could not abide anything that was
Pompeian. Livy’s great fame, in which no one of his day has equalled
him, is all built upon his historical work; and this is the reason why
he is not once mentioned in Horace: very likely, he lived at first as a
teacher of rhetoric in complete retirement. A man came all the way from
Cadiz to Rome to see him.

In the literature of the Cæsarian period, I forgot to mention Dec.
Laberius, who was very distinguished and original as a writer of mimes.
If men like Laberius and P. Syrus acted their mimes themselves, these
were evidently a kind of improvisation, a description of poetry which
was akin to the _sermones_ of Horace, and partook very little of the
peculiarities of dramatic verse. P. Syrus also ranked very high. Comedy
had at that time quite gone off; we do not even meet with mediocrities.
Of tragedies, the Thyestes of Varius only is mentioned.—Valgius also
belongs still to the time of Virgil.

The political weakness of Greece in those days, before the might of
Rome, is not greater than the absolute nullity of Greek literature as
compared with the richness of the Roman one. The Greeks were then
nothing but rhetoricians and grammarians, though these certainly deserve
an honourable mention: of poems, there are none worth speaking of; even
of epigrammatic talent there never yet was such a dearth: only a few
wretched epigrams date from that age. Dionysius of Halicarnassus stands
alone as a man distinguished for sense and judgment: it is therefore not
to be wondered at, that the Romans in this respect also felt superior to
the Greeks; and they did not perhaps feel it as much as they should have
done. In the latter days of Augustus, literature again went down hill
most rapidly; and under Tiberius it had completely run itself out. Those
who were the leaders of taste, and brought on the silver era, were Greek
rhetoricians, mostly from the Levant. From old Greece, as far as I know,
Plutarch is for many centuries after Polybius the only writer of
eminence.




     PRIVATE LIFE OF AUGUSTUS. AGRIPPA. MÆCENAS. FAMILY CONNEXIONS.
                               BUILDINGS.


The very many statues and busts which yet remain of Augustus, bear out
the statement of Suetonius, that he was an uncommonly fine man. His
_decora facies_ he still had even in his old age; we may trace the
likeness in his busts throughout the different periods of his life. He
is so beautiful that I very nearly got his bust; but his personal
character deterred me. He was however a remarkable man in every respect.
What he was reproached with by the ancients, was want of courage; but
this is an imputation which is easily made, especially if there is some
foundation for it after all; yet there were, on the other hand,
instances also in which he undeniably showed courage. In the war of
Philippi, there is indeed some ground for such a charge: at Mutina, he
perhaps was guilty of treachery; but in the Pompeian war, no reproach of
the kind attaches to him. He was a bad general, and had no more luck in
the field than he had in his domestic relations. His falseness and
cruelty, I have before described; yet he had also his good qualities: he
was a friend to his friends, and put up with many things from them;
which considering his pride, is very surprising: towards Agrippa and
Mæcenas, he was neither faithless nor unthankful. In his domestic
relations, he was regardless of character. He had at first been
betrothed to Antony’s stepdaughter Clodia, but the match was broken off;
then he married Scribonia, who bore him Julia of unhappy notoriety; and
then he put her away, and compelled Tib. Claudius Nero, who had once
been proscribed as a partisan of Brutus, and who was also one of the
best of the family of the Claudii, to give up to him Livia. Livia, whose
ambition and thirst of power for her own family knew no bounds, and who
shrank from no crime, had gradually gotten the most absolute sway over
Augustus. However much he sought to bring back purity of morals, he
himself was a thorough profligate; and this Livia winked at. They were
married to each other nearly fifty years; and the longer they lived
together, the greater became her power. She must have been wondrously
beautiful in her youth, and amazingly clever: for a long course of
years, she strove with quiet patience to get the dominion for her race;
and for this purpose she estranged Augustus from the whole of his
family. The only child she had borne him was still-born. So long as
Octavia, the half-sister of Augustus, and one of the most respectable of
the later Roman matrons, was alive and had prospects for her son
Marcellus, who was married to Julia, she herself seemed to have been
altogether set aside. But after the death of Marcellus, Agrippa became
more powerful than ever, though he had already gained such an
ascendancy, that Augustus, had he not loved him much, must have been
afraid of him; and now the emperor bound him to him by the marriage with
Julia, because he really feared him: Julia had by Marcellus one daughter
only. Agrippa was much older than Augustus, with whom he had been as a
sort of tutor in Apollonia; it is not unlikely that Cæsar had meant him
to accompany his nephew as _custos_ to the Parthian war, as was
generally done when the youthful Roman at seventeen first joined the
army: thus Lollius went with C. Cæsar. Before that time, nothing is
mentioned about him, nor can any one tell where he came from; in Cæsar’s
campaigns, he is not once named: he is said to have been _ignobili_,
even _humili loco natus_. He afterwards shows himself to have been an
experienced general. Augustus’ best time was that during which Agrippa’s
influence was paramount with him; that is to say, almost the whole
unbroken period from the battle of Actium to the death of Agrippa, whom
no one accuses of having had any share in the earlier crimes of his
pupil. It is he, above all men, who gave the state its form; he is, more
than Augustus, the author of the most useful institutions,—perhaps also
of some artful ones, but certainly of all that had any good in them.
Besides which, there was something grand about him. We have but one
building left of his, the Pantheon, which indeed is the finest relic of
ancient Rome. He had a genius for vast and magnificent works, for roads,
canals, aqueducts, baths: he so laid out the whole of the Campus
Martius, that Strabo is quite in ecstacies whilst describing it. In the
war against Pompey, he displayed tried ability: moreover, he then built
a fleet and the _portus Julius_. He was thrice consul, and openly laid
claim to the highest honours: for he looked upon them as his due, being
anything but cowed and daunted before Augustus. He died, I believe, in
740; Mæcenas in 744, in the same year as Horace.

The friendship of Augustus was shared with Agrippa by C. Cilnius
Mæcenas, of the illustrious Etruscan house of the Cilnii (_Etrusci
reges, reges atavi_):—it must have been a δυναστεία; the name is also
met with innumerable times on monuments at Arretium. This clan must have
had the Roman franchise even before the _lex Julia_; for as early as
Livius Drusus, a Mæcenas, as we are told by Cicero,[36] was already
among the _equites splendidissimi_. Horace seems to hint that the
forefathers of Mæcenas’ line, both on the father and mother’s side, had
been raised to the highest magistracy in the days of Etruscan freedom:—

            “—_quod avus tibi maternus fuit atque paternus,
            Olim qui magnis legionibus imperitarent_:”

in all likelihood, both of these branches belonged to Arretium: Mæcenas
himself was merely a Roman knight. With posterity, he has earned the
honour of having been a patron of the poets: we may rejoice that he
showed kindness to Horace and Virgil, without indeed troubling ourselves
about his motives for it, which we have no means of finding out. He was
a strange man, an epicurean in the very worst sense; and he unblushingly
avowed it, as he set up ease and comfort as the highest good in life. He
displayed a more than womanish love of life; for though in a wretchedly
broken state of health, he was glad to live, even in torture, if only
live he could (_vita dum superest, bene est_). There was also something
childish and trifling about him: he had a foppish delight in trinkets
and jewels, for which Augustus often laughed at him. To the latter, he
was a convenient friend and a most agreeable companion; and for all
honours he expressed an epicurean contempt, looking upon Agrippa’s love
of distinction as folly. Yet for all that, he may have cared not a
little for having influence; whenever Augustus consulted him, he got
very sensible advice. Once only he behaved in a manly way. When
Augustus, in the time of the triumvirate, or in that of the Perusian
war, was seated on his tribunal, and was pronouncing one sentence of
death after another, Mæcenas sent him a note with the words “Get up
then, you executioner!” This looks like a man whose heart is much better
than his philosophy.

As long as these two men and Drusus, the younger son of Livia, were
alive, even as Tacitus already remarks, Augustus’ government was really
praiseworthy; but after their death there was a change for the worse.
Augustus in his earlier years had very precarious health, and his life
was several times endangered by illness; one of these was in Gaul, and
another was that from which Antonius Musa recovered him by cold baths:
it was not until about his fiftieth year, that his health became better.
Long before this, whilst Marcellus was yet a child, and he himself still
very young, he had once, when he thought himself dying, given his ring
to Agrippa: in his will he had made no arrangements about the succession
to his throne. When Marcellus grew up, differences arose between him and
Agrippa. Velleius, who when he chooses to speak out, hits off many
characters with masterly touches, says of Agrippa, “_Parendi, sed uni,
scientissimus_.” To Augustus, he would submit himself; but against all
those who rose after him, he was very bitter, nor would he be the
servant of Marcellus who was much younger than himself: in all
likelihood, had Augustus died then, he would not have scrupled to put
Marcellus and the sons of Livia aside. Once Agrippa altogether withdrew
to Mitylene, where he would have nothing more to do with the affairs of
Rome; yet the way in which men paid their court to him in the east,
showed clearly that they all looked upon him as their future master. But
Marcellus died in his twenty-third year, and a great hope of the Roman
world seems to have died with him; Agrippa now incontestably stood in
the first place, and Augustus gave him in marriage his daughter Julia,
the widow of Marcellus. Yet though this alliance went far to secure the
succession for him and his sons, it very sadly embittered the last years
of his life, owing to the shameful depravity of his wife; for he kept it
secret from Augustus, who was very fond of his daughter. Agrippa died
before Augustus’ eyes were opened to Julia’s conduct, and left three
sons, one of whom was born after his death, and a daughter, Agrippina,
who afterwards became the wife of Germanicus. She had all the pride and
fine qualities of her father; she was an admirable woman, not unlike
Octavia. The two eldest sons, Caius and Lucius, Augustus adopted into
the family of the Cæsars, as he meant one of them, namely Caius, to
succeed him. Whilst these young men were growing up, Julia was married
to the eldest step-son of Augustus, Tiberius Claudius Nero. This young
man had quite the character of the Claudian race: he was uncommonly
proud of his high birth, and he held Augustus himself to be nothing
better than a municipal upstart from Velitræ, who had been adopted into
the Julian family; the _gens Julia_ he certainly looked upon as below
the _gens Claudia_, and therefore upon his marriage with Julia as a
match which was beneath him. Above all, he was deeply galled by the
infamous life of Julia, though for fear of Augustus, he did not dare to
complain of her. Being on bad terms with Augustus, he withdrew on some
pretext or other to Rhodes, by which indeed he left the field open for
Agrippa’s family. At Rhodes he lived for seven years, in the course of
which the profligate life of Julia was discovered, and Augustus now
treated her with unrelenting harshness: he had her transported to
Pandataria. (Drusus had already died in Germany, a year before his elder
brother went to Rhodes.) In vain did Tiberius repent of the rash step
which he had taken; Livia for a whole year was unable to bring about a
reconciliation, Augustus having been so much hurt by his going away that
he would not hear of him, nor see him, although he had asked for leave
to return. Augustus now employed L. and C. Cæsar in public business:
Lucius was sent to Gaul and Spain, to superintend the registration of
the land; Caius to Armenia. This Caius Cæsar, Velleius speaks of in such
a way, that, though to pay his court to Tiberius, he may have
represented some things as worse than they were, we may well believe
that he was good for nothing, and that the Roman empire would have been
as unhappy under him, as it was under Tiberius himself. In Armenia,
where he had executed Augustus’ commissions, he was treacherously
wounded by an Asiatic, who very likely was got to do it by the king of
the Parthians. From this wound he never could recover, and it was
generally thought by the ancients that it was poisoned by Livia: this is
perhaps nothing but prejudice; bus it is quite possible. Lucius had
already died before him, and it is pretty certain that it was _dolo
novercæ_. Tiberius, on his return after seven years, was completely
master of the field; and of Agrippa’s family, Agrippa Postumus and
Agrippina were all that was left: that the former of these might not be
altogether set aside, he adopted him together with Tiberius 754. From
that time, Tiberius was heir presumptive; and it was not long before he
got the _tribunicia potestas_: as for Agrippa Postumus, he was still a
boy, an insignificant fellow, who did not stand in the other’s way.

It is a well known boast of Augustus, that he had found Rome brick, and
had left it marble; and this was not saying too much: what is still left
of his buildings bears it out. He has built an immense deal, and stamped
upon Rome quite another character; his buildings were in a style of
extraordinary grandeur, which altogether ceases in the later ones, the
Colosseum alone excepted. There still remains what was formerly called
_Forum Nervæ_, but what Palladio in his day, and among the moderns Hirt,
have recognised as the _Forum Augustum_. The judicious Stefano Piali has
shown that the three colossal pillars which were formerly thought to
have been portions of the temple of Jupiter Stator, are of Augustus, and
belonged to the _Curia Julia_. The great wall round the _Forum
Augustum_, proves that at that time the old grand style was still
prevalent, which lasted until the reign of the emperor Claudius, and
first changed under that of Nero: thus people came to fancy that that
wall was of the age of the kings. By Augustus himself was built the
Mausoleum, the inside work of which still lasts indestructible; by
Agrippa in Augustus’ reign, the Gate of St. Lorenzo and the Pantheon,
besides the Theatre of Marcellus,—where the Palazzo Savelli is, in which
I used to live,—in the old massive Greek-Etruscan style which had long
been out of date in Greece: hard by is the Portico of Octavia, of which
the entrance is still standing. Whatever on the Palatine is said to be
of Augustus, is at best very problematical: of the temple of Apollo
there is nothing left. Augustus was the first to bring the Carrara
marble into use. A great number of high roads, both in Italy and in the
provinces, and very magnificent aqueducts were made by him; among
others, that of Narni, which indeed is built of brick. Notwithstanding
all these great buildings, and all this magnificence, no one felt
burthened, as the Romans paid scarcely any taxes but a few indirect
ones; and therefore it is no wonder that Augustus was exceedingly
popular. We must also take into the account the gloomy forebodings with
which men looked upon Tiberius: the words of Horace, _Divis orte bonis!_
came from his heart; people prayed in right earnest to Heaven for his
preservation.




   WARLIKE ENTERPRISES OF AUGUSTUS. HIS DEATH. GENERAL SURVEY OF THE
                                EMPIRE.


The first foreign war which he waged, happened between the peace of
Brundusium and the battle of Actium. It was a campaign against the
Dalmatians, and he displayed in it considerable activity, and personal
courage, being wounded himself. The task of subduing these countries was
exceedingly difficult; but he broke the power of the Dalmatians who
dwelt on the coast. Soon after the battle of Actium, the Cantabrian war
began. Very nearly the same countries which afterwards held out against
the Moors, Biscay, Asturias, the north of Gallicia, and the confines of
Leon, held out also then. Augustus set himself the task of extending the
Roman empire as far as the sea, the Rhine, and the Danube. During the
first year, he was, partly by illness, and partly by business, kept in
Gaul, where he settled the affairs of the province; in Tarragona also,
he fell sick once more, and was thus delayed in his campaigns. We have
no details of these wars: Appian became tired here, and perhaps he did
not find them in any Greek writer. Augustus’ memoirs must have had very
little value, as hardly any notice is taken of them: he also tried
poetry; but as far as we may judge from his letters, he was a tasteless
and worthless writer. In the third year, the Asturians and Cantabrians
made their submission, and gave hostages. The Basques maintain that they
still have a poem on this war in their own language; and Wilhelm Von
Humboldt possesses a copy of it, which I only know from his
translation.[37] I hold it to be as little genuine as the poems of
Ossian; Humboldt is of a different opinion, yet he decides nothing. How
should anything have been preserved among the Cantabrians about this
war, which after all was of no importance whatever to them? On the
Moorish wars, which must have been much more important to them, nothing
whatever remains. Nowhere else, either among Germans or other nations,
have accounts of the Roman wars been preserved: when Wittekind of Corvey
wrote, all memory of them had entirely vanished, and this was certainly
the case there as well. The Cantabrians, goaded by the ill treatment of
the Roman governors, revolted again; thus it took some more campaigns
before they were altogether subdued. Augustus founded several
colonies,—Cæsar Augusta (Saragossa), Julia Emerita (Merida, down to the
Arabian times a first-rate town), Pax Augusta (Badajoz), Pax Julia
(Beja), Legio (Leon).

About the time of this war, Tiberius, who was no longer a youth, carried
on another in Dalmatia, which he reduced. Before that, a Roman governor
named Crassus, had already made war in Mœsia, and had driven back the
Sarmatians across the Danube, and extended the empire as far as that
river. Pannonia likewise had submitted during the Dalmatian campaign of
Tiberius.

It was between the Dalmatian and Cantabrian war, that Augustus shut the
temple of Janus: according to Suetonius, he seems to have closed it
thrice; yet this may have been a mistake. It had been done once before
in the Mythic age of Numa; and again, between the first and second Punic
wars, in the consulship of T. Manlius Torquatus, 517.

Augustus had before this already directed his attention to the Alpine
races, such as the Salassians and all the tribes of Rhætia in the widest
sense of the word,—even from the valley of Aosta, all through the Valais
and the Tyrol, as far as Noricum, which had a king, and kept under Roman
protection: they were mostly of Etruscan stock. It is my belief that the
abodes of the Rhætians did not reach at farthest beyond the valley of
the Upper Inn, whilst the Vindelicians dwelt on the northern slopes of
the Tyrolese Alps, from the valley of the Lower Inn to the Danube. These
last were of Liburnian race, as were also the Pannonians, who were
neither Illyrians nor Gauls, and were called Pæonians by the Greeks,
from whom we likewise learn that they had a language of their own. The
Helvetians had submitted since the days of Julius Cæsar; of the
subjugation of the Rhætians and Vindelicians under Drusus and Tiberius,
we know but very little: the accounts which we have of it, are very
vague and confused. Yet Von Hormayr has made up a romance from them,
wishing to prove that Italian and German Tyrol ought to hold together:
the notion is a correct one, but is not to be deduced by treating
history in this way; nor did he do any good by it. It is evident that
the war was carried on by the Romans according to a regular plan; and
that the attacks were made from Italy, and on the other side from the
Lake of Constance. The Romans everywhere penetrated by degrees through
the inmost recesses of the Alps, where at that time there were no
carriage roads, but only footpaths, as was likewise the case in the
middle ages; and they so completely reduced those tribes, that they
never made an attempt to raise their heads again. It was then that
Augustus founded in Vindelicia the city of Augsburg, a colony of
veterans, like all the colonies which he now established. At this time,
they began to let the veterans settle where they had been encamped in
war; and thus they gradually became peaceful citizens: afterwards their
sons were liable to military service on better terms. As for the exact
period when this new arrangement began, I do not think that any thing
can be found about it in the ancient writers. Owing to these conquests
in the Alps, there now arose the German wars in 740: now first the
Romans could act on the offensive in Germany. The Sigambri, it is true,
had made before that an inroad into the country beyond the Rhine, from
whence they were driven back, but without any permanent result. Until
then, the Romans had never reached farther than the Westerwald; new they
attacked the Germans from the Lower Rhine and from the Danube: that they
never came to the Upper Rhine, but went up no higher than the Lahn on
the Lower Rhine, shows that Swabia was not as yet a German country, and
that it was first made so by the Alemanni. These wars we would gladly
detail more fully; but unfortunately Dio Cassius is mutilated here. In
the Venetian manuscript, from which the rest are derived, the gaps have
been disguised to take in the buyers, and this has been copied in all
the others: the defective fragments discovered and edited by Morelli,
but which are not found in the common editions, give one a little light,
but only very little. In one of these campaigns, as Roth conjectures,
Domitius Ahenobarbus may for the first time have crossed the Elbe in
Bohemia; whereas formerly most of the expeditions were led from the
Lower Rhine against the Elbe. Their wars were carried on by Nero
Claudius Drusus (the younger brother of Tiberius), who made three
campaigns: he crossed the Weser, and penetrated towards the Elbe. He
reduced the Bructeri, the Sigambri who were then so renowned, the
Cherusci and other tribes: this is all that we know of his wars. Nor in
any of these accounts is there once the name of a locality given; for
the enemy had no towns, and the villages were swept away, and are not
mentioned by the Romans: the Germans did not possess any strong places
in which they could hold out, and their only protection was the
impassable nature of the country. Being unable to stand their ground
against regular tactics, they were almost always beaten by the Romans in
the field; whole districts were laid waste, the women and children
dragged away into slavery, and the men hunted down and killed like wild
beasts. Although Drusus is praised for his humanity,—and considering
that he was a Roman, justly so,—yet he was ἀλιτήριος against Germany,
and he may have done the people as much harm as Varus himself did. He
died in his camp, Tiberius being strongly suspected of having been the
instigator of his murder: but this after all may only have been believed
on account of the hatred which he had against the family of his brother,
especially against Germanicus. At most, Tiberius might have been afraid
lest Drusus should dream _de reddenda re publica_, a fine day-dream
which Germanicus really fostered. Drusus had a monument on the Rhine,
which for generations was held sacred both by Romans and foreigners:
where it was is now unknown.

After his death in 745, Tiberius took the command. But soon afterwards
followed his absence of seven years, during which little happened except
that the Bructeri defeated the legate M. Lollius, annihilated his
legion, and took his eagles. When Tiberius returned from Rhodes, his
stepfather bestowed upon him the command in Gaul, that he might complete
the conquest of Germany. Tiberius subdued the Sigambri, Bructeri, and
Cherusci, and penetrated as far as the Elbe: there he was joined by the
Roman fleet, which had either been equipped in the Ems, or had come from
the Rhine to the Ems. How far it went up the Elbe cannot be made out; it
may be that it got as far as Magdeburg, yet the Roman galleys were not
able, like steam-boats, to run against the stream. After these
campaigns, Tiberius again left Germany, as his predecessor had done, and
as many of his successors did after him. The Romans wished to crush the
Germans; but it did not seem worth their while to keep the country.

Whilst the tribes about the Hartz, and in the Thuringian forest, had
their country invaded by the Romans, there existed in Bohemia the great
kingdom of Marbod, which is indeed a perplexing phenomenon: we read of a
large city in this realm, of an army of seventy thousand men, and of a
body guard. Moeser rightly observes, that one is not to believe the
Germans of those days to have been less civilized than the peasantry of
Westphalia and Lower Saxony are now; only they were wanting in the
refinement of those who live in towns:—their houses were certainly built
like the worse ones which we have; the dwellings of the princes were
very much the same as the buildings of the middle ages. Nothing is more
preposterous than to take them for rude savages, when they were merely
rough country people. Venantius Fortunatus, in his poem to Radagunda,
speaks of the fallen splendour of the kingdom of her house, and of the
bronze covered palaces of her forefathers, the Thuringian kings. There
were indeed some things different from what they are now: in winter, for
instance, they had certainly to burn candles by day, and when it rained
to shut up everything with boards, because they had no glass windows;
yet this was the case in Rome itself where there are houses of this kind
to this day. Marbod, however, must have really had a civilized kingdom.
He had immigrated with his Sueves into Bohemia, and subdued the Celtic
Boians there: his seventy thousand men betoken something feudal. Against
Marbod, Tiberius now armed himself; he meant to attack him on two sides,
himself advancing from Noricum and Vindelicia, and Sentius Saturninus
from the Rhine through Northern Germany, the Hercynian, and the
Thuringian Forests. The Romans made great preparations, laying down for
many miles, across the Dutch and Westphalian fens, large wooden
causeways and wooden bridges—the bridge over the Elbe near Hamburgh—of
which remains are found even to this day: the wood has stood exceedingly
well, except that it has become black in the bogs. It was then that the
consequences of the dissensions among the Germans began to show
themselves. The northern Germans did not trust Marbod, and were afraid
of losing by him their freedom, like the Marcomanni: these he had once
left in the lurch, and hence they were so broken down, that they could
not now come to his help. But whilst Tiberius was preparing himself for
the attack, Dalmatia and Pannonia revolted. During this insurrection
which lasted for three years, Marbod remained inactive: the Getæ also,
and the Dacians, who had formerly often crossed the Danube, and fallen
upon the Roman frontiers, now kept still, luckily for Rome, which
otherwise might have been brought into fearful trouble. Augustus, quite
appalled, trembled at the danger: it was reckoned that there were two
hundred thousand men able to bear arms among these tribes; two
Dalmatians, both of them called Bato, and a Pannonian, Pinnes, were
their leaders. Velleius, who served in this war, tells us of their high
state of civilization, especially of the Pannonians, nearly all of whom
had Roman manners and spoke Latin: they must have been very much akin to
the Romans, otherwise this would be hardly conceivable, as the Roman
dominion there was still so recent. In this war the rebels spread as far
as Macedonia, once driving back a Roman army which had come from Asia;
and it was only by the extraordinary bravery of their soldiers that the
Romans gained the victory after all. At last the nations fell out, and
one of the Batos treacherously gave up the Pannonian general Pinnes to
the Romans. The Pannonians were the first who submitted, and the Romans
seem to have granted them very favourable conditions. Tiberius was now
free to go against Marbod, who would have thus met with his punishment
for having kept aloof, had not another event taken place.

The whole of the country between the Rhine, the Westerwald, and the
Elbe, was about the year 760 brought under the rule of Rome: the Chauci,
who dwelt in East-Friesland and Oldenburg, and the other inhabitants of
the marshes were quite as much subdued as the Bructeri and Cherusci in
Westphalia Proper. Quintilius Varus, who was of an old and illustrious
patrician house, and an able general, but had made himself notorious for
his shameful rapacity, quite thought himself the governor of nations
which only recked fear and force. For him Arminius—whom we generally
call Hermann, but whose name was probably not this, but Armin—laid a
trap most cleverly. As things then stood, it was very difficult for the
Germans who had no towns, to make head against the Romans: the German
cavalry was superior to that which the Romans had of their own; but the
Gaulish cavalry, which had the advantage of better horses, and of more
complete armour, thenceforth constituted the flower of the Roman army,
in which it had such a preponderance, that the terms which belonged to
the cavalry service, were almost all of them of Celtic origin: so
paramount was Gallic influence on discipline! Cunning against tyranny is
all fair; so that I cannot blame Arminius in the least for what he did:
the Germans had been most unjustly made war upon by the Romans, whom
they could not possibly meet with open force. Arminius had in many Roman
campaigns served with German cavalry, and very likely had distinguished
himself in the Pannonian war: he was a perfect master of the Latin
tongue, had the Roman franchise, and the rank of a knight; and, by dint
of the greatest perseverance, he, as well as his fellow conspirators,
had gained the unbounded, and even childlike confidence of Varus. Varus
had made for himself a stationary camp, where, as in a Roman province,
he held a court of justice which was a means for enriching himself; like
the law-courts of the oppressive high bailiffs in Switzerland. The Roman
soldiers were wont to purchase leave of absence and discharge, as was
formerly the custom in the German army; for just as it was in France
before the revolution, they then only got part of their pay: thus there
might have been many of them roving about the country. There seemed to
be the most profound peace, and the Germans made Varus believe that they
felt indeed quite happy in their growing civilization; but when he was
thus off his guard, and a great part of the soldiers gone perhaps away
on furlough, some tribes in Lower Saxony revolted, as it had been
arranged; so that Varus was got to draw near those countries. The
conspirators persuaded him to turn off from the highways (_limites_)
which led from the Rhine to the Lippe, and through Westphalia as far as
the Weser;—these were straight roads cut through the woods, not yet
paved indeed, but laid with logs; and when he had ventured sufficiently
deep into the impassable forests, the insurrection broke out on all
sides. He then tried to get back to the _limes_, and above all, no
doubt, to the chief Roman stronghold in that part of the country, Aliso
on the Lippe, in the neighbourhood of Hamm. The spot where Arminius
routed Varus is no more to be ascertained: the only sensible way of
tracing it, is to find out the direction in which the roads may have
been laid down from the principal posts; yet even thus much cannot be
made out, as the difficulties were every where pretty nearly the same:
we might, however, perhaps take Cologne as such a starting point. It is
infinitely harder to give an opinion on this subject, than on Hannibal’s
passage across the Alps. On the first day, Varus was attacked on all
sides; he lost a good deal of baggage, and with much trouble entrenched
himself in a strong position for the night. The following day, he
continued his march; but his columns were already seized with panic, so
that in the evening when they wanted to pitch their camp, they were
scarcely able to make head against the enemy’s attack: Varus and several
of his chief officers, overcome by their despair, now put an end to
their lives, dreading the account which they would have to give. It was
then perhaps that Numonius Vala—very likely the one to whom Horace
addresses one of his Epistles[38]—and three _alæ_ separated themselves
from the infantry, and tried to cut their way out; but they also were
overpowered, as they deserved to be for having deserted their own
comrades. On the third day, the whole army was annihilated; three
legions and as many _alæ_ (the cavalry attached to a legion), together
with ten cohorts, were cut to pieces: a legion consisted of six thousand
foot, and three thousand horse. The Germans took an awful vengeance upon
their oppressors, in which there was moreover a great deal of
superstition, many of them being sacrificed to the gods.

Of this victory the Germans, owing to their want of union, could not
make the use which would have been desirable, and which Armin wished. It
is true that very many Roman forts were taken and destroyed, and much
besides may have been done, as the Romans have undoubtedly left many
disasters untold; yet notwithstanding all this, Nonius Asprenas kept the
left banks of the Rhine with two legions: the everlasting lamentable
dismemberment of Germany, checked in this case also its progress,
although its peoples tried to rise. Cædicius held out in Aliso, until at
last he found an opportunity, when the Germans were dispersed, of
fighting his way out with the rest of his brave men to the Rhine, where
he stopped the advance of the enemy. Owing to the victory not being
followed up on the side of the Germans, Germanicus was afterwards
enabled to wreak his vengeance in his unhallowed expeditions.

The news of the disaster of Varus came like a thunderbolt on Augustus,
who was one of those men who are given to fear the worst. At Rome it was
thought that the Germans would cross the river, and destroy the legions
on the Lower Rhine, and that the Gauls would also take up arms and unite
with the Germans; so that a war in the Alps seemed near at hand. No
doubt Augustus expected also that Marbod would rise; but the latter, who
had here an opportunity of gaining eternal glory, shamefully kept quiet,
for which he afterwards ended his days a prisoner at Ravenna. Augustus
wished to make a general levy; yet he met with great difficulty, owing
to the inconceivable aversion to military service which had all at once
arisen among the Italians: in Marius’ times one might have raised as
many legions as one wanted. Fathers maimed the hands of their children,
to make them unfit for service; soldiers were taken from the lowest
ranks of society; attempts were made to enlist freedmen; patrons were
induced to emancipate strong slaves on condition of their entering the
army: whereas formerly slaves were punished with death, if they presumed
to take unto themselves the honour of military service. Tiberius had
orders to set out in all haste for Gaul: Nonius Asprenas has the merit
of having checked the tide; Tiberius went on with the work. Afterwards,
Germanicus, the son of Drusus, was sent in his stead, who at once took
measures for an offensive war. But Augustus did not live to see it.

Augustus was now full of days, but his health had very much improved: he
had in fact, during the last third of his life, little or no illness at
all. Thus he had gently become an old man, and was quite under the
thraldom of his wife, who grew worse as she grew older, and shut out
from all access to him every one who was not subservient to her. Towards
her own son Drusus, she may indeed have had the feelings of a
step-mother; to Germanicus at least she bore a deadly hatred. Germanicus
and Agrippina were patterns of domestic excellence; their married life,
at a time when every trace of the virtues of home had been lost, when
elsewhere marriage was merely a bond of indifference, and often even of
hatred, was most remarkably beautiful:—it was because Germanicus was
fondly attached to his wife and his children, that he became an object
of hatred to his grandmother. Livia did not at all like Tiberius’ own
son Drusus, as he was too friendly with his adopted brother Germanicus,
though otherwise he had quite the character of his father. Augustus
passed the last years of his life in the consciousness of being
enthralled: he was unhappy in more than one respect, and in this life
already he had to suffer for many of his misdeeds; the overthrow of
Varus put him utterly beside himself. Tiberius was going to Illyricum,
and Augustus wished to meet him at Beneventum: he had passed several
summers at Capreæ in the bay of Naples, the most paradise-like spot in
the world, thus to recover from his cares and troubles, while the
mildness of the climate would prolong his life. Here he fell sick, and
was brought to Nola where he died on the 19th of August 765, fourteen
years after the birth of Christ. The Romans laid a great stress on his
having died the self-same day as that on which he had got the consulship
for the first time by force; and on his having had as many consulates as
Marius and Valerius Corvus together: to take any such things, is silly.
He died as sure in the possession of his rule as any king who was born
to a throne, and he gave his ring to Tiberius, who already had the
tribunician power: no sensible man could doubt that the latter would now
take the government upon himself.

The corpse was buried with almost godlike honours. From Nola to Bovillæ,
the decurions of the towns bore it on their shoulders; and the _equites
Romani_, from Bovillæ to the city itself. Tiberius and his son Drusus
spoke the funeral orations from the _rostra vetera_ and _nova_, near the
Curia Julia; and afterwards too, all such orations, and the
proclamations of the emperors, were delivered from the new _rostra_.

The extent of the Roman empire when Augustus died, was as follows. He
had once entertained the idea of conquering Britain; but he had given it
up. The empire, however, was not bounded by the Rhine, but Holland and
the adjoining Frisian countries were at that time under the power of the
Romans; farther to the south indeed, as far as the Lake of Constance,
the Rhine really formed the boundary, which from thence ran along the
Danube to Lower Mœsia. But here the Romans were not masters of the
river’s banks, as the Sarmatians often crossed it: the frontier was more
to the south; Tomi (Kustendji) actually lay outside of the contiguous
Roman empire. The so-called wall of Trajan,—it improperly bears that
name,—along the old branch of the Danube, the salt water near Peuce, was
very likely now built by Augustus; the country north of it, the
Sarmatians overran without resistance: in Trajan’s days, even Moldavia
and Wallachia, nay the whole range of land to the Dniester was subject
to the Roman sway. In Asia, Cappadocia was still a kingdom under Roman
supremacy; Armenia likewise in some measure acknowledged the _majestas
populi Romani_; the Parthians had very much abated of their pride, and
there were hostages of theirs among the Romans, whilst the standards of
Crassus had been given back by Phraates; it is of this that Virgil and
Horace speak: in a certain sense therefore, the dominion of Rome
extended to the borders of India. The real boundary, however, in the
East was the Euphrates: Syria, Egypt, Libya, and old Africa were Roman;
and the eastern part of the Numidian coast, which had Cirta for its
capital, was a Roman province. The Numidian kingdom had been overthrown
by Cæsar; but the learned Juba had by way of compensation been presented
by Augustus with western Algiers and Morocco, the realms of Bocchus. The
rule of the Romans reached beyond Fezzan; they might easily have come as
far as the negro countries. Those negro states on the rivers in the
interior of Africa, may at different times have acknowledged Rome’s
supremacy,—at least by embassies and tributes: we know of a caravan-road
to Fezzan and Cydamus; the Garamantes are the inhabitants of Garama in
Fezzan; (here there is a mistake in d’Anville’s map;) a short time ago,
Roman ruins and inscriptions were found there by Ouseley. Once, the
Romans had made an expedition against the Blemmyans in Dongola with
success; another, under Ælius Gallus, against Yemen on the Arabian
coast, was an utter failure.

The number of Roman citizens had very much increased in the western
provinces, from which also the legions were principally recruited. There
were in fact forty-seven legions, and a corresponding number of cohorts
under arms. In Italy, there were only levies in cases of emergency; and,
on the other hand, the army became more and more made up of the
_auxilia_ and cohorts. Far more than nine-tenths of it were certainly
new citizens. The franchise, however, was now of little worth; nor was
it even always attended with exemption from taxes.

As a civil law-giver, Augustus aimed at a different object from what
Cæsar did, who had wished to bring within bounds the wide range of the
Roman laws and to have them worked up into one grand whole; just as Peel
wants to do with the common law of England. This undertaking was very
praiseworthy, however perilous and thankless a task it may be to make
new codes of laws; but it is quite a different thing to bring the
existing laws into harmony with each other. Augustus’ legislation, on
the other, hand, was a new and arbitrary one. The _Lex Ælia Sentia_ is
to be commended: in other enactments, he was wishing to struggle against
the stream of custom and the monstrous immorality of the age. An
aversion had sprung up against lawful wedlock, and the citizens lived in
concubinage with their female slaves, whose children likewise became
slaves, and mostly remained so; or at best, became freedmen: thus the
free population had very considerably dwindled. One may say, that in the
guilds of the different crafts, nineteen out of twenty were freedmen;
this is shown by the names on the _alba_ found at Pompeii. Augustus was
quite right in setting his face against such a state of things; but the
way in which he did it in the _Lex Julia_ and the _Lex Pupia Poppæa_,
was by most wretched make-shifts which only betrayed how helplessly he
was striving against the stream: their definitions of honour, of the
_jus trium liberorum_, and such like were of no use.[39]




                               TIBERIUS.


If in the latter part of the history of the republic, the end of an
accomplished career still affords an interest, although a painful one;
even this ceases in the subsequent history of the emperors, in which we
no longer find any more of that which charmed us in the earlier times:
it is the history of a huge, corrupted mass, wherein brute force alone
has weight; and in which the doom of a hundred millions of men, and even
more, rests with one individual, and with the few who are next about
him. The western part of this world still keeps up a sort of unity,
though a feeble one, in the language which is common to the educated
classes, yet in the provinces degenerates into a jargon; in the east,
the Greek nationality is again established. It was a state of things of
which no power on earth was able to check the march: from the war with
Hannibal, there is nothing but struggles to bring about a crisis; a
hundred years later, even this ceases. There was henceforth but a play
of mechanical powers, all those that had life in them had entirely
vanished. Nature is no longer able to bring about a crisis: it is a
dying away by inches; an undefined, but deadly disease was at work,
which could not fail to bring on the end. For the history of the world,
this period is very remarkable; but as the history of a nation and of a
state, it is sad and cheerless. In its practical application, it is
still more important than that of the republic; for it is indispensably
necessary for all branches of learning, especially divinity and
jurisprudence. It was not therefore without reason that people formerly
bestowed so much care on the study of the history of the emperors: the
knowledge of this indeed is but too much neglected. I can, however, only
give a very slight sketch of it now.

The first part of the history of the emperors, we should have in the
greatest masterpiece which perhaps antiquity has produced, had we the
complete work of Tacitus, who has written it from the death of Augustus
down to Trajan; first, the _Historiæ_, then the _Annales_, which reach
from the death of Augustus to the accession of Galba. It is the general
belief that the _annales_ ended with the sixteenth book; I have
elsewhere recorded my own opinion as to this point: it is more likely
that there were twenty books. As far as Tacitus will reach, it would be
foolish to seek for another source; where he is wanting we must avail
ourselves of Dio Cassius, who, however, is also somewhat mutilated here,
and of Suetonius, who indeed is a most wretched help. His idea of
writing the history of those times in biographies, is quite correct; but
he was not able to carry it out: he did not know what he would be at;
and therefore there is no keeping in his work, and he rambles from one
thing to another. Tacitus, in his Tiberius, has before him an anterior
history; but what work, is uncertain: perhaps it was that of the father
of the philosopher Seneca, which in all likelihood was one of the best;
or that of Servilius Nonianus. With regard to the personal character of
Tiberius, there are excellent materials in Velleius Paterculus, one of
the most ingenious writers, whatever may be thought of him in other
respects: he has much of the mannerism of the French writers of the
eighteenth century, with their affectation, and pretension to wit.
Leaving the badness of the man out of the question, he has much
experience, has seen a very great deal, and tells it well; wherever he
has no motive for perverting truth, he is not only trustworthy but an
excellent authority: his narrative is strikingly beautiful.

Tiberius was the eldest son of Tiberius Claudius Nero and of Livia
Drusilla: his father was quæstor with Cæsar, but afterwards joined the
republicans, to whom he seems to have been staunch and true; after the
battle of Philippi, he declared for L. Antonius and Fulvia, 711, as he
had to expect no mercy from Augustus. (Tiberius was born in the year 710
according to Cato.) On the unfortunate issue of the Perusian war,
Claudius fled with his family to Naples, and from thence to Sextus
Pompey in Sicily; Tiberius was then in his second year, and his life was
in the greatest danger. The father did not stay with Pompey, who
offended him, but fled to Antony in Greece: he got his pardon at the
peace of Brundusium, and returned to Italy. Livia Drusilla was daughter
of one Livius Drusus, who, however, was not directly descended from the
consul and tribune of that house: his real name was Appius Claudius
Pulcher, and he was adopted by Livius; so that both by father and
mother’s side, Tiberius came from the race of the Claudii, all the
terrible qualities of which he had inherited. Soon afterwards, Augustus
compelled Nero to give up to him his wife, who was with child at the
time, and brought forth Drusus in the Palace. Tiberius, being the
step-son of the Emperor, was brought up as a child of the very highest
rank; yet no one ever thought of the possibility of the dominion of the
world passing over to him. Augustus had hoped for some time to have
children by Livia; and when this expectation was not fulfilled, he built
his hopes on the children of Julia, his daughter by Scribonia, and
especially on her husband M. Marcellus, and her children by Agrippa.
Tiberius, who had a Greek philological education, displayed
extraordinary talents which he helped besides by industry. Being at an
early age employed in business, he had the _quæstura Ostiensis_, and
then he was sent to Armenia. In everything that he did, he showed
himself very able, and public attention was aroused to his eminent
qualities: he was as much distinguished as a general, as he was as a
civil governor. But people very soon remarked in him a great want of
openness, with a leaning towards vice, which he practised in secret, and
hid from the eyes of the world. Reserved and moody, he had no friend,
nor did he trust a soul but his mother: he was especially on his guard
against all those who stood between him and Augustus, and from Agrippa
and Marcellus he stood aloof. This mistrust, for which as much cause may
have been given to him as he himself gave to others, had the most
injurious effects on his character; very like those which were seen in
the Emperor Paul. Tiberius, and also his brother Drusus, and his nephew
Germanicus, were first-rate generals. Nature had done very much for him:
he had great judgment, wit, and industry; indestructible health; a very
happily and beautifully organized body; a tall majestic figure; a fine
head: his statue and that of Augustus are the finest among those of the
emperors. He also spoke extraordinarily well. After the death of
Agrippa, who was his avowed enemy, his mother Livia and Augustus, the
latter of whom placed his reliance more and more upon him—conceived the
plan of marrying him to Julia, a most profligate and abandoned woman:
Tiberius was very loth to make up his mind to this match, although it
brought him nearer to Augustus. Caius and Lucius Cæsar, her two sons
adopted by Augustus, were then still living, who indeed stood between
him and the lordship of the earth. The conduct of his wife lowered him
in the eyes of the world in a way which he could not bear, and made him
the laughing-stock of the Romans: he therefore wanted to go to Rhodes,
as he did not think that he could do anything against Julia. There were
at that time plots in the family of Augustus like those in the houses of
Cosmo of Medicis and of Philip the Second: its members hatching
conspiracies and intrigues against each other. Augustus would not hear
of his going away; but Tiberius insisted upon it, which Augustus took
exceedingly ill. Before this, Tiberius had distinguished himself in
Rhætia, Vindelicia and the first Pannonian war. Seven years passed away,
ere Livia, after the death of C. and L. Cæsar, could manage to get the
consent of Augustus to his return: for he so hated him, that many
thought to please the Emperor by treating Tiberius with contempt. In the
meanwhile, Julia was condemned and banished by her father himself: yet
even this did not change anything in the position of Tiberius; Livia’s
rule only became unbounded by degrees. Drusus was likewise dead. When
Tiberius at length came back, he was adopted with Agrippa Postumus; the
latter, however, was soon banished for his brutal ways. Tiberius now
obtained the tribunician power, and was regularly made known to the
world as the one who was next to the throne: he sat on public occasions
by the side of Augustus, though indeed it was not openly proclaimed that
he was to be his successor. All this time, he was of great service to
the Roman state: the danger threatening from Marbod arose, and then the
insurrection of the Pannonians and Illyrians. These last Tiberius
overpowered with great difficulty; and he was likewise successful
against the Germans, whose hopes he baffled after the death of Varus. In
the year 765 (14 after Christ), Augustus died at Nola, and Tiberius, who
was on his way to Illyricum, was in all haste called back by a messenger
from his mother. In the will, Tiberius was left heir of two-thirds; with
regard to the commonwealth, however, Augustus had not said a word, as if
he had no decision to make on this point. Yet every possible precaution
was adopted to preserve the power for Tiberius; the prætorian cohorts,
as soon as ever Augustus was dead, took the oaths to him. As Tiberius
held the tribunician power, which was the symbol of supreme authority,
he was able to call the senate together whenever he liked, and to put a
stop to anything that was hostile to him. When the corpse of Augustus
had been brought to Rome, and his ashes entombed in the Mausoleum, the
funeral orations having been spoken by Tiberius and his son Drusus; the
step was still to be taken by which Tiberius had to put himself in the
possession of the supreme power. He now showed at once a remarkable
duplicity: he was not a coward on the field of battle; yet he was
uncommonly afraid of attempts upon his life. He had carried his
dissimulation to a pitch of refinement, being one of those persons who
can never make up their minds to speak out, but must be guessed; like
Cromwell, to whom he otherwise has no resemblance: such men are not
seldom met with in every-day life, and they are quite unbearable.
Tiberius wished to have before the world the appearance of a moral man,
and yet to give himself quietly up to all sorts of excesses: he never
uttered what he really thought, for fear of saying something too much.
With this character, he played the farce with which the work of Tacitus
most painfully begins. There it is told at some length how he refused to
take the reins of government, and made the senate urge him to do it for
the sake of the common good. When he saw that he tired the people, he
yielded so far as to compel them to force him.

The first beginning of his reign is marked by a mutiny of the troops in
Illyricum and on the Rhine. It was one of the institutions of Augustus,
that the legions had permanent camps on the frontiers, in which they
were stationed until the men were superannuated: after having served a
number of years, these were for some time longer to be kept up as a
reserve _sub vexillis_ in the provinces, as Augustus wanted to have as
many old soldiers who had seen service as possible; and then at length
they were to become quite free, and the whole legion was disbanded, and
a military colony established for it. This system was a terrible one for
the provinces and for the soldiers; but in a military point of view it
was admirably suited for the protection of the empire. Now were new
legions first formed and sent out. Yet what had been promised the
soldiers, had not been made good to them, and they had had to remain
much longer under arms than they ought: in this state of things, the
soldier became the terror of every one, being himself frightfully
oppressed and plundered by his officers. The detailed account of this
outbreak in Tacitus, is excellent. Drusus overcame the danger in
Illyricum; Germanicus, on the Rhine. In reality, however, the government
had to give way: the ringleaders were punished, but the rest got their
relief, and had the advantages of the reserve secured to them.

A very great change which took place at the first beginning of Tiberius’
reign, was the abolition of the popular elections, and the transferring
of them to the senate,—a change which after all was so completely a
form, and a farce, that Tacitus hardly bestows a word upon it: it had no
longer any reality; if it had, it would have been useful. The so-called
people which in the days of Augustus held the _comitia_ on the Campus
Martius, was the smallest and worst part of the nation; whereas the
senate was the choice of it from all countries, particularly from all
Italy.—Of much importance was the drawing up of a list, according to
which the governments were to be given.

Tiberius’ reign of twenty-three years is anything but rich in events: in
the very first years only, Germanicus’ wars in Germany give it some
interest. For these, however, I must altogether refer you to Tacitus.
The wars were carried on as far as the Weser, with a very large military
force: one cannot understand how such masses should have been used
against tribes which had no fortified towns whatever, and therefore were
utterly unable to offer any resistance; nor yet that they should have
produced no effect. The Germans could not stand their ground in the open
field; and so they fled into the woods and impassable parts of the
country. It is moreover strange that the Romans make here the same
mistake over and over again: they try to overawe the enemy by striking a
great blow in the interior, and thus they hope to subdue them; then they
build some military roads with bridges over the marshes in Overyssel, in
Lower Münster, and on the Lippe. The only means would have been slowly
to advance; but this perhaps did not seem to them worth the trouble, and
they might thus have only got the country as a waste. We (Germans) may,
however, thank Heaven that Tiberius from jealousy called back Germanicus
after his last brilliant achievements. He seems not to have had much
desire to conquer Germany: shrinking from great undertakings, he merely
tried to maintain the frontiers. The tactics of the Germans show that it
is most absurd to look upon them as having been few in number and
uncivilized; for they encountered the Romans in quite regular battles,
and carried on the war with much ability. But Tiberius did all for
peace, as he could not bear that generals under him should distinguish
themselves; he even put up with humiliations: thus, for instance, he
shut his eyes to the slight which he had had to suffer in Armenia and
Parthia, even the expulsion of the king whom he had himself given to the
Parthians. The historical interest of his reign is therefore entirely
confined to what happened in his own family, and to affairs at home.

Tiberius, at that time, had a son of his own, Drusus, and an adopted
son, Germanicus the child of his brother. Drusus must have been a fine
young man; but Germanicus was the idolized hero of the Romans, a worthy
son of a worthy father,—the hero of the German wars,—a great and noble
soul. It may indeed have been a fanciful freak in Drusus, to ask
Augustus to restore the republic which would not have been able to hold
its ground for one year; but that wish could only have sprung from a
lefty and generous mind. Germanicus declined the offer of the legions,
who, after the death of Augustus, called upon him to take the
government; he remained faithful to his adoptive father, although he
certainly could not have loved him. Tiberius, on the other hand, had no
faith in virtue and purity of heart; so he removed him from the scene of
his triumphs, and recalled him to Rome. But his ill humour was yet
increased, when Germanicus, on his return thither, met with an
enthusiastic reception from the people. As Tiberius was conscious of the
vices and the tyranny which he kept hidden from the world, he hated a
man like Germanicus; he shrank from a contrast with his single-minded
nephew: yet it may just as well have been fear for the interests of his
son, as the pain of seeing by his side one so good as Germanicus, while
he himself felt his own utter depravity. Germanicus now had, like
Agrippa before him, the commission of superintending the _res Orientis_,
the eastern frontiers and provinces; but he died shortly afterwards.
Whether he died from poison or from natural causes, is a question with
regard to which the ancients themselves were in the dark; yet I rather
believe that his death was natural, as the accounts point rather to
witchcraft than to poison, and those who chose the former expedient—to
which, owing to the superstition then prevailing in Rome, people were
very much inclined—would not have been likely to try the other. It is
credible enough that Piso had attempted his life; but what is quite
unaccountable, is that he could have fancied that conduct like this
could be left unpunished by such a prince as Tiberius was. He indeed
thought to curry favour with Tiberius by his insolence to Germanicus;
yet he could not but have seen, that if ever the matter came to be
talked of, Tiberius would sacrifice him: for although the emperor might
in his heart have been rejoiced at the deed, he would, notwithstanding,
have been obliged, before the world, to avenge it on the very man who
had dared to act up to his wishes. Even Tacitus, in his time, had great
doubts on this subject, the most contradictory rumours about it were
then afloat. Thus, the Dauphiné deemed her husband, the Dauphin, the son
of Louis XV., to have been poisoned by the Duc de Choiseul, which
nowadays is less credited. The Dauphin, being religious, and even
somewhat bigoted, was very hateful to the Duke, who was a very gay man
and a freethinker, and who did not wish the expulsion of the Jesuits to
be thwarted by the Dauphin, nor his own power to be shaken. There were
indeed some motives for the crime; but it does not follow thence that it
was really committed, and I certainly doubt it. Piso’s poisoning
Germanicus, might have been winked at by Tiberius; but his insulting and
publicly reviling him, was an offence against the _majestas_ which he
could not have overlooked when his adopted son was in the case: and
moreover that Piso, when Germanicus was sent to succeed him, would not
give up the province of Syria, but drew together his troops and prepared
to march to Rome, is the most puzzling event in Roman history. Piso and
his wife Munatia Plancina, a daughter of the orator Munatius Plancus,
were condemned, and the secret was buried with them. There were some
suspicion that Livia herself had suggested the plan of poisoning
Germanicus: she was horrible enough not to spare her grandson, and it
may be that she did not care at all about offending Tiberius.

Soon after the death of Germanicus, began the prosecutions for _crimen
majestatis_,—those never to be defined charges against which no man
could shield himself; for it was a crime which, as early as the
republic, had the most different meanings, and indeed might have been
applied to anything: whoever had brought any calamity upon the state,
was wont to be thus prosecuted. In the reign of Augustus, by a law which
we do not know, an offence against the _imperator_ was made a _crimen
majestatis_, as formerly those against the republic had been. All trials
for this were conducted before the senate, which in fact was only a
condemning machine in the hands of the tyrant; just as the National
Convention was under Robespierre. Many things were classed under the
head of _crimen majestatis_, which in reality did not belong to it at
all; as for instance, amours with princesses. At first, that charge was
met with very seldom indeed under Tiberius; but gradually there grew up
a herd of informers who made it their business to bring to judgment any
one who had given offence to the emperor. Tiberius himself acted a
neutral part; but the senate got more and more into the frightful habit
of condemning whenever it was at all agreeable to the emperor.—On the
whole, however, the state during the first nine years of Tiberius was in
a very happy condition: there were very few condemnations indeed; and in
several of these cases the persons whom they affected were hardly
deserving of sympathy. Tiberius lived in retirement, but with dignity
and great outward decorum, treating the first men of the nation with
much distinction. Augustus was not a close-fisted manager; at the end of
his reign he was even in financial difficulties; but he regularly
published the accounts of the year before: this was not kept up by
Tiberius, who laid by huge hoards. The indirect taxes in Italy were
raised, and some new ones brought in. This state of things lasted as
long as old Livia lived; and as yet apprehensions were felt only by
those who were sharp-sighted enough to foresee the clouds which would
gather when she was once dead. Tiberius stood in fear and dread of his
mother to the very end of her days, and all affection between them had
now for a great while been no more: she was a terrible woman; and yet
her life was a blessing for Rome,—at least for those who had forgotten
the old times. After her death, Tiberius had nothing to restrain him: he
dropped the virtues which he had formerly displayed owing to his
diligence while under the authority of another to whom he had to give
account; he allowed his activity to flag, and became quite lost in his
hateful and gloomy disposition. The only enjoyment he had in life, was
in most infamous lusts; and a man advanced in years, who gives himself
up to shameful pleasures, must irretrievably sink into the basest state
of worthlessness.

Napoleon is said to have once told a deputation of the Institute that
Tiberius had been very hardly dealt with, and that Tacitus had been
unjust to him. Napoleon was far from being a learned man, his knowledge
was all picked up; but Roman military history he knew very well. He must
have said,—“if we form our opinion of Tiberius only from Tacitus, and
deem him to have been an infamous, brutal voluptuary, and a tiger of
cruelty, then we have not a correct idea of him; for Tiberius was in his
youth, and even up, to his fiftieth year, a great general and statesman.
None of his _vitia subdola_ came to light before that time; and whilst
he kept the energetic and good qualities of his disposition in full
play, he behaved as if he were quite another man.” This view is a
perfectly true one. Tiberius’ only friend was Ælius Sejanus, the son of
Seius Strabo, a Vulsinian, _equestri loco natus_; him he made _præfectus
prætorio_. Sejanus’ character has a great likeness to that of his
master, and he ought not to be looked upon with contempt: he was an
excellent officer, a man of great strength of will, of courage and of
much talent; but without any sort of principle. To him alone Tiberius
unbosomed himself; and he knew how to make the emperor feel quite
comfortable, and to lead him to yield himself up entirely to his own
propensities: Tiberius’ mind was at rest while Sejanus gave him security
against those whom he was most afraid of, namely, his own family, and
the few grandees who still remained. Sejanus increased the prætorian
cohorts; and he suggested to Tiberius the plan of concentrating them in
the _Castrum Prætorianum_ (a citadel outside the wall of Servius
Tullius, but in what is now the very midst of the city); just as the
Italian tyrants were wont to do. This is the most momentous event in the
history of the emperors. The prætorians now became the real sovereigns,
like the janissaries at Algiers; so that they are the pivots on which
the Roman history turns, down to the times of Diocletian: by this means,
Rome was converted into a military republic, which was generally dormant
except when the occupant of the throne was changed. Sejanus aimed at
nothing less than supreme power. Drusus was yet alive and had children;
Germanicus had left three sons; and a brother of his, who afterwards
became the Emperor Claudius, was likewise still living: the whole of
this family, Sejanus wished to root out, and so he seduced the wife of
Drusus, Livilla, a daughter of the elder Drusus. With her help, he
poisoned Drusus; after which he also cruelly made away with the sons of
Germanicus, Caius alone excepted, who was still a child, and whom he
kept in reserve. He gave Tiberius such confidence, that he withdrew from
Rome to Capreæ, there to wallow in his lusts; and in the meanwhile he
himself ruled in Rome. Prosecutions now were rife, and here begin the
frightful annals of the reign of Tiberius: the lists of those who are
condemned to die, are made up of men, who were all of them more or less
eminent, although all were not precisely respectable; Tiberius therefore
deserves to be called the very pattern of a tyrant. Much must be laid to
the charge of Tiberius personally; but much also to that of Sejanus,
whose influence increased more and more. The banishment of Agrippina is
his work; the last tortures, however, which were inflicted on her, were
after his death.

This went on, until at last Sejanus became suspected by Tiberius, and
very likely with good reason; for Sejanus at best would have waited for
his death, and then at the head of the Prætorian cohorts have made
himself master of Rome. Tiberius himself had raised Sejanus to be his
equal; among the Prætorian cohorts, sacrifices were already offered to
the latter as well as to the emperor. But it now happened that a still
worse being got near Tiberius: virtue and genius could not have shaken
down Sejanus; this was done by a yet more wicked man than he, by one who
had not his great qualities, but analogous vices. Tiberius expressed his
dread of a conspiracy, and gave out that he wanted to go to Rome: but he
only came into the neighbourhood, and sent orders to arrest Sejanus;
which was done with consummate cunning. There was a _verbosa et grandis
epistola_, in which one might remark that he was aiming at something,
with some cuts at Sejanus; at the conclusion was the warrant for the
arrest. Macro who had been made _Præfectus Vigilum_, surrounded the
senate with his people. Sejanus was now seized in the senate, and on
this, men showed themselves in the most hateful light: all those who but
that very morning had fawned for a gracious look of his, now started up
and raised an outcry against him as one guilty of high treason, calling
for his immediate execution, so that the cohorts might not hear of it.
He was instantly strangled. Tiberius now slaked his thirst for blood by
persecuting the followers and friends of Sejanus. Yet those who were
not, were also persecuted; for things did not grow better but worse:
Macro now ruled just as tyrannically as Sejanus, and, like him, was
master of the detestable old man. He was, however, not a whit more
faithful to him. C. Cæsar, the son of Germanicus, generally known by the
name of Caligula, linked himself to Macro by the most infamous tie; and
assured him that he should hold under him the very highest power, just
as he had under Tiberius, if he would but rid him and his family of the
old man. And there is scarcely any doubt but that the death of Tiberius,
who in his seventy-eighth year lay sick not far from the headland of
Misenum, was hastened, either by poison which the physicians gave him,
or by strangulation. In fact they thought him dead; and when he rallied,
he is said to have been strangled. This was in the twenty-third year of
his reign (37 after Christ).




                    CAIUS CÆSAR, OTHERWISE CALIGULA.


Germanicus and Agrippina had three sons and three daughters: of the
sons, two had been murdered in the reign of Tiberius; the youngest only,
Caius, survived. Caius was not born on the banks of the Rhine; but, as
Suetonius satisfactorily proves, at Antium, and thence he was sent out
to his father’s camp: so that the history of his childhood is indeed
connected with this neighbourhood. After the death of his father, he got
into the power of his adoptive grandfather Tiberius; and this old man,
who, after all had never lost his judgment, very soon recognised in him
the monster which he really was; nor did he make any secret of it. Caius
could not hide from himself that his life was in danger, and it may be
that fear had very early made him mad; but his madness was so malignant
and wicked as to leave no doubt of the utter baseness of his nature. He
saved his life by the greatest servility towards Tiberius and those who
were in power, which, as matters stood, was the most sensible thing that
he could have done. Afterwards he attached himself to Macro, and with
his aid he rid himself of Tiberius. He had been little seen in public.
He was a handsome young man, very like his father, and he was in his
twenty-sixth year: the memory of his father, and his own good looks, got
for him a most favourable reception; so that no one was so
enthusiastically welcomed as he was. The nickname of Caligula, like that
of Caracalla, has passed into common use; but neither of them is to be
met with in ancient writers instead of the real name: no contemporary
called the son of Septimius Severus, Caracalla. The name of Caligula was
only given him by the soldiers when a child; his real name was Caius
Cæsar, and the former one is beneath the dignity of history. All who had
seen much of Caius at the court of Tiberius, perceived a deep cunning in
him, and foreboded the worst wickedness: yet they were but very few. His
first acts were, on the contrary, such as to give the public at large
great hopes of him. The illusion, however, very soon vanished. Suetonius
is very explicit with regard to him: he is a writer who has little of
the antique about him, and he indulges in anecdotes and details, being
quite unable to impart method and unity to his work; so that his
biographies are rambling performances, and contain numberless
repetitions. He is a man of shrewd judgment but a bad writer; one sees
in him an age in which the classical in arrangement and style is waning
fast.

Caligula was really a madman. The worst human depravity would not
account for all the things which he has done: his true nature is
expressed in the words “abortion of dirt and fire,”[40]—a shocking
combination of obscenity and cruelty. Juvenal is reproached with having
chiefly undertaken in his writings to describe depravity; yet indelicate
as he was, his disgust was excited, and he did not dwell on it with
pleasure. Suetonius, on the other hand, was without doubt infected with
the profligacy of his time. Suetonius himself is uncertain what to
believe of Caligula’s insanity, whether it was mere satanic malignity or
the satanic malignity of madness; but he mentions a circumstance which
is decisive, namely, that he scarcely ever slept, which is a sure
symptom. Sleep is given to us yet more to keep up the powers of the
intellect, and the elasticity of the mind, than for the strengthening of
the body. It is now twenty years since Christian VII. of Denmark died, a
prince whose state was well governed for a long time, so that his
madness was little noticed, but who under other circumstances would have
shown himself a Caligula: he also was afflicted with sleeplessness, and
was often seen for whole nights walking up and down in his room. Some
Asiatic princes also have been insane, among the Mahommedans and
Persians but especially among the Tartars. In Caligula’s day, moreover,
there were no means, and, above all, no religious ones, for the
treatment of insanity.

There was at that time at Rome the most absolute military despotism.
For, owing to the Prætorians, it was quite impossible to undertake
anything against the Cæsar: they were well paid and kept, and would have
cut down senate and people, if they had set themselves against the
emperor; so that the condition of the empire was like that of a place
which is taken by the most ruthless barbarians. In the first years of
his reign, the emperor wasted in the most senseless way a treasure of
one hundred and thirty millions of dollars which Tiberius had left; this
hoard being exhausted he extorted money by confiscations, and this also
was squandered again. During the reign of Tiberius, there had been peace
with the Germans for twenty years, ever since the recall of Germanicus;
Caligula, however, wishing for once to enjoy the pleasure of a campaign,
marched to the German frontier, and there he waged war like a madman.
Yet this was the least evil which Rome suffered. He also undertook some
gigantic structures: near Puzzuoli, a dyke may still be traced, which he
quite uselessly and absurdly built across the harbour, to throw a bridge
across it. He caused himself to be worshipped as a god.

Whilst now the empire was goaded into despair for nearly four years, the
Prætorian officers, some of whom had every day to appear before him,
when he would mock and ill treat them, formed a conspiracy, and he was
slain to the great joy of the senate and people.

The mad idea was now taken up of restoring the republic, and especially
by the consuls whom Caligula had appointed. They called the senate
together; shame and disgrace were denounced against Caligula; and during
the first hours people talked with great spirit and enthusiasm. But they
were soon at a loss how to arrange matters; and still more so when it
was known that the Prætorians would not hear of any other ruler than a
monarch. Claudius, who in a tumult had hid himself, was drawn from his
hiding-place by the Prætorians, and dragged into the camp; and there,
after having passed the night in fear of death, he was proclaimed
emperor. The _cohortes urbanæ_ declared for the republic; but they were
not able to stand against the power of the Prætorians, By the following
morning already, people were glad that Claudius was emperor.




                    TIBERIUS CLAUDIUS DRUSUS CÆSAR.


The emperor Claudius, uncle of Caligula and brother of Germanicus, had
never been adopted by Tiberius; whereas all the other emperors were, by
a fiction, the sons of their predecessors. He had preserved his life in
the reign of Caligula only as it were by a miracle; and he was then
fifty years of age. Whilst of Caligula we can but speak as of a monster,
Claudius deserves our deepest pity; yet he has done very bad things
which betoken a turn for evil, though this indeed was only developed by
his misfortunes. Even his mother Antonia, a daughter of the triumvir
Antonius, called him a _portentum hominis_; he was an ἀτελέστον; he had
capacities and talents; yet he was deficient in what really constitutes
human reason, whence, in a psychological point of view, he was a real
curiosity. Although he had a desire of knowledge, application, memory,
and a taste for science and literature, he was wanting in judgment and
discretion, so that he often said and did things which were downright
stupid: it is as if a thick rind had grown round his better nature,
which he but seldom broke through; there are a great many absurdities of
his on record. Suetonius is very instructive with regard to him, very
aptly describing his character by the Greek words ἀβλεψία and μετεωρία.
The Greeks always have most adequate expressions to draw characters;
those phrases mean a thoughtless absence of mind and a want of
reflection, when one says what is most preposterous, and one leaves
untold what ought to have been told: there was a complete disproportion
between his thoughts and his power of uttering them, and this it is,
what those Greek words admirably express. By the whole of his family he
was knocked about, being the brother of those distinguished persons who
possessed the whole love of the family. Old Augustus, who always felt
such circumstances keenly, wished to keep him altogether aloof from the
public gaze, whilst his grandmother Livia treated him with peculiar
harshness and imperiousness. The unfortunate youth took this to heart.
Had he been brought up with kindness, he would have become a good,
plodding, and somewhat weak-headed man: as it was, he became vicious,
and the feeling that he was despised made him a coward; so that he
always kept in the background, and whenever he at all wished to put
himself forward, it was but to meet with a failure. Thus he found his
only comfort in literature. Livy, whose kind heart may even be seen from
his work, had great pity on him, and, trying to find him some
occupation, encouraged him to write history. Now, as he knew a great
many things, he deemed himself to be called upon to write the history of
the civil wars; and he told it in such an honest manner, that his family
got very angry with him. Afterwards, he wrote memoirs of Augustus, which
they allowed to pass muster, but so as only to despise their author. He
was indeed thoroughly honest; yet he always got little thanks for it.
Augustus would not give him any employment, on account of his dreadful
stupidity; Tiberius, although he did not care much for him, gave him
even the consulship. He was married more than once. The profligacy of
the female sex at that time went beyond all bounds: Augustus had striven
in vain to repress it; Tiberius promulgated some legal decisions against
it, yet without any result. Claudius therefore was highly unfortunate in
this respect also; he attached himself very affectionately to the women
who betrayed and disgraced him.

Thus Claudius, generally despised, had reached his fiftieth year when
Caligula was murdered. His behaviour as emperor at first was reasonable
and good; he made no one smart for the childish attempt to restore the
republic, there was a general _abolitio dictorum factorumque_. A few
only of the murderers of Caius he had executed, although they had
deserved very well of the Roman world. He also was the first who, on
entering upon his power, gave a _donativum_ to the soldiers. Caius
already had undertaken the government, without repeating that farce
which Tiberius still played; Claudius also forbore to do so. His reign,
which lasted fourteen years, was at first truly a relief after that of
Caius; people felt comforted, and cherished hopes, whilst he on his side
made many good regulations. Yet he was altogether without any will of
his own; had he had an honest friend whom he could have entirely relied
on, his rule might have been good and praiseworthy. But he did not go
beyond the walls of his palace; he only sought to amuse his ladies, and
lived almost exclusively with slaves and freedmen, as he was generally
despised by men of rank. He was in fact of a kind and loving temper; but
he was shy and timid. Slaves now stood forth as his advisers and
friends; just as Don Miguel’s most intimate confidant is his barber.
Very likely, Polybus, or Polybius, before whom Seneca humbled himself,
was far from being altogether contemptible;—the Greek slaves received a
very good education in the Roman houses; if they had good abilities,
they were very accomplished. Pallas and Narcissus, on the other hand,
were men of a different stamp; thoroughly bad, and of insatiable
rapacity, they plundered the empire. By the influence of these men, and
owing to his unhappy marriage with Agrippina, his own brother’s
daughter, who was very beautiful, but who had not a trace of the virtues
of her parents, he was ruled with absolute sway. She, being without
virtue and shame, by her intrigues succeeded in getting him to adopt
Nero, her son by her first marriage, although Claudius had a son of his
own, Britannicus. Hence it was that his reign became so disgraceful and
disastrous; a large number of innocent men were also put to death under
his rule, though not so many as under other emperors. Whenever Narcissus
demanded a victim, Claudius was his tool; so that his life was one
continual degradation.

There were, however, considerable works executed in his reign. The
finest and most magnificent aqueduct which has been carried on to Rome,
the _Aqua Claudia_, was built by him; and there is no doubt but that in
the restoration of the city in the fifteenth century, it might have been
completely repaired. Other relics also of his buildings are in the very
grandest style; the two great arches, known under the name of the _Porta
Maggiore_ are undoubtedly his. He likewise accomplished the draining of
the Lake Fucinus into the Liris, which Augustus had given up in despair:
the fallen in vaults may still be seen. At first, some mistakes were
made in the levelling, and an attempt to let off the water miscarried;
but the fault was soon remedied.

He undertook a warlike expedition against Britain, a country which no
one had thought anything about since the time of Julius Cæsar; and he
extended the boundary of the Roman empire thus far. He himself led the
army over, and established a province which comprised the greater part
of south-eastern England, and in which colonies and _municipia_ were
soon founded: from thence the subjection of Caledonia was afterwards
effected. He died, being undoubtedly poisoned by his wife Agrippina; for
she wanted to secure the succession for her son Nero, as she knew that
Claudius was sorry that he had adopted him, and wished to reinstate
Britannicus in his rights. He had always been unhappy,—fortune indeed
had been too hard upon him,—and he died despised and laughed at; an
instance of which we have in the _Ludus de morte Claudii Cæsaris_
(incorrectly called ἀποκολοκύνθωσις) written by Seneca.




LITERATURE AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS. MORAL CONDITION OF ROME AND THE
                               PROVINCES.


Already in the time of Augustus, a dearth in literature begins which is
a striking contrast to the great number of poets in the days of the
dictator Cæsar: not one poet can be named who was young in the latter
years of Augustus. I could not undertake to explain this; yet it is a
phenomenon which has very often been repeated in modern times. But prose
was likewise barren. Even in the best days of Roman literature, the
influence of the Greek Rhetoricians had become very considerable, and
the writers after Cicero, Cæsar, and Sallust, are not altogether free
from the effects of these school exercises: many passages may be shown
in Livy, which he would not have written had he not passed through the
declamation school. But in the later times this influence became still
more powerful, and of this period we may get the best idea from the
_Suasoria_ and the Controversies of the elder Seneca: those symptoms
then broke out, which are described in Tacitus’ excellent dialogue _de
Oratoribus_. From this school, of which it was the sole task, without
regard to the contents of a work, without any subject-matter to awaken
thought, to make an effect merely by unexpected turns, a swell of words,
far-fetched thoughts, and a jingle of periods, arose the era of Seneca;
for it must in justice be ascribed to him. The elder Seneca still
belongs to a different age, and he remembers very well the earlier and
better taste. From what he writes to his sons, it may be seen to how low
an ebb taste had then fallen: he rails at them for their fondness for
the new manner, but has himself already acquired a sort of relish for
it: he wrote his Controversies when an old man upwards of eighty. The
philosopher Seneca is the most remarkable character of that time, and
one of the few eminent persons living in it: not to be unjust to him,
one must know the whole range of that literature to which he belonged,
and then one sees how well he understood how to make something even of
what was most absurd. To the self-same school of literature belongs the
elder Pliny, although his is quite a different mind: this is what is
called the _argentea ætas_. This sort of division is very silly; one
should divide Roman literature quite differently: it is a senseless
thing to put Tacitus, Seneca, and Pliny side by side; they do not bear
the smallest resemblance to each other. This literary period began as
early as the reign of Augustus, and it lasted down to that of Domitian,
when absurdity reached its height; only we have lost its _coryphæi_,
such as Aufidius, and others. Tacitus does not by any means belong to
this rabble, as the earlier school continues along with a modern one.

Seneca is a man of real genius, which after all is the main thing: his
influence upon literature has been a most beneficial one; and this I say
the more readily, as I dislike him so much. The opinion Dio Cassius
gives of him, has a great deal in it which is true and correct; but it
is exaggerated, and much too bitter. His affected and sentimental style,
strikingly reminds one of a French school, of which Rousseau and Buffon
were the founders, and which owing to its faults would be quite
unbearable, had it not originated from men of such transcendent talent.
Seneca, however, is not to be compared with either of them for loftiness
of intellect. _Diderot’s Essai sur le règne de Claude et de Néron_, is a
very remarkable book, and the contrast between him and Dio Cassius is
highly interesting: his too was a very ingenious mind, and his manner
was like that of Seneca, as he also was but the creature of his age. In
the time of Nero, lived Lucan, whose poetry is of the school of Seneca,
a striking proof how much more intolerable this mannerism is in poetry
than in prose. Bernardin de St. Pierre and Chateaubriand are of the same
school: it would be still more bearable, did it not always fall into
moralizing sentimentality, which is the case with the former, whilst
Chateaubriand is neither more nor less than a bad Lucan. The latter kept
his ground until late in the middle ages, and was immensely read, almost
as much as Virgil: people were divided into the Virgilian and Lucanian
school. The true restorator of good taste in Rome was Quintilian, who is
by no means to be reckoned as one of the _argentea ætas_. With that
insupportable mannerism Nero also was tainted; whose talent no one can
deny, but who, wherever he was not a fiend, showed himself strange and
wrong-headed. In prose the same tone pervaded history also: Fabius
Rusticus, who was so much read, has undoubtedly written likewise in the
Annæan manner.

The empire was, on the whole, in a prosperous condition. Certain it is
that during the eighty years after the battle of Actium, in a time of
profound peace, and of great vitality, which only required that there
should not be any devastations and destructions,—men felt very
comfortable and happy, and recovered their strength. Caligula’s
exactions, it is true, were very hard to bear; yet they did not so very
much check this development: the population after the wars was certainly
more than doubled, the towns became filled with inhabitants, and the
wastes were peopled. Unhappy Greece alone remained a wilderness, even to
the reign of Trajan. Such countries as had fallen into the hands of the
farmers-general,—who, using them as pastures, would not rebuild the
towns, nor allow of any tillage,—lay waste; yet they were gardens indeed
in comparison with what they were at the time of the battle of Actium.
It was just the same in Italy; there the fields were cultivated by
bondmen, and the population was indeed restored by slaves who were
imported, though it increased in quite a different ratio from what it
did in the provinces, where it was recruited by _ingenui_. It is not
mere declamation in Lucan, when he says with regard to the state of
Italy,

            _Rarus et antiquis habitator in urbibus errat._

Marriage, although it was so easy to dissolve, was distasteful to most
persons, so that they lived in concubinage; the many freedmen whose
names are found on the inscriptions of that period, are the children
whom the masters had by their female slaves. This gave rise to those
celebrated laws, the _Lex Julia_ and the _Lex Papia Poppæa_. The
degeneracy and profligacy of the freeborn female citizens was so awful,
that many a man who was no profligate, may have found a much more
faithful and estimable partner in a slave than in a Roman lady of high
birth; and thus it was looked upon as a point of conscience not to
marry. Hence there were now many more born slaves and _libertini_ than
there were freeborn citizens; besides which, in the great houses,
innumerable hosts of bought slaves were kept. In the provinces, where
the _parsimonia provincialis_ was still reigning, there was no such
disproportion: these had a population of _ingenui_; in some it was also
restored and recruited by the military colonies;—such a soldier, though
he may formerly have been a brigand, might after all have turned out
quite a respectable man, after having once got a home of his own. These
men made the use of the Latin language more general. Nor could this be
helped: for what was spoken in those countries was but a jargon, from
which the people did their best to wean themselves; and they were none
the worse for it. The main object of the provincials could not have
been, and indeed was not, anything else but to become Romans. In the
midst, therefore, of the most detestable tyranny, the vital energies of
the countries bordering upon the Mediterranean revived. The tyranny of
the governors was, however, far less than what it had been in the times
of the republic; at least, it was so under Tiberius, in whose reign a
fraudulent proconsul would certainly not have been acquitted.




                                 NERO.


After the death of Claudius, Nero, then a youth of seventeen years,
mounted the throne without any opposition: whether Claudius had still
made a disposition in favour of Britannicus, can no longer be made out.
Nero was endowed by nature with bountiful gifts; he had a talent for
music and the fine arts, and also for mechanics: there is no reason to
doubt that in music he was a virtuoso. He was a pupil of Seneca. At
first, he gave birth to the fairest hopes; yet even thus early, it was
difficult for farsighted people to believe in them, who felt sure that a
viper’s brood must be vipers. His mother Agrippina was the unworthy
daughter of the worthy Germanicus, and the worthy sister of Caligula;
his father, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, was quite her match, and he said
himself, that from him and Agrippina a monster only could have been
born. The whole of the Roman world shared in this foreboding; and
therefore people were so much the more astonished at Nero’s behaving at
first like the disciple of Seneca and Burrhus. The latter was a fine
honest man of the old school, and a good officer, who was appointed by
Nero as _præfectus prætorio_; Seneca was a refined man of the world, who
busied himself a great deal about virtue, and may also have looked upon
himself as an old Stoic, believing for certain that there was not a more
clever and virtuous man living than himself: yet this did not prevent
his giving himself every moment a dispensation from his virtue. The
influence of these two men during the first years of this reign was
decided; but the beautiful dream of Nero’s amiability was very short, as
both of these tutors were very soon set aside. The first impulse was
given by the profligacy to which Nero had yielded himself up from his
earliest youth; and then by his mother, who left no means untried to
keep her son in a state of dependence. She was opposed by Burrhus and
Seneca: the former withstood her out of love for his country; the latter
perhaps from the same motives, but just as much from personal grounds,
Agrippina being his enemy. When this change took place, cannot be
exactly ascertained. The progress of it—the personal connexions in which
Nero lived; the influence of Poppæa Sabina, a woman of high rank and
wonderful beauty, but tainted with the profligacy of her age, in whose
nets he was irretrievably entangled; the still more baneful influence of
his mother—is described by Tacitus: I will not speak of Nero’s
degeneracy and unbounded depravity; all of it is too well known,—his
name alone is enough. He resolved to murder his own mother, against whom
he bore a grudge; and after an unsuccessful attempt, he carried out his
purpose, owing, as Dio represents it, to Seneca’s instigation. That the
speech which he caused to be read on that subject in the senate, was
composed by Seneca, is an undoubted fact.

Though Nero now raged without restraint, and every day steeped his hands
more and more in bloodshed, Tacitus does not look upon it as certain,
that he had the city set on fire: on the contrary, he takes it for an
idle rumour. It looks like Nero’s madness, that during the fire he got
up upon the tower of Mæcenas, and in the attire of a tragedian sang the
Ἰλίου ἅλωσις to the lyre: at all events, it may have been a welcome
thing to him to be now able to build Rome anew. This fire, which lasted
six whole days, is of very great importance in history: an immense
number of monuments of every kind, historical records, works of art, and
libraries, utterly perished; the larger half of Rome was destroyed, or
at least very much damaged; the streets were all laid out in straight
lines, and made broader, and they were built up in a new style, which
gave the city quite a different appearance. The great fire at
Constantinople, under Leo Macellas[41] in the fifth century of our era,
has likewise had a most ruinous effect on Greek literature.

After this fire, Nero gave loose to his boundless prodigality and love
of building; and for this purpose he extorted money from the whole of
the Roman world. He built, what is called his “Golden Palace,” which
extended from the Palatine, where afterwards the temple of Venus and
Roma[42] was erected by Hadrian, to the baths of Titus, which, to speak
more correctly, are those of Trajan: Vespasian had it destroyed for the
sake of the remembrances connected with it. Some parts of the walls may
still be found in the substructions of the baths of Titus: it was a most
beautiful pile of masonry, with a coating of the finest marble: we are
to imagine it to have been like a fairy palace in an eastern dream.

After this, Nero also had Seneca executed, whose manly end somewhat
redeems the weakness of his life. Bareas Soranus and Thrasea Pætus were
likewise made to die: the latter was preceded by his wife Arria, who
gave him the example of a courageous death.

In Nero’s days, the Roman empire had not such rest as under Claudius.
During the reign of the latter, the Romans had carried on wars in
Britain, where they had established themselves, and had reduced a large
part of the country into the form of a Roman province. From the despair
of the Britons, we may see that the condition of a province, while it
was yet new, and especially in a poor country, was one of great
hardship; for it was only by great extortion that anything worth naming
could be wrung from it. Hence arose the insurrection of the Britons
under the great queen Boudicea as Tacitus calls her; according to Dio
Cassius, Bunduica. This war at first was disastrous, and, to say the
least, very serious indeed: the Romans were utterly beaten; their
fortresses were demolished, two of their towns were taken, and many of
them were slain. Suetonius Paullinus at last with great difficulty
crushed the rebellion; Boudicea killed herself, and the Britons again
bowed beneath the Roman yoke. Thus that outbreak paved the way for the
complete conquest of Britain; and the Romans were now already masters of
England, with the exception of Yorkshire and Lancashire, and the
northern provinces: Anglesea also was Roman.

Another war was waged by Corbulo against the Parthians in Armenia, where
a younger dynasty of the Arsacidæ was seated on the throne. This war
Corbulo carried on with unfaltering success, conquering Artaxata and
Tigranocerta, and obliging Vologæsus to sue for peace. The last scion of
this race of kings, Tiridates, was forced to receive Armenia as a fief
from Nero; for which purpose he had to come to Rome, where he met with a
splendid reception. His appearance in Rome is one of those events of
which the memory has survived in the traditions of the middle ages: he
is mentioned, for instance, in the _Mirabilia Romæ_; and there is a
legend—which, of course, is quite unfounded—that he brought the statues
of Castor and Pollux, the work of Phidias and Praxiteles, as a present
to Rome. The thanks which Corbulo earned for his victories, was death.
He was undoubtedly one of the best Romans of that age; he was a man free
from every craving of ambition, true and conscientious. His bust was
found about forty years ago; its features are noble.

Nero now passed from one mad freak to another. I am inclined to believe,
that he was not morally accountable for all of this, as insanity seems
to have been hereditary in his family: Caligula was his uncle. Many
things that he did were merely contemptible; as for instance, his going
like a stroller through the Greek towns, where he tried to win the
prizes, either as a musician, singer, or poet, in the public contests,
or else in the horse-races, putting himself on a level with the other
competitors. This would have been the most innocent of his pranks, were
it not that he also robbed Greece of its works of art. The _præfectus
prætorio_, Tigellinus, who had been appointed in the room of Burrhus,
was at that time the most infamous of all those men who had any energy:
the world was rid of him by the rising of Galba and Vindex.

In the thirteenth year of Nero’s reign, the first real attempt was made
to overthrow his rule: a former conspiracy of Calpurnius Piso, in which
Seneca also had perished, was a mere court plot in which no troops had
any share. Nero had undertaken his journey through Greece to gratify his
vanity: and whilst he everywhere caused himself to be crowned there as a
conqueror, a rebellion broke out in Gaul under Julius Vindex, an
Aquitanian of rank. The Gauls who had received the Roman franchise, bore
all of them at that time the _prænomen_ of Julius, either after Julius
Cæsar or Augustus; just as in Asia all had the name of Tiberius Claudius
(thus, without a doubt Tib. Claudius Galenus). This has given rise to
confusion in the system of Roman names: Julius Agricola, although a
native of the Roman colony Forum Julii, may likewise have sprung from
Gallic ancestors, which Tacitus, of course, says nothing about. Julius
Vindex had the rank of a Roman senator; and by his wealth and his
influence he set an insurrection on foot, which had quite a different
character from a former rising in the reign of Tiberius: his object was
simply as a Roman to shake off the yoke of Nero, not to sever Gaul
itself from Rome. He met with very great sympathy, and had already
spread his rule from Aquitaine as far as Besançon. The history of that
time is in a very wretched state, as Tacitus is wanting, and nothing is
left of Dio but the abridgment of Xiphilinus. Near Besançon, Vindex met
T. Virginius Rufus, the commander of the German troops, a distinguished
man, one of the few disinterested and true patriots which Rome still
had. The latter was afraid that such a rising in Gaul, although it had
the deliverance of Rome for its object, might cause the dismemberment of
the empire; so they made a truce, and agreed to acknowledge the
authority of the senate. The German troops wished to have Rufus for
emperor; but he refused: Vindex, on the other hand, was slain in a
tumult which had broken out between the two armies.

In the meanwhile, Servius Sulpicius Galba was proclaimed emperor in
Spain: in that country there was only one legion, though there were many
veterans out of whom a militia might be formed. Galba sprang from one of
the most distinguished Roman houses. The _prænomen_ Servius was quite an
heir-loom among the Sulpicii, as Appius was among the Claudii: yet it
had altogether vanished as a _prænomen_, and had almost become a nomen,
so that sometimes another _prænomen_ is put before it; which indeed is
incorrect, but may be accounted for. Of Galba’s character we do not know
much; had we but Suetonius, we should be at a loss how to form any
notion of him, as Suetonius himself has no insight into character, being
nothing but a pleasing and lively teller of anecdotes; some light is,
however, thrown on Galba by the beginning of the _Historiæ_ of Tacitus.
Galba had the respect of the army; he had been, when in his best days, a
good general, and for those times at least, a blameless governor: but
now he was in his seventy-first year, and had fallen under the influence
of unworthy people, especially of freedmen. This sort of petty courts,
composed of freedmen, had a great deal to do with the demoralized state
of the Roman world. On the whole, there was in the Roman empire a bitter
hatred against Nero, except among bloodthirsty men, of whom there were
not a few: these rather liked him. Galba began his march, and soon
formed new legions from the Romans and Italians who came to hand.
According to the obscure accounts which we have, it appears that he now
availed himself of the pretence that the Gauls were rebels against the
majesty of the Roman senate, although under Vindex they had risen
against the tyrant only; and he allowed his troops to plunder the
southern Gallic towns. Virginius Rufus declared for him, and they both
of them now crossed the Alps by different roads. Not a sword was drawn
in behalf of Nero, although the prætorians were devoted to him: the
passes of the Alps opened without a blow being struck, and the rebel
armies drew nigh to the capital; on which Nero found himself abandoned
by every one. The senate quickly passed from its former cringing
servility into defiance and contempt; Nero fled from his palace, and
took refuge in the farm-yard of one of the retainers of his household,
where he hid himself, and, with the greatest reluctance, and with
uncertain hand, inflicted on himself a deadly wound. Against him and his
memory, every possible condemnation was denounced; yet his dead body was
buried after all.




        SERVIUS SULPICIUS GALBA. M. SALVIUS OTHO. A. VITELLIUS.


Galba entered Rome. Had he shown himself open-handed, he might easily
have won men’s hearts; but he gave offence on every side. He partly
protected Nero’s companions from public animadversion, and partly
punished them. Then he behaved like a miser. Economy was certainly
necessary; but he overdid it, as he gave no donation whatever to the
prætorians, and a very niggardly one to the troops which he had brought
with him. He moreover displayed hatred and mistrust towards the
prætorians, although he had dismissed his own soldiers, except a few
whom he billeted in the city. The prætorians, being ten thousand strong,
were masters of his life; so that he ought to have driven them out, and
decimated them as accomplices in the cruelties of Nero. The most
powerful person in the city, to the disgrace of the age, was M. Salvius
Otho; a man without any illustrious ancestry, whose station was entirely
owing to Nero’s favour; a coxcomb of the then world in the most
disgusting sense, and this implied much more depravity in ancient times
than in our days; the associate of many of the profligacies of
Nero:—cruelty, however, cannot be laid to his charge with certainty. He
was rich, pleasing, what is called amiable; and he had that affable
manner, which could not but have the greatest influence upon the minds
of the prætorians. These therefore saw in him the man who could make up
to them for Nero, whom they began to miss more and more. Galba, who
already knew that the German troops on the Upper Rhine under Cæcina and
Fabius Valens had become mutinous, and would not acknowledge him, tried
to strengthen himself by adopting Calpurnius Piso, a distinguished young
Roman. But that choice was an unfortunate one, as Piso had nothing to
recommend him, but his high descent and his spotless character. Had not
Galba been weakened by old age, his government might have become quite
praiseworthy; but he lost the affection of all good men, not only by his
avarice, but also because justice was shamefully abused and sold under
his name by his favourites Vinius, Laco, and Icelus. Otho had reckoned
on being himself adopted; whatever choice therefore Galba might have
made, it would have been his ruin, if it were not Otho: yet the old
soldier had after all too much love for his country to choose him. By
dint of deep dissimulation, Otho got the prætorians to declare
themselves at the moment when he wanted to call upon them. This was
done. The city being at that time quite open, the prætorians marched in,
and went straight to the forum. Galba, who had appeared in person with
Piso to restore tranquillity, was stabbed before the German troops could
have been moved into the town; and Otho was proclaimed emperor.

The senate was still respectable enough to abhor this election; but yet
nothing better was to be looked for from Vitellius, whom the troops on
the German frontier had proclaimed: he was by far the more vulgar and
worthless of the two. His beastly gluttony alone distinguished him; and
it is quite inconceivable, how Galba could have given him the chief
command of the troops in Germany. He had a sort of popularity from his
father, who had been thrice consul and likewise censor: the latter must
have been a goodnatured man; for though he disgraced himself by the most
abject flattery to Claudius, he was an enemy to no one, and therefore
enjoyed the favour of the people. This favour passed on to the son, who,
however, spent the whole of his life in brutal sensuality and vulgarity.
He was at that time already fifty-seven years old, nor could he be said
to have made a better use of his youth: it is very likely that Cæcina
and Valens merely wished to put him forward for the moment, as, they
might afterwards get him out of the way, and decide which of them should
succeed to the throne. Vitellius was profusely liberal to the soldiers:
he flattered them by granting them everything, while old Galba wanted to
allow them nothing but what was absolutely necessary. He marched forth
against Italy; the quickness with which he approached shows the
readiness with which the Roman soldiers could move, and also the
excellence of the high roads. Otho raised an army; Vitellius met with
resistance on the frontiers from the legions in Mœsia and Pannonia, who
thought it presumptuous in the German troops to try and force an emperor
upon them. On these therefore Otho could rely, and likewise on the
armies in the East, where at that time there had been as yet no rising.
Italy was then the most defenceless part of the whole empire, there
being hardly any troops there but the prætorians: with these Otho took
the field. Cæcina and Valens had already passed the Alps, before Otho
with his hastily collected force had reached the Po. The first battle
was in favour of his cause. Otho ought now to have protracted the war,
as he had much greater resources and far more money, and he could also
reckon on getting reinforcements; but to his misfortune, he resolved
upon giving battle near Bedriacum, in the neighbourhood of Cremona, and
there he was worsted. All was not, however, lost; yet Otho made up his
mind to put an end to his life, telling those who survived him, to make
their peace with the conqueror as they best could. People generally look
upon this as the act of a noble-minded man, who does not wish blood to
be shed for his honour; which is the view which Tacitus also seems to
take: I cannot see anything in it but the act of a most effeminate soul,
for which the effort of a long struggle, the suspense between fear and
hope, is the hardest lot to bear. Such characters are not unseldom met
with: as, for instance, persons who are very fond of money, will often
rather forego a great deal, than bring upon themselves the worry of a
troublesome lawsuit. Juvenal looks upon Otho’s deed with just as little
respect. Nor has Tacitus in his heart thought higher of Otho than he
really deserves; for we must indeed consider that when a great writer
describes a truly tragical act, it may easily happen that he does it
with an emotion which is widely different from his moral judgment. Otho
died in his thirty-seventh year, on the ninety-fifth day after his
proclamation. Galba had reigned seven or eight months.

Vitellius took possession of Rome, and of the palace of the Cæsars; and
giving himself the appearance of an avenger of Galba, although he had
himself rebelled against him, he caused upwards of a hundred prætorians
to be put to death. Yet, leaving aside his contemptible character,
things did not at first go on as badly as had been expected. Soon,
however, (A. D. 70.) his tranquillity was disturbed by the news of the
rising of the Mœsian legions: these were to have come to the aid of
Otho, and had wished to do so; and they were now commanded by a most
ambitious tribune, Antonius Primus. At the same time, he was informed
that the Syrian and the Parthian legions, the former under T. Flavius
Vespasianus, the latter under Licinius Mucianus, refused to acknowledge
him. Yet both of these last-named insurrections were far off; both
armies also had enough to do, the one with the Parthians, the other with
the Jews, and they could not leave the country where they were without
leaving the frontiers open to the inroads of the enemy. It is also quite
inconceivable to me, how the legions could have been withdrawn from the
Rhine to Italy, without the barbarians attacking the frontiers. There
are some traces of treaties having been concluded; but that treaties
should have been made at all, is the very thing which we cannot
understand: it would seem that since the times of Caligula a peaceful
intercourse had sprung up, and that the Germans had lost every longing
for an offensive war. The tract of country between the Upper Rhine and
the Upper Danube, may even then have been Roman, although the ditch with
the rampart and palisades (_limes_) was not dug till a later period.

T. Flavius Vespasianus, who, with all his faults must be looked upon as
the _instaurator rei publicæ_, was at that time engaged in the Jewish
war. There is a dark stain upon him, which cannot be washed away; but
otherwise his faults are very pardonable. The rebellion of the Jews had,
even as early as the reign of Claudius, been stirred up by ill usage and
usurpation. There are few struggles which so deserve the attention of
posterity as this: I should like, on account of its awful greatness, to
tell it at full length; but time forbids, and also what is most
momentous in it belongs rather to Jewish than to Roman history. I refer
you to Josephus, whose book, in spite of its many defects of language,
is one of the most interesting historical works that have been left to
us of antiquity. I also class it with Cæsar’s Commentaries among the
most instructive, owing to the light which it throws on the tactics of
the Romans, and their method of besieging places. Josephus was a
Pharisee, and this he cannot throw off;—not such a bad one indeed as
those of the gospel; but still the leaven of the Pharisees is in
him;—besides which, he has an unbearable national vanity, to gratify
which he distorts many a fact in the earlier history; this we can
scarcely term anything else than falsifying. His numbers bespeak eastern
magniloquence; they are evidently impossible. Everywhere he shows
himself an Asiatic, notwithstanding all his Greek learning: for with the
exception of some ever recurring mistakes, he writes very good Greek. He
is generally spoken of as Flavius Josephus; and no doubt he was called
Titus Flavius Josephus after the emperor who gave him his liberty and
the Roman citizenship.

Vespasian was then with a strong army in Judæa, where the Jews were
making a desperate and heroic resistance. He was of low origin: his
grandfather was the first of his race who had somewhat risen from
obscurity, and not being vain, he had no illustrious pedigree forged for
him. He himself, being then in his sixtieth year, had passed through the
evil times of Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, during which he had to put
up with many a hardship: he had shared in the slavery of the world, and
occasionally had to play the part of an involuntary slave. As a
distinguished officer, he had risen step by step without a stain of
cruelty or injustice upon him; which is so much the more to his honour,
as he was so very fond of money. The cradle of his race was Nursia in
the high Sabine mountains, whence also Sertorius came; there the old
Italian stock had been preserved purest: to both of these applies
Fronto’s expression _Nursina durities_. In the Roman army, he was
generally known and respected.

Mucianus in Syria belonged to one of the highest Roman families, the
Licinii, and he was also descended from the Mucii: yet he knew that high
birth had lost its influence; besides which, he was effeminate, and had
tact enough to feel that he was inferior to Vespasian: they were very
different men. After having formerly been on bad terms, Mucianus now
held out his hand to the stern, harsh Vespasian. Mucianus, without being
bad, had caught the vices of his set; he had little ambition, and deemed
it wiser to be under an emperor of his own choice. Vespasian, on the
other hand, was free from the faults of the great world, having rather
the virtues which are peculiar to the lower classes: he had acknowledged
Galba; but after his death he began to think of taking the throne for
himself, being conscious that he was fit for it. Yet there was no need
for him to decide in the matter himself, as Antonius Primus, with the
Mœsian legions, encountered and defeated the army of the generals of
Vitellius near Cremona. In Rome, the insurrection had likewise already
broken out. Here Vespasian’s brother, T. Flavius Sabinus, was præfect;
and his younger son, Domitian, was kept as a sort of hostage. Against
these Vitellius was at first irritated; then he was frightened, and
wished to capitulate; after the battle of Cremona especially, he was
quite mild: but when afterwards different symptoms showed themselves, he
again veered round and wanted to arrest them. They fled to the Capitol,
which, however, was taken, and for the second time since Sylla, burned
to ashes: Domitian had a very narrow escape. At Rome, the anarchy was
complete. When in those days a man wanted to descend from his throne, he
was not able to save his life; for there were no convents then, as in
the Byzantine period. Vespasian’s party had been gradually forming; and
it gained strength owing to the successes of the victorious army, which
straightway marched to Rome, where the maddest excesses were now
committed on both sides. The conquerors took possession of the city
without meeting with any resistance, and Vitellius was murdered.




               T. FLAVIUS VESPASIANUS. TITUS. DOMITIANUS.


Under these circumstances, Domitian, a very young man hardly twenty,
seized upon the government in the absence of his father: his elder
brother Titus remained in Judæa, and it was a long time before Vespasian
came to Rome. Many ruthless deeds were done in the meanwhile, rather
from personal vengeance than party motives. Although Vespasian himself
had many good qualities indeed, his party was no better than the
opposite one; just as it was in the latter part of the thirty years’
war, when the Swedish, French, and Imperial armies were equally lawless
and destructive. The dismal history of these little men is wonderfully
told by a great one, who, however, makes none of them his hero.

Vespasian came to Rome very late, which had led to not a few bad
consequences: the city was all this while under the rule of a most
profligate and tyrannical youth, who showed himself even then to be what
he afterwards turned out. Some of the senators, especially Helvidius
Priscus,—a man who, however, was not at all in keeping with his
time,—allowed themselves to be drawn into an altogether ill-timed
“_fronde_” against the government, a plot alike unfortunate for
themselves, for Vespasian, and for the empire. Under these
circumstances, a feeling began to gain ground in Gaul, the symptoms of
which already displayed themselves before. As early as in the reign of
the emperor Tiberius, there had been a most senseless rising of the Ædui
under Julius Sacrovir; then came that of Vindex, in which a national
Gallic feeling manifested itself, being very likely the reason why
Virginius Rufus had him murdered and his army of Gauls scattered: the
act of that Roman general thus appears morally in a very bad light. The
death of Vindex must be looked upon as an event, which did not quell the
national spirit of the Gauls, but rather kindled it still more. We have
not indeed any complete or adequate notion of the state of Gaul under
the Romans: that country cannot possibly have been otherwise than in a
thriving condition, even from the times of Cæsar; of southern Gaul, this
is certain. All our knowledge of Gaul is limited to the few things said
about it in history, and to what we are told in Pliny and Strabo: these
two, however, only speak of the _civitates_, without making any mention
whatever of the smaller places; and they leave us without the least
information as to their internal affairs. Here we trace them merely from
the beginning of Tacitus’ account; for otherwise they are not to be met
with in history until the end of the third century, which is treated of
by the wretched _Scriptores historiæ Augustæ_: the itineraries also give
only a few places on some of the high roads. For this reason, Gaul on
our maps looks like a newly cultivated country with a few towns: this,
however, is merely the accidental effect of the scantiness of our
information. The East, on the other hand, being constantly spoken of in
history from the Macedonian era down to the fifth, and sixth centuries,
the maps of Asia Minor and Syria are dotted all over with towns. Gaul
was under the Romans a well tilled and thickly peopled country: there
are found in many parts of France ruins of very considerable towns, the
names of which are quite uncertain or altogether unknown. Thus a short
time ago, in the neighbourhood of Montbeliard, magnificent ruins were
discovered of a place which very likely is only to be met with in an
itinerary, and even there with a doubtful name only: the excavations
near Valenciennes, and in Normandy and elsewhere, betoken towns of great
extent, and evidently of much population. To fill up the gaps of the
geography of ancient Gaul, one should keep to the documents of the
Merovingian and Carolingian periods, in which the places had Latin and
Gaulish names of old date: for then there were no new towns built, as it
was a time of destruction. The population of Gaul had been nearly
annihilated by the Cimbric wars, and afterwards it had again severely
suffered under Cæsar; but for one hundred and ten years, there had been
peace, during which the population in so favoured a land must have
doubled or trebled. We are not to suppose that there was the same
prosperity as in France in the German countries along the banks of the
Rhine; for these were undoubtedly far behind in civilization: they were
very like Germany Proper, being densely peopled, and having many
villages, but hardly any towns. Their population has most incorrectly
been reckoned with that of Gaul; but it was thoroughly German ever since
the times of Cæsar, perhaps even much earlier still; it never belonged
to Gaul, except politically under the Romans. A boundary line had been
settled between the Romans and the Germans,—probably by treaties,—namely
the country between the Meuse and the Waal, the _insula Batavorum_,
which was subject to the Romans: there was a Roman garrison there, but
the natives had not yet adopted the Roman language and manners. From
these Batavians the rebellion of Civilis arose, which spread over the
German provinces of the Roman empire and over France, the Lingones
taking the lead. The insurrection was very dangerous, as the German
tribes on the right bank of the Rhine declared for it; some of them more
actively, and others more sluggishly, being hindered only by their own
division and dissensions, and by all sorts of jealousies and petty
quarrels. The Roman generals, on the other hand, opposed them with great
resolution. Still less union than among the Germans with each other, was
there between the Germans and Gauls; whereas the Gauls and Romans were
much more akin, as the great men among the Gauls had adopted the Roman
language, and Roman manners generally prevailed among them. How the
rebellion ended, we do not exactly know, as Tacitus’ histories are
broken off just here: that the insurgents were put down, is self-evident
from the condition in which they were afterwards; and it is also
expressly told us by Xiphilinus. Domitian, even before the arrival of
Vespasian, took upon himself the command in those parts; but he had no
share in the subjugation of the rebels, which was accomplished by the
generals of his father.

Vespasian reigned for more than nine years, and his rule was thoroughly
beneficial. It is difficult to judge of him, as Tacitus fails us here.
Suetonius is a very sorry painter of character, and his opinions are of
as little worth as those of the _Scriptores historiæ Augustæ_: in fact,
he has no turn whatever for writing history. He is a learned man, and he
does not write badly; but he cannot take a wide view. The earlier times
are better handled by him; for there he had books before him: without
books, however, he was not able to do much; and thus the times which he
had seen himself, or about which he had been told by those who had seen
them, are the very worst written. His work was certainly published
before Tacitus’ _Historiæ_ came out; for had he had them before his
eyes, he could not possibly have described the anarchy after Nero’s
death in so wretched a way: it must have been a work of his youth, and
not indeed of the time when he was secretary of state under Hadrian. We
are in a sad plight here, and moreover the materials for the history of
the emperors are throughout very bad: if we had Dio, we should be all
right; but we only have the pitiful abridgment of Xiphilinus. We can
therefore only dwell on single traits.

Suetonius praises Vespasian, and yet he tells us things which either do
away with the praise, or which ought not to have been recorded, as they
were mere rumours: when we compare both of these statements together, we
are justly astonished, and therefore feel uncertain on more than one
point. Thus much may we look upon as borne out by facts. Vespasian was
wanting in the higher qualities of the soul, nor had he such a heart as
Trajan had; but he was still a very worthy person for the time in which
he lived, being an honest and just man, especially in a negative sense,
and one who was not guilty of tyranny: only some isolated instances of
extortion are mentioned of him. His morals were as spotless as could
ever have been expected in times like those. After the death of his
first wife, he lived in a sort of left-handed marriage with a woman of
low estate, to whom he, however, granted all the honours of a lawful
wife, and with whom he was happy: she must indeed have been an excellent
woman. He quite loathed the debauchery and the awfully vulgar and
wasteful gluttony which had become so common among the Romans: luxury
had then thrown itself into the fashion of extravagant feasts, got up at
the maddest cost. Vespasian, on the contrary, who had kept his old
simple tastes unaltered, reclaimed his subjects, as well by his example
as by the open expression of his disgust, from this way of living: he
thus brought about a reform in Roman life which is remarkable in
history: Never again did this reckless prodigality become as rife among
the Romans, as it had been in the times before Vespasian: it is true, as
we see from Ammianus’ excellent description, that in the fourth century
it was again to be found among the great men; but Vespasian had struck
at the roots of it. He ruled the state with great care and
conscientiousness, putting down every sort of waste, and getting the
confused finances in order: he showed no mistrust towards the governors,
though, on the other hand, he would uphold the provinces against them.
Yet the feelings of a refined soul were unknown to him: he did nothing
to foster intellect, and he had an antipathy to men of education and
philosophers, as well as to those who were something more than mere men
of business: these he considered as useless, and even had a hostile
feeling against them. Helvidius Priscus, who personally and
intellectually, by his mind and his acquirements, certainly was one of
the first men of Rome, professed to be of the Stoic philosophy. The
Roman Stoics had a spice of republicanism in them which was ill suited
to the age; and this gave birth to an unpardonable petulance, which
could lead to no good. Helvidius was blind to the good qualities of
Vespasian, and gave himself up to an utterly useless opposition. In this
he cannot be excused; but what is worst of all, Vespasian conceived such
a spite against him, that he had him put to death: it was the most noble
blood of the Roman state which he then shed. Otherwise he kept himself
pure from blood: on several occasions, when he had received no such
provocation, he even showed himself truly mild. He was also grateful,
and overlooked a great deal in Mucianus and others. Antonius Primus
likewise lost his life, but deservedly: he had made the revolution for
Vespasian that he might thus rule the Roman empire himself; and when he
did not find this answer, he plotted against him. Suetonius particularly
charges Vespasian with avarice; yet it is by no means certain whether
there is any truth in this. He is said to have declared that the state
wanted for its support _quadringinties millies_, that is to say, two
thousand millions of dollars. This seems quite absurd. Even if we
conceive all the countries of the empire as it was then, to have been as
thriving as France and Italy are now, it seems scarcely possible that
such a sum should have been raised. Nor can we understand what it should
have been wanted for, although there was an army of about four hundred
thousand men, and these received treble pay, a _denarius_ a day. That
number cannot be correct. It is true that he spent much in building; but
building is not after all one of the necessary expenses of the state. In
the reign of Vespasian, very great works were completed in Rome and
elsewhere: nor were they merely what could not be dispensed with; but
such also was their magnificence that they were a lasting honour to the
empire, like the Colosseum and the temple of Peace. This does not agree
with his _sordidissima avaritia_; and such facts are to be set against
the anecdotes of Suetonius. Vespasian died when upwards of sixty-nine.

The government had in reality been carried on under him by his son
Titus, who on his return from Jerusalem had reached his thirty-second
year. Vespasian himself felt no vocation for it. Titus may have had the
guilt of many of the unrighteous deeds which were done in Vespasian’s
reign, however strange the contrast may seem between his own rule and
this administration: before his father’s death, he was very unpopular;
people looked upon him but with fear and dread. What was afterwards so
much praised in him, so that he was even called _deliciæ generis
humani_, was after all nothing but his openhandedness: he seems to have
wished to gladden the hearts of those about him by his liberality, and
to load them with presents. In this way he employed the treasures
hoarded up by his father, who had kept for himself the management of the
finances. Perhaps there is no ruler who has done more real good to the
Roman world than Vespasian. One of his fine qualities was the openness
of his disposition: owing to this he placed full trust in Titus, made
him _præfectus prætorio_, and quite gave up to him a part of the
government. How very different this is from the behaviour of eastern
princes, who always utterly mistrust their sons! Titus was by no means
popular: some violent and also cruel deeds are laid to his charge;
Cæcina, for instance, who played a great part among the Vitellians, was
killed by his orders. Yet it is said that proofs of a conspiracy of his
against the house of Vespasian had been discovered.

The fears which people had entertained of Titus, were not justified
during his reign. With his accession his whole bearing changed; and the
leading features in his character were benevolence and affability, which
in a prince are always prized much higher than any other quality: let a
prince be kind to those about him, and he may forget all his other
duties. His father had been exceedingly frugal; Titus, on the contrary,
was generous, even profuse. The former had spent great sums on buildings
only: he had restored Rome; he had altered the senseless edifices of
Nero, the golden house in particular; and he had built the huge
Colosseum, which, although destined for a dismal purpose, was quite to
the taste of the Roman populace. Vespasian did not live to see the
dedication of the Colosseum, which was celebrated by Titus only. The
extravagance displayed in it, had none of the old simple grandeur; but
as was the case in the whole time of the emperors, and even in the last
stage of the republic, there was something whimsical and repulsive about
it. Goethe has a very nice remark on this subject in the _Farbenlehre_
(Science of Colours).[43] Even women had to fight to death as
gladiators; but Titus’ humanity did not reach so far as this.

His reign was perfect tranquillity abroad, and great comfort in Rome;
but it was visited with calamities. There was an immense fire in the
city, besides the catastrophe of Herculanum and Pompeii, when Vesuvius,
which had been quiet since the time of the Greek settlements, all at
once began to throw up fire—fortunately for us.

The love of the people for Titus was the more decided, as they were by
no means mistaken with regard to Domitian.

Domitian was a bad son and a bad brother, and there is no doubt of his
having sought the life of his father and his brother; especially of the
latter, who, however, never tried to avenge himself upon him, and even
treated him with confidence. Domitian is one of those men, who are too
lightly thought of because they are bad. What he is reproached with may
be true, that he showed himself a coward in war; although this is still
problematical: that his boundless vanity led to no corresponding
achievements, is certain; his cruelty, his falseness, are beyond a
doubt; yet for all that he ought not to be estimated too low. He was a
very accomplished man, and of a decided talent for literature.
Rutgertsius has already remarked, that the paraphrase of the _Phænomena_
of Aratus commonly ascribed to Germanicus, is by Domitian, who as
emperor had taken the name of Cæsar Germanicus, as it was more
illustrious than that of the Flavii. That it cannot have been the
adopted son of Tiberius, is evident from the way in which the poet
speaks of his father, whom he introduces as a ruler, and as one who had
had the apotheosis. I believe that the poem was written in the time of
Titus. It is very respectable as to its general composition, poor as the
subject is. Moreover, although Quintilian may have said too much in what
he tells us of Domitian, and this exaggeration may have been slavish and
in the court-style of despotism; still he certainly would not from mere
flattery have praised what was thoroughly worthless. Domitian had a
taste for Roman literature, which has done good: he established the
great endowment for rhetoricians which Quinctilian received, and he
instituted the _Agon Capitolinus_ in which poets were crowned: Roman
literature, therefore, took a fresh start in his time. Not to speak of
Tacitus, who was then a youth, and of Pliny, the younger,—however little
one may admire him,—who was growing up (many well educated people of his
day wrote as well as he did); there is Statius belonging to that age,
whose _Silvæ_ are among the most agreeable works of antiquity which are
left to us, there is Juvenal, who was also one of the greatest minds,
but who bore a deadly hatred to Domitian. We see from Domitian’s poem,
that he was against the false taste of his times. He slighted Statius;
yet for this we are not so much to accuse him of partiality, as to
acknowledge the correctness of his judgment. Statius is great in his
little poems, which are some of those genuine effusions which are tinged
with the true spirit of the country: one enjoys them particularly, when
one reads them in Italy. But his Thebais is a cold, laboured poem, quite
bombastic and unbearable: it is the one with which he did not win the
Capitoline prize.

As all wasteful prodigality had been rooted out under Vespasian, and
Roman life had been brought back to frugality, the good consequences
were lasting, and Domitian also kept in this path. He was by no means a
spendthrift, being profuse only to the army, the pay of which he raised
to four hundred and eighty denarii, and that, it seems, from cowardice:
for this he tried to make up by lessening the number of the troops,
which was not at all suited to the circumstances of the times. In the
East indeed there was profound peace with the Parthians, weakness having
manifested itself among them, as is always the case in Asia when states
have reached a certain point of greatness: the Parthians, therefore,
left the Romans unmolested, as long as these did not attack them. War
was, however, waging on the northern frontier. Tacitus’ Agricola throws
some light on this; it is one of the greatest masterpieces of biography
which we have from antiquity. Agricola completed the conquest of
Britain: he went beyond the two Firths against the Highland hills, and
built a fleet with which he sailed round Scotland, and visited the
Orkney islands. This is the brilliant military epoch of Domitian. To
this circumnavigation of Scotland the statue of Oceanus seems to refer,
which all through the middle ages lay at the entrance of the _Forum
Martium_.[44] A statue of the Rhine likewise belongs to the time of
Domitian.

In his earliest youth, in the days of the insurrection of Civilis,
Domitian had been in Gaul; as emperor, he conducted a war against the
Chatti in the country about the Mayne. Could one but rely here on the
medals, and on the flatteries of Martial, he got the surname of
Germanicus most rightfully; but the historians all agree in this, that
with regard to those victories the nation was imposed upon. Yet even
then the war may not have been without advantage to the Romans. Certain
it is that the Germans on the right bank of the Rhine were not able to
make head against their legions; nor is it to be wondered at: for an
ill-trained militia could not stand its ground against the Romans, and
moreover the unhallowed dissensions among the Germans were as
mischievous as ever. War was likewise waged on the banks of the Austrian
Danube, where nations such as the Marcomanni and the Sueves, of which we
have heard nothing for a long space of time, again make their appearance
feebly allied with Slavonic tribes; and indeed they showed themselves to
be formidable.

The most important war under Domitian, was that against the Dacians, the
same race as the ancient Getæ, who as early as Alexander’s time had
driven the Scythian tribes before them. Since Diceneus (in the reign of
Augustus) the great Dacian monarchy in Transylvania, and very likely
almost the whole of Wallachia and part of Moldavia and the Banat, had
arisen. They were rich, owing to their mines; and we see from the column
of Trajan, that they were not at all looked upon as barbarians, but that
they were even held in higher esteem than the Germans: they had
fortified towns and wooden houses, such as are still common in the
Tyrol. Their king Decebalus was a man of much greatness of character,
and worthy of ruling his nation in such critical circumstances. They had
a well organized constitution, and an aristocracy, who by way of
distinction wore either caps or long hair: they were withal a brave and
free people. Since the days of Augustus, they had often threatened the
Roman frontier; and as soon as Rome felt weak, they burst into Mœsia: to
Pannonia, perhaps, they did not come; for the country between the Theiss
and the Danube was nothing but deep marshes. Lower down, towards
Pressburg, it was inhabited partly by Gallic, and partly by German
tribes. Of Domitian’s Dacian wars, we have but very confused accounts;
Xiphilinus and Zonaras entirely pass over the details. We know thus
much, that once at least the Romans suffered a great defeat, and that
the Dacians overran Mœsia. But such wars, even when successfully carried
on, always in the long run became dangerous to these peoples; and
therefore Decebalus concluded a peace in a form which seems to us
humiliating. This does not, however, prove much, as such was the general
custom in wars against the Romans. Domitian could now take the name of
Dacicus, and, after his great losses, return in triumph to Rome.

From the time of this campaign, Domitian’s cruelty displayed itself more
and more. Before this, some individuals had already been put to death
either on suspicion, or because he hated them; an insurrection also had
broken out under L. Antonius Saturninus in _Germania Superior_, that is
to say, Alsace and Suabia, as far as the _limites_: these districts were
covered with Roman troops, and Saturninus had himself proclaimed emperor
by them, but was conquered by L. Appius Maximus, and paid for it with
his life. Domitian’s cruelty was within the bounds of human nature,
being different from that of Caligula and Nero. Caligula was mad, and
Nero very nearly so; they were downright brutes, and their cruelty, to
use an expression of Aristotle’s, was παρὰ φύσιν: to characters like
these, the rules of morality do not apply; they are degenerate specimens
of humanity. Domitian’s cruelty was that of a thoroughly bad man; it
sprang from human passions, from envy, malice, and the mere love of
mischief: avarice there was none in it, as this is rather an eastern
vice. In the senate, at that time, there were men who were worthy of
being the friends of Agricola and Tacitus: Herennius Senecio had written
the life of Helvidius Priscus; Arulenus Rusticus, that of Pætus Thrasea;
and their writings displayed much warmth of heart. Maternus and others
were likewise authors, though perhaps not altogether free from
declamation; but literature had now again some reality in it, and it was
that very reality which gave offence to the tyrant. Then arose the
horrible class of the informers, the description of which is one of the
most interesting things in Pliny’s letters: they were a very different
set from the _delatores_ of Tiberius’ reign. These men are justly
abhorred in a moral point of view; but they were men of intellect, and
some of them of no common talent. The great mass was in the days of
Tiberius much worse than it was now; and so it was, of course, with the
victims: for though the women, as we learn from Juvenal, were still
thoroughly depraved, the men, owing to the length of their training in
the school of hardship, had become better and more energetic. Domitian
was even present at the _delationes_: the informers were ingenious,
well-bred persons, who lived in good society, and also turned their
talents against equally distinguished, but noble-minded people. The time
was awful; it passed, as Tacitus says, in silent dread: the impression
which it made on a great mind, is incomparably described in the
introduction of the Agricola and in the _Historiæ_.

Particularly fearful were the three last years of Domitian. Had his rage
been only directed against the better men, he might have lived longer;
but he also turned it against the bad and fierce ones, against Prætorian
officers and his own wife Domitia, who had offended him, and whom he had
offended. Then was the conspiracy formed against him, and he was stabbed
by the officers of his guards.

He had built the _Forum Palladium_ near the _Forum Augustum_, and
established government offices and courts of Justice there: part of the
wall and the hall are still preserved as monuments of that age. He also
erected many other magnificent buildings.




                 M. COCCEIUS NERVA. M. ULPIUS TRAJANUS.


The histories of Nerva and of Trajan are some of those which are
comparatively the most imperfectly known to us, although these two
emperors have so gladdened the hearts of the Romans by their rule, and
theirs was an age of the best Roman literature, an age of which moreover
so many other monuments are come down to us. Tacitus evidently has not
described this period: he says that he had kept it for when he was old;
to excuse himself for not writing contemporary history, as he could
certainly not have praised it unconditionally. Trajan himself has
written memoirs, especially of the events of the Dacian war; but no
author of any note has dwelt upon this important history.

Nerva was much beyond sixty, and a venerable consular and senator: how
he came to be proclaimed, we know not. When proclaimed, he was gladly
received by the senate, and the prætorians assented to the choice. He
set forth the principles on which he would govern, and he remained true
to them. But he was very cautious in making reforms: for being old, he
did not venture to undertake much, or to give provocation to the
prætorians; and therefore he punished so few of the informers who under
Domitian had been a curse to mankind. This gave offence and disgust to
many honourable men, while it raised the courage of many bad ones: the
feeling of actual happiness was chilled by the consciousness that all
these men were still alive and in office, and that they might one day
again become dangerous. The consequence of this weakness of Nerva’s was,
that those who wished to continue the time of Domitian, now used their
influence in the senate to do anything they liked. Junius Mauricus
therefore, when the death of an informer was talked of at a party at the
emperor’s, said, “Yes, if he were still alive, nothing would be done to
him; but he would be in company with us.”[45] The præfect Casperius
called upon the soldiers to demand the murderers of Domitian from Nerva;
and on his refusal they seized them by force, and two of them were most
horribly ill-used: they then compelled Nerva to express his approval of
it in the senate.[46] Nerva, feeling his own weakness, had recourse to
the same means as Galba to strengthen himself in his old age: but he
made a much more happy choice than the former had done,—he adopted
Trajan.

Hispania Bœtica was by this time quite Latinized, and Latin only was
spoken there, at least in the towns; just as West Prussia and Silesia
are Germanized. Italica, in the neighbourhood of Seville, was one of the
earliest settlements in those parts; it was founded by Roman soldiers of
the Scipios, who chose to remain in a country in which they had lived a
number of years, and got families by Spanish wives: the town, being
constituted as a colony or a second-rate _municipium_, became very
thriving. It was the birthplace of Trajan and Hadrian: Trajan’s family
was one of the most distinguished there. M. Ulpius Trajanus was the son
of a man of note: his father had in the reign of Nero already attained a
high rank in the Roman army, and was much looked up to; the son became
known and honoured even in the times of Domitian, which were so little
favourable to the display of excellence. A happier choice Nerva could
never have made; it was received with joy and respect by the Prætorians
themselves. At that time, Trajan was in Rome; but he soon went to
Germany where his head-quarters were at Cologne. Our knowledge of the
affairs of Germany in those days is very scanty; the relations of that
country with the Romans were still strikingly peaceful. The name of a
place on the military road from the Main to Augsburg, _Aræ Flaviæ_,
proves that (probably under Domitian) the Romans had already taken
possession of this _sinus imperii_. Whether the rampart and ditch,
which, beginning from the Westerwald, reached along the Lahn, the
Taunus, and the Main, to the Altmühl, was or was not made at that time,
the country was at all events subject to the Romans. Free German tribes
were dwelling only in Franconia, the Upper Palatinate, Hesse, and
Westphalia; Suevia, in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, was not yet
under the Roman rule; the Frisian tribes were subdued under Tiberius,
but they afterwards became free. In the days of Nerva, there was a
little war in Suabia; of this the only trace is to be met with in an
inscription which speaks of the _Victoria Suevica_. The boundaries of
the several tribes are most distinctly given in the Germany of Tacitus,
where we see how they did not interfere with each other.

Nerva, who reigned but one year and a half, died, A. D. 98, in his
sixty-sixth year. The empire was so firmly settled, that Trajan,
although absent in Cologne, could quietly step into the imperial dignity
as if it were an inheritance: he did not come to Rome until the
following year; but allegiance was yielded to him everywhere. He now
soon showed his energy, as he laid hold upon the ruffians whom Nerva had
spared: a few only atoned for their guilt with their lives, by far the
greater part being exiled to the rocks of the Mediterranean. He took a
still bolder step when he brought the Prætorians to account, who had had
a share in the late misdeeds; and had the ringleaders executed. By this
means, his rule was completely strengthened. His reforms were gentle,
nor did they reach much beyond individuals: he reduced the taxes,
especially taking off those which had been laid as a penalty on the
provinces; and he must have got the finances into excellent order, as
Hadrian after him was able to remit such immense sums. Whilst he thus
lightened the burthens of the world, he had not only money for expensive
wars, but also for the most costly works: he never was embarrassed for
money. The details of the care which he took of the provinces, and also
the principles of his administration, we may glean from the tenth book
of Pliny’s Epistles: the good emperors checked the arbitrary rule of the
governors by looking themselves into what was done. It was part of
Trajan’s happiness, that his father, who was in a hale old age, still
lived many years to see the successes of his son, and to have his heart
gladdened by his glory: such fine family affection had never been seen
in the Roman world before. He was married to an excellent wife in
Plotina, who, however, did not bear him any children: the praise of this
woman far outweighs those few anecdotes which look very like gossip. His
sister Marciana was likewise most respectable, a true matron. And to
these two ladies, a considerable improvement in the Roman manners is
certainly owing: all the empresses, since Livia—with the exception of
Vespasian’s wife, who as a freed woman could not indeed appear in
society—had exercised a most baneful influence upon morals. The open
shamelessness which was quite the fashion, was now put a stop to.

Trajan’s true bent was for war and for great works. This, as the empire
was then situated, was by no means to be found fault with. Whilst he
gave occupation to his subjects and his armies, he imparted a higher
tone to the age in which he lived: if such a universal empire continues
to have peace, torpor and stagnation must be the consequence. Trajan’s
wars and victories were certainly beneficial to the Roman state; the
only question was, Whither were they to lead?—There was no stopping
short; and hence it may be seen, how wretched is such a dominion over
the world.

The cause of his first war, was one which to Roman feelings appeared a
just one. Domitian had made peace with Decebalus on condition of paying
a tribute; this tribute Trajan would not pay, and Decebalus, conscious
of his power, declared war, A. D. 101. His empire comprised
Transylvania, the mountain districts of Moldavia and Wallachia, and
perhaps also the plains of the latter country and of Upper Hungary; in
the plains of Moldavia and Bessarabia he in all likelihood ruled over
the Sarmatians: his frontiers cannot be accurately laid down. This
mighty and strong country was inhabited by a most warlike, free, and
civilized people, whose prince was a worthy match for Trajan. The war
lasted for three years, until Trajan, by taking the capital, compelled
Decebalus to conclude a peace, the terms of which are fully known to us
from the pillar: the Roman prisoners and deserters were to be given up,
and Decebalus had to pay a large war-contribution,—which was not hard
for him to do, as Dacia was rich in silver,—and he was still left as an
independent prince in his kingdom. Some years afterwards, the war broke
out again. The peace was a very oppressive one; its heavy burthens were
only felt after it was concluded, when the insolence of the Roman
governors made matters unbearable; and as the Dacians repented of what
they had done, Rome declared war once more. Decebalus fell; and in the
second campaign, Dacia was made a province, which it continued to be
down to the times of the Goths. In the heart of the country, a number of
Roman colonies were established; one, for instance, in its capital,
Zarmizegethusa, under the name of _Colonia Ulpia_; and also especially
in Transylvania and the mountain districts of Moldavia and Wallachia: no
traces of any are found in the plains. And so firmly did the Roman rule
take root there, that to this day, after the most varied vicissitudes,
the language spoken in Wallachia is but a corruption of Latin, although
Rome was only mistress there for a hundred and fifty years. The
Wallachs, however, spread further towards Pindus in Macedon, and into
Greece and Epirus: they are a mysterious people. From the many ruins and
inscriptions in it, one may see that Dacia was a very flourishing and
civilized country.

There now followed some years of peace, which certainly did not make him
happy. When therefore the Parthian king had deposed the king of Armenia,
which was subject to the doubtful sovereignty of Rome and Parthia, and
had raised a kinsman of his to the throne; Trajan, availing himself of
the opportunity, took up arms, marched into Armenia, and received the
homage of Parthamasiris, the king set up by the Parthians. With this he
was satisfied, the king having come to his camp, and received back his
kingdom from him as a fief, which it in truth may be called. But Trajan
went on with the war. It is a pity that we do not know its history in
detail: like the Dacian wars, it must have been rich indeed in great
achievements, as nature opposed immense difficulties. Thus much seems
clear, that Trajan took Armenia for the base of his operations, and
penetrated towards the lower Tigris. There he reduced, not only
Seleucia, but also Ctesiphon, the capital of the king of kings; and he
came as far as the ocean, that is to say, the Persian Gulf. Here he
either began to feel the difficulties in the way of his darling wish to
conquer the whole of the Persian Empire; or it was with him as with many
a great general who waged war for its own sake, finding pleasure in it,
that he became tired of war, and thought that he should be able at any
time to return to it. Thus it was with Napoleon, in whose case it saved
the world. He was sometimes sick of war; and as he then wished to rest
himself for some months in Paris, he would make peace, meaning to renew
the war afterwards: he liked moreover to let people somewhat raise their
heads once more, and then, when they had recovered their strength a
little, to beat them again with so much the greater glory. Thus Trajan
also felt induced to grant peace to the Parthians, after having given
them Parthamaspates, one of their pretenders, for a king. The Parthians,
as individuals, deserve but little of our esteem: they were barbarians,
and they gained their civilization only from the Greek towns. Persia did
not rise into eminence till it was ruled by Sassanides. At this time,
the Parthians had vassal-kings in the different countries, and the king
himself with his court travelled from one of these to the other, and was
entertained by them: his proper residence was at Ctesiphon.

Trajan, however, was not yet able to make up his mind what to do. He
then set about the conquest of Arabia. From inscriptions and coins, and
from the things there which had not existed until his time, we may
conclude that he made Arabia Petræa on the eastern coast of the Red Sea
down to the Gulf of Acaba—even as far as Medina, if Medina were not
included—a Roman province, and received the homage of the Arab tribes
between the Euphrates and Syria. He had in the treaty of peace caused
the Parthians to give up to him the supremacy over Osroëne, Mesopotamia,
and Kurdistan: Edessa likewise was incorporated into the empire. Thus he
reserved for himself the groundwork for a future war, just as Napoleon
did: he undoubtedly meant, should he live long enough, to extend the
frontier as far as to India; or at least, to leave the conquest for his
successor.

Nubia, between Egypt and the upper cataract, was likewise subjected in
the reign of Trajan to the Roman sway, under which it remained for a
hundred and fifty years. Moreover Fezzan between Tripoli and the town of
Bornu on the Niger were Roman; which is proved by the inscriptions at
Gharma.

Whilst Trajan could not make up his mind to leave the East, he also
stayed for a considerable period in Cilicia; and there he fell sick at
Selinus, which was afterwards called Trajanopolis, and died in the
sixty-first, or sixty-fourth year of his life, A. D. 117. His ashes were
brought to Rome, and enshrined there in a golden urn beneath the
triumphal pillar. In the last months of his life, he had adopted
Hadrian; or Plotina had spread a report of his having done so. This was
undoubtedly a happy thing for Rome: for although Hadrian in his after
life was guilty of sad misdeeds, it was owing to his ill state of
health; so that he was hardly accountable for them. He was a near
kinsman of Trajan and a most able man.




                    ART AND LITERATURE UNDER TRAJAN.


Trajan’s buildings are works, which are not only to be noticed in the
topography of Rome, but belong to history as great achievements.
Apollodorus of Damascus was his great architect, whose likeness I had
the pleasure of discovering: it is the figure of a man in a Greek dress,
presenting to the Emperor, who is seated, a drawing on a scroll; and it
is on the bas reliefs of the arch of Constantine, the upper part of
which is undoubtedly taken from the arch of Trajan. In the early times
of the republic, art had the finish of the Etruscan school, owing to
Etruscan artists; before the first Punic War, painting also flourished
in Rome. Then followed the imitation of the Greeks, of which we cannot
give a positive opinion. In the reign of Augustus, the material began to
be of paramount importance, notwithstanding which the style was still
grand: instead of the good freestone from the quarries of the
neighbourhood, people would have nothing but marble. In the temple of
Mars Ultor, all the columns are of marble. Otherwise Augustus, on the
whole, still built many great works of the stone of the country; and
this was yet done even as late as Claudius. But in the course of time,
the taste for foreign marbles became more and more decided: Phrygian,
Numidian, and other marbles were now used. In Nero’s days, Greek
architecture with marble pillars was in fashion; and the material was
looked upon as the chief thing, which in architecture is perfectly
absurd. With the exception of the Colosseum, all the buildings of Titus
and Domitian’s time are overdone; though highly finished, they want
distinctness of character: the impression of grandeur is quite lost.
Under Trajan, architecture acquires new splendour and dignity; which was
owing to that Greek whom we have named: in a new form, it went to work
with the treasures of the whole of the immense empire; so that it never
signified whether it cost some millions more or less. Trajan either made
or completed noble highways; he paved the Via Appia from Capua to
Brundusium with basalt; he drained the Pontine marshes as far as they
can be drained, and built the harbour of Centumcellæ (Civita Vecchia);
the conviction must even then have been come to, that the Tiber was
continually filling the harbours of Ostia and Portus with silt. He built
baths at the hot springs of Civita Vecchia, and made the mole and
harbour of Ancona: for the Tyrrhenian maritime towns were entirely
destroyed, though it is not known when. The greatest of his buildings
are at Rome, such as the _Forum Ulpium_ and therein the _Columna
Cochlis_. The slope of the Quirinal Hill, which reached almost as far as
the Capitol, was for a considerable length lowered upwards of a hundred
and forty feet (it may be that I do not quite remember the exact
measure[47]): this height is marked by the pillar. It was his object to
place the government offices in his Forum. The _Forum Ulpium_, like the
_Forum Augusti_ before it, was not, as formerly, an open space, which
now would no longer have had any meaning: we know for certain, that the
finance department, and all that belonged to it, had its offices there:
the whole was like a city of palaces. In the middle stood the column,
round which was twined a representation of the two Dacian wars of Trajan
in bas relief. Although these bas reliefs have suffered from fire and
lightning, they are still quite excellent, as this branch of the art was
then at its height: they are in exquisite taste. These figures are also
of value in an historical and antiquarian point of view, as they give us
representations of weapons, armour, dresses, and buildings of which
otherwise we should not have known anything. Within, there are steps
which lead to the top; and beneath, there is a vault in which the ashes
of Trajan were laid: of the latter nothing more is to be found. On the
top was the bronze statue of Trajan: this was taken down in the times of
barbarism, and Sixtus V. replaced it by a statue of St. Peter. In the
Forum round it, two gigantic buildings in the form of _basilicæ_ have
been brought to light by the clearings made by the French. The
magnificence of these, beggars all description: among other things,
there are floors in them of the most beautiful Numidian marble. At the
entrances of the Forum, there arose triumphal arches; which we only know
from coins: it may be that Constantine despoiled one of these, and had a
piece of it patched into his own triumphal arch.

Under Hadrian also, costly buildings were erected; as for instance, the
temple of Venus and Roma: but unluckily he had no taste, and following
his own whims, he exercised a baneful influence. Of the time of
Antoninus Pius, we have ruins which are much less beautiful; and under
M. Antoninus, there remains of sculpture only the art of casting in
bronze: his bronze statue is excellent; but the sculptures on the arch
of Antoninus are far inferior to those of Trajan’s reign. In the
triumphal arch of Severus, a most dreadful falling off is to be seen:
even the proportions are neglected, as people were no longer able to
draw. The spread of Christianity is unjustly reproached with having
driven out the fine arts: they had already died away before that.

But Trajan’s age was just as great in literature. Tacitus, it is true,
stands quite alone; he is one of those mighty minds which are no
creatures of any age. Yet even the mightiest souls feel the influence of
their age, which still gives them their tone and their impulses, though
it does not make them what they are. It is quite useless to ask Who was
Tacitus’ teacher?—he was taught by the sorrows of his times. His great
soul was deeply wounded by the horrors of Domitian’s reign, the distress
of which was followed under Nerva and Trajan by a refreshing period. The
first edition of the Agricola was written by him in the latter years of
Domitian, as he says in the wretchedly corrupted beginning of the second
chapter: (of the correctness of my emendation I have not the least
doubt.[48]) He afterwards revised the work. One may see here all the
greatness of the man, though it is struggling with the difficulty in
finding utterance, which arises from a decided aversion to
diffuseness,—from a striving after terseness without any affectation,
from a wish to express with the greatest conciseness nothing but the
thought itself, nor even to waste a word, notwithstanding a great
richness of ideas, This is most displayed in Tacitus’ earlier writings;
in the life of Agricola, and in his Germany. He did not want to write
large books, but only small treatises; and yet he wished to take in them
the complete description of his subject, all the fulness of his thoughts
was to be laid before his future reader. The real work of his life,
which he began later,—evidently later even than the _Germania_,—are the
_Historiæ_, the most finished performance of his that we know of: had we
them entire, we should see him passing through all the various styles of
history. There he did not condense; but he told his story at full
length, and with much detail: there is no reason to doubt that these
histories comprised the whole of the thirty books mentioned by St.
Jerome. After he had finished this work, he wrote the Annals besides, so
as to give a full account of the times of the Cæsars from the completion
and establishment of the _principatus_, after the farce of the
republican forms had been put an end to. These he wrote concisely,
throwing out some particular parts only in bold relief: the nearer he
approached the _Historiæ_, the more diffuse he must have become. At the
latter end of Nero, he certainly went as much into detail as in the
_Historiæ_. Tacitus is not difficult to understand when one has once
entered into his way of thinking: it is pitiful to hear people complain
of him and Sallust for affectation and mannerism. If we compare the
wonderful symmetry in Tacitus and Sallust with Livy, we see that they
for their times were far greater masters of style than the latter; for
whenever he takes upon himself to be argumentative, as in the preface
and in the passage on the triumph of Cornelius Cossus in the fourth
book, he becomes infinitely harder than any part of Tacitus. Livy wishes
there to be short and pithy, and he is unintelligible: the last named
passage is the most difficult which I know of in the good Latin prose.
Wherever he is not trying to be concise, he is very easy.

At the side of Tacitus, who stands quite alone,—as did Æschylus and
Sophocles, as did many a lyric poet, and as did Lessing, who among our
German prose writers has not found his equal,—but whose transcendent
merits were not acknowledged by his age, as men were glad to soothe
their feelings by placing a number of people on a par with him; Pliny
the Younger was mentioned in his day. Pliny’s letters are
psychologically most interesting; they give one much insight into the
human mind. He was one of the most good natured of men, but exceedingly
vain: before the eyes of the public, he had a strong feeling of his own
greatness and classicality. Although in conversation with his friends,
he certainly used to criticise Tacitus, and to deplore his defects; in
his letters to him, he is full of humility, and makes himself infinitely
small, just that Tacitus might be favourably disposed towards him, and
extol him highly: he would say that the public always named him and
Tacitus together; but that he himself was well aware how much indeed
Tacitus was his superior. His letters are most instructive, and give us
an invaluable picture of the times; and we recognise in Pliny himself a
benevolent and useful man, who makes a very good use of his large
fortune, one who was an excellent civil governor, but never free from
childish vanity: he always tells his friends the good which he does, of
course in the strictest confidence, and these letters are afterwards
published. Notwithstanding all this, he is a man of much understanding
and talent, being strikingly like the Parisian writers of the eighteenth
century: whole phrases in him are quite French, as the late Mr. Spalding
has rightly observed. He is therefore hardly to be translated into
German; but he may be rendered most beautifully into French. One may see
from these letters, that a sort of current coin of intellect had then
come into use; and this was indeed a matter of course in a time which
had been preceded by a host of eminent men: a great many thoughts had
become common property, so as to belong to the whole generation, and a
chord which had once been struck by a man like Tacitus, could not but
vibrate for a long time. Moreover, it was an age of comfort and of
cheerfulness after long depression. Every thing in it had thus been
brought to a level of mediocrity, and the self-same persons, under
different circumstances, would in all likelihood have been very little
indeed. We may judge of them in some measure from Florus, who lived in
the reign of Trajan. The earlier history was already so far behind them,
that people only wanted to have a general notion of it. The book is
quite a book of the time; insufferably frivolous, and displaying a
shocking want of taste, and an utter ignorance of the actual state of
things.

Before Trajan’s time, Greek literature had long been dead; in the reign
of Augustus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus was accomplished as a critic and
as an historian; in that of Tiberius, Strabo was eminent for his
practical turn for history. Yet these stand quite alone. Under Domitian,
Greek literature began to be restored by the schools of the
rhetoricians, who assume quite a different character. Dio Chrysostom of
Prusa is really an author of uncommon talent, whose speeches for the
most part painfully impress us by the triflingness of the matter of
which they treat: everywhere we find in him an excellence of language, a
pure, though acquired Atticism, over which he has a wonderful mastery.
There is not a more amiable mind than his: he is not vain, like a
rhetorician, and yet he is conscious of his powers. He was an unaffected
Platonist whose whole soul was in Athens: by-gone Athens was all the
world to him, and for it he forgets Rome and its rulers.

He is succeeded by Plutarch of Chæronea, whose amiability every one must
know and appreciate, although it is easy enough to see his defects as an
historian, and the weakness of his eclectic philosophy. Notwithstanding
this, there is no saying how much we owe him; and it is impossible to
read him but with the highest pleasure. His language is far less perfect
than that of Dio.

By these two men, Greek literature was raised again; and though they had
no successors to equal them, yet we may date from them a new era. The
real Alexandrine literature must be deemed to end with the death of
Eratosthenes in the reign of Ptolemy Evergetes: the period from
Aristarchus to Dio, is an intermediate one which has no distinct
character. In Rome under Augustus, a bad Greek literature became in
vogue, the Greek “_abbés_” (or language-masters) having corrupted every
body’s taste, as the French did ours in the last century: Livy stands
forth like a great man in that age. The fancy for what was Greek, even
though this had no longer a literature, spoiled Rome until the time of
Seneca: much mischief was also done by the fondness for sophistry. Then
follows Quintilian as the restorer of pure taste in Roman literature:
from him to Tacitus, there is a new classic era. Yet this epoch did not
last: the Greek school raises its head again, and fascinates the Romans
anew. Under Hadrian, the Greek language once more becomes prevalent, and
is generally written by all persons of education; under the Antonines,
all is hellenized.—The taste is changed; the antiquarian fondness for
the quaint and for Grecian phraseology, becomes the ruling fashion of
the day.




           HADRIAN. T. ANTONINUS PIUS. M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS.


Hadrian was married to the niece of Trajan, the daughter of his sister
Marciana; which was the cause of his election. Even if Plotina forged
the deed of Hadrian’s adoption by Trajan, she did no harm: at all
events, that the election was not contrary to the wishes of Trajan,
everything tends to prove. Of Hadrian it was said by those who came
after him, that it was uncertain whether he should be classed among the
good princes or the bad ones. He committed cruelties which cast a foul
stain on his memory; but, on the other hand, he did an immense deal of
good. But if we keep before us as an excuse for these cruelties, the
state of mind into which he was thrown by his last illness, there is
scarcely any other reign which was so beneficial to the Roman world as
his. No prince before him had looked upon himself as the emperor of the
whole Roman empire, but as the sovereign of Rome, or at most of Italy:
in the provinces, the care of the Cæsars extended only to military
affairs. This was in some measure the case even under Trajan.

Hadrian had properly speaking no war, or at most petty wars on the
frontiers: there were also some disturbances from the Moors; but these
were soon quelled. For the sake of preserving peace, he first of the
Roman emperors gave subsidies to the border nations. Of Trajan’s
conquests, he only kept Dacia; those which had been gained from the
Parthians, he abandoned. The twenty-two years of his reign were free
from any calamity worth mentioning. One of his first acts was to remit
900,000,000 sesterces (45,000,000 dollars) of arrears of taxes; whether
this was to his subjects directly, or to the publicans, has not been
made out. Much remains to be done for the history of the Roman financial
system; for that of the land-tax, Savigny has done a great deal, and
done it well.

Hadrian extended his benefits over all the countries of the Roman
empire: he travelled over the provinces, from the cataracts of Egypt to
the Scottish borders. There is not, perhaps, a province which he did not
visit.

The outbreak of the Jews in Cyprus and Cyrene, where great numbers of
them were settled, was a very fierce one. They had made an attempt
before; but now the struggle was carried on with unbridled fury by
Barkochba: the Jews fought with the greatest courage, though it was only
for vengeance, as they knew all the while that they should perish at
last. All that remained of that hapless nation in Palestine was
extirpated, with the exception of the Samaritans, and Jerusalem was
rebuilt as a military colony under the name of Ælia Capitolina, a name
which, remarkably enough, has been kept up to this day: the Arab writers
do not call the place Jerusalem, but either the Holy City or Ilia. No
Jew was allowed to come near it, not even so much as to get a sight of
Mount Moriah.

Whilst travelling through the provinces, Hadrian built everywhere great
works. In Britain he erected the wall against the Caledonians for the
protection of the province, which now already began to be Romanized,
though indeed the Gaelic and Cymric elements of the population were
likewise preserved. But above all, it was on Athens, which he
enthusiastically loved, as well as on Greece in general, that he
showered his benefits. He adorned Athens with works, the like of which
had not been wrought for the city since the times of Pericles; he
finished the Olympiëum, built a theatre and an entire new town, and even
had himself invested with the dignity of an _Archon Eponymus_. In the
last years of his life, he fell into a state of melancholy; and then, on
the one hand, he sought for aid to secure the succession of the empire,
and on the other, he gave way to sudden outbursts of anger and to
mistrust, and was thus led to put many persons to death. He was an enemy
to the Roman senate, which, however, in all likelihood was a set of
presumptuous, overbearing, disagreeable people, who besides were
enormously rich: it had now already come to pass, that in these wealthy
families the senatorial dignity was handed down as an inheritance from
father to son. Then it was that Hadrian first adopted a young man named
Ælius Verus, in whom, however, he was unaccountably mistaken. On this
occasion an immense _congiarium_ was given to the people. Most happily
for Rome, this unworthy fellow died a short time afterwards; on which
Hadrian chose T. Antoninus (Pius), whom he had already thought of
before, a grandson of Arrius Antoninus, the friend of Nerva, and an
altogether blameless man.

Among the remarkable features of Hadrian’s reign, is the foundation of
the system of Roman jurisprudence in its later form, the drawing up of
the _edictum perpetuum_, and the further development of the law by means
of imperial edicts. It is a new epoch in Roman jurisprudence; the
_responsa prudentum_, now that they were given in the name of the
emperor, acquired a real authority. The emperors had even since Augustus
had a sort of council of state; but Hadrian put the _consistorium
Principis_ on a surer footing: a regularly settled form that body never
had. The _præfectus prætorio_ henceforth is a lawyer and not a military
man, a strange combination in the manner of the East.

The decline of literature under Hadrian becomes yet more marked than it
had been under Trajan. The inscriptions are in a quite barbarous Latin,
the grammatical forms being utterly disregarded, and all the cases
jumbled together. I have seen at Rome an inscription of the time of
Hadrian, which is composed in a real _lingua rustica_. Just so, we have
in Egypt inscriptions, which pass for Greek, but are entirely barbarous.
Such inscriptions, although still to be met with in Italy only far and
between, are yet enough to show in what a state the population was even
then, the gaps which had been made in it by the civil wars, having been
filled up by myriads of slaves. A jargon was formed in the altogether
desolate parts of Italy, from whence it also spread to Rome; just what
happened in the case of the Wends, when about a hundred and fifty years
ago they were compelled to speak German. This is the _lingua rustica_,
or _vulgaris_, like that of the black slaves in the American colonies.
People of rank, no doubt, still spoke Latin; they learned it as the
English in the colonies do their own language, after having spoken when
children that of the Creoles. I do not doubt in the least that Pliny and
Tacitus, even if they knew a _lingua rustica_ at all, talked to each
other as they wrote. A language which is grown poor, as ours did after
the thirty years’ war,[49] tries to recruit itself from books and from
the earlier writers. The latter were therefore read for the sake of
their language; the older the style, the more valued was the writer.
Hence indeed it was that Plautus, Nævius, Ennius, whom people in
Seneca’s time still held in such contempt, were now read with so much
favour: the older the language, the purer it was deemed. This fondness
for them caused the most correct authors to be neglected; as for
instance, Cicero was for Cato and Gracchus. The contempt for the older
writers, certainly lasted from Virgil to the end of the first century of
our era. In like manner, not a very long while ago were Walther von der
Vogelweide and Zacharias Theobald extolled among us as models, the
former for poetry, the latter for historical writing. Hadrian, being
himself a lover of the _antiquitas_, contributed by his example to this
revival of the ancient literature; but he did much more in favour of
that of the Greeks. Greek had no doubt also kept itself more alive: in
Athens, the people in all likelihood did not yet speak at all
barbarously. There were very few Greek writers indeed, and Hadrian only
brought them out too much. To write Greek poetry got into fashion more
than it had ever been, and he gave pensions for it; as for instance, to
the lyric poet Mesomedes.

The taste for archæology and old-fashioned language called forth a
writer like Gellius, from whom we may learn much. He is somewhat later
than Pliny; his book must be dated from the reign of M. Antoninus. His
ignorance of his own age is quite inconceivable: he knows nothing about
Roman institutions, so that he also most ludicrously misunderstands the
ancients, being one of those who, to use Goethe’s words, “see the world
but on a holiday.” Yet he has not even the least knowledge of antiquity
itself, nor any notion of the law, or in fact of human life: thus for
instance, he has no idea of what a colony is, although there were
hundreds of them in his times. Hence his many mistakes, however
agreeable an author he may be otherwise. A man of the same stamp is
Fronto, the tutor of M. Antoninus: it is remarkable how he makes his
pupil read authors merely for the sake of their phrases, leading him to
hunt after words, as he calls it himself. Former rhetoricians had tried
to produce an effect by a subtle combination of thoughts; but now it was
to be done by out-of-the-way words and forms. Fronto’s hatred against
Seneca really arises from a feeling of being entirely incapable of such
refinement as his.

There were, however, some people besides, who combined both refinement
of thought and refinement of expression. Seceding from the Roman school,
they formed the African one, to which belonged Apuleius and Tertullian,
and which lasted to the middle of the third century, until the time of
Arnobius. This African school is most incorrectly spoken off as having
had quite a dialect of its own, the peculiarities of its diction are all
of them expressions of the most ancient Roman language, which it
collected and made use of. The same thing was about this time to a
certain extent the case with the Greeks; and this may then have given
rise to many a collection of glosses in Latin as well as in Greek: the
abuse of it is shown in the Lexiphanes of Lucian. Apuleius and
Tertullian, however, are men of the highest talent: Apuleius, who writes
in a remarkably lively style, is undoubtedly to be placed among the
first geniuses of his age. His Apology, in which the quaint expressions
are not so heaped together as in the Metamorphoses, shows with what
eloquence he could speak and write, so long as he did not strive to be
over-refined. Old words which were becoming obsolete, are here and there
to be met with even in Sallust and Tacitus, but very sparingly and
without abuse: the later writers sow them broadcast. How the African
school with all its peculiarities arose, is perhaps more than we can now
tell; yet Carthage was in the western world so decidedly the second city
after Rome, that one may easily understand, how in literature also it
stood in marked opposition to it: there was very much the same
difference which there is now between Paris and Geneva. In the
provincial towns, like Madaura, Hippo, and others, Punic was still
spoken; and thus it was that the change into the Arabic became so easy
in those parts. It is very likely that the present language of Tunis is
by no means Arabic in reality, but that it still contains much of the
Punic: many Latin elements are preserved in it; as for instance, the use
of the preposition _de_ to express the genitive.

Greek literature kept rising: the eastern world, owing to Hadrian’s
partiality, had not only got to a far greater height of literary wealth
and originality, but also of pride and vanity. Then arose the witty
Lucian, who indeed has been overrated for some time, but whom we should
by no means make light of. His pure Attic style calls forth our
admiration, as he certainly spoke nothing but Syriac until he had grown
up to be a young man. On the whole, all the eastern world at that time
went on cheerfully, whilst the West moved sluggishly: the East had
ceased to look upon itself as subdued, since the right of Roman
citizenship already extended over millions, every emperor conferring it
on new countries. In the days of the Antonines also lived Lucian, Galen,
Pausanias (who indeed is less ingenious, but very useful and important
for us), Aristides, that most disagreeable writer, and the whole school
of Greek rhetoricians who looked upon themselves as forming the second
grand era of eloquence. These wrote after the ancient models, but alas!
there is nothing in their works: whenever they have something to write
about, they show no want of talent. This is also the case with the Latin
writers. Apuleius shows talent wherever he has a subject, as in that
eccentric book, the Metamorphoses, and in his Apology; and so does
Tertullian, as for instance, when he writes against the theatre, having
a truth to deal with. On the other hand, Aristides’ declamation on the
battle of Leuctra is really insufferable. Tertullian should be read much
more generally by philologists, and so should the Fathers on the whole;
for this we have before us the bright example of such great men as
Scaliger, Hemsterhuys, Valckenaer, and others. We cannot thoroughly know
the history of those times, unless we study the writings of a Justin
Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, and Athenagoras.

There is no pile of building in earlier Rome more colossal than the
_moles Hadriani_, of which we know for certain that the tower with all
its inscriptions was still in existence in the middle ages: Procopius
tells us that the statue of the emperor was thrown down at the siege of
Rome by the Goths. The destroyer did his worst; but the huge masses are
yet standing, so that it is now the largest building which has been
left, and even in its shattered state it is still noble. Of Hadrian’s
villa, about two miles from Tibur, there remain to this day immense
ruins, which, notwithstanding their strange outlines, have kept their
extraordinary beauty: a great number of very fine statues have been dug
up there. Where the gardens were, some exotic plants have grown wild. Of
Hadrian as an author, we have nothing but a few verses, which are found
in his life by Spartianus; a doubtful epigram on his favourite horse
Borysthenes, (as for myself, I think it to be genuine;) and some Greek
verses. He has, however, written much poetry.

He was succeeded by T. Antoninus Pius, whom he would not have adopted,
had M. Aurelius been grown up. To this boy, Hadrian’s attention was
directed even from his early childhood: his real name was Annius Verus;
but on account of his unflinching love of truth Hadrian called him
Verissimus. But as he was well aware that a youth of such tender years
was not yet fit for the throne; he adopted the husband of the sister of
Verus’ father, whose chief recommendation in his eyes was this
connexion. T. Antoninus Pius was married to Galeria Faustina, the sister
of Annius Verus the elder. The Roman names are now so confused, that it
is with the greatest trouble that one is able to find one’s way among
them. T. Aurelius Antoninus came originally from Nemausus (_Nismes_) in
the province of Gaul, Italy having even then almost entirely ceased to
furnish princes. His history is one of those which are least known to
us. The seventieth book of Dio Cassius was already lost when Zonaras and
Xiphilinus made their abstracts; so that we are indeed confined to the
wretchedly written lives in the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_. His reign
lasted more than twenty-two years. His personal character was very good:
his surname of _Pius_ he earned by getting divine honours granted to
Hadrian when he died, in spite of the violent irritation which was felt
against him. His reign was not as undisturbed as the one before it had
been. He had some wars on the borders, besides which there were risings
among the Britons and the Moorish tribes of mount Atlas; moreover, there
was a rebellion of the Jews, and there were hostilities with the
Parthians. These wars were in many places insurrections, which more than
anything proves the oppression of the people by the governors. His reign
was disastrous, owing to awful earthquakes: the destruction of Rhodes,
Smyrna, and other Ionian towns, mentioned by Aristides, took place at
this time. If we can venture to make conjectures from the very few
memorials which have been left to us, we may say that Antoninus was a
very well-meaning, good man, but a commonplace person, and anything but
a great prince. He seems to have laid the foundation of that steady
decline which we see in the days of M. Antoninus.

The golden age of jurisprudence still went on in his time. Gaius, it is
certain, already wrote in the last years of his reign; Appian, the
beginning of the writings of Galen, and Sextus Empiricus are of the same
date. The manufactures of Egypt, especially of Alexandria, were most
flourishing indeed, even under Hadrian; above all, those of linen,
cotton, and glass. Astronomy also and mathematical geography had reached
a high standard.

He was succeeded by M. Antoninus: of the adoption of this Marcus, there
are two different accounts. The generally received one is that T.
Antoninus adopted him together with Lucius Verus, the son of L. Verus;
according to the other, Marcus had to adopt Verus as his son. The former
of these is supported by the fact of their being called _Divi fratres_;
on the other hand, Verus in a letter to Marcus, speaks of Antoninus as
“_pater tuus, avus meus_.” It may be that M. Antoninus adopted Verus as
his son, and afterwards gave him to his father for adoption. The real
name of the elder Verus was Commodus and Antoninus Verus; but they
changed names, and the firstborn son of Verus was called Commodus. If
there ever was spotless virtue, it was that of Marcus. There cannot be
greater kindness, modesty, conscientiousness, and mastery over self,
than was seen in this noble-hearted man: he certainly was the best of
his age. We may behold him from his early childhood, recognising him
even in the wretched life which has been written of him; moreover we
have the many busts which have been taken at the different ages of his
life, from his twelfth, sixteenth, twentieth year to his death: there is
in every one of these the same virtuous expression. Formerly we knew him
as a full-aged man from his golden book the Meditations, in which indeed
there are things which give us pain, as we thence discover that he was
not happy; but even in his trouble we cannot but love him for his fine
soul. Particularly interesting is the first book. Now again we see him
also in his correspondence with Fronto as a grown up youth, in the first
cheerful years of the spring tide of life, and, as far as his nature
would allow, very happy indeed. Afterwards, we find him sorrowful and
weighed down by the burthen of his duties, of which, however, he never
would let himself neglect any: he was an excellent husband and father,
and an enthusiastic disciple of his master, who was infinitely below
him; and when his eyes had been opened with regard to this, he yet
returns to him that he might not slight or offend him, coaxing him, and
asking his advice when he had no need for it. His education is
remarkable; the range it took was immense: it is quite incredible what
an amount of knowledge was placed before him, and with what zeal he
applied himself to it. As his teacher of rhetoric, he had Fronto, who,
at that time, had the greatest reputation as an advocate, and who in his
own way was training him to be a rhetorician. He had also a Greek of the
same stamp, Herodes Atticus, who was, however, much more a man of the
world than the old pedantic Fronto. Marcus Antoninus read a vast deal of
the classical literature of the two languages; and until his twentieth
year, the whole of his attention was directed to grammar and literature.
He had a great liking for the older writers before Cicero, preferring
Plautus, Ennius, and Nævius, to Virgil and Horace. Soon afterwards, in
his twenty-second year, he became acquainted with a man whom he looked
upon as his true guardian angel, sent to him by Heaven. This was Junius
Rusticus, of whose personal character we know nothing beyond what M.
Antoninus himself says of him in his first book. However inferior Zeno
may have been to Plato and Aristotle, the Stoics were the only
philosophers at that time who were worth anything: the Platonists had
sunk into _Thaumaturgi_ and _Theurgi_; the Peripatetics had fallen to
nothing; but the Stoics were ever able to rise again, owing to their
moral discipline. That really great man, Epictetus, had already lived
and taught. Arrian was likewise a distinguished man; and in his
philosophy also, he was worthy of the better ages of Greece. Epictetus
infused a new life into the Stoic philosophy; though indeed it was not
of long duration, as the minds, which until then had been attached to
Stoicism, now turned themselves towards Neo-Platonism and Christianity.
Stoicism opened to M. Antoninus a new world; and it is this which gives
the otherwise childish letters of Fronto such an indescribable interest:
they throw light upon the state of mind of the youth, who cast rhetoric
aside in disgust, and sought his only happiness in philosophy, in the
insight which it opens into virtue and eternity, and not in its
dialectical juggleries. He bore the task of government, just as
religious men say that one should take up the cross and bear it. Living
wholly for the state and the government, and unremittingly fulfilling
his duties as a general, he complains of not being able to conceive one
cheering thought. No prince was ever so loved by his subjects, that is
to say, by one half of the world, as he was by his: the people of Syria
and Egypt are to be excepted, who indeed had never seen him, and were
little inclined to him. The whole of the West, on the other hand, adored
him: this is shown by the countless busts which are found of him. Men of
the same age, as a mark of love, would in those days call each other
_frater_; younger ones would call their elders _pater_; and so loveable
was he, that all who knew him in the least placed themselves on this
affectionate footing with him. His demeanour to the senate was just as
if he looked upon it as the old senate, the real seat of Roman
sovereignty, and upon himself as a mere _magistratus_.

This excellent man was very unhappy: a gloomy fatality seemed to weigh
upon him in every relation of life. The times became very troubled. The
long peace had destroyed military discipline, and relaxed the energy of
the Roman armies; sensuality, the love of pleasure, and sloth, had risen
to a dreadful height. The German nations, pressed upon by the Sclavonic
races, were obliged to throw themselves into the arms of the Romans,
wherever these were strong enough to protect them; or else to invade the
Roman territory, as was done by the Marcomanni and Quadi, who now
crossed the Danube. On the other side, the Parthians in the East burst
into Armenia, which in fact owed allegiance to both states; and when
they had become masters of it, they also marched from thence into the
Roman territory, and cut to pieces a legate with one or two legions.
This happened in the beginning of his reign.—Another of his misfortunes
was his having L. Verus for his adopted brother, a man who wallowed in
luxury and debauchery: he was the true counterpart of Caligula and Nero,
only he could not as yet display the same cruelty as they did, being
kept under by Marcus.—Aurelius was also unhappy in his wife Faustina,
the daughter of Antoninus; yet more than he himself was aware of: he
loved her dearly, especially as the mother of his children; but she was
by no means worthy of him. He had perhaps the good fortune of having
never been awakened from his delusion as to her real character, always
seeing her as he wished to see her. It is also possible that her morals
may have been drawn in darker colours than her actions would warrant;
yet there cannot be any doubt as to what her feelings were.

Against the Parthians, he sent L. Verus, that he might give him an
opportunity of deserving well of the empire. But Verus stayed at
Antioch, and in four campaigns he only once crossed the Euphrates. His
generals, Statius Priscus, Avidius Cassius, and Martius Varus, carried
on the war in a very brilliant manner: they decided it in the three last
campaigns, and Cassius even conquered Seleucia. To the Parthians a peace
was granted, the conditions of which, however, are not known to us.

When Verus returned from the East to Europe, this part of the world, for
the first time after several centuries, was visited by the plague. The
last mention of a real plague had been in the year of the city 461; in
the year 167 after Christ, the eastern pestilence made its appearance,
spreading over Asia Minor, Greece, Italy, Gaul, in short, over the whole
of the West: perhaps Africa alone was not reached by it. It swept away
countless victims; and there is no doubt but that the epoch in
literature and art which marks the reign of Antoninus, is owing to this
plague. A similar effect was produced by the epidemic in the
Peloponnesian War on Athens, and by the black death in the year 1348 on
Germany and Florence.

What rendered M. Aurelius’ reign most unfortunate, besides the plague,
which had been occasioned by the Parthian war, was the war with the
German nations. Since the days of Augustus, the Germans on the borders
only had made inroads against the Romans, whose frontier reached beyond
the whole of the country south of the Maine, even as far as the
Spessart: Franconia, Swabia, and the Palatinate on the other side,[50]
were Roman; and the Romans went from Frankfort to Ratisbon on highways
which they themselves had laid down. The old inhabitants of these
southern countries were either wholly Gauls, or at least outnumbered by
Gallic settlers: the population, however, was but scanty. At the time
when Tacitus wrote, there was evidently a peace, and even much
intercourse with some of the tribes, as for instance, with the
Hermunduri: during the whole of the first century, only the Sigambri and
the Bructeri had taken a share in the risings of the nations on this
side of the Rhine, and that was in the reign of Vespasian. This may have
still been the case under Hadrian, who already gave yearly subsidies to
the peoples there. When Pius was on the throne, a war against the Chatti
is spoken of, which on the side of the Romans was a defensive one. It
was evidently the advance of the Sclavonic nations from the East, which
set the Germans in motion: in the reign of Marcus, they had broken up
everywhere; and while they were flying from the enemy, they threw
themselves on the Romans. Then did the Marcomanni come forth most
gallantly, though indeed it was for the last time: they were at length
either annihilated, or they were changed into tribes of a different
name. The Marcomanni, Quadi, Chatti, and a number of other peoples,
together with the Sarmatians, who were strangers and otherwise hostile
to them, for the first time, broke through the Roman frontier from Dacia
to Gaul, and cut their way to Rhætia and Aquileia. Xiphilinus throws
little or no light on this: with the help of coins alone, which from the
time of Hadrian are a very good guide, something may be made out; but
even then there is great uncertainty. It is clear that the war against
the Marcomanni had two different epochs, which were interrupted by a
truce or a peace, in which the places taken were given up: the second
war broke out in the last years of Marcus. On the magnificent bas
reliefs of the monumental column erected to M. Aurelius, which, however,
is very much damaged, there are many representations which tell
favourably for the Romans; as for instance, barbarous princes who made
their submission to him. One cannot believe that this was invented to
flatter him, as he never would have tolerated anything of the kind.
There is no doubt but that the war during the last years turned out a
victorious one for the Romans; yet it was full of immense difficulties
for them. If Marcus had lived longer, he would certainly have made
Marcomannia and Sarmatia a province.

The progress of this war was interrupted by the rebellion of Avidius
Cassius. This Avidius Cassius is a remarkable man; yet we are so much in
the dark as to these times, that we do not even know his descent.
According to some, he was a native of Cyprus or Syria; but it is more
generally thought that he was sprung from the _gens Cassia_, either in
the male line, or through a woman of that house who had married into his
father’s family: the latter case was possible, even if he was a native
of the East. It is, however, somewhat unlikely that an Asiatic should
have had the chief command of an army. So long as the Latin language was
spoken, it mattered not from what country a man came, whether he was a
Spaniard, an African, or a Roman; but it was otherwise with the peoples
of the East, who spoke Greek: that these should have risen to the
highest offices, is not to be believed. Cassius was distinguished as a
commander. The discipline of the Roman army had long fallen off, and the
legions seem at that time to have been recruited from the military
colonies and from the _limes_: this was owing to the long peace under
Hadrian, and to the unwarlike rule of the pious Antonine. It was
particularly in the East, that the legions had degenerated. They
remained stationary in the same place; and being constantly recruited,
whilst the veterans of course were discharged, they became a sort of
resident janissaries in the border countries. This was quite a senseless
arrangement, and one cannot understand how Trajan could have tolerated
such a thing. They should have been kept in camps; but they were most of
them quartered in the towns, as at Antioch, and elsewhere. Syria is an
exceedingly fine and lovely country, and there they became thoroughly
demoralized. Yet among these very legions, Cassius had at this time
restored discipline; and he had led them to victory in a war against the
Parthians who had made a most successful attack: these last, though they
likewise had degenerated, had still an excellent cavalry. The proconsuls
in the senatorial provinces were changed; but the _legati pro Prætore_
in the imperial ones very often remained the whole of their lives in the
same province: thus also Cassius remained here a very long time, and was
highly popular throughout the East, even as far as Egypt. He was yet
perhaps more so with the people than with the army, in which, though the
best men were proud of him as a distinguished commander, he practised a
Cassian _severitas_. By part of his army, and by the population, he was
proclaimed emperor, as a report is said to have got abroad that M.
Aurelius was dead. It was a misfortune for the empire that this report
was not true; for Cassius was perfectly equal to the management of
affairs, and the empire would thus have been spared the shameful reign
of Commodus. That Cassius should have dreamt of restoring the
republic,[51] is not to be believed of so able a general; but he meant
to govern the empire according to the principles of his predecessors.
Thirty days[52] had not passed, before Cassius was murdered by a
centurion, the tidings having come in the meanwhile that Marcus was
still alive: this murder plainly proves that part of the army disliked
the strictness of the general. The provinces unwillingly returned to
their obedience. That Faustina had a share in the rebellion of Cassius,
as a biographer wants to make us believe, has been most convincingly
disproved by others. The letters of Faustina and Marcus are very
interesting; but one is already shocked at their Latinity: several
obsolete forms are met with over and over again; as for instance,
_rebellio_ instead of _rebellis_, like the old _perduellio_ instead of
_perduellis_. There are, however, no historical sources more wretched
than the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_. They are without any exception
altogether silly; and they put together the most glaringly impossible
things, without being at all startled by it. To separate the several
_Vitæ_ from one another, is quite impossible.

M. Aurelius went to the East to set all right again. He forbore to
punish the rebellious provinces, although, the senate was very ready to
do so. His mildness was even shown towards the son of Cassius, whom he
wished to save, but who was murdered without his knowledge: the other
children he actually saved; and he would not allow their estates to be
confiscated. There are some remarkable letters of Cassius in which he
expressed his discontent at the rule of Marcus, whom he calls
_dialogista_. We cannot wonder at this: it is quite possible, that a
practical man of sterling ability, like Cassius, should have found that
Marcus, notwithstanding his private virtues, was not fit for his
dignity; for although the latter most conscientiously devoted himself to
public business, he had no heart for ruling, and was always much more
inclined towards other pursuits. There is another passage in his letters
worthy of attention, in which it is said, that Marcus was a
noble-hearted man, but that he was not able to judge of those about him;
so that any one who gave himself out to be a philosopher, would get hold
of him, and try under this disguise to serve his own ends. Just so was
Julian likewise taken in by any one who called himself a philosopher;
and so has been many a prince in our own times by the Tartuffes.

Some additional light is now thrown on the state of things under M.
Aurelius by the fragments of Fronto. These letters, however trifling
their literary value may be, are of very high historical importance. The
weakness of Marcus for many people, and above all for Faustina, shows
that he carried several of his virtues even to excess, more especially
his virtues as a husband and a father. Fronto lets himself be used as a
tool by Faustina to set aside the will of an old aunt, the younger
Matidia, because she had not left in it anything to the empress. Marcus
answers him in a remarkable note, in which he thanks him. We do not know
how the matter ended; but there can be no doubt that he really set aside
the will. This weakness must also have been displayed towards many other
persons besides Faustina.

In short, the condition of the empire at home was not good, and the
disasters abroad were great: the plague must have remained in Italy and
in the West; Africa it did not visit, as may be seen from the writings
of Tertullian. It is the same plague as that which is met with again
under Commodus; nor are there any grounds for doubting the statement of
Dio, who was a Roman senator, that two thousand men were buried every
day at Rome. The population had in some measure recovered its losses
since the times of Augustus, under whom it had very much dwindled, but
there was now again as awful a destruction of life.

The virtues of Marcus have certainly done much harm: even his great
favour and indulgence towards the senate had many evil consequences; for
the senate was bad. The Emperor died on the Marcomannian frontier in his
camp, March A. D. 180, after a reign of nineteen years, his son Commodus
being at that time nineteen years old. The only reproach ever made
against him, was that in his reign the exclusiveness of a court began to
show itself: the former emperors, down to Antoninus Pius, had still
looked upon themselves as being only as it were the first magistrates of
the state. This did not certainly come from one like him, who valued men
according to their intrinsic worth, but from the overbearing Faustina.

There were yet several excellent generals in the army, such as
Pescennius Niger in the East, and L. Septimius Severus on the Illyrian
frontier: in the administration, Helvius Pertinax was distinguished, who
afterwards became emperor. Claudius Severus also seems to have still
been alive; an excellent man he was, if we may judge from what is told
us by Marcus, on whom we may rely in this instance, although he was
elsewhere mistaken. There still was much intellectual life and
refinement lingering in the world, especially in the East: in Italy it
was waning fast. Gellius wrote in the reign of M. Aurelius, and indeed
only after the death of Fronto, which was brought on by the plague
somewhat about the year 169: (it is decidedly wrong to give it an
earlier date.) This book shows the grammatical and rhetorical tendency
which then prevailed: we see in a remarkable manner how the existing
institutions had no influence whatever on him.




        COMMODUS. PERTINAX. DIDIUS JULIANUS. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS.


Had not Marcus been so weak, he would hardly have allowed Commodus to
become his successor: he must have seen how coarse and void of all
virtue the youth was, and he should have come to the resolution of
adopting one of his leading generals. The idea of the empire’s being an
heir-loom, was scarcely yet a settled one; but Marcus established it.

Commodus was a handsome and active young man, of great strength and
nimbleness of body; and thus he was led to choose the roughest
amusements, as archery, fencing, and such like. At first, he checked
himself, and matters went on smoothly enough in the track of his father;
but he soon followed his own nature. It was not long before he gave up
the government to the prefect M. Perennis, who ruled in the most
oppressive manner, quite in the Asiatic style. This ended in a sedition,
and Commodus sacrificed his minister and favourite to the mutineers.
Soon afterwards, he was attacked by an assassin, whom his sister Lucilla
is said to have employed against him, but who told him that he had been
set on by the senate; whereupon Commodus began to wreak his vengeance on
that body. His means of ingratiating himself had been his profuse
liberality, especially to the _plebs urbana_ and the soldiers: this, as
we see from the coins, was very often repeated, and thus the treasures
of the empire were completely drained. At the death of Pius, there were
2,700 million of sesterces (135,000,000 dollars of our [Prussian] money)
in the treasury; but this had been spent in the wars of Marcus, who had
even sold the valuable things in his palace, so that he should not be
obliged to lay on new taxes. Commodus now also began to shed blood, that
he might have more money to throw away. His reign is detestable, and it
is impossible to dwell on it. After Perennis was sacrificed, our
interest is excited by the similar fate of Cleander, a freedman: it does
not, however, seem quite credible, that he was _præfectus prætorio_. The
cavalry of the prætorians and the _cohortes urbanæ_ had now already
begun to have brawls with each other; which proves in what a distracted
state things then were. The city cohorts, which took the part of the
town against the prætorians, had the best of it; and Commodus would have
been murdered at Lanuvium,[53] whither he had retired on account of the
plague, had not his sister Fadilla and his concubine Marcia, pointed out
to him the danger in which he was. He only escaped by sacrificing
Cleander.

His tastes were now no longer confined to the sports of the chase; but
it was the pride of his later years to come forth as a gladiator, and he
called himself Hercules. His head which he put on the colossal statue of
the god of the Sun, is undoubtedly still preserved, and it is very
beautiful. His mad decrees are the dreams of a tyrant. When he wanted,
on the Calends of January, to march at the head of the gladiators from
the _ludus gladiatorius_ to the Capitol, and thus take possession of the
consulship without auspices; he was led in his wrath to proscribe Lætus
and Marcia, who had most strongly urged him not to do so. This, however,
was betrayed to them by a dwarf; on which Marcia gave Commodus a cup of
poison, and she also sent a strong wrestler to strangle him. The senate
and people now vented their hatred by cursing and reviling his memory;
but the prætorians grumbled, as they were fond of him for his weakness.
It was spread abroad that he had died of apoplexy.

The _præfectus prætorio_ Lætus now proclaimed old Pertinax, who was
already upwards of sixty, emperor. A worthier man than he, could not
have been chosen: he had distinguished himself as a brave, although not
precisely as a great general; but it was especially for his
administrative talent and his sterling character, that he was known and
respected. He had Marcus’ virtues without his faults, and he would
therefore in time have even excelled him as a ruler; for with all his
heart and soul he threw himself into the business of the state. The
people rejoiced at his election: but only part of the senators did, as
he was not of noble race; and the soldiers tolerated him indeed, but
they did not like him. On the first of January 193, he entered upon the
government; before the end of March in the same year, he was already
murdered.

After his death, as the story goes, the prætorians put up the empire to
the highest bidder. This is most likely a gross exaggeration. It was a
generally received custom for every new ruler to give the prætorians a
_donativum_; and as Sulpician and Didius Julianus were trying at the
same time to get the sovereignty, it is quite natural that the largeness
of the donation turned the scales. Sulpician who was in the camp,
promised twenty thousand sesterces for every prætorian; but Julianus,
who was at the gates of the city, offered twenty-five thousand. The
prætorians opened the gates to the latter, and acknowledged him as
emperor. Julianus here appears still more contemptible than he really
was, as he had quite as good prospects of ascending the throne as any
one else, and he was really innocent of the death of Commodus. He had
not been a bad governor of a province, and there is on the whole, not
much against his personal character: he was a very rich, but at the same
time, a very vain man, and he had, as a governor, distinguished himself
in his campaign against Dalmatia. It was not with his own treasures,
that he bought the empire; but with those of the state: yet the fierce
ill-will which he thus aroused against himself, was owing to his having
so openly applied to the prætorians, thereby letting them know the
secret of their power, and the fact that they were masters of the
government. As Dio here is mutilated, and Herodian was a foreigner, and
a frivolous writer; most of the circumstances are to be gleaned from the
_Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_, who, however, are wretched beyond all
conception. They contain, notwithstanding, many a detail which even
Gibbon has overlooked.

Even before this, Clodius Albinus, who commanded in Britain, had been on
bad terms with Commodus. The offer which the latter had once made him of
taking the title of Cæsar, in case any accident should happen to
himself, he had declined; and, on the other hand, he seems, even before
the death of the tyrant, to have shielded himself by means of his army
against any of his attempts. As for Pertinax, he had neither
acknowledged nor rejected him. After the death of Pertinax, the British
and Gallic legions proclaimed Albinus; the German and Pannonian ones,
Septimius Severus; and those of the East, Pescennius Niger. The senate,
on the whole, was for Albinus; the people, and some of the senators, for
Pescennius Niger; whilst Severus had in Rome a comparatively small
number of partisans, and Julianus had every one against him: the senate
could not abide him, because he had made himself dependent on the
prætorians. Pescennius could not advance, as Severus was blocking up his
way. The latter acted with indefatigable energy: three months after the
death of Pertinax, he was at Terni. No one raised his hand to uphold
Julianus, and the prætorians themselves scarcely made an attempt to
defend their own creature: for they were now as cowardly and mutinous as
the Janissaries in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries down to the
time of their destruction. The senate swore fealty to Severus, who
entered Rome with his army: the populace was panic-struck; Julianus was
put to death; and the prætorians were disarmed, and disbanded in
disgrace. Upon this, Severus immediately turned himself towards the
East.

Septimius Severus was a most remarkable man: he came from Leptis, an old
Punic colony in which a Roman _conventus_ had settled. There is no doubt
but that the Septimius Severus to whom Statius addressed a poem (the
_Leptitani_), was an ancestor of his. He was thoroughly Punic, and
indeed his sister, when she came to Rome, spoke nothing but broken
Latin: these places in Africa had so completely retained their foreign
character, that Punic was the prevailing language, even in the towns:
Severus, however, both in Greek and Latin was a good writer. We have of
his only one undoubted letter, which, although he wrote it in a passion,
is very well written: he also composed memoirs, which unfortunately have
been lost.—He was then in his forty-seventh year, and in every
department, whether of administration or of military command, he had
greatly distinguished himself. A marked feature in his character was his
leaning towards foreign religions, astrology, and soothsaying: these
things, on the whole, were now getting more and more into vogue, thus
paving the way for the Christian religion. Many took this up as they
would any other theurgy, as the Orphic or such like; and therefore it
also now begins to emerge from obscurity. Severus’ reign was exceedingly
favourable to Christianity, with which his empress, Julia, a Syrian
woman, was particularly struck. Unction being at that time often applied
as a remedy, Severus also had received it in a violent illness; and as
he thought himself to have been cured by it, he gave protection to
Christianity in the instructions issued to his lieutenants. He was an
uncommonly handsome man; his countenance was so dignified and noble,
that it prepossessed all who beheld it. The great charge brought against
him, is that of cruelty, which showed itself after the downfall of
Albinus: forty-one senators had to atone with their blood for their
connexion with the latter, and Spartianus also mentions women and
children. This wretched writer cannot, however, be relied on: he is so
careless as to make Caracalla the son of Severus by his first wife.

The war of Pescennius Niger is of a peculiar character. If we call to
mind how Avidius Cassius in his time met with such favour in the East,
and how widely the eastern and western world were kept apart by
difference of language; we are led to believe that the East wished even
then to sever itself from the West. Niger had in the days of Aurelius
gained much renown as a general, being indeed highly thought of as a
strict disciplinarian. Notwithstanding this, he was a kindhearted man,
quite different from Severus, and generally respected. Severus crossed
the Hellespont, and overcame a general of Pescennius near Cyzicus; then
he followed up his victory, and defeated Pescennius himself at Issus,
where the latter was slain. The whole of the East submitted. Byzantium
alone stoutly held out in quite an unaccountable manner, and was
completely destroyed after a siege of three years. Perhaps the
Byzantines had so grievously offended the emperor, that they were afraid
of some severe punishment; or, perhaps, being conscious of the
importance of the site of their city, they wanted it at that time
already to become the capital of the world.

During this war, Severus had gained over Albinus. The latter, a man
without any sort of talent, was also an African, but made pretensions to
being sprung from the Postumii: Severus, however, in a letter which has
been preserved by Spartianus, taxes him with having merely assumed this
name, saying that he was not even of Italian extraction. This commander
was indeed a most insignificant person, and Severus very easily
overreached him by offering him the dignity of Cæsar: he let himself be
won over by this gross deception, and he flattered himself with the hope
that Severus, although he had children of his own, would bequeath him
the empire after his death. When Pescennius had fallen, Severus changed
his tone; and an attempt to murder him, either actually made or only
intended, moved him to declare war against Albinus. Britain, Gaul, and
Spain, must have been united under Albinus, who went over to Gaul:
Severus, after having narrowly escaped defeat, with the utmost
difficulty gained a victory near Lyons, where Albinus was mortally
wounded, and soon afterwards breathed his last. This victory, Severus
followed up with the greatest cruelty. The rashness of the senators with
regard to Albinus is quite extraordinary: they must have believed in the
chances of his success, and they had now to pay dearly for it. In Spain
and Gaul also, the men of rank who had let themselves be gained over by
Albinus, were punished with death. After this slaughter, Severus’ reign
was not only glorious and brilliant, but also mild and gentle.

The German tribes had somehow or other been kept quiet since the time of
Marcus; but with the Parthians there was twice war. Once the emperor led
his army against Adiabene, the country east of the Tigris, and Arabia,
which, like Osroëne, Media, and others, were distinct vassal kingdoms
under Persian supremacy: this campaign, Severus conducted without being
at war with the Parthians themselves. The second time, however, he
directly attacked the Parthians; and then was the flourishing city of
Ctesiphon, which the Parthians had built over against Seleucia to humble
it, taken and sacked by Severus: it is strange that he did not make this
country a province. He made peace, and gave back Babylon; but kept
Adiabene, and more especially Mesopotamia, subject to his supremacy:
under Marcus the Euphrates had been the boundary river. The Roman
emperors had always to wage war, owing to the very immensity of the
empire which otherwise would have sunk into utter effeminacy. He had
afterwards another war besides in Britain, and it is surprising that he
should have thought it necessary to bring such vast forces of imperial
Rome against the weak Caledonian barbarians on the Scottish border. In
this war, he took with him his two sons, the elder of whom, Caracalla,
was at that time twenty-two years old, while Geta was several years
younger: the former was with him as his colleague, the other as Cæsar
(he is the first who is mentioned on inscriptions with the title of
_nobilissimus_). Before his death, he also raised both of them to be
_Augusti_, and made them heirs of the empire.

Severus had by his own power caused himself to be adopted as the son of
M. Aurelius, without meaning thereby to deceive any one, except perhaps
the lowest of the people; it being merely a fiction by which he wanted
to designate himself as the lawful possessor of the empire, calling
himself _M. Antonini filius, T. Pii nepos_, and so on as high up as
Nerva: he therefore gave his eldest son, M. Bassianus, the name of M.
Antoninus. This name, or _Divus Antoninus, Imperator noster Antoninus,
Antoninus Magnus_, is in the Pandects always to be understood of this
Caracalla. That last appellation is in fact so generally bestowed on him
only by the moderns: in the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_ it is met with
only once, and that in the form Caracallus, which is a popular nickname:
I am very loth to use it. Both of the young princes were the sons of
Julia Domna, a Syrian woman whom Severus is said to have married because
she was recommended to him by the astrologers, as her horoscope pointed
out that she was destined to be a princess.[54] Julia was a remarkable
person: she was a woman of great cleverness, but of very lax morals. She
has, however, atoned for her faults by her misfortunes.

It is a great pity, that we know so little about the measures of
Severus. That he made great changes, especially in the administration of
Italy, is quite evident. It must have been he who placed _correctores_
over each of the regions; or it may be, one _corrector_ over several
united regions. Probably they had the jurisdiction in their own
districts. What was the nature of the jurisdiction in Italy after the
_Lex Julia_, is shrouded in the greatest darkness: something, however,
must have been done to get rid of the inconveniences which had arisen.
The whole of this matter is still to be investigated: inscriptions and
laws might indeed throw some light on it. Yet what were the functions of
these _correctores_ on the whole, is difficult to make out. Even as
early as under the emperors who came immediately before Hadrian, traces
are met with of commissions by virtue of which the jurisdiction of Italy
was given by districts to people of rank. The _Præfectus Urbi_ had even
since Hadrian’s days (though not before) a district of a hundred Italian
miles round Rome: this is, however, as yet, but a conjecture of mine.
Hadrian appointed consulars to them in due form. Antoninus Pius also
kept them up for some time: afterwards, they were again abolished. From
the reign of Severus, we regularly meet with the _correctores_ in Italy.




    M. ANTONINUS CARACALLA. MACRINUS. ELAGABALUS. ALEXANDER SEVERUS.


After the death of Septimius Severus (211), M. Bassianus, as he is
called after his maternal grandfather,—or M. Antoninus as he is called
in consequence of the fiction of his adoption; or Caracalla, as he is
called by the moderns; had together with his brother, Geta, taken upon
himself the government; the younger, however, being subordinate to the
elder. Neither of them was noble-hearted or praiseworthy; yet Geta
excites the greater interest of the two, because of his having become
the victim: still, it is not at all clear that he was better than the
other. It is hardly possible to form an opinion of him. The hostility
between the two brothers broke out soon after the death of their father:
their feelings towards each other became very bad, which was chiefly
owing to the malice of the elder one, and they were already about to
divide the empire. But as this would have been to the disadvantage of
the younger, who was to have had a far smaller empire in the East; their
mother made a last attempt to bring about a reconciliation between them,
but in vain. Caracalla seemed to listen to her proposals; but this was
only a stratagem to entice his brother into a place where he could
murder him. In the apartments of the mother, the reconciliation was to
have been brought about: Geta was stabbed in her arms. By this murder,
the minds of men, which even then had begun to be quite Asiatic in
feeling,—inconceivably so indeed,—were not much affected. Even the
mother, although Geta had been her darling son, did not, after what had
happened, change in her behaviour to her elder one; but she seemed to
look upon Geta’s death as an unavoidable dispensation of fate.

In the year 212, Caracalla gave himself up to the most wanton cruelties
and extortions: these last were still more systematic than those of
Commodus, who practised them in Rome only, whereas Caracalla carried
them on at the same time in the provinces. It is a very just remark of
Gibbon’s, that the tyranny of the Roman emperors weighed most heavily on
Rome, and was less felt in the rest of Italy, and least of all in the
provinces, which were sometimes worse off under the good emperors than
under the bad ones. Caracalla, however, unfortunately for the provinces,
travelled through them, and there his savage rage was yet greater than
at Rome itself; he brought with him fell bloodshed into those hapless
countries,—into Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt,—and drove the
inhabitants to despair: the only thing that he cared for, was to satisfy
his soldiers. The prætorians had been re-established by Severus, but on
quite a different footing. Whereas formerly they had been a sort of
janissaries, only that they did not leave Rome, it being even doubtful
whether they ever accompanied the emperors in their wars; Severus now
formed an entirely new guard, of three or four times the strength of the
old one, as many indeed as thirty or forty thousand men; these he picked
out from the legions, and he gave them double pay and higher rank. Under
Severus and Caracalla they were no longer left behind in Rome, but they
accompanied the emperors on their journeys and expeditions: thus
Caracalla took them with him to the East. The most dreadful of
Caracalla’s deeds was the massacre at Alexandria, where he enticed the
inhabitants to come out of their city; made them feel quite secure; and
then ordered his soldiers to slaughter them all. The people of
Alexandria had provoked him, as they had done almost all the emperors,
even the best of them: Alexandria and Antioch were the seats of wit,
which spoke out in the theatres, or was placarded in pasquinades. They
had now lashed the Roman tyrant for the murder of Geta, and this he
never forgave.

Caracalla granted the right of citizenship to all the subjects of the
Roman empire; that is to say, the _peregrinitas_ was abolished
throughout the whole of it: thus the _vicesima hereditatum_, which had
until then been raised from Roman citizens, was made general, and he
moreover raised it into a _decima_. Yet the _Latini_ still remained
after this; only there was no more _peregrinitas_ for communities: in
the case of freedmen, however, a different law might apply. Caracalla
raised the taxes to an intolerable height, merely that he might have the
means of winning the hearts of the soldiers: Severus had already said
that the emperor who was sure of the army had nothing to fear.

Like Commodus, Caracalla had a taste for gladiatorial arts; but he was
small in size, and not so handsome as Commodus. He had a silly kind of
fondness for Alexander the Great; and if we may judge from the busts, it
must be acknowledged that there was some likeness between them: the
province of Macedon was, therefore, the only one to which he did any
good. He formed a phalanx of Macedonians, and also assumed the name of
Magnus: in the law books, he is often spoken of as Magnus Antoninus. Led
by this feeling, he also went like Alexander to the East, to overthrow
the Parthian empire; and he had his Macedonian phalanx with him.
Everywhere he showed a very strong leaning towards anything that was
Greek, a taste which may have been very much owing to the fact of his
having a Syrian mother. The war against the Parthians he brought on,
without having real cause for it. According to Herodian, he was guilty
of an act of monstrous treachery: he invited Artabanus to a conference,
and then tried to surprise him, and murdered a number of Parthians.
These accounts, however, are all of them very doubtful in their details.
Severus had already taken possession of Osroëne, where the reigning
dynasty had been established for three hundred years: in the legend, an
Abgarus betakes himself to our Saviour, beseeching him for his aid in a
sickness. The king Abgarus at this time, was a vassal of the Parthians:
Caracalla expelled him, and converted Osroëne into a Roman province.
Whilst he was engaged here in preparations for a war against the
Parthians themselves, he was murdered, in the year 217, at the
instigation of the _præfectus prætorio_ M. Macrinus, who had found his
own life to be threatened. The soldiers, however, heard of the death of
their emperor with indignation, and Macrinus had to try every means to
deceive them as to his share in it; whereupon he was proclaimed emperor.

Dio’s and Herodian’s accounts of Macrinus, which are in his favour, may
be much better relied upon than the nonsense of the _Scriptores Historiæ
Augustæ_. Yet if Macrinus wished to be a praiseworthy prince, his
character as such depended upon his getting the mastery over his
soldiers: for their lawlessness had frightfully increased under
Caracalla, as he let them do what they listed without punishing them.
Macrinus, therefore, began to reform them, introducing discipline, and
trying by degrees to lessen the concessions of Caracalla; and thus he
either disbanded whole legions as veterans, and enlisted new ones on
fairer conditions, or, which seems to me more likely, he merely filled
up the old ones by new recruits. By this, however, he made himself
hateful to them. They would not put up with it; and hence arose a
rebellion. Hereupon young Avitus came forth. They might, however, have
found another leader, Maximin perhaps, if Avitus had not presented
himself.

Julia Domna had, after the death of her son, been condemned to seclusion
by Macrinus, and she had herself put an end to her own life. Her sister
Mæsa also had been banished. The latter had two daughters, both of them
married in Syria: the names of the husbands were Roman, but the children
were thorough Syrians, or Syrian-Greeks. The husband of Soæmis, the
elder sister, was Sextus Varius Marcellus: this name, and the high
offices which he held, lead to the conclusion that he was a Roman. The
husband of the younger sister, Mamæa, was called Gessius Macrianus.
Soæmis had a son and several daughters; Mamæa, a son and a daughter. The
son of Soæmis was Avitus, afterwards M. Aurelius Antoninus, generally
known by us as Elagabalus (corruptly Heliogabalus, as the name has
nothing whatever to do with ἥλιος): he also bore the name of Bassianus,
as people at that time often dropped their names, and as often took new
ones. This Elagabalus was now seventeen years of age at most, quite a
Syrian, and priest to the god Elagabalus at Emesa, where some aerolites
which had fallen in the neighbourhood were worshipped. This young man,
Mæsa and his own mother Soæmis declared to have been the offspring of an
adulterous intercourse with Caracalla. Mæsa collected her immense riches
at Emesa, and taking advantage of the discontent of the soldiers began
to bribe them. Very many of them espoused her cause. Macrinus at first
held this defection to be of no consequence; but quite contrary to all
expectation, the fondness of the soldiers for Caracalla was transferred
to Elagabalus, from whom besides they looked for a new donation. Had
Macrinus now acted at once, he might yet have had the best of it; for in
the decisive battle, the prætorians displayed greater bravery than was
thought to be in them. But he gave himself up too soon for lost; and he
fled from the fight with his son Antoninus Diadumenianus to Asia Minor,
where he was overtaken and beheaded by the order of the young tyrant
(218).

The name of Elagabalus is branded in history: even Caligula and Nero,
when compared with him, appear in a favourable light. Caligula was not a
beast like him; Nero undoubtedly had talents; but there is nothing
whatever to redeem the vices of Elagabalus. The infamy of his reign is
appalling. His extortions, which were spent on the gratification of the
maddest fancies, were beyond everything; and yet the Roman world might
have deemed itself happy, if he had only extorted. There were fewer
actual cruelties; but he was ready for any wickedness: his only real
passion, and one which ruled him, was zeal for the glorification of his
idol Elagabalus, whom, as the god of the Sun, he wanted to place instead
of Jupiter Capitolinus on the throne of the gods in Rome, and whom he
exclusively worshipped. Even the soldiers were so disgusted with him, as
to execrate him; and they would have murdered him as early as in 221,
had he not, by the advice of his grandmother Mæsa, adopted as Cæsar his
cousin Alexianus, who was afterwards called Alexander Severus.

This Alexander, if Lampridius is correct, was now no longer a child,
being seventeen years old: according to Herodian, he was but thirteen or
fourteen. He was the very reverse of his cousin: for his was a noble
soul, like that of Marcus, the only difference being that of a fine
Asiatic disposition when compared with an European one. He was a
thorough Asiatic: being born in Phœnicia, he had first to learn Latin at
Rome; so that he was always looked upon there as a _Græculus_, as one
who was not a Latin. It is impossible to have a better will and a more
beautiful mind than this young man had: the innocence which beamed forth
from his countenance, gained him even the hearts of the soldiers, who,
rough as they were, seemed to have a sincere regard for him. When
Elagabalus now tried to get rid of him, and at the same time sought his
life, a rebellion arose, owing to a report having been spread of
Alexander’s death; and even when the mistake had been cleared up, the
riot was put down only with difficulty. But as Elagabalus, conscious of
his own worthlessness, could not disguise from himself that Alexander
was far more liked than he was, he took steps in right earnest, to
destroy his cousin; whereupon the rebellion broke out afresh with
irresistible fury, and Elagabalus was killed (222). His dead body was
flung into the river, and his memory cursed.

The reign of Alexander Severus lasted thirteen years, until 235. It is
one which we are in danger of representing in too fair a light, as it
seems that several authors have written a sort of Cyropædia on him. His
personal amiability and kindness, his zeal to do his duty, cannot be
called into doubt: his model was Marcus. But as Marcus was weak towards
Faustina, so Alexander was still weaker towards his mother. We read, on
the one hand, that he lightened the taxes; but on the other, _exempla
avaritiæ_ are told of Mamæa. Now, although this _avaritia_ may perhaps
have consisted in her hoarding treasure and jewels after the manner of
the East, the reproaches against her, and the complaints of his weakness
for her, were loud and general.

In the reign of Hadrian, we already meet with a council of state; and
though in the days of Septimius Severus it seems to have again fallen
into oblivion, we now see it completely organized as a regular branch of
the government, a standing board which had the management of every
matter of importance: its chief minister was the great Domitius
Ulpianus. This man was perhaps a kinsman of the emperor’s, as he was of
Tyrian origin, and he may thus have risen: he was not, however, born in
Tyre, as I have shown in another place.[55] A Syrian could not have
written as he did, nor have made himself such a master of the science of
Roman law. He might however have been indeed related to the imperial
family, and yet have now been living at Rome for a long time.

Alexander’s rule, and his endeavours for the general good, were thwarted
by insurmountable obstacles, owing to the power of the soldiers. These
he had to bring under control: but they were mutineers like the
janissaries; and this was now the case with the whole army, and no
longer with the prætorians alone. If we may believe some scattered
anecdotes, Alexander with all his gentleness displayed great firmness on
many occasions; yet he tried in vain to protect Ulpian. Papinian had
been murdered by Caracalla; Ulpian was slain by the soldiers before the
eyes of the emperor, who could hardly succeed in bringing Epagathus, the
ringleader of the mutiny, to punishment.

Marcus had driven back the German nations; in the reign of Commodus,
peace had been made with them; and in that of Severus, we also find
nothing about German wars; the Romans seem to have been in possession of
the _limes_ (the palisadoed ditch). But now the Germans began to
advance; and I am inclined to believe that the pale was broken through
in the time of Alexander Severus, as at the close of the war against
them, its seat was on the Rhine, and they must therefore have forced the
outworks. Unfortunately, we know next to nothing of the geography of
those parts: in many places in Swabia, we meet with remains of Roman
fortresses, the names of which are quite unknown to us. But even before
this, a great revolution had called away the emperor to the East. This
was the downfall of the Parthian dynasty, one of the unluckiest things
that could have happened to the Roman empire. The catastrophe is easily
accounted for. When a nation of shepherds gets the rule over a
cultivated region, as was often the case in Asia, it gradually loses its
bravery and sinks down to the level of those whom it has enslaved; yet
its sway will still last for some time. Parthia was a feudal kingdom, of
which Media, Babylonia, and other countries were fiefs with dynasties of
their own. In former times, the Parthians were very unequal enemies to
the Romans; but since the days of Marcus and Septimius Severus, their
power was broken: probably the conquest of Ctesiphon in the year 198,
had shaken the empire so much that its subjects thought of freeing
themselves from its yoke. Our chief guide here is the most authentic
history of Agathias. The Parthians must have utterly lost their
nationality: their light cavalry, for instance, is but very seldom
spoken off in their later times. We generally deem the insurrection of
the Persians against the Parthians to have been like that of the
Persians under Cyrus; but there was the same difference between the
Parthians and the other races, as there is at present between nomads and
the inhabitants of towns. The Persians who now shake off the yoke of the
Parthians, must therefore have been chiefly the Tadjicks (inhabitants of
towns) of the Iran race, whose abodes began at the Oxus. In Cyrus’
times, the Medes and Persians were two essentially distinct nations; but
the Medes must since then have become quite Persians, as they had now
one and the same language: Irak Ajemi has in all likelihood still
preserved the language of the Medes. A research as to this matter, would
be exceedingly interesting. In the struggle, the particulars of which
are altogether unknown to us, the Persians succeeded in shaking off the
thraldom of the Parthians; and these last vanish away, and we know not
what has become of them. On this, the Persian empire came forth anew,
and the old institutions were many of them restored: the Parthians had
ruled like barbarians over a civilized nation, oppressing it, checking
the exercise of its religion, and troubling the Persian worship of the
elements by their promiscuous idolatry. The Persians who restored the
empire, were headed by Ardaschir, son of Babek, who reckoned himself one
of the race of Sassan, which gave rise to the silly story. The departure
of the Parthians has been commemorated by a bas relief and an
inscription. Ardaschir also restored the old fire-worship, but, to the
great deterioration of its pristine purity, with a number of foreign
rites; and therefore the Byzantines are quite right in saying that the
later worship of the Persians was very different from the former one.
The centre of the empire also was no longer the province of Persis: it
was, on the contrary, removed from the Tigris to Ctesiphon, although
Ardaschir and others after him have set up monuments at Persepolis. Susa
had perished; Ecbatana was insignificant. Ardaschir, called by the Greek
Artaxerxes, now that the empire was restored, and the nation was
conscious of having achieved a great deed, at once asserted his claims
against the Romans, whose decline could not have escaped his notice: he
demanded the cession of all the countries to the Hellespont, because
Asia belonged to the Persians, just as Europe might to the Romans: the
answer of the Romans, of course, was war. In the issue of it, we have a
remarkable example of the little reliance which we can place on the
details of this history. Herodian’s account,—which is borne out by its
intrinsic probability,—is that the Romans undertook the war with three
armies; the first, on the right banks of the Euphrates; the second in
Media; the third in Mesopotamia, to keep up the connexion between the
two. He also says that the first, after a brave fight, had been obliged
to retreat owing to the difficulty of the country; that the second had
been entirely destroyed; and that the third moreover, which the emperor
himself commanded, had not achieved its purpose. This statement is
contradicted by an official letter of the emperor to the senate, wherein
he boasts of the greatest successes over the enemy, for which the senate
awarded him the honour of a triumph. Gibbon and Eckhel are quite of
different opinions here. Eckhel takes a very high stand among the
critical historians of our time, both for his learning and the
excellence of his judgment. His works are far from being appreciated as
they ought to be. His chronological criticisms have done much for the
history of the Roman emperors, and there are few of the modern labourers
in the field of ancient history to whom I owe so much as to Eckhel.
Still, I am compelled to agree with Gibbon’s opinion. Eckhel deems it
impossible that the report to the senate should have been a figment; but
the vague and ambiguous expressions of this document tell very strongly
against him: they are only meant to cover the defeat of the emperor.
Herodian lived so shortly after that time, and in all that he really
knows, he is a writer of so much judgment, that it would be wrong in
this not to believe him rather than the _bulletin_ of the emperor. As
Severus returned to Rome for his triumph, he must have concluded a peace
with the Persians, in which Rome certainly made a sacrifice: for until
the time of Gordian there is actually peace, and Maximin moreover
engaged in no undertaking on the eastern frontier.




END OF ALEXANDER SEVERUS. MAXIMIN. GORDIAN, FATHER AND SON. MAXIMUS AND
                 BALBINUS. GORDIAN III. PHILIP. DECIUS.


Even if Severus had fought successfully, the movements of the barbarous
tribes along the northern frontier would soon have recalled him. We know
that he went from the East to the Rhine; and there, as we are told by
Herodian, he gave the army cause for complaint, many hardships being put
upon the soldiers, who felt that there was not a strong hand to lead
them. A mutiny broke out, which was headed by Maximin, the first
barbarian adventurer who rose to the imperial throne. Hitherto the
rulers of Rome had been only of noble race, with the exception perhaps
of Macrinus, of whom we do not at least know it for certain. Pertinax
was not indeed of noble birth; but he had risen from dignity to dignity,
and was among the men of the highest standing when he was proclaimed
emperor. Maximin, on the contrary, was nothing but a soldier of fortune
who had risen from the lowest ranks of society: he was born in Thrace of
barbarian parents, his mother being an Alanian woman and his father a
Goth; at least, so we are told by the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_. He
had enlisted as a common peasant under Septimius Severus, and was
distinguished for his gigantic frame and his Herculean strength, to
which were added all the qualities of a good subaltern officer.
Septimius Severus promoted him from one step to another; and under
Alexander also he got a legion to bring into order, which had been
utterly disorganized. He restored its discipline, and yet was popular:—a
man who in so demoralized an army gains such influence, though all the
while so strict and even cruel, must needs have real talent, and a true
soldier’s nature. He did not try to make up for the defects of his
education; he was the first ruler, who was not only without any literary
acquirements whatever, but who did not even understand Greek: for the
Thracians spoke the Wallachian language, an Italian _volgare_, and Greek
was only spoken in the seaports, and in the larger inland towns, as in
Adrianople. The attention of the court was so much directed to Maximin,
that Severus even thought of marrying his own sister to his son, an
amiable and well-bred young man; only the emperor took umbrage at the
coarse manners of the father. The life of Alexander Severus in the
_Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_ is a ridiculous, lying panegyric: he
certainly was an amiable, noble-hearted prince, and did not in the least
deserve his fate; yet it is not to be overlooked that, by neglect and
mismanagement, he gave occasion for discontent. The rebellion broke out,
and Severus was murdered, A. D. 235, as was also his mother Mamæa, who
accompanied him everywhere, to rule him everywhere.

Now again followed a terrible time. It is quite evident that Maximin was
animated by an intense revolutionary hatred against everything
distinguished as aristocratic, just like the ruthless terrorists in
France. All persons of polite education and manners, and especially the
senators, were the objects of his passionate fury: it is true that the
senators may have been, not a venerable body, but a most contemptible
set; yet this is no excuse for cruelty. Maximin disdained to come to
Rome; which was a happy thing, as he would have ordered a massacre, just
as Caracalla did at Alexandria. He waged war on the banks of the Rhine,
of the Upper and Lower Danube, and everywhere, as one may suppose, with
success: that he got permanent possession of the country beyond the
_limes_, is doubtful. He freed Dacia from the inroads of the barbarians,
and carried on war against the Sarmatians, with regard to whom it is not
certain whether they dwelt on the banks of the Lower or of the Middle
Danube. But while he now was afraid of no one, but put people to death
on the first suspicion there arose in Thysdrus, a provincial town in
Africa, an outbreak of despair: the ministers of tyranny were murdered,
and the two Gordians, father and son, able and brave officers, of whom
the father was advanced in years, were proclaimed, either Augustus and
Cæsar, or both of them as Augusti.

The insurrection was but a shortlived one. Mauretania had taken no share
in it; and thus Capellianus, the lieutenant of Maximin, quickly got
together an army of Moors, although, properly speaking, these may never
have been subjected to the Roman rule, which did not extend beyond the
towns on the coasts: there was nothing, however, more easy than to make
them take up arms by holding out the hope of booty; for instance, they
had once before, in the reign of M. Antoninus, invaded Spain. He marched
on Carthage, where, although the Gordians had made a bad use of their
time, the younger ventured to go out against him, but was defeated with
his incapable troops: they both of them lost their lives. The fate of
Carthage, as well as the time that the insurrection lasted, is shrouded
in darkness. Eckhel has critically proved, that all these events, down
to the deaths of Maximus and Balbinus, must be made to fall between from
about the end of March to the end of August: Gibbon’s chronology is
certainly incorrect, and it contains impossibilities. Yet the question
is still beset with great difficulties, which, however, may be cleared
up some day by coins and monuments.

The senate at Rome had recognised the Gordians, an act in which we see
nothing of the usual behaviour of the cowardly, unwarlike aristocrats.
It appointed twenty commissioners to preside over the armaments; and the
prætorians were gained over, who had remained behind at Rome, and who
very likely were neglected by Maximin: all the provinces moreover were
called upon to declare themselves against the tyrant. The whole of Italy
armed itself for a war of despair, and all the towns were fortified,
when there came the dismal tidings of the defeat and death of the
Gordians. On this, two of the commissioners, Maximus and Balbinus, were
elected emperors; whether it was, that it was deemed necessary to have a
division of labour; or to moderate the supreme power; or what seems to
me most likely, to unite two parties. Balbinus, if in that time we may
still draw conclusions from names, was a man of rank, and of the house
of the Cælii: his name was D. Cælius Balbinus, and that of his
colleague, M. Clodius Pupienus Maximus.[56] Balbinus remained behind at
Rome; Maximus went to Ravenna, where he raised an army against Maximin,
with which, however, he very wisely did not go out and face him. He
ordered all the bridges over the many rivers in Lombardy to be broken
down, and Aquileia was strongly fortified and garrisoned. It was
defended with the courage of despair, the inhabitants being resolved
upon holding out to the last; the country far and wide was abandoned,
and every soul was in the town: Maximin, on the other hand, tried all he
could to make this base of the enemy his own; the siege was protracted,
and he was murdered here with his innocent son by the soldiers, who were
already in want of provisions, and suffered greatly from the fevers
which had seized them in that damp country. It is remarkable that he had
a very amiable and kindhearted wife, and just as excellent a son, who,
perhaps, would have become one of the best emperors.

With regard to the time when Maximin fell, Tillemont’s and Gibbon’s
chronology is impossible. According to the general account, it would
seem as if Maximin had, like Sylla, gone on for the whole of a year with
the war on the Danube, while Italy was in rebellion: this, however, is
incorrect. Maximin had but his army for him. It is very likely that one
province after the other fell away from him, which alone accounts for
the miscarriage of his expedition: the whole of the Roman world must at
last have declared against him. The most undeniable proof of this is to
be found in a letter of the consul Claudius Julianus to Maximus and
Balbinus, in which he expressly says that all the soldiers had given
them adoration; and this letter was written even before the death of
Maximin.

At the demand of the people, owing to the popularity of the Gordians, a
grandson—very likely by a daughter of old Gordian—was now elected Cæsar
besides the two emperors Maximus and Balbinus. The Gordians bore the
family name of the Antonii, and were reckoned among the genuine
aristocrats: we must not, however, thence conclude that they were
related to the triumvir. Maximus returned in triumph to Rome. He and
Balbinus were both of them praiseworthy princes: but the soldiers were
exasperated at the victory of the senators, who annoyed them in the most
senseless manner, and they very soon murdered the emperors.

After their death the empire fell into the hands of young Gordian only,
who was now proclaimed Augustus. How young he was, cannot be made out.
We only know this, that he had a _præfectus prætorio_ who at all events
was no Roman, called by the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_,
Misitheus,—quite an apocryphal name, which Casaubon has already proved
to have been an impossible one. In Zonaras it is Timesicles, which
indeed we may well believe it to have been: there is also said to be a
Latin inscription remaining,—it is, however, uncertain whether it refers
to him,—in which the name is given as Timesitheus, which is the most
plausible of all. In the reign of Gordian, the northern frontiers were
disturbed; yet this does not seem to have been of any consequence. Of
far greater importance were the Persian affairs, by which he was called
to the East, where, if we may place any trust in the coins, he defeated
the Persians and earned triumphal insignia. The war, however, was not
yet brought to an end, and he remained still in Asia.

There he was murdered by the _præfectus prætorio_, M. Julius Philippus,
a native of Roman Arabia, from Bostra in Arabia Petræa. He is called an
Arabian; but he was not a Bedouin, his native place being a _colonia
Romana_, so that perhaps he may have been a Syrian or a Greek, having in
all likelihood belonged to the cohort of the Idumæi, east of the
Jordan.[57] It may be that he got on at Rome in the time of the Syrian
rulers Julia Domna and Alexander Severus. He became the murderer of his
unoffending, well-meaning, amiable young prince, whose good luck had
departed at the death of his father-in-law Timesitheus. It was generally
believed that the latter also had owed his death to the arts of Philip.

Philip made an honourable peace with the Persians, for which there was
need, as the storm was already lowering heavily over Rome. He is
remarkable, because in his reign the thousandth anniversary of the city
was celebrated with great pomp; but still more remarkable because
ecclesiastical history generally assumes him to have been a Christian.
But Eckhel observes from his coins that he could not really have been a
Christian, as they bear too many heathen emblems and images of gods.
This is partly the case also with Constantine, who had the god of the
Sun on his coins, and may likewise have had rather a confused sort of
faith. That there is something in the story of Philip’s having declared
himself for the Christian religion, is proved with tolerable probability
from Origen’s having addressed letters to him. There is a tradition in
church history, that he had done public penance, and received absolution
for the murder of his prince. At any rate, it does not follow from his
deeds that he was not a Christian. His birthplace Bostra lay in the
neighbourhood of Pella, the real centre of the Jewish-Christians, and
there, of course, the Christian religion was already firmly established.
Of great moment for Rome were the brilliant secular games. This indeed
is very heathenish; but Philip may have been but a catechumen, and by
availing himself of a common casuistry, have sinned during that festival
in the hope of a late baptism. The rest of his government is blameless;
no charge, in fact, is brought against him. He reigned from 243 to 248,
in which latter year several rebellions broke out against him. The
Pannonian and Mœsian legions having proclaimed Marinus[58] emperor, and
soon afterwards murdered him, Philip sent Decius thither, who, certainly
without any shadow of truth, made himself out to be descended from the
Decii: to derive him from these, was merely a compliment which was paid
to him. His name was Q. Messius Trajanus Decius,[59] and he was born in
Illyricum. That country was very extensively colonized; so that he may
very likely have come from one of the Roman military colonies: the
population there had become thoroughly Roman. Decius warned Philip not
to put him in a position in which he might be compelled to break his
faith; but Philip insisted upon so doing. What Decius had expected, took
place: he was forced by the soldiers to accept the throne, and to go to
Italy. Even here, he is said to have once more repeated his offer.
Philip was killed in a fight between the two armies in the neighbourhood
of Verona.

Decius is looked upon as a hero by the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_ and
by Zosimus, a zealous partisan of paganism; but he is just as much hated
by the writers of ecclesiastical history for his cruelty to the
Christians, against whom indeed he was the first, after a long pause, to
set on foot a fierce persecution. The motive for it, in all likelihood,
was a sort of antagonism to the tendencies of his predecessor. What
Dodwell has asserted is strictly true, that the accounts of the numbers
of the victims are exaggerated; but the persecution of Decius was in
right earnest, and it interrupted the peace which, with the exception of
some little casualties, the Christian Church had long enjoyed. The Roman
see remained vacant for a year and a half; and Decius is represented to
have said, that he would rather allow an emperor to be chosen by his
side than a bishop. This shows how much the Christians had already
increased. Their number was great among the middle classes at Rome,
Carthage, Alexandria, and above all, at Antioch: in the East, they were
scattered; in the West, there were hardly any in the country, but they
were in the towns, especially in the large cities. The greater part of
Gaul knew nothing of this religion, except at Arles, Marseilles, and
some other chief towns: the acts of the martyrs of Lyons are quite
authentic. Just as little as in Gaul, does Christianity seem to have
spread in Spain; in Africa, there was at an early period a numerous and
zealous church; in Greece proper, there were few Christians; in the
Ionian towns, on the other hand, there were many.




            STATE OF THINGS AT HOME. FINE ARTS. LITERATURE.


I make a pause in the middle of the third century, to give a general
view of some leading points. There is now a circumstance which begins
from this time to be strikingly seen. Most of the sepulchral
inscriptions which we have, are from the end of the first to the middle
of the third century; and of these the great majority are to the memory
of freedmen, there being about ten _libertini_ to one _ingenuus_. The
fine marble tombs of the great families were most of them destroyed
during the middle ages, and they are now very scarce: the stones were
used for building at the time of the restoration of the city. As the
names of free men were everywhere getting confused from the beginning of
the third century, there is indeed hardly a tomb, after the first half
of the third century, in which _libertini_ are to be met with. The
importation of slaves must have stopped, and therefore the custom of
having households of them must have immensely fallen off: the
development of the system of colonies must have absorbed the greater
part of them.

Moreover, at this time, the difference between imperial and senatorial
provinces is done away with. Severus is said to have taken the provinces
from the senate, thereby paving the way for the arrangements made by
Diocletian and Constantine.

In former days, before I had mooted the subject, the Roman literature of
the first half of the third century was thought to have been already
quite barbarous, which was indeed the case with the fine arts.
Historical plastic art, of which we have specimens in the bas reliefs on
the spiral columns, is at its height under Trajan, and still keeps up
even as late as the Antonines. Of Antoninus Pius, I know but one
historical bas relief, which, however, is wretched: under M. Antoninus,
this art had risen again. Architecture was already in its decline under
Hadrian, as this emperor had a corrupt taste, being fond of mannerism
and an artificial style. The statue of M. Antoninus on horseback is a
noble work: if the horse is less to our liking, this is perhaps because
the race itself to which it belongs does not seem to us at all
beautiful; for indeed the whole is full of spirit and life. But this is
also the last masterpiece: even as early as Trajan, art is merely
historical, nor is there any monument left in which the ideal of a grand
and creative style is to be seen. As for painting, it was now indeed
quite gone, as Petronius expressly remarks; some works of this class,
which are still to be found, are detestably bad: its decline became
complete owing to the rise of mosaic, which now began to be employed. Of
the age of Severus and Caracalla, there are still very fine busts; of
Severus also, there are still very fine statues; but the bas reliefs on
the triumphal arch of this emperor are already thoroughly bad: those on
the small arch which was erected by the _argentarii_, are quite
barbarously misdrawn, scientific skill and the eye for proportion are
lost. After the time of Caracalla, we have not one good bust: they are
all misshapen, though some of them may indeed be likenesses. The coins
also become more and more barbarous.

The literature of the great jurists has reached its height, and at the
same time its end, in Papinian and Ulpian, both of whom, _diversis
virtutibus_, are of transcendent greatness: Paullus ought never to be
spoken of in the same breath with them. They are both of them excellent
likewise with regard to language; for although some small mistakes may
be found in it here and there, it is truly Roman. It is remarkable that
they had no successors; just as with Demosthenes oratory is at its
height, and then dies away; just as after Thucydides, no historian of
the same spirit rose up again. A long while afterwards, there followed
Hermogenianus and others, who were mere compilers. The scientific
arrangement of the law gave rise to the legislation of the imperial
secretaries, whose statutes, however, are most detestably drawn up: we
may indeed thank our stars, that their verbosity is curtailed in the
code.—With regard to the _belles lettres_, I have shown, and I look upon
it as an established fact, that Curtius belongs to the time of Severus
and Caracalla: he is an author who already writes quite an artificial
style, an imitation of Livy. Still later, in the reign of Alexander
Severus, perhaps even in that of Gordian, lived the most witty, but most
profligate, Petronius Arbiter, in whom Mamæa is distinctly alluded to.
The excellent Hadrian Valesius was the first who drew attention to this:
the prelate Monsignor Stefano Gradi violently opposed him at first; but
he afterwards set an honourable example by giving up his own opinion,
and making the proof complete. I have added some further arguments,
which both of them had overlooked, such as the passage concerning Mamæa,
and likewise an epitaph which is evidently of the time of Severus.
Petronius’ language—leaving aside those passages in which he makes
people talk, as they really then spoke, in the _lingua rustica_—bears
the marks of the age of which it is the true living expression. He is
the greatest poetical genius of Rome since the days of Augustus; but one
sees how his talent was quite confined to the romance and the poetry of
every-day life.

In the middle of the third century, Rome was in everything already
sinking into a state of barbarism: even the characters on the
inscriptions are of a barbarous shape, and the lines are crooked and
slanting.




  INVASION OF THE GOTHS. DEATH OF DECIUS. GALLUS TREBONIANUS ÆMILIAN.
                VALERIAN. GALLIENUS. THE THIRTY TYRANTS.


Decius, although he may have been a very praiseworthy prince, bears the
stain of persecutions. His reign was the era of the great break up which
began with the Germans, who for seventy years had kept tolerably quiet.
The whole of the north of Germany was now in motion, and the Franks made
their appearance on the Lower Rhine. With regard to the origin of the
Franks, on which go much has been written, I think the opinion to be a
very likely one, that the Sigambri on the right banks of the Rhine, and
in Westphalia, called themselves Franks, and that they formed a state of
their own distinct from that of the Saxons. The Swabians, who are partly
called Sueves, and partly Alemanni, make their appearance on the Maine.
Yet the grand break up caused by the Goths, dates from the reign of
Decius. Over the whole subject of their migrations, hangs the greatest
uncertainty. Did they come, as the Icelandic traditions would make us
believe, from the South to the North; or the reverse, as the traditions
in Jormandes would show? I believe that the question cannot in any way
be decided. We can only say thus much, that a large Gothic empire
existed in the beginning of the third century, in the south-east of
Europe.

The invasion of the Goths was made partly by land through Dacia, partly
in skiffs across the Black sea; like the attacks of the Russians on
Constantinople in the tenth century. Of the detailed account of the
Athenian Dexippus, we have unfortunately nothing but fragments in the
_Excerpta de Sententiis_ and _de Legationibus_, besides a few in
Syncellus. It is impossible to analyse these invasions in detail: I
should not venture to divide them, like Gibbon, into three great
expeditions. They overpowered the kingdom of the Bosporus, and destroyed
the towns on the northern coast of Asia Minor: they advanced also as far
as Cappadocia. Another expedition subdued the Thracian Bosporus which
since the destruction of Byzantium lay quite open. It is a proof of the
utter lethargy of the Roman Empire, that no attempt was made to fit out
any ships of war, to destroy the vessels of the barbarians. The most
thriving Bithynian cities, Nicomedia, Prusa, Chalcedon, and others, were
destroyed after the death of Decius, and with far more cruelty than the
Goths displayed in later times.

We must, however, return to the history of Decius, and go on with it.
Even some time already before this, when the Goths made their inroad
across the Danube, they were met by Decius. Dexippus wrote this history
down to the reign of Claudius Gothicus. The Goths besieged Nicopolis;
and when Decius relieved this town, they crossed the ridges of the
Hæmus, and took Philippopolis. After they had taken it, Decius again met
them in mount Hæmus, and cut off their retreat, when they wanted to make
a treaty for a free departure, and even to return the booty and
prisoners; but Decius refused, and whilst they were thus driven to
despair, he fared as king Frederick did at Kunersdorf. The Goths were
drawn up in three lines, two of which were already broken; and if Decius
had properly followed up his advantage, and taken such a position that
he might have dispersed those who were already beaten, and surrounded
the rest, he might have destroyed the whole army. But the unlucky star
of Rome led him to attack the third line, which was drawn up behind a
marsh or narrow paths and dykes, in a position where all the bravery of
the legions was in vain. He met with a defeat in which he and his son
lost their lives. This overthrow was decisive; but the Goths likewise
had suffered considerable loss, and they were glad to conclude with
Gallus Trebonianus, who had been proclaimed emperor, a treaty by which
he paid to them a considerable sum to be allowed to march off free.
Whether he also granted them abodes in Dacia, is more than I will take
upon myself to decide.

Gallus went to Rome, where he took as his colleague Hostilianus, the
nephew or son of Decius, who, however, died soon afterwards. As Gallus
now reigned despised by every one for the disgraceful peace which he had
made; Æmilianus, the governor of Illyricum, rose against him in the
East, and leading his army into Italy, gained a victory on the borders
of Umbria and the Sabine country, in the neighbourhood of Spoletum, and
Gallus lost his life. The latter, in his turn, had an avenger in
Valerian; who had been called out of Germany to his aid, and who came
indeed too late to save, but soon enough to avenge him: Æmilianus was
deserted, and probably murdered by his own soldiers.

Valerian now ascended the throne. Great things were expected from him;
yet his reputation was wholly undeserved, and we behold nothing but
disaster in his reign. Decius had had the strange idea of restoring the
censorship to improve the public morals, and the senate with one voice
had named Valerian censor; but Decius’ death happened so soon, that
nothing followed from the appointment. Valerian took for his colleague
his own son P. Licinius Gallienus, from which name we are not to suppose
that there was any relationship to the old Licinii of the best times of
the republic. Rome was in those days already quite accustomed to the
system of having colleagues; for as the emperor was often at the
farthest end of the empire, it was necessary that some one should carry
on the government for him. From all sides, the Franks, Alemanni, and
Goths now broke in, each nation by itself; and at the same time, the
Persians also, under king Sapor, crossed the eastern frontier. The
history of Valerian is very obscure and scanty: whether his catastrophe
took place in the year 256 or 260, cannot be made out.

The Franks had established their kingdom on the Lower Rhine, and they
held both banks of the stream as far up as Coblentz; the Swabians had
broken through the entrenched barrier, and taken possession of what is
now Suabia, or rather the country from the neighbourhood of the Lahn
even to Switzerland. The Juthungi, who are mentioned in this time only,
are perhaps so called from the reigning dynasty of the Lombards, and
merely mean this people; for the names which end in _-ing_ and _-ung_,
are always names of dynasties. The Goths forced their way in swarms of
boats, either by the Danube or the Dniester, into the Roman seas,
without the Romans ever once opposing to them a fleet. These were
devastations like those of the Normans in the ninth and tenth centuries.
They plundered the whole of Achaia; they sacked and burned Corinth,
Argos, and Athens, which, after many ages, now distinguishes itself
again. A spirited band under the _strategus_ Dexippus, the same who
wrote this history, left the town for the mountains; and when it had
been taken, they came down from thence, and surprised the Gothic fleet
in the Piræeus, avenging their city in a manner which does one good to
hear. Dexippus must have been an able man, although his history is a
work of bad rhetoric.

Just as unhappily, and far more disgracefully besides, did things go on
in Mesopotamia and Syria. Valerian, who was opposed to Sapor himself,
was brought into a most disadvantageous position, where he met with the
fate of General Mack near Ulm: he capitulated and became a prisoner, and
he is said to have been very shockingly treated. Whether Asiatic
ruthlessness went to the length of having him flayed alive, cannot be
decided by us: it was also a disputed point, even among the ancients.
The Persians now burst like a flood over Syria and Cappadocia, and near
Cæsarea they all but fell in with the Goths: Antioch was taken and
sacked. Those who escaped from the sword, were led away into bondage,
with a barbarity like that of Soliman at the siege of Vienna, when two
hundred thousand men lost their life or their freedom: the city was then
get fire to. The same fate befel Cæsarea, after a noble defence. The
towns on the Persian frontier alone had preserved their walls; but in
the interior, in Greece, and in Asia Minor, no one had ever thought of
the possibility of an enemy, and therefore the walls had been allowed to
go to ruins, or had been pulled down.

The whole of Syria was overrun and conquered,—a few strong towns only
may have held out; but in the midst of the desert, Palmyra, unobserved
by the rest of the world, had risen by degrees into an important
commercial mart, and from this city, half Syrian and half Arab, there
had grown up a power which made head against Sapor. Under the lead of
Odenathus, who is justly reckoned among the great men of the East, it
was able to fight for its existence, and to hold its own. Odenathus
defeated the rear of Sapor, and was not afraid of facing him in the open
field. All the Arabs from the interior having joined him, as it seems,
he is called _Princeps Saracenorum_ (from ‏شرق‎ to rise, ‏مشرق‎ the
East; as Yemen, the right hand, reckoning from Mecca): the name of
Saracens is to be met with long before Mohammed. Odenathus must have got
together a great force. On the other side also of the Persian empire,
diversions must have been made of which, however, we know nothing: for
the relations of the Persians with their eastern neighbours are
altogether hidden from us.

Valerian died in captivity. Gallienus is reproached for having made no
attempt to ransom his father; but, ought he to have done so by giving up
provinces? This is the time of the so-called thirty tyrants, a term
which has been exploded long ago. Gallienus was a worthless prince,
living only for his lusts, and seeking to take his ease in the midst of
the most dreadful calamities. He always remained in possession of Italy
and of the Noric and Illyrian frontier, and, with hardly an exception,
of Greece and Africa: (for a short time only, his authority in Ægypt was
disputed). In the East, Syria and the eastern provinces of Asia Minor
remained under the rule of Odenathus, and after his death, under that of
his great widow Zenobia: these were in some measure acknowledged by the
senate and by Gallienus, so that the latter even had a triumph for the
victories of Odenathus. From 256, or 260, to 268, Gallienus reigned
alone; but in the meanwhile Gaul, Britain, and Spain, even the whole of
what was afterwards the _Præfectura Gallica_, were torn away by
Postumus, and became a compact territory having its own princes: these
may be called emperors with as much right as Gallienus himself, although
this would be contrary to Roman orthodoxy. Postumus was a very eminent
man: he ruled over this great empire nearly ten years, and, if we may
rely on his coins, gained a succession of brilliant victories over the
Barbarians, particularly the Alemanni, and the Franks. The Alemanni must
at that time have undertaken a wide wasting expedition as far as Spain,
perhaps in the service of one of the then Emperors. The real name of
Postumus is M. Cassianus[60] Latinius Postumus. He has left behind him a
noble reputation; but the misfortunes of Gaul already now begin, as is
proved by the destruction of Autun, which from that time lay in ruins
until the reign of Diocletian: Spain also was devastated by the
Barbarians. At Mentz, Ælianus[61] had usurped the imperial title; but he
was conquered by Postumus, who in his turn lost his life when he would
not let his soldiers pillage that city. He was succeeded by Victorinus,
(his full name is M. Piavvonius Victorinus,) a brave but profligate
general, whose outrages brought upon himself death from the hands of a
deeply injured man. Then followed Marius, a common armourer, and after
him a great Gallic lord, C. Pesuvius Tetricus, who was acknowledged
throughout the whole of what was afterwards called the Gallic
Prefecture, and maintained himself there until the reign of Aurelian.
Here it is plainly to be seen how the division into prefectures was
altogether founded upon circumstances, and by no means an arbitrary one.
The nation now consists of Latinized Celts and Latinized Iberians, who
were distinguished from the Italians by very decided peculiarities of
their own.

The empire of Palmyra, as Eckhel justly remarks in opposition to Gibbon,
did not reach beyond Egypt and the countries of the Levant: Egypt
perhaps it only comprised in the last years, under Claudius Gothicus.
From coins especially, one may learn much, although they are often
enigmatical, that is to say, they give us enigmas to solve which but for
them would have never come to us at all. In Illyricum, Africa, Egypt,
even in peaceful Achaia, pretenders now arose, whose rule indeed lasted
but a short time, yet they most sadly distracted the empire. The whole
of the state, in fact, now consisted of three distinct masses. In the
first place, there was the empire of Rome; secondly, there was the West
or Gallic empire; and thirdly, that of the East. In Gaul, even very far
back indeed, as early as the days of Augustus and Tiberius, a marked
spirit of independence might have been observed, whereas Spain was much
more sincerely united to Rome: in the East, it was quite the reverse,
just as in Gaul. Treves was even at that time the seat of government, as
perhaps it was also under Postumus and Victorinus, although they often
lived at Cologne: Neuwied is called on the inscriptions _Victoriensis_,
which may have some connexion with Victorinus and his mother Victoria.
The _Porta Nigra_ at Treves belongs to this time. It is a Roman gate, on
each side of which there are basilicas: the whole building is of no
older date. The capital of such an empire might well have had large
structures. Taste had already fallen to a very low ebb.




          CLAUDIUS GOTHICUS. AURELIAN. TACITUS. PROBUS. CARUS.


A northern pretender, Aureolus, having marched from Rhætia against
Milan, Gallienus fell during the siege of this town, most likely by the
hands of his own men. He was a curse to the Roman empire, and his death
was its deliverance. After him came a great man, M. Aurelius Claudius,
who received the well-earned name of Gothicus. This emperor had to face
a new invasion of the Goths, who burst in by the Propontis, and once
more destroyed Cyzicus. These now made their appearance in Macedon,
besieged even Thessalonica, and from thence marched into the interior of
the country. There they met with Claudius, and they wished to retreat
back again to the Danube; but Claudius defeated them near Nissa, on the
borders of Bulgaria and Servia, in a great battle in which they were all
but annihilated. New hordes, however, were always pouring in, the East
and West Goths being now joined by the Vandals; and Claudius, while
going on with the war against them, died at Sirmium in the middle of his
career, either of the plague or of an epidemic caused by the war. The
seat of the disease seems to have been in Mœsia, where it did great
havoc, both among the Romans and among the Goths. He was succeeded by
Aurelian.

The victory of Claudius over the Goths had ensured the safety of the
Roman empire, although he still left much undone. The empire of Palmyra
evidently was friendly, and it protected the eastern frontier: with
Tetricus, the relations were at least perfectly peaceful. Claudius
himself had recommended Aurelian as the ablest of his generals, and the
senate and the army swore allegiance to him. Aurelian did great things
during the five years of his reign (until 273): he restored the empire.
One might be tempted to apply to him the remarkable passage in
Curtius;[62] but it is not to be believed that such pure Latin should
have still been written in his reign. Gibbon must have thought this less
unlikely, as far at least as regards the time of Gordian, for which he
decides; but the passage on Tyre,[63] to have any meaning at all, must
be referred to the times of Septimius Severus and Caracalla. Although
Aurelian is no ideal of a character, yet there is much in his reign
which gives one pleasure, like every age in which anything that has
fallen into ruin has been restored. But unhappily there are also here no
sufficient sources; all is obscure: the imperial history, on the whole,
is much more so than that of the republic; we are much better able to
reconstruct the history of the twelfth and thirteenth century from the
chronicles. The accounts we have of Aurelian, although they may be
strung together, form no history: the coins are far safer authorities
for this time, and with these the statements of our wretched historians
cannot be made to agree. Gibbon has done everything that was possible,
nor will his work ever be surpassed.

Aurelian passed the five years of his reign in an activity which beggars
belief, going from one frontier to another, and from war to war. At
first, he wisely made peace with the Goths, to whom he gave up the
claims of Rome on Dacia. This country may have been in a condition like
that of Gaul in the fifth century. The Romans may have kept their ground
only in the impassable places of Transylvania, which he now evacuated,
there being no hope left of driving back the Goths who had made inroads
almost everywhere. The population of Dacia had been so much weakened by
the wars, that the country could not be kept: those who wished to leave
it, now settled in Bulgaria which thereby gained strength.—The war
against the great Zenobia, who was already dreaming of nothing less than
an Asiatic empire, was decided by two battles, at Antioch and at Emesa.
As Zenobia could stand her ground against the Persians, but not against
the Roman legions, her infantry must have been bad: it may be that she
had formed in Syria a militia which overawed the Persians, whereas the
Romans, who did not wish to give arms into the hands of the borderers,
carried on the war with the aid of mercenaries. Zenobia’s defence of
Palmyra did not answer the expectation which was entertained of her
courage; for she fled and was taken prisoner. In her captivity, she
showed herself to be an Asiatic woman, by sacrificing her best advisers
as having beguiled her into bad policy: among these was the ingenious
Longinus. As without doubt, even at that time, there was in many minds
the idea of a Greek Asiatic Empire, an intellectual Greek like Longinus
may indeed have suggested such a thought to his princess. It was one of
the acts which have stained Aurelian’s purple, that he had this
distinguished man put to death; and still worse was his giving up
Palmyra to destruction on account of a rebellion of its inhabitants.

Thus the East was again tranquillized, the peace with the Persians being
secured until the times of Carus, as it seems, by treaties. Aurelian now
returned to Europe to reunite the West with the empire; whereupon he was
met by Tetricus, who felt that his own life was not safe among the
mutinous soldiers, and wished to get himself out of this position: but
the soldiers of Tetricus fought with such spirit in the neighbourhood of
Chalons, that one may see how national was their cause, and how
determined was the wish for separation. It is remarkable that the French
historians have never understood nor discerned the national development
of France, which always renewed itself from the time of Julius Cæsar;
just as they also have ever overlooked the distinctly marked difference
between the literature of Northern and Southern France. It cannot be
accurately made out, whether it was now, or somewhat sooner or later,
that the German tribes broke through the frontier. The Alemanni,
Lombards (Juthungi), and Vandals—the first two at least—passed the Po
and threatened Rome: they were defeated near Fano (_Fanum Fortunæ_),
very nearly in the same neighbourhood where Hasdrubal fell in the second
Punic War.

Aurelian, who could not live without war, was on the eve of renewing
that against the Persians: but he was murdered while on his march, at
the crafty instigation, it is said, of an infamous secretary whose fraud
he had found out. This story, however, is perhaps one of the many tales
which were devised to screen the guilt of the real perpetrators: another
conspiracy had already been discovered once before. The army bewailed
him, and determined that none of the leading men who had had a share in
his murder should reap any advantage from it. This accounts for the
strange demand which the army made to the senate, to appoint the
successor of Aurelian. The senate mistrusted this, or it was afraid that
the soldiers might repent; but the latter are said to have so
steadfastly stood by their declaration, that the empire remained for
eight months without an emperor, nor did any one arise in the provinces.

At last,—so we are told,—Tacitus, the _princeps senatus_, was elected,
who was distinguished for everything that could at all distinguish a
senator,—immense fortune, of which he made a good use; a blameless life;
administrative skill; and in his youth, military valour. On his
election, he gave the senate the promise that he would look upon himself
as its servant; whereupon the senators already began to give themselves
up to their daydreams of freedom and power. The emperor was now to be
their first servant; all rule and might was to be in the hands of the
senate, and the republic was to be restored:—in a word, they expected to
be like the senate of Venice. But that dream lasted but a short time.
Tacitus went to the army in Asia Minor. The statement of his advanced
age rests on the authority of the latest Greeks, and deserves little
credit: the earlier writers say nothing about it. How they could then
have elected an old man in his seventy-sixth year, is scarcely to be
understood, as they needed a military prince. This reminds us of the
Roman Cardinals, who elect an aged Pope to have so much more the hope of
succeeding him themselves. Although Tacitus carried on the war against
the Alans with success, the Romans were not yet rid of their causes for
uneasiness in that quarter. When he died at Tarsus, in all likelihood it
was quietly in his bed, of illness or exhaustion: murder seems not to be
thought of. After his death, the throne was usurped by his brother
Quintilius,[64] to whom however the legions refused obedience.

They proclaimed Probus emperor, who is the most excellent of the Cæsars
of that age. Quite as great a general as Aurelian, he still at the same
time turned his mind to the protection of the empire against foreign
foes, and to raising it at home from the wretched condition into which
it had fallen. He had many rebellions to put down, but he had especially
to wage war against the Alans, the Franks, the Alemanni, and the
Sarmatians. The Franks he drove back into the marshes of the
Netherlands; and he not only defeated the Alemanni, but he also crossed
the Rhine, and regained the Suabian empire: he is likewise said to have
repaired the _limes_. We are told that he wanted to form Germany into a
province, which at that time was much more feasible than it had been
before: for the southern Germans had already become much nearer to the
Romans in their manners. Had Diocletian given himself the same trouble,
and established a Roman power in the south of Germany, he might perhaps
have succeeded.—It would have been possible to collect the Germans into
towns, and to accustom them to a regular city life, for in the reign of
Valentinian, we find them afterwards on the banks of the Neckar already
settled in larger villages and in fortified towns, and no longer in
scattered cottages. Probus achieved an incredible number of great
undertakings in every quarter, crossing the empire from one frontier to
the other with the power and speed of lightning: rest, during the five
years of his reign, he never once enjoyed; but, on the other hand, he
was unspeakably beloved by his people. Once also he triumphed in Rome,
as Aurelian had likewise done: yet his coins not only bear the legend,
_Invicto Imperatori Probo_, but also _Bono Imperatori Probo_. The
soldiers only became estranged from him, because he made their work too
hard, as he exacted from them, besides all their military duty,
task-service for the restoration of the provinces. Like Aurelian and
Decius, he came from the neighbourhood of the _Limes Illyricus_, being
perhaps descended from military settlers; and therefore he wished to
revive tillage in the neighbourhood of Sermium, and to drain the fens.
To this unwholesome labour he kept the soldiers, employing them in
digging the drains. As he did not yield to any representations made to
him, the soldiers can scarcely be blamed when in their despair they
would bear the heavy yoke no longer. He was murdered in the year 282;
yet they still wept over his loss.

After his death, they raised the _præfectus prætorio_ Carus to the
throne. Whether Carus was born at Rome, or in Illyricum, or at Narbonne,
we do not know: in a letter which is still extant, he calls himself a
Roman senator,—a proof that the _senatus consultum_ in the reign of
Gallienus, that no senator should be a general, must have been something
different from what is generally believed, and even Gibbon thinks it to
have been. Perhaps Gallienus only took away from the senators the
government of the provinces with the _imperium_, so that this was put an
end to altogether, except in the short time of the reign of Tacitus; but
even then, he did not shut them out from every kind of military command.
As Carus also was quite in his element when there was a war, he led his
soldiers against the Persians with the most signal success; and this was
the last war but one in which this was the case: he is said to have
retaken Ctesiphon; but this cannot be positively asserted. However this
may be, Persia had lost the power which she had in the days of
Ardaschir; and the Persian king Bahram, who was paralysed by fear, was
quite unable to make head against the Roman army. Carus penetrated very
far beyond the Persian frontier. Here he is said to have been struck by
lightning in his tent:—whether this be true, or whether he did not
rather fall by the hands of assassins, we cannot make out for certain.
The soldiers, however, could not be got to advance any further: the omen
of the _prætorium_ struck by lightning was too dreadful. Numerian the
son of Carus, a well educated and well-bred young man, good-hearted but
unwarlike, was in the camp; the other one, Carinus, had remained in
Rome: the latter was another Commodus, being a profligate and a tyrant.
Numerian died, and the _præfectus prætorio_, Arrius Aper, is said to
have concealed his death to found his own dominion on it. But it was
detected; and it was laid to the charge of Aper by the Illyrian
Diocletian, who was backed by the favour of the army. Being the most
distinguished of the generals, he put forth claims to the throne: as for
Carinus, he had made himself so hateful by his profligacy, that the army
would not hear of him. Diocletian stabbed Aper with his own hands. A
female soothsayer had told him that he should ascend the throne, if he
killed an _aper_; and therefore in all his hunts, he had tried to kill a
wild boar. The oracle now came true. Carinus gathered together the
legions of the west, and great battle in Mœsia decided the fate of the
throne. For when Carinus was on the point of gaining the victory, he was
stabbed by a man whom he had foully wronged; and the soldiers now
acknowledged Diocletian, who had been all but beaten, as their emperor,
285.




 DIOCLETIAN. LITERATURE AND GENERAL STATE OF THE THEN WORLD. MAXIMIAN.
                      HIS SUCCESSORS. CONSTANTINE.


The reign of Diocletian forms a great epoch in Roman history. He shows
himself everywhere a distinguished man: although we may censure many of
his plans, yet even to have made an attempt is a proof of that ability
which shines forth in everything that he did, and in the whole of his
reign. There now follows a time which, when compared with the former
ones, is one of recovery, and which lasted about an hundred years, down
to the battle of Hadrianople (378). During this period, the government
is settled in one dynasty, and the establishment of the Christian
religion is greatly facilitated. One great source of relief was, the
ceasing of some years, ever since Probus, of the frightful plague which
had so long wasted the Roman empire. It had first made its appearance in
the reign of M. Antoninus and L. Verus, when, however, it was far from
spreading over every part of the world; even in the time of Septimius
Severus, as we know from Tertullian, it had not yet visited Africa:
about the middle of the third century, until just before the reign of
Decius, epidemics are mentioned. The real terrible plague broke out in
the days of Decius (249), although I would not take it upon myself to
say that it did not exist previously: in the reign of Commodus, and also
of Caracalla, there was a very fierce plague at Rome; but in that of
Decius it spreads all over the Roman empire, making dreadful ravages
even in Africa and Egypt as well. Thus it still continues. Claudius dies
at Sirmium of the plague in 270, and in the days of Gallienus and
Valerian its fury is unabated: as many as two thousand people are said
at times to have died at Rome in one day. Dionysius the bishop tells us
that, when the plague had left off in Alexandria, the number of all the
grown up persons from fourteen to seventy, was not greater than what had
formerly been the number of those who were between forty and seventy;
whence it follows, that about the third part only—not, as Gibbon states,
one half of the inhabitants had remained alive. From the beginning of
this period, date the last writings of Saint Cyprian, and his remarkable
treatise against Demetrian, in which this great mortality is distinctly
acknowledged: even at that time, people had begun to lay this decrease
of the human race to the charge of the Christians. After the black
death, as Matteo Villani, a contemporary writer, remarks, when people
thought that they should have everything in abundance, just the reverse
took place, namely a grievous famine, owing to there not being men
enough to till the fields. This also happened now; and it was even yet a
great deal worse, as the finest countries were laid waste by the ravages
of the barbarians.

In the same proportion as the world was made desolate, did intellect
also decay. Until the middle of the third century, the western world was
very civilized; we still meet with distinguished poetical talent, and
jurisprudence reached its highest state of development: but after that
time, down to the days of Constantine, we already find throughout it the
most downright barbarism: in the plastic arts, the decline begins even
as early as in the times of Septimius Severus, the busts alone being
still somewhat tolerable. As for poems, that of Nemesian on the chase,
and the eclogues of Calpurnius in the reign of Carinus, are very
characteristic of the age: it is sheer verse-making. Prose is no longer
to be met with. There is indeed not one writer of it worth mentioning,
except Lactantius the contemporary of Constantine, who has made the
style of Cicero quite his own: even as Curtius is a reproduction of
Livy, so is Lactantius of Cicero. Yet the man himself is also
interesting: in his seventh book, he shows real imagination. Before him
lived Arnobius, who is instructive and useful, his erudition being of
great value to us; but he is without originality.

In the East, a different class of writers had arisen. Instead of people
trying, as in the second and third centuries, to reproduce the ancient
Attic, the language of Plato and Demosthenes, which Dio Chrysostom and
several others after him had done; there sprang up in the third century,
from the times of Ammonius in Syria, the so-called New-Platonism, a
system which aimed at higher things, and from the intellect which there
was in it, was widely different from the rhetorical school before it.
But it became thoroughly unreal, inasmuch as its votaries tampered with
the hallowed mysteries of former times, being ashamed of them in their
old form, and had foisted in what was altogether foreign to it.

Of the events which now follow, I can give you but an outline, such as
every one ought to know by heart. Too great a stress was formerly laid
on such a chronological skeleton of history; yet it ought not to be
altogether neglected: the succession of the Roman emperors, with the
dates of their reigns, is what every one ought to have in his memory.
Diocletian had reigned for about a year, when, without any external
cause, he took his countryman Maximian as his colleague. Of Diocletian
we have many hostile accounts; but they are very much exaggerated, nor
are they the only ones. It is said that his father had been a slave, or
at best a freedman; by this, however, a _colonus_, perhaps is meant,
that is to say, a serf from the Dalmatian frontier. He cannot himself
have been a slave, as slaves were not yet at that time received in the
legions: the derivation of his name from Doclea, a town on the Dalmatian
frontier, is a very likely one indeed. Diocletian had risen in the army
by his own merit, a fact which sufficiently refutes the charge of
cowardice brought against him as well as many other great generals, such
as Napoleon. Against the latter also this charge is highly unjust. He
often wanted moral courage, as, for instance, on the 19th of Brumaire;
but the courage of a general he had. He is taxed with cowardice in cases
when he did not choose to place himself in a position in which he could
neither see nor hear, and thus neglect his duties as a general; but in
so doing he was perfectly justified. Only he ought to have died at
Waterloo: his leaving that battlefield can never be excused.—Diocletian
was, on the whole, a mild man. On two occasions only, he laid himself
open to the charge of cruelty,—in his chastisement of the rebels at
Alexandria, and in his persecution of the Christians, to the latter of
which he was beguiled in his old age by Galerius. Maximian, on the
contrary, was a coarse and cruel man, who murdered the Roman nobles to
get held of their treasures; or because he had been offended; or else
because their very rank annoyed him: for the senate seems now to have
become more and more hereditary.

Diocletian, who was a man of uncommon shrewdness, could not disguise
from himself, how highly dangerous it was to keep jarring elements
together by force. He therefore bethought himself of what would seem the
strange plan of healing the many splits between the East and the West by
a distinct government for each under different princes, they being,
however, so united by one common centre, as still to form one whole.
This worked well so long as he reigned himself. The legislative power,
the consulship, and the high offices were to be in common: but in both
parts of the empire there was to be a distinct _Augustus_; and by the
side of every Augustus a _Cæsar_ as his coadjutor, who was to succeed to
the throne after his death. The latter clause was to prevent the throne
from being kept vacant, or being given away by the soldiers. It would
seem that the senior Augustus had the right of naming the Cæsars. The
_Præfectura Galliarum_ (which consisted of Gaul, Britain, and Spain),
together with Mauretania, was to have a Cæsar; Italy and Africa were
placed under the immediate rule of the Augustus. The countries on the
Danube, Pannonia and Mœsia (afterwards the _præfectura_ of Illyria),
were likewise under a Cæsar: the other Augustus had the whole of the
East. All these were ingenious combinations: but they showed by their
result, what such combinations will generally lead to.

Diocletian reigned for twenty years (from 285 to 305), and then by his
paramount influence, he got Maximian to resign his dignity at the same
time with him (May 1st, 305); so that, while he was yet living, the
machine might be set up anew. The Cæsar in the East, Galerius, and his
colleague Constantius, were both of them Illyrians. The former was a
common soldier who had gotten the surname of _Armentarius_ from having
been a drover; the other (to whom we do not give the name of Chlorus, as
it is only to be found in Byzantine writers, and not even in the earlier
ones, nor on coins; and as we are not able to make out its derivation)
was of high birth, his father being a man of rank in the diocese of
Illyricum, and his mother a niece of the Emperor Claudius Gothicus. The
two were of a very different stamp. Constantius was an accomplished and
well educated gentleman; Galerius was a rough fellow: both of them,
however, were distinguished generals, though indeed Galerius was the
bolder of the two. This division led afterwards to that of the empire
into prefectures: not only every Augustus, but also every Cæsar had his
_præfectus prætorio_; whence arose the four dioceses, each of which had
a _præfectus_, as we see at a later period, there being traces of it
even in the times of Justinian. Of the other measures of Diocletian, we
shall mention here but the following. He transplanted the ceremonial of
the East into his court: neither of the two emperors, however, resided
at Rome; Maximian lived at Milan; Diocletian, in Nicomedia. Whatever may
be said of Constantine, he was a great man: one of the many traits which
mark him as such, is his not overlooking the situation of Byzantium. If
those who founded Chalcedon were called blind by the oracle, Diocletian
also is among the blind. In those eastern parts therefore, in which
Asiatic manners spread more and more, Diocletian completely adopted the
etiquette of the East.

The most important events in this reign, are the revolt of Britain under
Carausius; a rising in Egypt; and the Persian war, the most glorious for
a long time which the Romans had waged, and even the last glorious war
of all.

Carausius—the admiral of a fleet stationed at Bononia (Boulogne) to keep
in check the Franks and other tribes in the Netherlands, who had already
begun to carry on piracy—revolted; made himself master of Britain; and
assumed the title of Augustus. After having once been even acknowledged
by Diocletian and Maximian, he was murdered by his own soldiers: his
successor Allectus, who seized the reins of government after him, was
overpowered by Constantius.—The reduction of Egypt was achieved by
Diocletian himself: after a long siege, Alexandria had to surrender at
discretion, and was severely punished.—Against Persia, Galerius had the
command for two campaigns; and though, at first, he suffered a defeat,
he afterwards gained a decided victory, routing and scattering the
Persians, whose king was obliged to make peace. Armenia was recognised
as a tributary dependency of Rome; Aderbidjan, with Tauris its capital,
was given up by Persia to Armenia; Rome likewise gained the countries
south of Lake Van as far as Mosul to the east, that is to say the
countries on the Euphrates and Tigris, even beyond the eastern banks of
the latter river. This happened A. D. 296, four years after the
appointment of the _Cæsares_. Time hinders me from dwelling on the
persecutions of the Christians by Diocletian; so that I shall only
remark that Diocletian and his counsellors, going against the stream,
and quite heedless of the wants of the age (even looking upon the matter
in a worldly point of view), sought to crush the Christian religion.
This led them to that shocking persecution, which, however, was not so
frightful as we are wont to believe it to have been. Dodwell is right in
saying that it was nothing to what the Duke of Alva did in the
Netherlands. Yet it was after all a struggle against the tide: for
whenever a people wills a thing in good earnest, it does not allow
itself to be kept back. Annihilation or slavery alone are able to stop
its onward march.

The results of the new measures were like those which we have seen
during the last forty years in Europe, where constitutions have been
drawn up, which when brought to bear on life and its real business, have
worked quite differently from what had been expected. After Diocletian
and Maximian’s resignation, Constantius and Galerius succeeded as
_Augusti_, and the places of the Cæsars became vacant. As the _Augusti_
were bound to make Milan or Nicomedia their abode, Constantius remained
in Gaul, where his court was generally at Treves. In his stead, a Cæsar
was to be appointed, who had to rule over Africa and Italy; and
Galerius, claiming the right of nomination, made choice of another
Illyrian named Severus: over the East he set his own nephew Maximinus
Daza, a common soldier, to whom he gave the administration of Syria and
Egypt, while he himself remained in Nicomedia, and kept Illyricum,
Greece, and Asia Minor. The persecution of the Christians went on at a
fearful rate, but without any effect; so that at last it was even
obliged to slacken.

Diocletian remained quiet during all these changes; but old Maximian did
not approve of them. He returned from Lucania to Rome, where he again
came forth as an Augustus, and got the senate to proclaim his son
Maxentius a Cæsar instead of Severus. Soon afterwards, Constantius died,
and the legions proclaimed his son Constantine Augustus; but Galerius,
who had formerly plotted against his life, wished to acknowledge him as
Cæsar only, and on the other hand, appointed Severus Augustus, and set
him on against Maximian and Maxentius. But Severus died in his attempt
to invade Italy, and Constantine for the present submitted to the
degradation.

Constantine was the son of Constantius’ first wife Helena, a woman of
low birth from Roussillon, whom her husband had been obliged to put away
that he might marry Theodora, a stepdaughter of Maximian. Constantine
was thirty-two years old, when his father died. He is a truly great man,
and on him the attention of the whole of the then Roman world was
directed. Though not an accomplished scholar, neither yet was he an
untaught barbarian, as he spoke Greek and Latin.

Whilst Constantine contented himself with establishing his power in the
three western provinces, Galerius undertook to avenge the death of
Severus on Maxentius. He therefore came with an army to Italy, and
advanced as far as Narni; but there he found himself so closely hemmed
in by the forces of old Maximian, and so little supported, that he had
to retreat and make peace. How it was concluded, we have in truth no
account whatever. After the death of Severus, Galerius had given up
Illyricum to Licinius, and had bestowed on him at the same time the
title of Augustus; the east he had assigned to Maximinus Daza: he
acknowledged Constantine as Augustus. Thus the Roman world had no more
Cæsars, but six _Augusti_,—Galerius, Licinius, Maximin in the east;
Maximian, Maxentius, and Constantine in the west. Notwithstanding this,
there was no peace, and the artificial combination of Diocletian proved
insufficient. Maximian had given his daughter Fausta in marriage to
Constantine, who therefore divorced himself from his first wife
Minervina. But dissensions arose between Maximian and his son Maxentius.
Maxentius, who was a fell tyrant in the style of Caracalla, had no
dutiful feelings towards a father who had raised him to the throne; and
he answered the claims of his father to rule the state, by the counter
demand that he should retire from public affairs. The prætorians, whom
Maxentius had brought out again from the obscurity into which Diocletian
had thrown them, decided that Maxentius should reign alone. Maximian now
went to his daughter in Gaul, where at first he met with a friendly
reception; but he soon got embroiled with Constantine. When the latter
tried to secure himself against him, Maximian, who was not able to stand
his ground at Arles, fled to Marseilles, where he was besieged, and
delivered up as a victim by his own troops. He fell into Constantine’s
power, who made him kind promises; notwithstanding which, under the
pretext of his having set on foot a conspiracy, he was soon afterwards
put to death.

Shortly after began the war of Constantine with Maxentius, so memorable
for its important consequences in history, and not less memorable for
the triumphal arch of Constantine and Raphael’s painting of the battle.
Maxentius ruled Italy as a tyrant, and the oppression of the people had
increased. Italy had hitherto been free from the land-tax, having only
indirect taxes and a legacy duty to pay; but Maxentius, to whom this,
and the revenues raised from Africa, did not yet appear sufficient,
proceeded to lay a land and an income tax on Italy. Then was Constantine
called upon for help.—In the meanwhile also, Galerius had died, and the
European part of his empire had been taken by Licinius, and the Asiatic
by Maximin.—Constantine, at the head of a greatly superior force,
crossed Mount Cenis; defeated the troops of Maxentius near Turin;
marched against Verona, a very strong fortress; besieged it and beat an
army which came to its relief; took it, and advanced by the Via Flaminia
towards Rome. Maxentius met him three Italian miles from the Porta
Collina, near Ponte Mollo. But his whole army was routed and himself
killed; and Constantine, amid the general exultation, took possession of
Rome.

Soon afterwards, a war broke out in the East between Maximin and
Licinius, Their forces encountered near the Thracian Heraclea, when
Licinius conquered with a considerably weaker army: Maximin surrendered
at discretion in Tarsus, and was condemned to die. There were now but
two emperors left, Constantine in the west, Licinius in the east.
Between these two, before long, the first war arose, A. D. 314, in which
Constantine gained the victory at the battles of Cibalis and Mardia, and
Licinius sought and obtained peace on condition of giving up Illyricum,
Macedon, and Greece; so that he had only left to him the Asiatic
countries, Egypt, and Thrace, such a large and rich dominion, that no
state of modern Europe is to be compared to it. After nine years (323),
a new war broke out, although Licinius was married to Constantia a
half-sister of Constantine, and had children by her. For this struggle,
Licinius had equipped a fleet, as had also Constantine: it was the first
war since the battle of Actium, in which the Roman Emperors brought
fleets into action. Constantine gained a victory near Adrianople; and
Crispus, his son by Minervina, who commanded the fleet, decided the war
by the battle of Scutari, and forced the Hellespont. Near Chrysopolis,
he crossed over to Asia, and again beat the enemy’s reserves: on this,
Licinius fled to Cilicia. Here he capitulated. Constantine at first
promised him his life; but he did not keep his word: nay, after some
time, he even had Licinius, the son of his own sister, a guiltless and
most hopeful boy, likewise put to death. Here Constantine first showed
signs of cruelty, from which he had hitherto kept himself quite free.

Thus the whole world was again brought into unity. The rest of
Constantine’s reign is not very rich in remarkable events. He carried on
wars against the Goths and Sarmatians, the latter of whom dwelt in those
days from the Theiss to Moravia, whilst the Goths were masters of Dacia.
The Sarmatians make their appearance as the lords of vanquished Germans;
and these serfs, when arms are put into their hands, take advantage of
the opportunity to rid themselves of the yoke. Now were the Sarmatians
obliged to apply to the Romans for protection, and they were scattered
in all directions under the name of Limigantes: hence a Sarmatian colony
as far off as the Moselle, is mentioned by Ausonius. Constantine
undoubtedly ruled from the Roman Wall in Scotland to the borders of
Khurdistan, and to Mount Atlas, just as Diocletian did.

The restoration of the Empire had begun under Diocletian, and it must
also have quite recovered under the rule of Constantine and his sons.
One great drawback, however, was the very heavy weight of taxation which
Diocletian had devised and Constantine had completed, and the system of
indictions. A province was valued in the lump, and assessed at a fixed
sum, which was divided into _capita_ (quotas); and these _capita_ were
imposed in an arbitrary manner, sometimes several of them on one man,
and sometimes one on several persons. The details of this system are not
yet sifted as much as one would wish, although Savigny has written a
very fine treatise on the subject.[65] The chief revenues were those
which were derived from the land-tax, and from personal taxes. These
burthens daily became more oppressive as the expense of the army
increased, which was more and more composed of mercenaries. It is
evident that the value of every kind of produce had now quite fallen
off, and with this the complete change of the monetary system was
connected. In the third century, silver of a very bad standard was
coined, but the currency was not changed: the state seems to have paid
in bad silver, and to have required gold in exchange at the rate of good
old silver. The sesterces are done away with, and henceforth we meet
with the _aurei_, which were formerly mentioned only in connexion with
the pay of the soldiers, and even then but seldom. This most wretched
coinage, of which all the collections of the kind in Europe may afford
specimens,—these chiefly belong to the times between Valerian and
Probus,—gave occasion for a great deal of counterfeit money, of which
the dies and the whole apparatus have every now and then been found in
France. The bad money also accounts for the strange story in Aurelian’s
life of an insurrection, of which the master of the mint is said to have
been the prime mover. Aurelian, in fact, may have tried to bring in
again the good currency, whereas the master of the mint, on his side,
may have found his profit in the bad money; just as Itzig and others did
in the Seven Years’ War. Constantine, however, made the _aureus_
lighter, in the ratio of 72 to 45, which, as it was a very great relief
to the rate payers and to those who were in debt, was a very wise
measure. On the whole, there are among his laws not a few sensible and
beneficial ones. Others, on the contrary, are mischievous; for instance,
he pressed very hardly upon the municipalities.

Historians say that in the beginning of his reign, Constantine was
_optimis principibus accensendus_; but afterwards _mediis_, or _vix
mediis_. Gibbon judged of him with great fairness; otherwise, he has met
with scarcely any but fanatical admirers or detractors, and the manner
in which he was idolized by the Eastern church is so bad, that one might
easily go into the other extreme. The war against Maxentius was a
benefit, and the subjects also of Licinius were freed by his defeat from
a very harsh master. The death of Licinius, on the other hand, and that
of Crispus, are very ugly facts: but we ought not, after all, to be
harder upon Constantine than upon others. His motives in establishing
the Christian religion are something very strange indeed. The religion
there was in his head, must have been a rare jumble. On his coins, he
has the _Sol invictus_; he worships pagan deities, consults the
_haruspices_, holds heathen superstitions; and yet he shuts up the
temples and builds churches. As the president of the Nicene council, we
can only look upon him with disgust: he was himself no Christian at all,
and he would only be baptized when in _articulo mortis_. He had taken up
the Christian Faith as a superstition, which he mingled with all his
other superstitions. When therefore eastern writers speak of him as an
ἰσαπόστολος, they do not know what they are saying; and to call him even
a saint, is a profanation of the word.

In other respects, Constantine was not a bad man. He had much about him
which was like Hadrian, except only as to learning, in which he was very
deficient; for though indeed he knew Greek very well, he was destitute
of every literary accomplishment: the increasing irritability of the
last years of his life, which betrayed him into deeds of cruelty, he has
in common with Hadrian. Well known is the unfortunate death of his son
Crispus, whom he first banished to Pola, and then caused to be executed:
but as yet no proof has been brought to show that he died innocent. His
father refused him the title of Augustus, and he was also the son of a
repudiated wife; so that hence may have arisen feelings of jealousy
against the children of Fausta, his brothers, and he may thus have been
drawn into a plot against his father. Yet, even then, his death must be
deemed a shocking event. There is another story, which is that
Constantine’s wife Fausta was suffocated in a bath by his orders.
Against this, Gibbon has raised very weighty objections, as even after
Constantine’s death, Fausta was still alive: in the accounts, she is
represented as a Phædra. In the meanwhile, Constantine had founded a new
Rome in Constantinople, of which the situation is so fine. With his
three half brothers, Constantius, Dalmatius, and Hannibalianus, he lived
in exemplary harmony. Hannibalianus died without issue; Dalmatius had
two sons, Hannibalianus and Dalmatius; Julius Constantius likewise had
two, Julian and Gallus: he himself had three sons, Constantine,
Constans, and Constantius. He now, towards the end of his life, divided
the empire among these three sons and the children of Dalmatius; and he
died at Nicomedia, after having completed his darling city of
Constantinople, A. D. 337.




THE SUCCESSORS OF CONSTANTINE. JULIAN THE APOSTATE. JOVIAN. VALENTINIAN
   I. VALENS, GRATIAN. VALENTINIAN II. THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. MAXIMUS.


It would seem that people are wrong in thinking it strange that
Constantine should also have appointed Dalmatius and Hannibalianus. He
did it, not because they had any claims; but without doubt that he might
be able, if any dissensions should arise between his sons, to throw one
weight more into the scale; so that his family might, at all events be
kept on the throne. His wish to promote harmony was not, however,
fulfilled. The causes of the outbreak are by no means clear, nor do we
know how it happened that the provisions of the will were not adhered
to: the statements which have been made about it, may have some truth in
them, but they sound rather apocryphal. Just as little can we make out
how far Constantius was guilty: heathens and orthodox Christians unite
in their hatred against him, which is perhaps the reason why he seems to
us still blacker than he really was. In short, there broke out a
military insurrection at Constantinople; the will of Constantine was
declared to be a forgery; the brothers of Constantine, and the two
princes Dalmatius and Hannibalianus were killed, and with them the
_præfectus prætorio_ Ablavius, and many other followers of Constantine.
The division was now made in the manner which we have already seen in
the times of Aurelian and Diocletian: Constantine, the eldest brother,
who was twenty-one years of age, got the West, and had Gaul, Spain, and
Britain; Constans, who was twenty, the _præfectura Italiæ_, and also
Illyricum; and Constantius, who was a youth of seventeen, the
_præfectura orientis_. Constantius was soon involved in a war with Sapor
king of Persia, which lasted with uninterrupted ill success from 337 to
361. Constantine and Constans likewise soon became at feud, as the
former demanded from his brother the cession of Africa as a compensation
to maintain the balance of power, because Constans had Illyricum and
Dalmatia:—it seems that Constantine likewise had Rhætia and Noricum.
Constantine (who on coins is called _junior_) burst upon the states of
Constans from the Norican frontier; but soon met with a decisive
overthrow, and lost his life. Constans now took possession of the West,
for which Constantius may have had a slight compensation in Illyricum.
Constans enjoyed his triumph for some years, but at last had his reward.
He was a worthless prince. Of the three brothers, Constantius seems to
have been the most bearable, although he himself also was not good for
much: he was entirely under the government of his chamberlains the
eunuchs, who, quite in the Persian fashion, held the first place in his
court. Constans was a profligate, violent man, and thus he gave rise to
much exasperation in Gaul where he resided. In that country lived
Magnentius, a general of barbarian origin, altogether rude and
illiterate, who very likely could not even read nor write:—such a thing
would have been impossible in the second century, and it is a proof of
the utter degeneracy of the times, that such ignorant people could
become generals. Magnentius raised a rebellion at Autun, on which
Constans fled, trying to reach the sea so as to cross over to Africa;
but before he was able to embark, he was overtaken and slain at
Illiberis (also called Helena) in Roussillon by the horsemen of his foe.
Against Magnentius, another general, Vetranio, arose in Illyria; but he
sought to connect himself with Constantius, and being welcomed as a
friend and enticed into a conference, he had to lay down his diadem at
the feet of his ally, who was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers. On
this occasion, Constantius did not show himself cruel. He now marched
against Magnentius, and near Mursa (which is now Essek in Sclavonia), he
won a victory over a superior force: in this battle, he seems to have
behaved well. Magnentius then fled to Italy: but every body there
zealously espoused the cause of Constantius, and he afterwards lost
another battle in Gaul; so that no other choice was left him but to take
away his own life. Constantius was now sole ruler again.

In the meanwhile, the affairs of the East had got a great deal worse. Of
nine great battles in the Persian war, eight were decidedly unfavourable
to the Romans: the night-engagement alone near Singara, was somewhat of
a success; but even then their attack upon the camp was likewise a
failure. Constantius gave his cousin Gallus the name of Constantius, and
the dignity of Cæsar: he may even have thought of adopting the children
of his uncle, as he had not any children of his own. Julian and Gallus,
the sons of Julius Constans, had by a lucky chance been preserved in the
general tumult after Constantine’s death, the former of these being six,
and the latter twelve years old at the time of their father’s murder:
Constantius’ having no children had saved their lives. They were removed
from the court, and kept prisoners in a castle of the old Cappadocian
kings near Cæsarea, not being allowed to go out of the bounds of the
district; they, however, received a careful education, for which Julian
was most happily fitted, but Gallus had no capacity whatever. In this
manner they lived, until Constantius (when he marched against
Magnentius, an affair which engaged him for two years) sent for Gallus,
and must have adopted him. He made him Cæsar, and gave him the command
of the East, where Sapor was carrying on the war very sluggishly, having
perhaps plenty to do on the borders of India, and on the banks of the
Oxus. Gallus made a very bad use of his good luck: he and his wife
Constantina, the daughter of the great Constantine, were equally savage
and cruel, and the East suffered severely. When Constantius had ended
the war in the West, the grievances of the East reached his ears. Gallus
had murdered two commissioners of the emperor, who had been sent to
watch him: this deserved to be punished. He was summoned to
Constantinople without his having any the least foreboding of what
awaited him; in Thrace, he was separated from his legions, which in the
meanwhile were made to take the oaths to Constantius; then he was
arrested, and brought to trial, and, as he was not able to clear
himself, executed at Pola, where Crispus also had been put to death.

The emperor now sent (A. D. 355) for Julian, who by the Christian
writers is called _Apostata_, παραβάτης, while the few pagan ones of
later times, Eunapius, Zosimus, and Libanius, speak of him with
enthusiastic epithets, and cannot exalt him too highly: he was
twenty-four years of age. Constantius proclaimed him emperor, on which
he went to court with a trembling heart, expecting to meet there with
his death; but he found a friendly reception, and even a protectress in
the empress Eusebia. He was married to the princess Helena, who in all
likelihood was much older than himself. He had some time before that
been set free from captivity, and allowed to reside in Ionia and at
Athens, for which last place his heart yearned. He was a true Greek,
having always lived in Hellenized countries. Greek was his mother
tongue: he thought and felt like a Greek, Latin being to him as a
foreign language. Constantius bestowed on him the command of Gaul, the
whole of which land he himself, for the sake of making a diversion in
his war against Magnentius, had brought into a wretched plight by
abandoning it to the Alemanni and the Franks. Of this they had made a
fearful use: Cologne, Mentz, Treves, Tongres, all the towns in Roman
Germany were sacked and burned to ashes; the whole country was thrown
into a state of desolation from which it did not recover. The Franks
were already settled in northern Brabant, and the Alemanni on both banks
of the Rhine; the Roman _limes_ was lost altogether. Julian, although
the forces which he had were most ill-fitted to free Gaul from these
enemies, fulfilled his task very well: the Roman discipline was very
much fallen off, so that the soldiers looked upon their antagonists as
one would upon a superior foe; and besides this, the intrigues at court,
perhaps without any fault of Constantius, were busily employed in
foiling Julian’s undertaking. In five campaigns, he marched as Cæsar
against the Germans, and won brilliant victories over the Franks and the
Alemanni; but though he more than once crossed the Rhine, he never
penetrated far into Germany. At the end of his warfare, he had regained
possession of the _limes_ from Helvetia to the Lower Rhine: yet he was
obliged to leave the Franks in Belgium, though indeed they acknowledged
the supremacy of Rome, and furnished troops for which she paid money.
After these splendid successes, when he had gotten the love of the
soldiers and the provincials, the intrigues at court revived: they
wanted to take away from him the most considerable part of his army; his
soldiers were to leave him, and to set out for the East. But as these
had become quite domesticated in the province, being bound to it by
family ties, inasmuch as on the whole they had been changed about but
little; they were filled with despair when they were told to march,
and—so say Julian and his partisans—giving loose to their ill humour,
they renounced Constantius and had proclaimed Julian emperor. Now it is
indeed possible that the agitation originated with the soldiers; at
least, there is nothing said anywhere to the contrary: but, for all
that, I cannot believe that he was so amazingly conscientious as he
makes himself out to have been, especially as with all his great
qualities, there was a good deal of ostentation about Julian. Certain it
is that he made overtures to Constantius, and that he wanted to be his
colleague as Augustus; but Constantius, although he had no children of
his own, was foolish enough not to enter into them, and chose rather to
embark in a civil war, when Sapor had already taken Singara and Amida,
and was now threatening the whole of the East. Blood would have been
shed, had not his death luckily put a stop to it. Constantius, who often
kept his court at Antioch, was on his way from thence to Constantinople,
travelling in the wake of his army, when he died in Cilicia, whilst
Julian was already approaching.

Constantius’ reign is particularly remarkable for the Arian persecution
of the Homoousians and the orthodox party, especially of the great
Bishop Athanasius. The latter displayed in it a wonderful strength of
character, and the most striking power over the minds of a vast
population: of this one may find the details in the ecclesiastical
history of that lover of truth, the Abbé Fleury. During his reign,
likewise, was the Arian council of Rimini held, which was directed
against that of Nice; but other councils, particularly in Julian’s days,
very soon renounced it.

Julian’s is an ever memorable name, which has sometimes been overrated
beyond measure, and on the other hand cried down in the most unworthy
manner. Distinguished men of most opposite minds have during the last
fifty years turned their attention to him; first of all, Gibbon, who was
not, however, carried away by his anti-christian feelings, but very
readily acknowledges his weak points; then Eckhel in his work on coins,
wherein he shows so much candour of judgment, that I altogether refer
you to him; and last of all, Neander, whose treatise on Julian is
excellent.

Julian was a man of uncommon talent: one has only to read his writings
to see this. He was truly Attic; since Dio Chrysostom, Greece has not
had such an elegant Attic writer: he is far superior to Libanius. That
he was a distinguished general, a humane and paternal ruler in Gaul,
is beyond all doubt: he was also great in delaying to march against
Constantius, that in the meanwhile he might still fight against the
barbarians, so as to hinder them from breaking out. The purity of his
morals was spotless; his passions were completely under control: his
only happiness was to live entirely in thought. Yet, leaving aside the
truth of the Christian religion, we cannot but acknowledge that the
attempt to revive Paganism was a downright absurdity. Heathenism, as a
real popular faith, had long since been dead; its place had been taken
by Neo-Platonism, the groundwork of which indeed was Monotheism, and
which was ingeniously tricked out with a good deal of eastern
demonology and theology, with theurgy and thaumaturgy. All the old
legends of the gods had been allegorized: people saw in Homer and the
other old writers everything but what the Greeks had seen in them. Had
the religion still lived in tradition, it would have still been able
to make a struggle, now it was impossible. This artificial,
new-fangled system, which itself was partly borrowed from
Christianity, was at most suited for one or two Metaphysicians.
Besides Julian and his counsellors and court-philosophers, such a
creed could not have numbered five hundred or a thousand followers:
moreover there was in the provinces a crowd of negative partisans, who
only cared to oppose Christianity. It was, therefore, in fact a
counter-revolutionary undertaking: he wished to introduce a hierarchy
into paganism, to create quite a new heathen religion which was much
nearer Gnosticism than that of the Hellenes, to which indeed it was
diametrically opposed. As it was impossible for him to carry this
through, he was driven to use tyranny and craft; and yet he could not
succeed after all. Christianity was certainly far from being the faith
of the majority as yet; but it had firmly taken root.

The lines of Prudentius[66] on Julian are the best thing which has been
said of him, doing the greatest honour, both to him who made them, and
to him on whom they were made:—

             ——_Ductor fortissimus armis,
             Conditor et legum celeberrimus, ore manuque
             Consultor patriæ;——
             Perfidus ille Deo, sed non et perfidus orbi._

The absurdities of Julian in the whole of this undertaking are manifest:
hence arose his follies and his tyrannical acts, however mild he may
otherwise have been. The late Count Stolberg thought that the whole life
at the court of his uncle Constantius, which was looked upon as
Christian, was his full excuse. Julian with a cruel sneer forbade the
Christians to read the classic authors in their schools: “Ye despise
them,” said he, “and ye will have nothing to do with the heathen gods;
well then, ye ought not to know anything of their literature either.” In
many particular cases, he showed the greatest partiality; not only when
the pagans again took possession of the temples which had been shut up,
and of the estates which belonged to them, but also in actual
litigations. Real persecutions were out of question; but religion was
made a source of suffering.

Having already set out for the East against Constantius, he continued
his march even after his death. He staid for a year in Antioch, where
his philosophical strictness came into conflict with the frivolity and
luxury of the people. Since the days of Hadrian it had been the fashion
to wear beards; but, as Constantine and his sons used to shave, Julian,
so long as he was at court, was obliged to do the same: in Gaul,
however, he let his beard grow again, as it was a badge of the Greek
philosophers; and for this the people of Antioch now railed at him, From
Libanius and John Chrysostom, we learn that they were a thoroughly good
for nothing set, having all the vices of an overgrown city. By them he
was now received with hatred: there may have been, ever since the time
of Constantius, a hostile party to him in the place; his simplicity,
which indeed was carried to the verge of affectation, was offensive to
them. Another thing in his way, was the Christian religion, which,
although in the East it certainly was still that of the minority, had
both life and energy, whilst the other religions were split by
dissensions. There is no denying that Constantine’s Christianity was an
abortion; but he became a Christian, because in the empire of Galerius
and Licinius the sect of the Christians was the most numerous: the West
was attached to him, even without it, from his father’s time. In Rome,
the fashionable world were still polytheists; but of the people properly
so called, many thousands already professed the Christian faith.
Constantine had the advantage which the leaders of exclusive bodies
always have: hence also arose such a powerful party against Julian. To
this quarrel we owe the Misopogon, one of the prettiest pieces which
Greek literature has produced during the period of its revival. Here, as
well as in his _Cæsares_, Julian shows a good deal of wit and
liveliness.

He now undertook the war against Persia, which seems to have been
interrupted hitherto by other wars. The plan was beautifully devised,
only he had reckoned a great deal too much on everything turning out
well. He intended to march with his army along the banks of the
Euphrates, where supplies could always be procured by means of the
river; then to transport his fleet by canals into the Tigris, and thus
strike a deadly blow into the heart of the enemy: it was perhaps his
object to make Babylon a province. From Nisibis in Mesopotamia,
Procopius and Sebastian were to cross the Tigris and join him in the
plains of Armenia. Then he made sure that the Armenians, from whom, in
the last years of Constantine the Great (or under Constantius),
Aderbidjan had been wrested by Sapor, would advance against Media; and
no doubt he also reckoned upon the Iberians, whom Sapor had again
brought under his rule. But in Armenia and Iberia, Julian’s religious
opinions were in his way: the Armenian princes were Arsacidæ and
Christians, and therefore hostile to the Persians even because of their
bigoted Magianism; yet they were still more hostile to the Ἀποστάτης.
They would have been little inclined to give him help, even if a man
like Tiridates, who gained such distinction in Galerius’ war, had been
at their head; but they were now governed by a prince of very little
spirit. The Armenians therefore kept neutral; the Iberians even showed
themselves to be the foes of the Romans. Procopius and Sebastian met
with immense difficulties in their undertaking, and they were not the
men to overcome them. Julian marched down along the Euphrates; but he
had started on his expedition too late. For the summer is so hot there,
that he ought to have set out even in the midst of winter, so as to
reach Babylon in the real season of spring, that is to say, in March or
April; for in the middle of April, summer begins in those countries, and
they have already got in the harvest. But he did not set out before
March, when he came down the Euphrates: his approach struck the Persians
with the utmost dismay. After having reduced two strong towns, he
arrived before Ctesiphon, where he expected to find Procopius and
Sebastian waiting for him. Thus far, all his operations are masterly,
and they show his great skill as a general; but he had not thought that
Ctesiphon was so strongly fortified as it really was: (its
fortifications must have been erected since the time of Carus, as
Trajan, Septimius Severus, and Carus had taken it). He became convinced
that he should not be able to effect anything here with his army; yet
this conviction came too late. He was quite right in not attempting to
storm the place, as his soldiers wanted him to do: his fatal blunder was
not a military one. Sapor had repeatedly sued for peace in the most
pressing manner; but Julian wished, as it would seem, altogether to
destroy the Persian empire, so that he might no more be hindered by a
war in the East when facing his enemies in the West and in the North.
The Persian empire still continued to be made up of vassal kingdoms, and
therefore it would certainly have been possible to dismember it. But he
ought, after all, to have contented himself with the peace which was
within his reach, and thus in all likelihood he might have obtained the
cession of Aderbijan,—perhaps even more than that, everything indeed but
Babylon; but he was dreaming of a success, with regard to which the
scales fell from his eyes eight days after the last ambassadors had left
him. While Sapor was arming with great energy, Julian was unable to do
anything against Ctesiphon, and the army of Procopius did not come up:
he now found himself obliged to retreat. As it was impossible to drag
the fleet up the river, he resolved upon destroying it and leading the
army back again across the hills of Assyria. This retreat in the hot,
burning plains, surrounded by the Persian cavalry, in the dogdays, under
the sky of Babylon, was an almost hopeless undertaking: harassed by
continual skirmishes he was obliged to leave behind every one of the
killed and wounded; all the stragglers died, the Persians spoiling the
water for them. Nevertheless the army might have held out for five days
longer, when it would have reached the high ground where it would have
been safe; but on the 26th of July, Julian was mortally wounded: his
death caused the deepest dejection. Whether he was killed by a traitor,
or by one of the enemy, is a question which it is quite useless to enter
into: the joy of his domestic enemies was at least greater than that of
his foreign ones. As it was found necessary to proceed to an election at
once, the _præfectus prætorio_, Sallustius, unfortunately for the
empire, declared that he was too old to take upon himself the imperial
dignity; and thus the choice fell upon Jovian. The new emperor concluded
a peace, giving up Nisibis and the five provinces beyond the Tigris; and
at this price, Sapor granted him a free retreat and the needful supplies
for his army.

Jovian seems to have been a very commonplace kind of man, of whom,
however, on the other hand, not much ill can be said: great merit is due
to him for his edict for absolute freedom of belief, as he himself was a
Christian. At the end of a year and a half, while following the army
into the West, he died suddenly at Ancyra. The reports of a violent
death are not to be trusted, any more than that of his having died from
having used a pan of burning charcoal.

After his death, there was again the same difficulty about the election
of his successor. His son being an infant, the consulship was then for
the first time profaned by a child being inscribed in the Fasti.
Sallustius again declined to be elected, and so Valentinian, an
Illyrian, who had greatly distinguished himself in the Persian war, came
to the throne (365). It is remarkable that in all these appointments we
meet no more with any trace of donations: in the case of Probus, they
had already been lowered to a tenth (twenty _aurei_ = 100 dollars); now
in the fourth century, we no longer find any at all. Valentinian, a few
weeks after his accession, took Valens, his brother, as his colleague:
in this he gratified the wishes of the public, who, however, would have
looked for an able man, such a one, for instance, as Dagalaiphus.
Valentinian is a remarkable being, one of those characters of which it
is difficult to give a brief opinion. Distinguished as a general, he
raised up the state again when it was rapidly sinking; and he won
splendid trophies in a war with the Alemanni and Franks, and also in a
war with the Sarmatians. He also kept order in his realm. Many
praiseworthy laws and decrees of his are still extant; and although he
was himself an uneducated man, he did what he could for science and
learning: he also severely punished tyrannical governors and reckless
judges. But he was cruel; and whenever he was offended, or suspected a
conspiracy, he gave free vent to his rage. It may therefore be supposed
that the higher classes did not feel comfortable under his rule, whilst
the common people, on the other hand, were fond of him. His brother
Valens was not bloodthirsty, but implacable and cruel; and the more
implacable, the more cowardly he was. His government was far from doing
the good which that of Valentinian did; besides which, he was a
fanatical Arian, and exerted all his power to crush the Homoousians or
Athanasians. For this reason, the memory of his reign is deservedly
hateful with the writers of the Church. Valentinian was also an Arian;
but he always allowed a just liberty in matters of faith, oppressing
neither heathens nor Athanasians. From year to year, the Christians went
on increasing; and Manichæism also spread, though not at the expense of
orthodoxy, but of the old gnostic sects, which daily dwindled more and
more. Against the foreigner, the empire was powerful: with Persia, it
was at peace, and old Sapor remained quiet. Valentinian had two sons: by
his first wife he had Gratian, and by his second Valentinian II., an
infant. Gratian was an amiable boy, and great care was bestowed upon his
education. Valentinian, who had much good sense, had keenly felt his own
want of learning; but it is not to be wondered at, that owing to this
deficiency he erred in the choice of a master. He thought that he had
found in Ausonius an excellent tutor for Gratian; just as Antoninus had
been mistaken in Fronto.

At the death of Valentinian in 375, Gratian was seventeen years of age,
and really able to hold the reins of government. During the first years
of his reign, his rule was all that one could wish; for he behaved with
justice and lenity, and allowed of religious freedom. Taking possession
of Italy and the West, he left the East to his uncle Valens, upon whom
there soon fell a fearful visitation. The Goths, who since the days of
Claudius and Aurelian had settled in Dacia, invaded the Roman empire
under Hermanric, whose memory has been handed down in the Heldenbuch,
and in the Icelandic Sagas.—The lay of the Nibelungen is originally
Gothic, from which language it has been paraphrased.—Whether Hermanric
belongs to the time in which Jornandes places him, is a question hard to
answer; I for my part rather believe him to have been much earlier: but
an historical person he is. In short, there was once upon a time a great
Gothic empire in the South-east of Europe, which was destroyed by the
Huns. I am likewise convinced that De Guigne’s idea of the early history
of the Huns is incorrect: they were a powerful nomadic people of
Mongolian race, quite distinct from the Southern Asiatics and the
Europæans; and they make their appearance like the other nations of the
tablelands of Upper Asia.

The Goths were divided into three tribes, the Ostrogoths, the Visigoths,
and the Gepidæ. They were anything but uncivilized, and as a people they
had been Christians much sooner than the inhabitants of the Roman
empire: when they overran it, the great majority of them had already
embraced Christianity. It is now certain that the Huns, from reasons
which are unknown to us, pushed their way to the Danube, driving the
Goths before them. Among the latter, the Visigoths were the most
numerous: they had a national civilization of their own, and already
possessed an alphabet invented for them by Ulphilas. Being unable to
resist the Huns, they in their distress now besought the Romans, with
whom they had long been at peace, to harbour them within their empire.
It would then undoubtedly have been the true policy of the Romans, to
put forth all their strength to keep the Visigoths as they were, by
fighting for them in their own country: but this was not thought of at
all, the only question being, whether they should be received or not.
They were admitted, though on condition that they should lay down their
arms and disperse themselves throughout the empire. But this proved to
be impossible. The fear of the Huns driving them onwards, they threw
themselves into skiffs and on rafts, caring only to get over; and on the
other hand, the Romans who had been stationed to receive them, were not
sufficient for the duty, and moreover were guilty of much dishonesty:
for they allowed themselves to be bribed to let the barbarians keep
their arms. Nothing was done that ought to have been done, and
everything was done that ought not to have been done. The Goths were not
dispersed, but allowed to remain together; yet all the while they were
treated with cruelty and plundered: though a promise had been made to
supply them with necessaries until they were settled, it was taken
advantage of by the Romans to extort exorbitant prices from them. This
the Goths bore with great patience; (there were then as yet only the
Visigoths, the Ostrogoths being still in the mountains:) they must have
been immensely rich, as the Romans made them pay quite incredible sums.
At last, however, they were goaded into fury by this ill treatment; and
at Marcianopolis (in the neighbourhood of Schumla), the insurrection
broke out, and soon became general. At the head of the Visigoths, who
had no kings, were two judges, one of whom, Fritigern, a really great
man, conducted the war in a resolute manner. While the infatuated Romans
had never thought it possible that their crimes should have led to such
consequences, the whole of these Goths were all at once under arms, and
they overran Mœsia and Thrace. They in vain made attempts against
several towns, as for instance, Philippopolis; but the open country lay
entirely a prey to them. The dismay was dreadful. The Ostrogoths, who
soon followed, rushed into the places which the Western Goths had left;
yet otherwise the Goths of the East and those of the West are in every
respect two essentially different peoples.—Valens, now roused from his
listlessness, secured for himself a peace with Persia, and led the
legions of the East into the field: the Goths were besieging Adrianople.
He then summoned Gratian from the West to his assistance. Had he waited
for his arrival, it would perhaps have been still possible to withstand
the whole shock of this migration of nations. The Visigoths were one
great mass of warriors, amounting to nearly two hundred thousand
fighting men; and had they failed against Adrianople, the change of the
world would not have happened as it did. Valens, although he was
anything but a general, conducted the war, being resolved upon venturing
what he ought never to have risked. This he did, however, from jealousy
against Gratian, who was approaching in forced marches, after having
already gained a brilliant victory over the Alemanni; and instead of
waiting for a few weeks to be joined by him, he undertook the attack
single handed. Thus the battle was completely lost: two-thirds of the
Roman army were killed, and among them Valens himself. The Goths now
overran the whole diocese of Illyricum, and Thrace, extending their
inroads even as far as the gates of Constantinople: it is true that they
were not able to possess themselves of the towns; but the open country
was thoroughly laid waste by them, from the Adriatic to the Black Sea,
and to the borders of Greece. Six years now follow, the history of which
is utterly obscure.

When Valens had fallen, Gratian, seeing the impossibility of undertaking
alone the defence of the whole Roman world, called Theodosius to be his
colleague. This resolution of Gratian’s does him great honour, as it
proves him to have been capable of the feelings of a great man.
Theodosius was the son of a most distinguished person, who in the
earlier days of Gratian had recovered Britain and Africa, but had been
put to death, though guiltless, on a malignant charge. He was a native
of Spain, a province which had likewise given birth to the Emperors
Trajan and Hadrian, to whom, however, he was not related: he came from
the neighbourhood of Valladolid; the other two were from Seville. He is
rightly surnamed the Great: he achieved great things in a great manner,
being indeed the last great emperor, if we set aside Majorian whose
unlucky star was too powerful for him. His defects were passion and
rage, which, however, were allied to his great qualities; but his worst
fault was, that after great exertions, he would often give himself
entirely up to sloth, and in matters of government become the tool of
many an unworthy man, to whom he had given his confidence. Theodosius
had a task at which one shudders: with the remaining forces of the
Eastern empire,—for the West was no longer able to support him,—he was
to keep the Goths at bay. Yet he not only set them bounds, but he also
succeeded in disarming them by means of treaties of which we have no
knowledge: in a series of campaigns in which he cut off one tribe from
the other, he so managed to break them up, that they yielded to the
supremacy of Rome. But they remained, as it seems, in Northern
Illyricum, in Mœsia, and in Servia, where they dwelt in the country,
while the towns remained Roman. In Illyricum, there are still to this
day the genuine descendants of the old stock. The Goths lived there
under the Roman sovereignty, and they bound themselves to serve the
empire, as Theodosius found them very useful in his wars, and likewise
there were always Gothic troops in the Roman service: yet they were not
tributary, but in fact received a tribute under the name of pay. Matters
had been thus settled, more especially since the year 384; and so they
remained until the death of Theodosius (395).

The first war into which Theodosius was brought, was in consequence of
the hapless fate of Gratian, who had lost the popularity which he had
enjoyed in the beginning of his reign. For though he was still an
amiable, good youth of blameless morals, Gratian had really ceased to
reign: leaving business to take its own course, he had given himself up
to the frivolous pleasures of the chase; and he surrounded himself with
barbarians, favouring the Alans, and neglecting his native subjects, who
were thus made to rebel against him. At this crisis, there also broke
out a revolt of the troops in Britain under Maximus: Gratian was slain,
and Maximus was proclaimed Emperor, and acknowledged by the whole of the
West. He now offered his friendship to Theodosius, who wisely accepted
it. Maximus was a mild prince: blood he only shed when instigated by the
clergy to religious persecutions. For four years, the friendship
remained undisturbed; Valentinian II. (an infant under the guardianship
of his mother Justina), Maximus, and Theodosius, being now the three
Augusti. But Maximus took upon himself to cross the Alps, and rob
Valentinian of his territory. The youth fled with his mother to
Thessalonica, where they were received by Theodosius, who was induced by
the extraordinary beauty of the princess Galla to interest himself for
the family, and to bring Valentinian back to Italy. Maximus was defeated
at Aquileia, abandoned by his troops, and put to death; and Theodosius
gave the whole of the West to be the government of his brother-in-law
Valentinian, who seemed to have all the good qualities of his father,
without any of his faults. But he was ill-fated. A Frank general named
Arbogastes, the commander of his army, rose against him, as the Mayors
of the Palace did against the Merovingian kings. Valentinian tried to
withstand him, but to his own ruin. He happened then to be at Vienne in
Dauphiné, and there he was strangled by Arbogastes. The latter now
placed on the throne one Eugenius, a courtier of rank, who was _tribunus
notariorum_, that is to say, very much what we would call a cabinet
councillor. Against him, Theodosius now led his army: the decisive
battle was again fought (394) near Aquileia; and there Theodosius
displayed all that talent of his as a general, of which the fine lines
in Claudian tell.[67] He knew how to make the most different
peoples—Goths, Alans, Huns—useful for his ends, and willing to devote
themselves in his cause. The elements also fought for him; a
thunderstorm is said to have hastened the successful issue of the
battle.

The West was now won by Theodosius, and he became emperor of the whole
of the empire. In his last years, he had the weakness to let himself be
entirely guided by Rufinus his favourite, who was his _præfectus
prætorio_. Rufinus was insatiably avaricious and bloodthirsty; so that
even before the death of Theodosius, he caused weeping and wailing
throughout the whole of the empire: here was seen a really noble-hearted
prince under whom the empire was very badly ruled. Antioch once roused
the wrath of the emperor; but Libanius and St. Chrysostom still
succeeded in appeasing him: on another occasion, however, he gave loose
to his rage, and was obliged to do penance. The division of the empire
had under existing circumstances already become so natural, that
Theodosius likewise decided upon it: yet he was inexcusable in dividing
it between his two incapable sons, especially as Honorius was not more
than eleven years old, on which account he gave him Stilicho for
guardian. But the hereditary principle had now so firmly rooted itself,
that Theodosius took it for granted that Stilicho would keep up the
empire for his son, just as in our times a minister or general might do.




                       LITERATURE AND FINE ARTS.


In Rome, from the time of Diocletian down to Theodosius, there was the
greatest poverty of literature. Of poets, we have in the whole of this
period only Ausonius, who is bad beyond belief: it was but the
veneration of the French philologists of the sixteenth century which
raised him to some consideration; he is quite as bad as the most
wretched poets of the middle ages. In prose also there is a grievous
dearth. About the middle of the fourth century, arose the writers of
epitomes, such as Eutropius and Victor; nor is it unlikely that the
epitome of Livy likewise dates from that time: these men have not a
spark of genius. On the other hand, the Latin grammar has its beginning
in that form in which we know it. Its real father is Donatus, the master
of St. Jerome: Charisius does not belong to his school, but is
independent; he is an encyclopedist who gives one a general view of the
older works. Diomedes also is a writer of the fourth century. To the
latter end of it likewise belongs Servius, who bears the stamp of his
age, which was the condensing of everything into summaries. The only
part of his commentary which we have in a genuine form, is that on the
two first books of the Æneid: the rest we have in an abridgment only,
which very likely was made in the seventh or eighth century. Another
writer of the same kind is Festus, who has arranged the work of Verrius
Flaccus in alphabetical order: he is very useful to us, although he does
not everywhere understand Verrius. Nonius Marcellus is very likely
somewhat later; yet he belongs to the same school of grammarians, to
which the impulse had now been given. Lastly, at the end of the fourth
century, Macrobius also flourished.

The better Roman prose begins after Theodosius. Ammianus Marcellinus, an
ingenious writer although not always correct, still belongs to the reign
of Theodosius. He is particularly honest and high-minded: he had himself
served as a soldier, and he is what a historian ought always to be, a
man of experience. From Alexander Severus down to Diocletian, no one had
written history in Latin: in the reign of the latter, at the beginning
of the fourth century, were what are called the _Scriptores Historiæ
Augustæ_, who are beneath criticism. From thence again, down to
Theodosius, there is not one. Ammianus is a Greek of Antioch, and one
sees at once that he is a foreigner.—The rhetoricians still continue:
Marius Victorinus, bad as he is, has made an epoch in his time. Of the
school of the rhetoricians, the præfect Symmachus remains to be
mentioned, whose letters are altogether got up after the pattern of
those of Pliny, and are without any historical substance. His Panegyric
also is of a school which reminds one of Pliny. Now, on the whole, the
Panegyrists get into vogue, such as Eumenius, Pacatus, and others;—a
wretched kind indeed of literature; people were no more ashamed of
flattering.—Of poetry, not a trace is found until the time of
Theodosius, except the epigram on the base of the obelisk of
Constantius, and that on Constantine which was placarded as a lampoon.

With Theodosius, a new life is infused into Latin literature. Now arose
Claudian, a Greek of Alexandria, who at first also wrote Greek. There
are few instances besides of foreigners having written in a strange
tongue so well as he did; except, perhaps Goldoni:[68] M. Antoninus also
writes very good Greek. Claudian’s language is everything that one could
wish: one can see that he made Latin his own with heartfelt liking. He
is a true poetical genius, although tainted indeed with the mannerism of
the later Greek poets; he is a wonderful master of mythology, and is
gifted moreover with great facility and brilliancy of language:
sometimes he is lascivious. One reads him with about the same
gratification as one does Ovid: John Matthias Gesner was very fond of
him. Claudian’s influence was very great, and a particular school of
poets followed in his steps: one of his disciples was Merobaudes, whose
fragments I had the good luck to discover at St. Gall. The language of
Merobaudes, although he is a native of the West, has much in it that is
faulty; yet he is a man who does not merely hunt for words, but whose
words are the expression of his feelings. He is quite enthusiastic for
Aëtius. The same Merobaudes is no doubt the author of a most beautiful
poem, which is contained in Fabricius’ _Poëtæ Christiani_,[69] a poem of
as great depth as any can have. He seems likewise to have been the
author of another poem on the miracles of Christ, which is placed among
those of Claudian, who was a heathen Greek, whilst the other was a
Christian. At the close of the century, comes Sidonius Apollinaris, whom
Gesner rightly calls a great genius. His Latinity is Gallic with a
sprinkling of Romanic, and we see from him that the common language was
very different from the classic style: but for all that we find him to
be a man of most varied acquirements. There were, however, at that
period also some writers of history, as the times were stirring, and
afforded a good subject; but the greater part of them have been lost: of
Renatus Profuturus,[70] a fragment which is still extant, gives one a
very favourable impression.

But an entirely new literature was the Christian one, which has not yet
been noticed and brought out as much as it deserves. Lactantius, of whom
we have already spoken, is of great importance. Ambrose and others are
less so as writers. Two great men, moreover, are St. Jerome and St.
Augustine; who indeed are giants: what I know of them entitles them to
high praise. The literary and critical writings of St. Jerome have not
much in them: but in the rest he has liveliness, versatility, an immense
range of learning, and, even in his old age, a rich vein of wit, which
is a leading trait in him: were he not a writer of the Church, he might
have shone by his wit in the same manner as Pascal did. Augustine is a
truly philosophic mind, as strongly actuated by a yearning after truth
as any of the great philosophers: his language also is very noble. He is
by no means witty, like St. Jerome; but he is eloquent, and in many
places admirable. The latter half of the fourth, and the whole of the
fifth century, are a classical era for Christian literature. Sulpicius
Severus’ Church history is a masterpiece; and of this time are also the
poems of Cælius Sedulius and Claudius Mamertus. The full life of the
Gallic period was in this century: Gaul, in spite of all its
misfortunes, had a glorious era for the intellect. The writings of
Salvian, who was a priest or bishop of Marseilles, are very remarkable.
He wrote on the government of God, and _contra avaritiam_; and though
his language is Gallican, and his rhetorical turn may subject him to
censure, he is exceedingly interesting on account of his political
feelings which are quite different from those of Orosius. He lays bare
the whole misery of the age; yet he makes no sanctimonious exhortations,
but inveighs against those who in better times had neglected the
favourable moment, and against the rich: this political indignation
against the mighty ones of the earth, is quite a particular feature of
his. There is a downright republican bias in him, which is remarkable in
a psychological as well as in an historical point of view: it is evident
what many even in the Church were now driving at, as the Church
contained at that time many republican elements of which Salvian is
quite aware. What he really aims at, is community of goods under the
administration of the presbyters. Prudentius is in order of time the
first of the Christian poets; yet his poems are but middling. The
greatest Christian poet is Pope Hilary, who is undoubtedly the author of
a poem which was formerly ascribed to St. Hilary, whose, however, it
cannot be, as it appears from the dedication, that it belongs to the
fifth century. Its subject is the creation, and it is full of poetical
spirit: it is quite in the manner of Lucretius, whom he evidently took
for his pattern; and though there are faults in the language and
prosody, it is the work of a fine poet. He was the friend of the great
Pope Leo, by whom he was sent as a delegate to the mad Council of
Ephesus, there to speak words of peace and reconciliation. Pope Leo’s
writings should also be read by posterity: he is a very ingenious
writer, and, taking him altogether, a great man.

The Greek literature of the fourth century is quite rhetorical: in the
fifth, it rises again, and poets and historians come out. These last are
headed by Eunapius, who is followed by a διαδοχή of historians—Priscus,
Malchus, Candidus, and others. The Neo-Platonic philosophy likewise went
on flourishing, and poetry also revived in the fifth century. The
establishment of the eastern empire evidently had a beneficial effect on
literature.

Architecture had already quite fallen off in the fourth century.
Constantine’s buildings are most barefaced robberies: his arch is taken
from that of Trajan, and all that is of his time, is below criticism.
Painting is quite supplanted by mosaic, which, however, at that time was
beautiful: in the chapel of Pope Hilary there is some very fine mosaic
work. This was peculiar to the west, although there is no doubt but that
the art originated in Alexandria.

On the whole, ignorance and indifference to literature increased more
and more among the higher classes, whilst the memory of the olden times
had been entirely lost.




DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE. HONORIUS, ARCADIUS. STILICHO. ALARIC. RADAGAISE.
 ADOLPHUS. CONSTANTINE. GERONTIUS. PLACIDIA. VALENTINIAN III. BONIFACE.
AETIUS. GENSERIC. ATTILA. PETRONIUS MAXIMUS. AVITUS. RICIMER. MAJORIAN.
SEVERUS. ANTHEMIUS. OLYBRIUS. GLYCERIUS. JULIUS NEPOS. ORESTES. ROMULUS
                              AUGUSTULUS.


Theodosius left two sons, Arcadius, who was eighteen, and Honorius who
was eleven years of age. Honorius, he committed to the guardianship of
Stilicho; and he intrusted Rufinus with the government of the East,
which had fallen to the lot of Arcadius.[71] Stilicho, it is certain,
was not of Roman extraction, and this is all that we know of his
descent: he must have greatly distinguished himself in the wars of
Theodosius, as he had risen to the rank of _magister utriusque militiæ_.
Theodosius had married him to Serena, the daughter of his brother and
his own adopted child, who is therefore called _Regina_ by the writers
of that age. Stilicho was completely master in the West; whereas in the
East, Arcadius, supported by Eutropius, tried to rid himself of the rule
of Rufinus. The latter, who had set his heart upon marrying his daughter
to Arcadius, had been baffled by a clever court intrigue; but, as his
eyes were soon opened, he continued to hold unshaken sway. When,
however, Stilicho availed himself of the pretext of leading back the
troops of the East which were still in Italy, Rufinus was panic-struck,
and got an order from the emperor that Stilicho should not move: the
latter therefore respectfully drew back, and sent the troops alone to
the East. They then advanced: Rufinus was taken by surprise, and
surrounded and murdered in the Field of Mars near Constantinople. His
power forthwith chiefly fell into the hands of the eunuch Eutropius.

Alaric now came with the Visigoths from the East to the West. Soon after
the death of Theodosius, he rose against the Roman empire, and carried
the war again into Greece, crushing the little life which still lingered
in that country, which was then, as in the days of Decius and Gallienus,
completely trampled under foot. But here we take leave of the East.
Stilicho brought assistance and defeated Alaric, who, however, escaped
him, crossing with his booty the bay of Crissa near Rhium: this proves
him to have been a great man. Soon afterwards, Alaric made his peace
with the eastern empire, and was appointed _magister militum_ in
Illyria, under which title he became in fact an imperial præfect. How he
got that dignity, and how he lost it; and at what time Illyricum ceased
to be in the hands of the Goths, and came again to be embodied in the
eastern empire, is quite an enigma. On the whole, the migration of the
nations, when one searches closely into it, gives ground for queries and
riddles which are never to be solved. The history of those times is so
imperfectly known, that it is not possible to decide even things which
are some of the most important points. The eastern Goths, perhaps also
the Gepidæ, are in the days of Valens likewise in the diocese of
Illyricum; in the period after Attila, in the reign of the emperor
Marcian, they are in two kingdoms on the banks of the Danube:[72] where
have they been in the meanwhile? Under Attila, they are said to have
been in Pannonia; but the question is then, in what part of Pannonia?
they cannot have been on the north of the Danube. The whole epoch is
very confused, and new materials are not to be found; yet I believe that
by carefully and closely sifting the existing materials, many a question
might be solved which Gibbon and others did not even put to
themselves.—Alaric, not unlikely at the instigation of the eastern
empire, now appears in the West. Honorius then held his court at Milan,
which since Maximian had often become the abode of the emperor, and a
regular capital; yet Milan, although very strongly fortified, and in the
midst of a large plain, could not feel safe to Honorius, and therefore,
when Alaric was advancing from Aquileia, he fled across the Alps. But at
Asti in Piedmont he was already hemmed in by the Goths, when Stilicho
came to his rescue, bringing with him all the forces that he could
muster: these, however, consisted almost wholly of barbarians. Not only
literature and creative genius, but also the spirit of bravery had died
away: the Italians were now a mere helpless rabble; there was no making
troops out of them. Even in our days, the States of the Church and
Naples could not make head against a determined army of six thousand
men: a few thousand Algerines might sack Rome, if they were but aware of
this weakness. On Easter Day, Stilicho with his army fell upon the Goths
near Pollentia in Montferrat, and gained a victory: fanaticism brought
it as a crime against him that he had given battle on the holy day. The
Goths, though not dispersed, had to think of retreating. Alaric,
however, made a bold forward movement against Rome; but was pursued by
Stilicho, and, after a second unlucky fight, concluded a convention by
which he withdrew from Italy. Honorius had a triumph, and built a
triumphal arch, which was still standing in the fourteenth century,
when, alas! it was demolished. There exists another monument of that
time, the inscription on a gate (_Porta S. Lorenzo_), in which one sees
the traces of Stilicho’s name, who restored the walls, _egestis
immensibus ruderibus_. Aurelian in fact had fortified Rome; but as the
walls had got since then into a very bad state, they were now once more
repaired. It was no doubt on this occasion, that the _Monte Testaccio_
was thrown up, as before that time the city wall was quite buried under
a mass of rubbish: it is a marsh which has been filled up with
potsherds.

Soon after Alaric had retreated to Illyricum, a new calamity burst upon
Italy. Radagaise, who is said to have likewise been a Goth, but had no
kindred with the Ostrogoths, came down with Sueves, Vandals, and other
tribes, who were not yet Christians, and therefore much more cruel than
the Goths. They swept down from the Alps through unhappy Lombardy, and
laid siege to Florence, where Stilicho again went forth against them,
and forced them back with unaccountable skill into the Apennines. How
these hordes could so tamely have allowed themselves to be driven back,
is more than we are able to understand. Most of them died of want; Many
surrendered, and were sold in great masses.

Thus Italy was saved for the time. The eastern empire, although at peace
with Persia, did not take the least share in the dangers and distresses
of the West. It had been necessary to send for troops even from the
borders of the Rhine, and from Britain; and thus the latter cast itself
off from the Roman empire. The troops on the Rhine were greatly
weakened, and could not withstand the attacks of the Alemanni,
Burgundians, Sueves, Vandals, and Alans, who in 407 forced the passage
across the Rhine, and overran Gaul. This most unhappy country was
suffering frightfully beneath a weight of taxation which was made still
heavier by the system of solidary pledge, the commonalties being bound
to make good the whole amount of what was laid upon them. The decurions,
who were mostly chosen from the richest men, were directly answerable
for the money, and if they could not pay it, torture was even used to
force them: in their turn, they might exact it from the rate payers.
People, therefore, had rather be sold for slaves than accept such a
dignity; and this gave rise to a series of laws for compelling the
acceptance of the decurionship, most of the enactments of which are to
define what pleas for exemption are not to be taken. This burthen, of
which no remission was granted, had as early as in the third century
stirred up the peasants’ wars, of which we meet with the first traces in
the reign of Gallienus: from thenceforth they never leave off again. The
rising of the _Bagaudæ_ (thus these peasants are called) has much
puzzled the French antiquaries: there were entire districts which took
up arms in self-defence against the extortions of the government. We
know little or nothing of what the Gauls had now to suffer from the
barbarians. A warlike spirit, however, was sooner roused among them than
in Italy: Auvergne truly became a land of warriors, and defended itself
against the inroads of the enemy. When Gaul had been thoroughly ravaged,
the invading hordes turned themselves towards Spain. The Sueves, Alans,
and Vandals, altogether withdrew from Gaul; but the Burgundians remained
behind in Burgundy, Franche Comté, Savoy, and afterwards also in
Dauphiné: at that time, they had the country of the Æqui and the
Sequani, and the west of Switzerland. The Sueves and Vandals in Spain
were quite independent of the Roman empire, and always kept hostile to
it; the Burgundians, on the other hand, who were a small nation in a
large territory, submitted in some sort to the supremacy of the Roman
emperor, as to a liege lord, in consideration of his allowing them to
live there.

Stilicho was loudly reviled because he could not save Gaul; and moreover
he had awakened the mistrust of Honorius and his court ever since his
son Eucherius was grown up. Honorius had married one after another two
daughters of Stilicho, Maria and Thermantia; and as the former of these
had died without issue, and no one thought that Thermantia would have
children, it had been the more generally believed that Stilicho would
make his son emperor. Yet there is not a shadow of proof that Stilicho
sought the life of Honorius: he would much rather have waited for his
death, when it would have been quite the regular course for Eucherius to
succeed. Stilicho indeed was the mainstay of the empire: he alone kept
Alaric in awe. Honorius notwithstanding conspired against him,—just as
Louis XIII. did against one of his subjects,—and, after having first got
up an insurrection of the army, he sent assassins to fall upon him in
his palace. His friends having been slain before him, Stilicho fled into
a church; but was dragged out of it and murdered, as was also his son:
Serena his widow, was condemned to death by the base senate.

To Alaric the murder of Stilicho became a pretext for again invading
Italy. Honorius now took up his abode in the inaccessible city of
Ravenna, which at that time was built on islands, like Venice now, being
separated by lagunes from the main land, with which it was only
connected by an isthmus. Without troubling himself to besiege Ravenna,
Alaric marched on the Flaminian road against Rome, which he blockaded.
Here, before long, the most horrible famine was seen: people murdered to
feed on the corpses, so that even children are said to have been eaten
by their own parents: besides which there broke out a plague, the
necessary consequence of this state of things. At last a capitulation
was concluded, though one cannot understand why Alaric acceded to it:
perhaps he did so because the summer had already come on, and was
severely felt by the army, which may likewise have suffered from
epidemics. Rome having ransomed itself, negociations for peace were to
be set on foot between the court of Ravenna and Alaric, it being
proposed that the emperor should appoint Alaric commander-in-chief of
the whole of the western empire. As these negociations did not lead to
any result, Alaric turned himself for the second time towards Rome. The
senate fell off from Honorius; Alaric proclaimed Attalus, the _præfectus
prætorio_, emperor, and marched with him to Ravenna; and Honorius was so
faint-hearted as to acknowledge Attalus as his colleague. When, however,
in the meanwhile, reinforcements had landed in the port of Ravenna, and
Attalus had fallen into disgrace with the Gothic chief, Honorius again
broke off the negociations, and Alaric returned for the third time to
Rome. On the 24th August, 410, was that awful burning of Rome which is
still so famous in the world’s history, the Salarian gate, which is yet
standing, having been opened to the Goths by treachery. Although Rome
had to suffer many of the horrors of a town taken by storm, little blood
was shed: many were led away as prisoners. The lust and rapine of the
Goths hardly knew any bounds: the inhabitants were racked to make them
show where they had hidden their treasures. The churches only were not
plundered. After a pillage of three days, the evacuation began, which
was completed by the sixth day. Alaric marched to Rhegium, intending to
go also to Sicily; but he turned back. Two years after the taking of
Rome, he died in Cosenza. (To this refers the beautiful poem of Count
Platen, “The Tomb at Busento.”) The command of the army fell to his
brother-in-law Adolphus, who, quite unlike Alaric, had a fondness for
the Romans: he left Italy and marched to Languedoc. On both sides of the
Pyrenees, over part of Languedoc and Catalonia, he reigned as an
independent prince, the ally of the Romans. There he married Placidia,
Honorius’ sister, who had been led away as a captive, and who now so
closely knit the alliance, that it changed into real friendship.
Adolphus, who had already led his troops into Spain, where he conquered
the Vandals, Sueves, and Alans, and drove them into Asturias, Galicia,
and Lusitania; gave back to the Roman empire the provinces which he did
not occupy himself. He also did very good service against Jovinus, a
usurper, and his brother Sebastianus.

In Britain, whilst Alaric was in Italy, an officer of the name of
Constantine had been proclaimed Augustus by the soldiers, and had been
favourably received in Gaul. Against him arose Gerontius, another
usurper, who placed Maximus, a friend of his, on the throne; but in Gaul
there came forth an army of Honorius under Constantius, ostensibly to
the assistance of Constantine, which was quite a sound policy.
Constantius compelled Gerontius and Maximus, who were besieging Arles,
to put an end to their own lives; then he afterwards went on with the
war against Constantine, and thus regained Gaul and Spain for the
Romans. For this, after the death of Adolphus, he was rewarded with the
hand of Galla Placidia. The friendship between the Western Goths and the
Romans now ceased again: Singeric and Wallia broke off with them, and
the Visigoths, who were very jealous of their independence, returned to
their former attitude towards them. Thenceforth, except that her coasts
were pillaged by Genseric, Italy had peace until the invasion of Attila:
yet we may easily imagine how little she was able to recover herself.
Honorius died in 423.

Placidia had borne to Constantius two children, Placidus Valentinianus
and Justa Grata Honoria, both of them a curse to the empire. Constantius
indeed had extorted from Honorius his being acknowledged as Augustus;
but he died immediately after, even before Honorius, at whose death
Placidus was a boy of not more than four years old, and therefore not
capable of taking to himself the throne. Arcadius also was already dead,
and his rule was nominally in the hands of his very youthful son,
Theodosius II., who his whole life long never became his own master, but
really was in those of Pulcheria, the new emperor’s sister: thus the
East was very badly governed. Galla Placidia fled with her children to
Constantinople; but before succours arrived from thence, the government
was seized by a usurper, Johannes, the first emperor with a Christian
name.[73] He reigned two years. Theodosius, on the other hand, bestowed
the crown on his cousin, the boy Valentinian III., and sent two armies
to Italy under Ardaburius and Aspar, both of whom were Isaurians. This
undertaking did not succeed at first, the fleet having been scattered by
a storm; but Aspar advanced unresisted through Illyricum, which seems to
have returned again beneath the sovereignty of the emperor, and Johannes
was deserted by his troops, and Placidus[74] Valentinian proclaimed
emperor. His mother Placidia now governed the West, in a way which
indeed was not much to her credit, though things became worse after her
death in the middle of the century, when her son ruled alone. Rome was
then richer in distinguished men than it had been in the times of the
better emperors; above all are the names of Boniface and Aëtius, neither
of whom could have outvied the other without causing the fall of the
empire. Who Boniface was, is little known: he seems to have been an
Italian. Aëtius was from Scythia, that is to say, Lower Mœsia, somewhere
in the neighbourhood of Silistria, and of Latin blood, notwithstanding
his Greek name: his father was a man of rank who lost his life owing to
treachery, or some tyrannical act of Alaric. The age of Aëtius cannot
exactly be ascertained: he must have been between fifty and sixty, or
more than sixty when he died; for as a young man he was with Alaric and
the Huns as a hostage, and often afterwards as an ambassador: he
commanded their respect, being their equal in bravery, and yet having
the advantage of superior civilization as well. He was an extraordinary
man, and those who were in power ought to have allowed him to have his
own way; just as the Athenian people did Alcibiades: but he was by no
means without blemish, and he behaved unjustly and spitefully towards
Boniface, by which he brought the empire into great trouble. His
influence over Placidia and Valentinian being unbounded, he got
Boniface, who was governor (_comes_) of Africa, recalled, and summoned
to Ravenna where the court then was. As Boniface had to expect to lose
his life if he went, he formed the accursed resolution of calling the
Vandals, who at that time were in the west of Spain, over into Africa:
they came under Gonderic, and the consequence was the devastation of
Africa from the Straits of Gibraltar to Carthage. No German people has
carried on war with such faithlessness and doggedness: hitherto Africa
had suffered but little. They found support among the Donatists, who had
been driven to despair by a frightful persecution, though they were only
impracticable seceders who had gone out in Diocletian’s reign on account
of the election of a bishop: these were a rude sect, but noble-hearted
fanatics, and they were horribly dealt with. There is no doubt that
their persecution lasted even later than this, and that the Arabs in
their turn found partisans among them: they looked upon the barbarians
as their deliverers. Their example may well be a lesson to those who
shut their eyes to the misery to which intolerance, or, rather, to call
it by its right name, injustice gives birth: the dreadful persecution of
the Donatists had now lasted more than a hundred years. Genseric, who
had succeeded his brother Gonderic, took the whole country, with the
exception of a few places (429). The Moorish tribes he left alone; they
were perfectly free: the Vandal rule only extended over the province of
Tunis, and the maritime towns. The eyes of Boniface were now opened to
the fearful calamity of which he had been the cause, and he tried in
vain to check the stream. He met with confidence from Placidia, who in
this instance behaved nobly: she sent him troops, which, however, were
beaten in two decisive battles. After some years a truce, and then a
peace was made, in which Rome gave up the greatest part of Africa; all
indeed but Carthage, and some other places. This peace the faithless
Genseric did not keep; but, on the contrary, took advantage of it to
make himself master of Carthage.—Carthage, next to Rome, was the largest
town in the Western Empire, being to that capital, as Hadrianople was to
Constantinople. Its extent was considerable, and it was built on the
spot where the gardens of Old Carthage had been, outside the walls of
the old town. Salvian of Marseilles shows what a place it was; yet he
says, that one ought rather to rejoice at its having been taken by the
barbarians, than grieve over it, as immorality had reached the highest
pitch, and it was inconceivable how the city could have called itself
Christian. In former times, Christianity had certainly done a great deal
of good to many individuals; but since the masses had adopted it, the
church was no longer a select community, and therefore it had ceased to
have any influence upon morals. It is remarkable how thoughtlessly at
that time whole towns became christian, just as if a new ruler were
proclaimed, the people remaining at heart as bad as they ever were. It
is the greatest misfortune for the world and for Christianity itself,
that Constantine should have been in such haste to make the faith
universal: the hierarchy thus grew worse and worse, and although there
were still Popes like Leo the Great, there were likewise many bad
bishops.

The Vandal fleets from Africa pillaged Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and
also the coast of Italy. This piracy was a fresh calamity for Italy,
which had already begun to recover a little from its sufferings,
although many parts had indeed remained waste, and the mass of the
population had given themselves up as serfs to the great lords. And as
ill luck would have it, most of the Roman nobles had their estates in
Africa; so that these families, whose wealth sounds quite fabulous, were
utterly ruined, as Genseric confiscated everything.

A new storm came from another quarter, even the Huns who had formerly
driven away the Goths. Of their abodes in the times of Theodosius and
his sons, we have no certain trace; perhaps they dwelled in the country
between the banks of the Don and the borders of Wallachia: during the
first years of Theodosius, they are to be found on the banks of the
Danube, and even beyond the Theiss, as far as Pannonia. Concerning all
these points, our sources are too scanty: as for the hypothesis of De
Guignes, who traces them from China, I have already branded it as false;
it is a view which in this day is justly rejected. The Huns being now
met with as far as Pannonia, the Pannonian frontier must have been lost
by the Romans. Bledas and Attila (Bledel and Etzel), the two sons[75] of
Rugilas, appear with a formidable power as the kings of the Huns: the
description of the might of Attila, however, is one of the weak points
in Gibbon, as he believes the rule of Attila to have reached as far as
China. It is indeed very likely that his sway extended beyond the Don
even to the Volga: the German peoples paid homage to him, as one may see
from our own poems; and as they were treated by him with forbearance,
the lays are not bitter upon him. The main strength of his empire,
according to a very correct remark of Friedrich Schlegel, was in German
tribes: he himself, as Jornandes describes him, was a Mogul, and
surrounded by Moguls. Yet this Mogul tribe is comparatively weak; so
that, immediately after his death, the German tribes are free again.
Until the middle of the fifth century, Attila had turned himself against
the eastern empire only, which he made to suffer dreadfully by
devastation, disgraceful treaties of peace, and tribute: Servia, and the
greater part of Bulgaria, he altogether changed into a desert. The Huns
carried on their frightful and bloodthirsty havoc in quite a different
manner from the Goths, for instance: they were in the true sense of the
word, destroyers. The western empire, being hard pressed by the Vandals,
was not able to aid that of the East in this distress: there was even a
sort of friendly relation between the former and the Huns, namely, by
means of presents. Aëtius, having been banished, had betaken himself to
the Huns, from whence, however, he returned: under their protection, he
laid the foundations of his power in the empire, until he was so firmly
established that he could do without them. He had revived the authority
of Rome beyond all expectation: in Gaul, he had reduced the distant
countries on the coast, which had made themselves independent; he also
restored the frontier of the Rhine, though indeed the Franks still
dwelled from Belgium to the Saone, and the Burgundians lived under their
own kings, being tributary to the Romans. Provence, however, part of
Dauphiné, Lower Languedoc, Lower Loire, Auvergne, and the north-west of
Gaul, as well as Spain on the side of the Mediterranean, with the
exception of Catalonia, were subject to the latter: the Visigoths had
the South. No European country is so torn in pieces as the western
empire then was: the countries there were for the most part covered with
heaps of ruins, even as a land brought down to the deepest misery; of
which we may form an idea by reading the poems of Logau at the end of
the Thirty Years’ War.

Attila had been led by a quarrel with a Frankish royal house to march
into Gaul. Here Aëtius united with the feeble forces of the empire
against him, the warriors of the Visigoths, the ruling party of the
Franks in Gaul under Merovæus, and the Burgundians: nearly all his
troops were barbarians, but the spirit was his. Attila laid siege to
Orleans, which was on the point of surrendering, and it would have been
destroyed like the places on the banks of the Rhine, when Aëtius and
Theodoric the king of the Visigoths came to its relief. Attila fell back
into Champagne (_Campi Catalaunici_). The decisive battle in the year
451, is wrongly called the battle near Chalons, which I do not at all
look upon as certain: _Campi Catalaunici_ mean Champagne; so that it
does not necessarily follow that the battle was precisely near Chalons.
In this mighty combat, Attila led the barbarians of the East, the
majority of them being German tribes, against the barbarians of the
West. Yet Aëtius had to contend not only against superior numbers, but
also against treachery, as the Alans, who were placed in the centre of
his host, gave way, and the Huns were enabled to break through his
ranks. The Visigoths were about to be overpowered, Theodoric being dead;
but Thorismund, his heir, made a decisive charge and Aëtius also
conquered at last. The Huns were not driven back, but retreated behind
their rampart of waggons, where Aëtius did not venture to attack them;
so that both parties retired. The numbers which have been given of those
who were killed and taken prisoners, are beyond all belief.

When the winter was over, Attila made his appearance in Italy. Here
Aëtius could only oppose to him the feeble, uncertain forces of a land
which had become utterly unwarlike. Aquileia, Padua, and other towns
were destroyed; all who did not flee, were murdered: people took refuge
in the marshes, which was the occasion of the founding of Venice. The
details which we have concerning the first tribunes of Venice, &c., are
fabulous. Attila had been invited by the princess Honoria into Italy.

The death of Attila, which soon followed, would perhaps have given rest
to Italy, had not Aëtius, the only support of Rome, met with his death
at the same time. Aëtius, had he wished to rebel, might long ago have
taken the throne for himself; but he was satisfied with being the
acknowledged and actual ruler of the empire: his title was that of
Patrician; but he is also mentioned in the chronicles as _Dux
Romanorum_. His younger son Gaudentius was betrothed to Eudoxia, the
daughter of Valentinian, both of them being very young; without doubt
Aëtius thereby wished to secure the succession for Gaudentius.
Valentinian, however, who was not yet old, expected that this would put
an end to his own dominion; and therefore he formed a plot against
Aëtius. The latter, suspecting nothing, went to the imperial palace at
Rome on the Palatine, and there Valentinian stabbed him with his own
hand: very likely, no one was allowed to present himself with arms
before the emperor, as was the case in Constantinople. His son also, and
many of his friends were murdered. One is tempted to think that this led
to the rise of Ricimer; at least, he very soon after is met with in
Aëtius’ place. Rome was now deprived of the great man, who alone could
guarantee the safety of the empire: all the successors of Valentinian
were merely emperors in name. Valentinian filled the measure of his
wretchedness by an outrage on the wife of Petronius Maximus. He
treacherously decoyed her into the palace, to gratify his infamous
lusts; and by this deed he drove the injured husband into a conspiracy.
Valentinian was murdered in the Field of Mars, and Petronius was
proclaimed emperor.

Petronius’ wife having died in the meanwhile, he compelled Valentinian’s
widow, Eudoxia, to marry him. She, however, had loved her former husband
in spite of his profligacy, and she brooded over schemes of revenge: she
invited Genseric to come to Rome and to achieve its conquest. This was
so easily done, that one wonders at his not having made it before, and
frequently afterwards: the co-operation of the empress is quite evident.
When Genseric appeared, the clergy and the senate went out to meet him,
imploring his mercy: whereupon he promised not to destroy the people.
Notwithstanding this, the outrages of the soldiers were nearly as wanton
as if the city had been taken by sword; only there was not quite so much
bloodshed. Fourteen whole days was the city pillaged: all the silver,
all the bronze was taken away; the golden plates, and the gilt tiles on
the Capitol, nay, all that had any value, and could be moved, was
carried away to the Vandal ships at Ostia. Petronius himself was slain
in the tumult. The conquerors had left Rome exhausted, like a body bled
to death: the senate had not even the spirit to proclaim a new emperor.

And now, the senator M. Mæcilius Avitus, a very rich and accomplished
nobleman in Auvergne, declared himself emperor in Gaul, and crossed the
Alps. No one indeed had really proclaimed him. The state of things had
become very strange: it was not the army in the province, that
proclaimed the emperor; but a peculiar right had then sprung up by
which, when there was no hereditary claim, the senate would elect, the
people give its assent by acclamation, and the soldiers acknowledge the
choice. Avitus came to Rome, and was recognised; but Ricimer, a Sueve of
royal race, was even then all-powerful there. All the barbarians who
acted a part in Rome, must not be looked upon as mere savages: they were
Christians, and understood and spoke the _Volgare_, which even then came
nearer to the modern Italian, than to the Latin; and they were quite as
civilized as our own ancestors were in the middle ages. Some few of them
had a tinge of classical knowledge, like Theodoric the Visigoth and the
younger Alaric; but it was otherwise with Ricimer and those of his
class, who undoubtedly had a hearty contempt for the Roman civilisation.
All those Germans, alas! were not a whit better than the degenerate
Italians: they were just as faithless, just as cruel. Ricimer soon
became false to Avitus; and the latter took possession of the see of
Placentia, from whence he also soon fled: he seems to have died a
natural death, owing to a sickness brought on by the persecutions which
he had had to suffer.

In the room of Avitus, Ricimer set up a man of a character such as was
no more to be looked for in those days of Rome’s decline—Majorian, who,
as it seems, was an Italian born, (457). However unwarlike the Italian
people then was, it yet produced distinguished generals, as we may see
in the cases of Aëtius and Majorian. The latter undoubtedly deserves the
high character which Procopius gives him; Sidonius, his epitaph, his
laws, the individual traits recorded of him, all redound to his praise.
Procopius says that he had surpassed all the Roman emperors in
excellence: he had a great mind, and was of a highly practical turn. For
four whole years he still stood his ground, and was actually master by
the side of the faithless barbarian Ricimer, who had the main forces of
the empire at his disposal. The Visigoths in Upper Languedoc and in
Catalonia, owned his personal greatness, and paid homage to him and to
the majesty of the Roman empire which he had restored. The Vandals being
the curse of that empire, he planned an expedition against them, for
which he had made extraordinary preparations: he was resolved not to
grant them any terms, but to crush them. And they must needs have been
overpowered, but for treachery at home. It is quite evident that Ricimer
betrayed him, and was the cause of Genseric’s getting the Roman fleet at
Carthagena set on fire. Notwithstanding this, Majorian concluded an
advantageous peace, which at least secured the coasts of Italy and
Sicily. On his return, at the instigation of Ricimer, a rebellion broke
out against him: he was obliged to renounce the throne, and a few days
after he ceased to live (461).

Ricimer’s absolute sway under a nominal emperor, lasted until 467,
during which seven years a quite unknown emperor, Libius Severus, had
the empty name of sovereign. Ricimer had an army, enlisted from what
were called the _fœderati_ (all sorts of German tribes), and he looked
upon Italy as his realm; yet he was in a critical position, as he had to
protect Italy; for he could not have kept it against Genseric. His power
was limited. What still belonged to the Romans in Gaul and Spain, was
subject to the _Magister militum_ Ægidius, a very distinguished man, and
a Roman, who had made himself independent, and ruled over Spain and part
of Gaul. Marcellinus, another commander, an old and faithful servant of
Aëtius, had become prince of Illyricum. Ricimer, after the death of
Severus (465), ruled alone; but not beyond Italy. As, however, that
country still continued to be a prey to the pirate-ships of the Vandals,
Ricimer allowed the senate to apply to the emperor Leo at
Constantinople, and to ask him to appoint an emperor under his
supremacy, and to come to the aid of the empire.

Leo named Anthemius, the son-in-law of his predecessor Marcian, and whom
he was glad to get rid of; sent him with a considerable body of troops;
and made preparations for a grand expedition against the Vandals. By the
death of Ægidius, the prefecture of Gaul was reunited with Italy; and
Marcellinus also had placed Illyricum again under the supremacy of the
emperor. On the side of Italy, Sardinia was wrested out of the grasp of
the Vandals; Basiliscus, a general of the east and a brother-in-law of
Leo, led a considerable army against Carthage; and another was sent
against Tripolis. The plan was a brilliant one, and the beginning of the
undertaking successful; but Genseric, who always got the advantage by
discovering those who would sell themselves, now also warded off the
decisive moment by craftiness. There is some suspicion that even
Basiliscus sold himself; perhaps Ricimer also was guilty again. However
this may have been, the expedition proved a total failure. Ricimer and
Anthemius now fell out, although Anthemius had married his daughter to
Ricimer; and thus the help which had been expected from the eastern
emperor, only became the source of still greater calamity. Ricimer now
kept his court at Milan; Anthemius lived at Rome: they were implacable
enemies, nor did the attempt to reconcile them lead to any result.

A new pretender to the crown, Olybrius, the husband of the younger
daughter of Valentinian, who besides such claims had also those of the
_gens Anicia_, now offered himself to Ricimer. The latter caused him to
be proclaimed. Anthemius, however, would not give up Rome; on which
Ricimer laid siege to it for three months, when he at last burst in over
the bridge, and it was taken by storm, and had to suffer all the horrors
of a conquered city. As the marriage of Ricimer with the daughter of
Anthemius had been the last brilliant moment for Rome, thus the present
calamity was the most awful one, being indeed far more terrible than
when it was taken by the Goths and Vandals: Pope Gelasius speaks in very
strong terms of the horrors which were perpetrated on this occasion.
Anthemius himself lost his life: Ricimer and Olybrius survived him only
a few months. There seem to have been epidemics, of which there is also
mention.

Now Gundobald, the king of the Burgundians, who had taken Ricimer’s
place, in his capacity of Patrician appointed a Roman of the name of
Glycerius, emperor. Against him, however, the court of Constantinople
sent Julius Nepos, another Roman of rank, who with some assistance
from Constantinople got possession of Rome and Ravenna. Glycerius
abdicated; but Nepos was refused obedience by Orestes, a Roman from
Noricum, who had been great even in the days of Attila. At this time,
after Gundobald had left Italy, Orestes was Patrician, that is to say,
commander-in-chief. Although a Roman by birth, he had been brought up
among barbarians, and had adopted their language, manners, dress, and
way of living: from reasons which we cannot account for, he conferred
the imperial dignity upon his son Romulus, who had received his
strange name from the father of his mother, a count Romulus in
Noricum. Nepos, that he might be acknowledged by the Visigoths, had
already given up the Roman lands in Gaul, even more than those
barbarians were able to occupy: the people of Auvergne abandoned the
hopeless idea of resistance; but in the north of Gaul, between
Burgundy and the settlements of the Franks, a considerable part of the
country was still Roman, though separated from the bulk of the empire
ever since the death of Ægidius. That territory was now subject to
Syagrius, and it yet lasted ten years longer than the western empire,
until it was likewise broken up by Clovis. Romulus, who was not called
Augustus, but Augustulus, was the last emperor. Against him the
barbarian tribes, stirred up by Odoachar, a German prince, arose in
rebellion: they demanded, over and above their exorbitant pay, no less
than a third of all the lands, like the Visigoths and Burgundians, to
be allotted on a tenure of military service. As Orestes would not
grant this, they revolted, and, wanting to have a ruler who was one of
themselves, proclaimed Odoachar king. He defeated Orestes and his
brother in two battles, and they both of them lost their lives.
Odoachar marched to Ravenna, and Romulus surrendered to him: he was
treated with humanity, as he received a liberal maintenance, and the
_Lucullianum_ in Campania was assigned to him as his residence.
Whether he died there of a natural death, is more than we know.

Thus ended the Roman empire.




                       FINE ARTS AND LITERATURE.


Of the fifth century some buildings are still preserved. The noble
church of St. Paul, although built up by the robbery of other fabrics,
was yet in a grand style, and put together with much taste: the robbery
is described in a statute of the emperor Majorian who forbade it. A
hundred and fifty years ago, there still existed, in the church of S.
Agata di Goti, a mosaic from which it appeared that this church was
built and dedicated by Ricimer.

But the history of the Roman nation is not yet run out, although the
Romans have ceased to be a state. Even literature survives, not only in
Rome, but also at Ravenna. We have still a number of small detached
poems, epitaphs, inscriptions on churches, many of which are ingenious
and fine: one can see that the times were not yet barbarous. Boëthius
was worthy of the best ages of literature. To the seventh and the eighth
centuries belong several of the schoolmen who are left to us; for
instance, Acron and Porphyrio. The Roman law continued to be much more
decidedly in force than is generally believed. A description of the
lingering influence of the Roman mind would be highly interesting and
much to be desired.




                                 INDEX.


 _Abdera_, subject to Macedon, ii, 203.

 _Abdera_, Phœnician settlement in Spain, ii, 59.

 _Abgarus of Osroëne_, iii, 258.

 _Ablavius, præfectus prætorio_, iii, 304.

 Ἀβλεψία, iii, 181.

 ABORIGINES, the same people as the Siculians, i, 101;
   the nominative singular must have been _aboriginus_, 101;
   emigrate from Achaia to Latium, 101;
   Varro’s opinion of them, 103;
   their villages were scattered on hills, 110.

 _Abyssinian Annals_, from the thirteenth century, contain a piece of
    contemporary narrative, i, 125.

 _Acarnanians_ apply to Rome for help against the Ætolians, ii, 49;
   call upon Philip for help against the Athenians, 149;
   part of them Ætolian, 150;
   united with Macedon, 151;
   a separate state, 163;
   become Roman, 175.

 ACCENSI, i, 441;
   are armed in the battle of Veseris, 442.

 _Accius._ See Attius.

 _Acerræ_ reduced by the Romans, ii, 56;
   the story of the extermination of the senate unauthenticated, ii, 65;
   taken by Hannibal, 107;
   conquered by the Romans, as periœcians of Capua, 114.

 _Achæans_ sink into utter insignificance owing to the treason of
    Aratus, ii, 145;
   undertake a war against the Ætolians, in conjunction with Philip,
      145;
   dependent on their allies, 145;
   the extent of their rule, 151;
   unwarlike, 151;
   bitterness against Rome, 172;
   three factions among them, 206;
   outrages of the Roman party after the victory over Perseus, 217;
   more than a thousand Achæans sent to Rome, 217;
   the state of its affairs at the time of the third Punic war, 248;
   they defeat the Lacedæmonians, 250;
   extent of their power, 250;
   oppose the unjust demands of the Romans, 252;
   scattered near Scarphea, 254;
   their country changed into a Roman province, 256;
   their constitution, 256;
   conf. _Ætolians_.

 _Achæan towns_, twelve of them, i, 111.

 _Achaia_, belonging to the Achæan league, ii, 151;
   plundered by the Goths, iii, 280.

 _Achillas_, guardian of Ptolemy, iii, 63.

 _Achradina_, a quarter of Syracuse, ii, 117.

 _C. Acilius_, a Roman senator, writes Roman annals, down to the war
    with Antiochus, i, 23;
   his work translated into Latin by a certain Claudius, 23, and ii,
      121, 199.

 _Acrocorinth_ occupied by the Romans, ii, 162;
   evacuated, 172.

 ACTA DIURNA, a sort of town gazette, which also contained the acts of
    the senate, i, 9.

 ACTA MARTYRUM, spurious, felt quite a particular pleasure in devising
    and relating the most horrible tortures, ii, 26.

 ACTIONES REPETUNDARUM, for which formerly special _quæsitores_ were
    appointed, are from the seventh century to be judged according to
    the common course of law, ii, 297.

 _Actium_, battle of, iii, 111.

 _Actius._ See Attius.

 _Addiction_, i, 229, 523.

 _Aderbidjan_ given up by Persia to Armenia, iii, 296;
   wrested from the latter by Sapor, 313.

 _Adherbal_, general of the Carthaginians, ii, 32.

 _Adherbal_, son of Micipsa, ii, 310;
   taken by the Romans under their protection, 311;
   beset by Jugurtha in Cirta, 311;
   murdered, 312.

 _Adiabene_, the country east of the Tigris, iii, 253;
   subject to the supremacy of the Romans, 254.

 _Adige_ had fords in it, ii, 331.

 _Adis_ (Adin), ii, 21.

 _Administrative offices_, no other kind of knowledge was requisite in
    Rome for holding them, but the _artes liberales_.

 _Adolphus_, Alaric’s brother-in-law, commander of the Visigoths, iii,
    334;
   reigns on both sides of the Pyrenees, 334;
   married to Placidia, 334.

 _Adoption_ by will, first known example of it, iii, 84.

 _Aduatici_, Cimbrian tribe on the Lower Rhine, ii, 333.

 _Æacidas_, father of Pyrrhus, i, 352;
   attached to Olympias, 352;
   driven out of his kingdom by Alexander, 352;
   expelled from Epirus by Cassander, 553.

 _Ædiles_, a plebeian magistracy, i, 241;
   a general Latin magistracy, 241 and 405;
   are charged with all the police matters in Rome, iii, 123.

 ÆDILES CEREALES limited to the plebs, iii, 75.

 ÆDILES CURULES elected in the place of the old _quæstores parricidii_,
    i, 405;
   their office is held by plebeians also, 405;
   it becomes a _liturgy_ in the Greek acceptation of the word, 405;
   their attributes, 405;
   they are chosen by the _comitia tributa_, 406;
   they take upon themselves the burden of the public festivals, ii, 43;
   the holding of the ædileship in turns by the two orders done away
      with, 269.

 _Ædui_ get the hegemony in Gaul, iii, 42;
   brothers and friends of the Roman people, 42;
   rising against Tiberius under Julius Sacrovir, 202.

 _Ægation islands_, victory of the Romans over the Carthaginian fleet,
    ii, 38.

 _Ægidius_, _magister militum_ in Gaul and Spain, iii, 344.

 _Ægina_ taken by the Romans, ii, 146;
   sold by the Ætolians to Attalus, 146;
   given up to Eumenes, 163.

 _Ælia Capitolina_, iii, 230;
   the name has been kept up to this day 230.

 _Ælianus_, (Lælianus), emperor, conquered by Postumus in Mentz, iii,
    282.

 _Æmilianus_, governor of Illyricum, proclaimed emperor, defeats Gallus
    Trebonianus on the borders of Umbria, iii, 279;
   murdered, 279.

 _Æmilianus._ See Scipio.

 _Æmilius._ See Lepidus.

 _L. Æmilius_, consul in the war of the Cisalpine Gauls, ii, 52.

 _Mam. Æmilius_, said to have limited the censorial power to eighteen
    months, i, 336.

 _Q. Æmilius_, general against the Etruscans, i, 506;
   relieves Sutrium, 507.

 _L. Æmilius Barbula_, consul against Tarentum, i, 551.

 _Q. Æmilius Papus_, i, 548.

 _Q. Æmilius Paullus_, reduces the Illyrians, ii, 57;
   μισόδημος, having been wrongfully accused after the Illyrian
      campaign, 98;
   mortally wounded in the battle of Cannæ, 102.

 _L. Æmilius Paullus_, son of the former, brings in Greeks for the
    education of his children, ii, 199;
   consul, 212;
   defeats Perseus in the battle of Pydna, 213;
   is not to be ranked among the great men, 216;
   his triumph, 218.

 _L. Æmilius Paullus_, consul, iii, 49;
   bought over by Cæsar, 50;
   builds the Basilica Æmilia, 50.

 _Æneas_, according to Nævius, arrives with on ship only, i, 106;
   earliest traditions concerning him, 106.

 _Ænianians_, subjected to the Ætolians, ii, 151.

 _Ænos_, Macedonian, ii, 203.

 _Æquians_, are Opicans, i, 98;
   _gens magna_, 275;
   march from the Anio against Rome, 275;
   war of them in the year 323, 343;
   their power broken by Postumius Tubertus, 344;
   receive their deathblow from the Gauls, 384;
   in the first Samnite war allied to the Latins 436;
   conquered, receive the right of Roman citizenship, 505.

 _Æqui Falisci_, i, 361.

 _Æquimælium_, the place where the house of Sp. Mælius had stood, i,
    338.

 _Ærarii_, i, 180, 333;
   had very likely to pay a war-tax for the _pedites_ to carry on
      trades, 515.

 _Ærarium_, the chest of the plebeians, i, 233;
   of the senate and of the emperor, iii, 121.

 _Æschines_, i, 248.

 _Æsculetum_, place of meeting of the _populus_ outside the town, i,
    269.

 _Æsernia_, colony, i, 535; ii, 106;
   conquered, by the Samnites, 356;
   seat of the Italian government, 358.

 _Aëtius_, iii, 336;
   from Lower Mœsia, 336;
   with the Huns, 340;
   his achievements, 340;
   against Attila, 340;
   defeats Attila, 341;
   his death, 341;
   his title is _Patricius_ and _Dux Romanorum_, 341.

 _Ætna_, eruption in the year 354, i, 357.

 _Ætolians_ and Achæans united against Demetrius, ii, 48;
   divide Acarnania with Alexander of Epirus, 49;
   treat the embassy of the Romans with scorn, 49;
   war of Philip and the Achæans against them, 145;
   they are humbled by it, 145;
   free, 145;
   alliance with the Romans, 146;
   deserve praise after the Lamian war, 146;
   they sink afterwards into a state of barbarism, 146;
   attacked by Philip, they conclude a very disadvantageous peace, 147;
   hostile to Macedon, 150;
   extent of their possessions, 150;
   they have isopolity with many places in Elis and Messene, 151;
   misunderstanding with Rome, 152;
   dissensions between them and the Romans after the battle of
      Cynoscephalæ, 160;
   their vanity, 160;
   side with Antiochus, 167;
   defend Ambracia, 174;
   peace, 175;
   outrages of the Roman party after the defeat of Perseus, 216.

 _Ætolian_ cavalry is bad, i, 440.

 _Afranius_, Pompey’s general in Spain a commonplace man, iii, 54;
   defeated near Lerida, 56;
   in Africa, 67.

 _Africa_, numerous and zealous church there, iii, 273.

 _African school_, iii, 234;
   has no peculiar dialect, 234;
   its origin unknown, 234.

 _Agathias_, his history is most authentic, iii, 263.

 _Agathocles_ employed by the Tarentines, i, 461;
   his character, 575;
   shows the weakness of the Carthaginians in Africa, ii, 17.

 _Agathyrsians_, i, 369.

 AGER LIMITATUS, its law on the _tabula Heracleensis_, seems to have
    been similar to that which was in force at Rome, i, 269.

 _Ager publicus_, i, 243; ii, 270;
   one instance only of any thing like it in Greece, i, 253;
   occupation of it, 253;
   _agrum locare_ and _agrum vendere_ are synonymous, 254.

 _Agis_, PROXENUS of the Romans at Tarentum, i, 551.

 _Agon Capitolinus_ instituted by Domitian, iii, 210.

 _Agrarian law_, i, 250;
   peculiar to the Romans, 253.

 _Agricola Julius_, from Forum Julii, may have sprung from Gallic
    ancestors, iii, 193;
   completes the conquest of Britain, 211.

 _Agrigentum_ laid waste by the Carthaginians, i, 576;
   independent, 576;
   destroyed by the Carthaginians, ii, 4;
   condition at the outbreak of the Punic wars, 10;
   sacked, 12;
   taken by the Romans, 119;
   its several devastations, 119;
   afterwards restored, 119.

 _C. Agrippa_, iii, 147;
   adopted by Augustus, 147;
   sent to Armenia, 147;
   Velleius’ character of him, 147;
   murdered there, 148.

 _L. Agrippa_ adopted by Augustus, iii, 147;
   sent to Gaul and Spain, 147;
   his death, 148.

 _M. Agrippa_ Octavian’s adviser, iii, 85;
   conducts the war against Sextus Pompey, 109;
   victory near Mylæ, 109;
   marries Julia, 143, 146;
   his influence on Augustus, 144;
   his buildings, 144;
   Augustus gives him his ring, 146;
   differences between him and Marcellus, 146;
   Velleius’ saying of him, 146;
   withdraws to Mitylene, 146;
   his death, 146.

 _Agrippa Postumus_ adopted by Augustus, iii, 148.

 _Agrippina_, Agrippa’s daughter, wife of Germanicus, iii, 146;
   her virtue, 146, 160;
   banished by Sejanus, 176.

 _Agrippina_, wife of the Emperor Claudius, her character, iii, 183;
   daughter of Germanicus, 188;
   mother of Nero, 189;
   murdered, 189.

 _Agron_, king of the Illyrians, ii, 47.

 _Agylla_ receives the worship of Greek heroes, i, 147;
   is called Cære by the Etruscans, 147;
   Conf. Cære.

 _Ahenobarbus._ See Domitius.

 _Aisne_, battle, iii, 44.

 _Alans_, iii, 288;
   cross the Rhine, 331;
   withdraw from Gaul, 332;
   conquered by Adolphus, 334;
   treachery towards Aëtius, 341.

 _Alaric_, king of the Visigoths, iii, 329;
   defeated by Stilicho, 329;
   appointed _magister militum_, 329;
   appears in the West, 330;
   defeated near Pollentia, 330;
   withdraws from Italy, 330;
   blockades Rome twice, 333;
   dies in Cosenza, 334.

 _Alaric_, the younger, his classical knowledge, iii, 343.

 _Alatrum_, town of the Hernicans, i, 247.

 _Alba_, on the Alban lake, capital of the ruling conquerors, i, 107;
   its historical existence, 108;
   shares with the thirty towns the flesh of the sacrifices on the Alban
      Mount, 108;
   religious reference of Roman _gentes_ to Alba, 113;
   its destruction is historical, 125;
   not the least connexion between it and Rome, 126;
   its destruction by the Latins is most probable, 128.

 _Alba_ on the Lake Fucinus, from thence the Sacranians issued, i, 107;
   Roman colony, 505;
   Syphax dies there as an exile, ii, 137;
   Perseus and his sons live there in captivity, 245;
   and likewise Bituitus, king of the Allobroges, 308.

 _Albans_ had the dominion over Latium, i, 108;
   their reception into Rome is probably historical, 125

 _Albanian_, the modern Albanian language is like the ancient Illyrian,
    ii, 57.

 _Alban kings_, their chronology is a forgery of L. Cornelius Alexander,
    i, 107.

 _Alban lake_ drained, i, 356–359.

 _Albenses_ (_Populi_), in Pliny, i, 107.

 _Albinovanus_ makes his peace with Sylla, ii, 282.

 _Albinovanus_ Pedo, iii, 140.

 _A. Albinus_, surrounded in Africa, ii, 315.

 _Albinus Clodius_, the title of Cæsar offered to him by Commodus, iii,
    250;
   proclaimed emperor by the British and Gallic legions, 250;
   his descent, 253;
   overreached by Septimius Severus, 253;
   defeated near Lyons, his death, 253.

 _Sp. Albinus_, consul, ii, 315.

 _Album_, explanation of the term, i, 6.

 _Alcæus of Messene_, epigrams of his, ii, 160.

 _Alcibiades_, the bravest Athenian, i, 296.

 _Alemanni_, iii, 277;
   break into the Roman empire, 279;
   must have undertaken an expedition as far as Spain, 282;
   pass the Po, 287;
   war of Probus against them, 288;
   on both banks of the Rhine, 310;
   force the passage across the Rhine, 331.

 _Aleppo_, famine there, i, 338.

 _Alesia_, between Autun and Langres, iii, 47.

 _Alexander VI._, Pope, lays down a division of countries in the new
    world between Spain and Portugal, i, 413.

 _Alexander_, L. Cornelius, a freedman of Sylla, i, 107.

 _Alexander_, king of Epirus, the treaty with him is the first connexion
    between Greece and Rome, i, 458;
   family connexions, 463;
   unites the Greek towns of Lower Italy in a confederacy, 464;
   quarrels with the Tarentines, after which he carries on the war as an
      adventurer, 464;
   is slain near Pandosia, 465;
   treaty with the Romans, 465;
   usurps the kingdom of Æacidas, 552.

 _Alexander the Great_, the embassy of the Romans to him seems not to be
    a fiction, i, 469;
   embassy of the Samnites and Lucanians, 469;
   of the Iberians, 469;
   whether the Romans knew of him, 469;
   has done little in comparison with Hannibal, ii, 67.

 _Alexander_, son of Pyrrhus, ii, 49 and 50.

 _Alexander Severus_, formerly called Alexianus, adopted by Elagabalus,
    iii, 261;
   his character, 261;
   the authors seem to have written a sort of Cyropædia on him, 262;
   weak to Mamæa, 262;
   Ulpianus his minister, 262;
   displays great firmness on many occasions, 262;
   his war against the Persians, 265;
   contradictions concerning it, 265;
   goes to the Rhine, 266;
   mutiny of the troops, 266;
   murdered, 267.

 _Alexandria_, its population, iii, 64;
   massacre under Caracalla, 257;
   seat of wit, 257;
   many Christians there, 273;
   reduced by Diocletian, 296.

 _Alexandrines_, drive Ptolemy Auletes away, iii, 28.

 _Alexandrine literature_ must be deemed to end with the death of
    Eratosthenes, iii, 228.

 _Alexianus._ See Alexander Severus.

 _Alexo_, an Achæan, discovers a plot in the Carthaginian camp before
    Lilybæum, ii, 30.

 _Alfatarians_, i, 419.

 _Algidus_, a cold rugged height, its situation, i, 277.

 _Aliens_ were better treated in the Germanic states, than in the
    ancient world and in France, i, 167.

 _Alia_, battle on the, was fought July 16th, i, 373;
   an historical event, 376;
   site of the river uncertain, 376;
   description of the battle, 377.

 _Aliphera_ during the war of Hannibal well affected to Macedon, ii,
    145.

 _Aliso_ on the Lippe, very likely in the neighbourhood of Hamm, iii,
    157.

 _Allobroges_, are pure Celts, i, 370;
   their country at the time of Hannibal, ii, 79;
   their abodes, 308;
   acknowledge the _majestas populi Romani_, 79;
   Roman citizens, iii, 23;
   their envoys at the conspiracy of Catiline, 23;
   call for Cæsar’s protection against the Helvetians, 41.

 _Alps_, their extent in Polybius, ii, 77.

 _Alpine tribes_, their treachery to Hannibal, ii, 78.

 _Alumentus_, Latin form for Laomedon, ii, 194.

 _Alva_, Duke of —’s cruelty in the Netherlands, iii, 297.

 _Amazirgh_, ii, 5.

 _Ambiorix_, leader of the Eburones, iii, 46.

 _Ambitio Campi_, iii, 118.

 _Ambitus_, laws against it, ii, 227, 318; iii, 13, 38.

 _Ambracia_ yielded to Pyrrhus by the son of Cassander, i, 554;
   residence of Pyrrhus, 555;
   siege, ii, 174;
   given up to the Romans, 175.

 _Ambrones_ join the Cimbrians, ii, 324;
   they are most likely Ligurians, 324;
   defeated by Marius, 329.

 _Ambrose_, iii, 325.

 _America_, state of things before the constitution of Washington, ii,
    248.

 _Americans_, beat the English fleets by means of masses, ii, 14.

 _Amida_ taken by Sapor, iii, 309.

 _Amiternum_, leagued with the Samnites, taken in the third Samnite war,
    i, 535.

 _Ammianus Marcellinus_, an ingenious writer, iii, 323;
   a native of Antioch, 324.

 _Ammonius_, iii, 293.

 _Amphilochia_ yielded by the son of Cassander to Pyrrhus, i, 554.

 _Amphipolitans_ receive the Chalcidians and drive out the old Athenian
    colony, i, 419.

 _Amulet_, iii, 355.

 _Amulius_, i, 112.

 _Amynander_ drives the Macedonian garrisons from Athamania, ii, 203.

 _Anagnia_, town of the Hernicans, i, 247;
   loses its political existence, 503;
   becomes a municipal town of the second class, 503;
   receives a provost from Rome to administer justice, 503.

 _Anaitis_, her temple in Comana plundered, ii, 407.

 _Ancient literature_ revived, iii, 232.

 _Ancona_, the March of, a country with a very temperate climate, and
    exceedingly healthy, ii, 94;
   its constitution in recent times, 398;
   its mole and harbour built by Trajan, iii, 223.

 _Ancus Marcius_, his conquest very credible, i, 125;
   he is a Sabine, 131;
   establishes Latins on the Aventine, 131;
   founds the colony of Ostia, 132.

 _Andalusia_, the Latin language, forbidden there by punishment of
    death, dies away within a hundred years, i, 145;
   Latinized, ii, 258.

 _S. Andreas_ IN BUSTA GALLICA, church in Rome, i, 384.

 _Andriscus._ See Pseudophilip.

 _Andronidas_, ii, 248.

 _Q. Anicius_, a Prænestine, plebeian ædile, i, 495, 521.

 ANNALES BERTINIANI, FULDENSES, etc., their arrangement, i, 5.

 ANNALES MAXIMI _or_ PONTIFICUM, i, 5;
   for the earlier times restored afterwards, 6;
   according to Servius divided into eighty books, 8;
   Cicero’s opinion on them, 8;
   one may form an idea of them from the passages which Livy quotes from
      them at the end of the tenth book, 8;
   Livy’s copy began with the year 460, 8;
   according to Diomedes they were still continued in his time, 9;
   the probable cause of their having ceased in the times of P. Mucius
      is the publication of the _acta diurna_, 9;
   destroyed in the burning of the town by the Gauls, 83.

 _Annius of Viterbo_, his forgeries, i, 141.

 _Antagoras_, ii, 198.

 _Anthemius_, emperor, iii, 345.

 _Antibes_ (Antipolis) conquered, ii, 220.

 _Antigonea_, founded by Pyrrhus, the present Argyrocastro, ii, 153;
   _fauces Antigoneæ_, 153;
   victory of Flaminius, 155.

 _Antigonus Doson_ (Epitropus), guardian of Philip, i, 144;
   in the last years of his guardianship the Macedonian empire recovers,
      145.

 _Antigonus the One-eyed_, killed in the battle Ipsus, i, 553.

 _Antigonus Gonatas_, abandoned by his troops, i, 569;
   again appointed king, 569;
   marches to Argos, 569;
   decay of the Macedonian empire during the later years of his reign,
      ii, 144.

 _Antioch_, the seat of wit, iii, 257;
   many Christians there, 273;
   sacked by the Persians, 280;
   battle, 286.

 _Antioch_, the people of, their frivolity and luxury, iii, 311;
   rouse the wrath of Theodosius, 322.

 _Antiochus Epiphanes_, his character correctly described in the book of
    the Maccabees, ii, 207;
   his connexion with Perseus, 211;
   war against Egypt, 220;
   his last disease, 390.

 _Antiochus the Great_ of Syria, allies himself with Philip III. against
    Ptolemy Epiphanes, ii, 147;
   conquers Perinthus, Ephesus, and Lycia, 148;
   bears unjustly the surname of the Great, 165;
   better than the princes of his house who had the same name, 166;
   extent of his rule, 166;
   negociations of the Romans with him, 167;
   rejects Hannibal’s advice, 170;
   lands in Greece, 171;
   battle of Thermopylæ, 173;
   returns to Asia, 173;
   his fleet commanded by Hannibal, 175;
   conquered near Myonnesus, 175;
   evacuates the Chersonesus, 176;
   falls back into Lydia, 176;
   offers to conclude a peace, 177;
   battle of Magnesia, 178;
   peace, 179.

 _Antiochus Hierax_ war against Ptolemy Euergetes, ii, 182.

 _Antiochus Soter_, ii, 166.

 _Antiochus Theos_, an utterly infamous prince, ii, 166.

 _Antipater_ L. Cœlius. See Cœlius.

 _Antiquities_, the study of Roman antiquities makes rapid progress in
    the beginning of the 16th century, i, 68.

 _Antium_, at first Tyrrhenian, afterwards Volscian, i, 223;
   sprung from the same stock with Rome and Ardea, 223;
   conquered in 286 by the Romans, 274;
   receives a Volscian colony, 274;
   opposition; the old citizens call in the Romans, 274;
   receives a colony of Romans, Latins, and Hernicans, 274;
   _Antiates mille milites_, 274;
   restored to the Volscians, 286;
   severed from Rome, 390;
   a marine colony, 450;
   its fate after the Latin war, 450;
   laid waste, ii, 372.

 _Antonia_, daughter of M. Antonius and Octavia, Drusus’ wife, iii, 104;
   mother of the emperor Claudius, 181.

 _M. Antoninus_ marries one of his daughters to Pompeian, a Greek, i,
    62;
   in his reign, there remains only the art of casting in bronze, iii,
      224;
   his real name Annius Verus, 236;
   called by Hadrian, Verissimus, 236;
   different accounts concerning his adoption, 237;
   his beauty, 238;
   character, 238;
   meditations, 238;
   correspondence with Fronto, 238;
   stoicism, 239;
   love of his subjects, 239;
   his monumental column very much damaged, 242;
   goes to the East, 245;
   _dialogista_, 245;
   Avidius Cassius’ opinion on him, 245;
   his death, 246;
   he sells the valuable things of his palace, 248;
   his equestrian statue, a noble work, 275;
   writes very good Greek, 324.

 _M. Antoninus Magnus_, son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254;
   see Caracalla.

 _T. Antoninus Pius_, grandson of Arrius Antoninus, adopted by Hadrian,
    iii, 231;
   emperor, 236;
   married to Galeria Faustina, 236;
   a native of Nemausus, 236;
   his history little known to us, 236;
   his surname _Pius_, 236;
   his wars, 236;
   his character, 237.

 _Antoninus Diadumenianus_, son of Macrinus, iii, 260.

 _Antonius._ See Primus.

 _C. Antonius_, consul, Cicero’s colleague, iii, 24.

 _C. Antonius_, brother of the triumvir, receives the province of
    Macedon, iii, 86;
   executed by Brutus, 96.

 _L. Antonius_, brother of the triumvir, places himself at the head of
    the malcontents against Octavian, iii, 102;
   the Perusian war, 103;
   makes up with Octavian, 103.

 _M. Antonius_, consul, ii, 339;
   orator, 349, 373.

 _M. Antony_, tribune of the people, iii, 52;
   makes his passage to Illyricum, 59;
   quarrels with Dolabella; both of them equally bad, 70;
   offers to Cæsar the diadem, 76;
   his behaviour after Cæsar’s murder, 82;
   delivers a funeral oration for Cæsar, 83;
   is not among his heirs, 83;
   administers Cæsar’s property, 84;
   makes away with the greatest part of the money, 85;
   chooses Cisalpine Gaul for his province, 86;
   shows himself friendly to the _optimates_, 86;
   although a bad man he might be gained over, 86;
   incensed against Cicero, 87;
   besieges Dec. Brutus in Mutina, 87;
   goes to Gaul, 90;
   imperator, 90;
   triumvirate, 91;
   battle of Philippi, 97;
   his moderation after the war, 99;
   falls into the nets of Cleopatra, 101;
   peace of Brundusium, 103;
   marries Octavia, 104;
   gets the empire of the east, 104;
   unsuccessful attempt against Sicily, 105;
   of Misenum, 105;
   campaign in Media, 108;
   divorce from Octavia, 110;
   marries Cleopatra, 110;
   his fleet, 111;
   battle of Actium, 111;
   his death, 113.

 _Antonius Musa_, physician of Augustus, iii, 146.

 _Antrodoco_, the defiles of —, disgracefully abandoned by the
    Neapolitans in 1821, i, 477.

 _d’Anville_, his maps of Italy to be recommended, i, 76;
   characteristics, 76;
   C. Niebuhr always spoke of him in the highest terms of
      acknowledgment, 77.

 _Anxur_, i, 344;
   conf. Terracina.

 _Aous_, river, ii, 153.

 _Apennines_, geologically different from the mountain ranges of
    Southern Italy, ii, 8;
   ways leading through them to Italy, 52;
   roads through them, 89.

 _Aper._ See Arrius.

 _Apollodorus of Damascus_, his likeness is the most ancient of an
    artist which we have, i, 61; iii, 221;
   architect of Trajan, iii, 221.

 _Apollonia_, dependent on the Romans, ii, 48, 153; iii, 58, 84.

 _Appeal_ to the people, done away with, ii, 297;
   it had only been allowed for _judicium publicum_, 297;
   source of the modern appeal, iii, 117.

 _Appia Aqua_, i, 518.

 _Appian_ has borrowed from Fabius, i, 20;
   closely follows the track of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 20;
   his sources, 252;
   a jurist from Alexandria, lives in Rome during the reigns of Hadrian
      and Antoninus Pius, greatly befriended by Fronto, 60; iii, 237;
   his history arranged after the _Origines_ of Cato, i, 60;
   he knew well how to choose his sources, 60;
   his ignorance particularly of geography, 61;
   editions, 61;
   on the _ager publicus_, 252;
   the groundwork of his history of the second Punic war, is taken from
      Fabius, ii, 62;
   is the only source for the third Punic war, 240;
   has copied from Polybius, 240;
   otherwise below criticism, 240.

 _Appian_ road built, i, 517, 518.

 _Apuleius._ See Saturninus.

 _Apuleius_, to be placed among the first geniuses of his age, iii, 234;
   shows talent wherever he has a subject, 235.

 _Apulia_, description of the country, i, 477;
   clothed in winter with fine and excellent grass, 478;
   joins Pyrrhus, 557;
   a mild, sunny district, ii, 95;
   a breeze rises there every afternoon from the east, (the sea), 102;
   part of it falls away from the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, 107;
   under arms in the Social war, but without having any share in the
      Italian state, 352.

 _Apulians_ of the same stock as the Opicans, i, 99.

 _Aqua Appia._ See Appia.

 _Aqua Claudia_, the finest Roman aqueduct, iii, 189.

 _Aqua Marcia_, ii, 339.

 _Aqua Marrana_, i, 188.

 _Aquæ Sextiæ_, first Roman colony beyond the Alps, ii, 308;
   gets the Roman franchise in virtue of the _lex Julia_, 354.

 _Aqueducts_ of the emperors are of brick, with a cast of mortar in the
    middle, i, 138;
   of the Romans, 518;
   of Appius, 518.

 _Aquila_, town in Latium, founded in the middle ages, i, 77.

 _Aquileia_, besieged by Maximin, ii, 269;
   battles, 321;
   destroyed, 341.

 _Aquitanians_ are pure Hispanians, i, 367;
   of the Iberian race, in Guienne, iii, 42;
   conquered by Crassus, 46.

 _Arabia_, vassal kingdom of Persia, iii, 253;
   Arabia Petræa, made a Roman province by Trajan, 220.

 _Aræ Flaviæ_, on the military road from the Main to Augsburg, iii, 216

 _Aratus_ sacrifices Corinth and the liberty of Greece, not to let
    Cleomenes have the authority which was due to him, ii, 145.

 _Aratus_, the poet, ii, 199;
   the paraphrase of the phænomena is by Domitian, 209.

 _Arbiter_, one only was needed in criminal causes, ii, 297.

 _Arbogastes_, a Frank general, commander of the army of Valentinian
    II., rises against him, iii, 321.

 _Arcadians_, an essentially Pelasgian people, i, 96.

 _Arcadia_, its position completely changed, i, 390;
   Achæan, ii, 151.

 _Arcadius_, iii, 328.

 _Archelaus_, commander of the army of Mithridates in Greece, ii, 369;
   defends himself in the Piræeus, 375.

 _Archidamus_ of Sparta employed by the Tarentines, i, 461;
   killed on the day of the battle of Chæronea, 463.

 _Archimedes_ builds a ship for Hiero, which is sent by the latter to
    Alexandria, ii, 17;
   defends Syracuse, 117.

 _Architecture_, its different stages of development, iii, 222;
   its decline under Hadrian, 275.

 _Archytas_, the Leibnitz of his age, i, 461;
   seven times called to the office of general, 461.

 _Ardaburius_, iii, 336.

 _Ardaschir_, son of Babek, of the race of Sassan, king of the Persians,
    iii, 264;
   restores the old fire-worship, 264;
   sets up monuments in Persepolis, 264;
   is called by the Greeks Artaxerxes, 265;
   war against the Romans, 265.

 _Ardea_, the war of Tarquin the Proud against Ardea is fabulous, i,
    198;
   is of the same stock with Rome and Antium, 223;
   insurrection, 343;
   make head against the Gauls, 381.

 _Ardeates_, the decision between them and the people of Aricia was
    pronounced by the Curies, i, 94.

 _Ardyæans_ in northern Illyricum, are under the protection of Rome, ii,
    146;
   overcome by Philip, 146;
   their country ceded to him by the Romans, 147.

 _Arevaci_, a Spanish people, ii, 220;
   a tribe of the Celtiberians, 260.

 _Argolis_ Archæan, ii, 151, 163.

 _Argos_, a Pelasgian word, probably meaning town, i, 101;
   synonymous with Peloponnesus, 101;
   also for Thessaly, 101;
   the republican party calls in Pyrrhus against the aristocrats, 569;
   the latter summon Antigonus to their aid, 569;
   devastated by the Goths, iii, 280.

 _Argyrocastro_, very important pass, ii, 147;
   the old Antigonea, 153.

 _Aricia_, in a grove before its gates, was the sanctuary of the Latins,
    i, 186;
   Porsena defeated there, 213;
   after the Latin war it does not receive the franchise, but becomes an
      independent municipium, 448;
   laid waste by Marius, 372.

 _Ariminum_, colony of, ii, 50;
   opens its gates to Cæsar, iii, 53.

 _Ariobarzanes_, Persian governor of Pontus, ii, 360;
   king of Cappadocia, 363, 407.

 _Ariovistus_, ii, 43;
   acknowledged by the Romans as a sovereign king, 43;
   defeated near Besançon, 43.

 _Aristænus_, Achæan strategus, ii, 156.

 _Aristæus_, a Pelasgian hero from Arcadia, i, 96.

 _Aristarchus_, the period from him to Dio Chrysostomus is an
    intermediate one, which has no distinct character, iii, 228.

 _Aristides_, Ælius, a most disagreeable writer, iii, 235;
   his declamation on the battle of Leuctra, 235.

 _Aristion_, sophist, tyrant of Athens, ii, 364.

 _Aristippus_, tyrant of Argos, i, 569.

 _Aristobulus_, historian, i, 470.

 _Aristobulus_, pretender to the crown of Judæa, made prisoner by
 Pompey and led in his triumph, iii, 11.

 _Aristocracy_, as it was in the earliest times in Rome, i, 164.

 _Aristocrats_, their hypocrisy, ii, 87.

 _Aristonicus_, a bastard son of Eumenes, usurps the throne of Pergamus,
    ii, 266;
   defeats Crassus, 267;
   overcome by Peperna, 267.

 _Aristotle_, ii, 6;
   the text of his Politics is derived from a single MS. of the
      fourteenth century, 6.

 _Armenia_, nature of the country, iii, 7;
   acknowledges the _majestas populi Romani_, 161;
   vassal kingdom of the Romans and Parthians, 240;
   recognised as a tributary dependency of Rome, 296.

 _Armenians_, Gibbon’s remark on the change in their character, iii, 7;
   slight Tiberius, 170;
   their princes are Arsacidæ and Christians, 313.

 _Arminius_, iii, 156;
   a Roman knight, 157.

 _Arnobius_, his erudition is of great value to us, iii, 293.

 _Arpi_, chief town of Apulia, i, 477;
   returns to the side of the Romans, ii, 110;
   taken by Hannibal, 120.

 _Arpinum_ conquered by the Samnites, i, 501;
   reconquered by the Romans, 504;
   municipal town, large and important; a Cyclopian town; birthplace of
      Marius and Cicero, iii, 15.

 _Arretinian_ vessels of baked red clay, i, 135.

 _Arretinus_, Leonardus, i, 67.

 _Arretium_ makes peace with Rome, i, 509;
   governed by the Cilnians; besieged by the Gauls, 546;
   razed to the ground, ii, 383;
   military colony, 385.

 _Arria_, wife of Thrasea Pætus, iii, 191.

 _Arrian_, a distinguished man, iii, 239.

 _Arrius Aper_, præfectus prætorio, iii, 290.

 _Arsacidæ_, the younger branch of them on the Parthian throne in
    Armenia, iii, 191.

 _Arsia_, the forest of, the battle there is purely mythical, i, 208.

 _Arsinoë_, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, iii, 62.

 _Artabanus_, king of the Parthians, iii, 258.

 _Artavasdes_, king of Armenia, iii, 107.

 _Artaxata_ conquered, iii, 191.

 _Artillery_, its masses mark the decline of intellectual spirit and
    humanity in warfare, ii, 17.

 _Art_ in Rome, i, 498;
   its decline in the third century, iii, 295.

 _Arulenus._ See Rusticus.

 _Aruns_, a common Etruscan name, i, 136.

 _Arvernians_, have the _principatus Galliæ_ at time of the second Punic
    war, ii, 125;
   defeated by the Romans, 308;
   they never raise their head again, iii, 42.

 _Arx_ of Rome climbed by the Gauls, i, 383.

 _Arymbas_, prince of the Molossians, i, 552.

 _As_, is worth one stiver and a half (²⁵³⁄₄₀₀ penny sterling), i, 181.

 _Asconius Pedianus_, a writer of first-rate historical learning, ii,
    385.

 _Asculum_, battle, i, 564;
   massacre of the Romans, ii, 352;
   victory of the Romans, 356.

 _Asiatics_ were merely archers, i, 176.

 _Asia_, kingdom of, ii, 183;
   province, 267;
   its division in the seventh century, 361;
   chastised by Sylla, 377;
   the name of Tiberius Claudius a general prænomen there, iii, 193.

 _Asinii_ are Marrucinians, ii, 300.

 _Asinius_, Herius, father or grandfather of Asinius Pollio, iii, 107.

 _Asinius Pollio_ taxes Livy with Patavinity, i, 51;
   is said to have still been living after C. Cæsar’s death, 52; iii,
      37, 60;
   in Spain, 87;
   his frankness, 92;
   his opinion on Cicero, 95;
   does not declare for Antony, though in his heart he is for him, 93;
   protects Virgil, 93;
   enemy to Sextus Pompey, 104;
   united with Domitius Ahenobarbus, 105;
   the motives his conduct, 107;
   his style very unequal, 129;
   forms the connecting link between two generations, 130;
   historian, 130;
   his opinion of Livy may have arisen from party spirit, 141.

 _Asclepieum_, a hallowed place in Carthage, ii, 243.

 _Aspar_, iii, 336.

 _Aspis_, town in Africa, ii, 20;
   conf. Clupea.

 _Assignatio_, i, 256.

 _Associations_ in the states of the ancients, i, 160.

 _Astapa_ rising against Rome, ii, 129.

 _Astronomy_, flourishes, iii, 237.

 _Astura_, river, the position of which is not known; battle, i, 447.

 _Asylum_ on the Capitol, i, 116;
   the old tradition of the asylum has reference to the clientship, 170.

 _Atella_, i, 453;
   as periœcians of Capua conquered by Rome, ii, 114.

 _Atellan plays_, ii, 194;
   extemporised, 194.

 _Athamania_, Macedonian, ii, 203;
   the Macedonian garrisons driven off by Amynander, 203.

 _Athanasius_, bishop, iii, 309.

 _Athens_, the registers of mortgages very prolix there, i, 333;
   pay of the soldiers since Pericles, 351;
   alone raises itself to general Greek patriotism, 461;
   wishes for peace in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, ii, 475;
   its relations to its allies change about Ol. 100, after the battle of
      Naxos, 248;
   the character of the _Demos_ much changed in the Peloponnesian war,
      514;
   unfortunate expedition to Sicily, 574;
   had in the Peloponnesian war and immediately after no other ships but
      penteconters, triremes and _lembi_, ii, 12;
   fallen to the lowest ebb, 48;
   keeps aloof from all political activity, 146;
   alliance with Rome; isopolity, 148;
   cenotaphs, very likely referring to the second Illyrian war, 149;
   involved in hostilities with Philip, 149;
   temples pulled down, tombs demolished, 149;
   applies to its allies, especially to Rome, 149;
   has still some schools, but poesy and even the art of speech dead,
      152;
   a separate state, 163;
   treated by the Romans, down to the times of Sylla, with particular
      favour, 163;
   receives Scyros, Delos, Imbros, Paros, 164;
   quarrels with the Oropians, 249;
   remains a _libera civitas_, 256;
   opens its gates to Mithridates, 364;
   the communication with the Piræeus seems not to have been free since
      the times of Antigonus Gonatas, 376;
   a small hamlet in the time of Pausanias, 376;
   anarchy, iii, 13;
   adorned by Hadrian, iii, 230;
   receives a theatre and an entire new town, 230;
   burned and sacked by the Goths, 280.

 _Athenagoras_, iii, 235.

 _Atia_, married to C. Octavius, iii, 83.

 _Atilius._ See Regulus, Serranus.

 _C. Atilius_, consul, goes to Sardinia, ii, 52;
   lands at Pisa, 54;
   killed near Telamon, 55.

 _A. Atilius Calatinus_, ii, 16.

 _Atina_, conquered by the Romans, i, 496;
   probably gets the rights of citizenship by the _Lex Julia_, ii, 354.

 _C. Atinius Labeo_, Trib. Pleb., ii, 269.

 _Atintanians_ conquered by Philip, ii, 145;
   their country given up by the Romans, 147.

 _M. Atius Balbus_ married to a sister of Cæsar, iii, 83.

 _Attalus_ of Pergamus conquers Lydia, ii, 146;
   allied with Egypt, 148;
   his fleet combined with that of the Romans, 155;
   defeats the Galatians, 182.

 _Attalus_, brother of Eumenes, ii, 221.

 _Attalus_, præfectus prætorio, proclaimed emperor by Alaric, iii, 383.

 _Attalus Philometor_ of Pergamus, ii, 266;
   bequeaths his kingdom to the Romans, 266;
   leaves a treasure, 283.

 _Atticus_, T. Pomponius, his annals were only tables, i, 35;
   is also called Cæcilius, 39;
   friend of Cicero, iii, 18.

 _Attila_, son of Rugilas, iii, 339;
   the main strength of his empire is in German tribes, 339;
   devastates the Eastern empire, 339;
   goes to Gaul, 340;
   lays siege to Orleans, 340;
   battle in the _Campi Catalaunici_, 340;
   in Italy, 341.

 _Attic law_ belongs to a later time when the forms were already very
    polished, i, 296.

 _L. Attius_, author of _prætextatæ_, ii, 195;
   of tragedies, 393;
   form of his poems, 393;
   is not called Accius or Actius, 393.

 _Attius Navius_, augur, i, 139.

 _Attius Tullius_ in Antiam, ii, 288.

 _Auerstedt_, battle, ii, 91.

 _Cn. Aufidius_, a contemporary of Cicero in his youth, wrote history in
    Greek, i, 23.

 _Aufidius Bassus_, iii, 185.

 _Aufidus_, river near Cannæ, ii, 99.

 Αὐγούστειοι, iii, 130.

 _Augsburgh_, the guilds are there the ruling power in the fourteenth
    century, i, 168;
   of fifty-one houses, thirty-eight become extinct in one hundred
      years, 446;
   the chambers (_Stuben_); the meetings of the houses, 539;
   founded, iii, 152.

 _Augural system_, i, 256.

 _Augural divinations_, an inheritance of the Sabellian peoples, i, 154.

 _Augurs_, their number doubled by Numa, two Ramnes, and two Tities, i,
    124;
   are to represent the three tribes, 130;
   later number, 130.

 _August_, month of, its name, iii, 114.

 _Augustan_ age, not Augustean, iii, 130.

 _St. Augustine_, one of the greatest minds, i, 224;
   exaggerates, 535;
   the Punic language is his mother tongue, ii, 5;
   as writer, iii, 325;
   his eloquence, 326.

 _Augustinus_, Antonius, i, 312.

 _Augustus_ assigned to every region a certain number of _vici_ without
    counting how many there were of them, i, 172;
   was an actor in all he did, iii, 32, 86;
   named, 115;
   his consulships, 116;
   wants to lay down his power as dictator, 116;
   _Imperator_ as _prænomen_, 117;
   not altogether free from superstition, 117;
   proconsular power over the whole of the Roman empire given him, 117;
   censor, 117;
   tribune, 117;
   pontifex maximus, 118;
   purifies the senate, 119;
   _princeps senatus_, 119;
   has the control over the finances of the whole empire, 120;
   assigns fixed appointments to the governors of the provinces, 121;
   _legati Augusti, pro consule, pro prætore_, 121;
   new division of the city, 123;
   his division of Italy, 124;
   his private fortune, 124;
   his power absolute in the provinces, 125;
   founds military colonies, 125;
   his susceptibility towards Horace, 135;
   an uncommonly fine man;
   there are many busts and statues extant of him, 142;
   a remarkable man, 142;
   his courage, 142;
   a bad general, 142;
   his good qualities, 142;
   his domestic relations, 143;
   a thorough profligate, 143;
   Livia’s influence on him, 143;
   his physical constitution, 146;
   incensed against Tiberius, 147;
   his buildings, 148;
   campaign against the Dalmatians, 149;
   against the Cantabrians, 149;
   his memoirs little notice taken of, 150;
   poetry, letters, 150;
   shuts the temple of Janus, 151;
   German wars, 152;
   the defeat of Varus puts him utterly beside himself, 160;
   his death, 160;
   his burial, 161;
   not a close-fisted manager, 173.

 _Aurei_, iii, 302.

 _Aurelian_, emperor, yields Dacia to the Goths, ii, 147;
   general of Claudius Gothicus by whom he is recommended as emperor,
      iii, 284;
   obscurity of his history, 285;
   peace with the Goths, 285;
   war against Zenobia, 286;
   against the soldiers of Tetricus, 286;
   defeats the Germans near Fano, 287;
   murdered, 287;
   insurrection of a master of the mint, 302;
   fortifies Rome, 330.

 _C. Aurelius Orestes_, Roman commissioner in Achaia, ii, 249.

 _M. Aurelius Antoninus._ See Elagabalus.

 _Aureolus_, pretender, iii, 284.

 _Auruncians_, their invasion twice told by Livy, i, 222;
   Auruncians and Ausonians are the same, 223;
   advance as far as Latium, 224;
   subjected, 435;
   their cities destroyed by the Romans, 494.

 _Ausonius_, tutor of Gratian, iii, 316;
   a bad poet, 323.

 _Auspices_ are valid for the plebes only in later times, i, 270;
   were taken for the centuries and curies only, 406.

 _Austerlitz_, battle, false reports concerning it, i, 222, 531.

 _Autun_ lies in ruins until the reign of Diocletian, iii, 282.

 _Auxilia_, iii, 125.

 _Aventine_ and Palatine hostile, i, 113;
   the city of the plebeians, 115;
   Latin settlement there under Ancus, 132;
   always occupied by the plebeians, 311;
   a sort of suburb of Rome, iii, 123.

 _Aventinus_, John, quotes some verses from the Nibelungen (Waltharius),
    i, 13.

 _Avidius Cassius_, iii, 241;
   his descent, 243;
   restores discipline, 244;
   victorious against the Parthians, 244;
   proclaimed emperor, 244;
   murdered, 244;
   his son murdered without the knowledge of M. Antoninus, 245;
   his letters, 245.

 _Avitus._ See Elagabalus.

 _Avitus_, Flavius Mæcilius, emperor, iii, 343;
   takes possession of the see of Placentia, 343.


                                   B

 _Badajoz_, founded, iii, 150;
   conf. Pax.

 _Bagaudæ_, iii, 332.

 _Bagradas_, river in Africa, iii, 21.

 _Bahram_, king of the Persians, iii, 290.

 _Balearic isles_ subject to the Carthaginians, ii, 5;
   subdued by the Romans, 307.

 _Ballistæ_ invented at Syracuse, i, 354.

 _Barbarians_ never fought in dense masses, i, 176.

 _Barbatus._ See Horatius.

 _Barbié du Bocage_, i, 76.

 _Barbula._ See Æmilius.

 _Barkochba_, iii, 230.

 _Bardylis_ creates in the days of Philip an empire in Illyria, ii, 46.

 _Barka_, meaning lightning, the Syriac form, ii, 35.

 _Bartholomæus_, i, 67.

 _Basbretons_ belong to the race of the Cymri, ii, 322.

 _Basilicæ_, ii, 190;
   Basilica Æmilia, iii, 50.

 _Basiliscus_, general of the eastern empire against Carthage, iii, 345.

 _Basques_ are still dwelling north of the Pyrenees, i, 367.

 _Basque poem_ on the Cantabrian war, iii, 150.

 _Basreliefs_, the art of Basreliefs is at its height under Trajan, iii,
    274;
   thoroughly bad on the triumphal arch of Severus, 275.

 _M. Bassianus_, son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254.
   See Caracalla.

 _Bassianus._ See Elagabalus.

 _Bassus._ See Aufidius.

 _Bastarnians_, i, 369;
   their abodes, ii, 204;
   their movements, 211.

 _Bastulans_ in Spain, Μιξοφοίνικες, ii, 59.

 _Bato_, two men of this name leaders of the Dalmatians, iii, 155;
   one of them treacherously gives up Pinnes to the Romans, 156.

 _Battle_, oblique line of, ii, 101;
   order of, i, 441.

 _Bautzen_, battle, i, 428.

 _Bayle_, i, 3, 70.

 _Beaufort_, i, 3;
   his work on the Roman antiquities recommended, 72, 269, footnote;
   his _Dissertation sur l’incertitude des quatre premiers siècles de
      l’histoire Romaine_, 72;
   the war of Porsena and the time of Camillus beautifully handled by
      him, 211;
   shows that the peace of Porsena is quite a different thing from what
      the Romans would make us believe, 211;
   on Camillus, 382;
   on the Licinian laws, 396;
   on Regulus’ death, ii, 25.

 _Ul. Becker’s_ treatise on the history of the war of Hannibal is a
    valuable work, ii, 64.

 _Bedriacum_, in the neighbourhood of Cremona, battle, iii, 197.

 _Beja_ founded, iii, 150;
   conf. Pax.

 _Belgians_, not unmingled with Gaels, ii, 322;
   war against the Romans, iii, 44;
   they had no free population, 44;
   defeated in two battles, 44;
   conf. Cymri.

 _Belli_, name of a tribe of the Celtiberians, ii, 261.

 _Bellovaci_, iii, 48.

 _Bellovesus_, leader of the Gauls, i, 368.

 _Benedict_ of Soracte, chronicle, i, 9;
   gives a detailed account of an expedition of Charlemagne to
      Jerusalem, 86.

 _Beneventum_, battle, i, 568;
   Roman colony, ii, 106.

 _Beni Tai_ are ten thousand families who cannot all descend from Edid
    Tai, i, 159.

 _Bentley_ ran down at Oxford, i, 42, 71.

 _Bergamo_, a Rhætian town, ii, 32.

 _Bern._ See Lucerne.

 _St. Bernard_, the great, there is everlasting snow on it, ii, 78.

 _St. Bernard_, the little, is the mountain over which Hannibal passed,
    ii, 78;
   has no glaciers, 78;
   is in summer a green Alp, 78.

 _Bernard_, the holy, iii, 94.

 _Berosus_, is genuine, ii, 1.

 _Besançon_, battle, iii, 43.

 _Besieging_, Greek art of, first applied by the Romans at Lilybæum, ii,
    30.

 _Bestia._ See Calpurnius.

 _Bibulus_, Cæsar’s colleague, commander of Pompey’s fleet, iii, 58.

 _Biondo_ of Forli, iii, 114.

 _Bithyas_, Carthaginian general in the third Punic war, ii, 241.

 _Bithynia_, ii, 181, 377;
   the monarchy broken up, iii, 1.

 _Bituitus_, king of the Arvernians, ii, 308.

 _Bledes_, (Bledel,) son of Rugilas, iii, 339.

 _Blemmyans_ in Dongola, Trajan’s expedition against them, iii, 162.

 _C. Blossius_, teacher of the Gracchi, ii, 270;
   author of Rhintonian comedies, 270 (conf. the footnote);
   anecdote of him, 287.

 _Boardingbridges_, ii, 14, 17.

 _Bocchus_, king of the Mauritanians, ii, 321.

 _Bochart_, one of the last highly gifted French philologists, i, 94;
   his hypothesis concerning the influence of the Phœnicians is carried
      too far, 95.

 _Bœcler_ is to be reckoned among the ornaments of Germany, i, 70.

 _Bœotians_, independent in appearance only, under the supremacy of
    Macedon, ii, 151;
   drawn by Flaminius into a league with Rome, 156;
   a separate state, 163;
   kill the leader of the Macedonian party among them, 172;
   join the Achæans in their war against the Romans, 253;
   pay a tribute to Rome, 256.

 _Boëthius_, iii, 348.

 _Bogud_, king of Mauritania, iii, 67.

 _Bohemund_, his conduct in the crusades, ii, 65, footnote.

 _Boians_, defeated near the lake Vadimo, i, 547;
   in Italy, ii, 51;
   submit to the Romans, 56;
   beat a Roman legion and keep the survivors shut up in Modena, 83;
   extent of their territory, 83;
   they seize three Romans of rank, 83;
   send ambassadors to meet Hannibal, 83;
   defend themselves against the Romans with distinguished bravery, 164;
   destroy Placentia and Cremona, 165;
   are probably exterminated, 165;
   _desertum Boiorum_, 165;
   are said to have had a hundred and twelve cantons in Italy, 165;
   independent, iii, 3.

 _Bolæ_ or _Bola_, i, 344.

 _Bolingbroke_, Lord, i, 281.

 _Bolivar_, ii, 369.

 _Bologna_ has a _palatium civium_ and a _palatium communis_, i, 168;
   conf. Bononia.

 _Bona Dea_, her festival is only celebrated by women, iii, 27.

 _Boniface_, iii, 336;
   seems to have been an Italian, 336;
   recalled from Africa by the influence of Aëtius, 336;
   calls the Vandals into Africa, 337.

 _Bononia_, the colony has the obligation to serve in war, ii, 384;
   conf. Bologna.

 _Bononia_ (Boulogne sur Mer), iii, 296.

 _Bosporus_, kingdom of the, conquered by the Goths, iii, 278.

 _Bosporus_, Thracian, lay open since the destruction of Byzantium, iii,
    278.

 _Bostra_, in Arabia Petræa, iii, 271;
   _colonia Romana_, 271;
   in the neighbourhood of Pella, 272.

 _Boudicea_, (Bunduica), queen of the Britons, iii, 191.

 _Bourg_, i, 167.

 _Bourgeois_, i, 167.

 _Bourges_, taken by Cæsar, iii, 47.

 _Bovianum_, the most thriving town of the Samnites, taken by the
    Romans, i, 500;
   in Strabo’s time a small place, 500;
   battle, 504.

 _Bozra_ (Βύρσα), original name of Carthage, ii, 2.

 _Brabant_, the towns there neutral in the war between Spain and the
    Netherlands, i, 391.

 _Brandenburg_, the Vandal (Wendish) tongue forbidden on pain of death,
    i, 145.

 _Brandy_, there was none except in Egypt;
   the process of distillation depicted on the walls of Thebes, ii, 86.

 _Brass_ is only of late invention, iii, 45.

 _Bremen_, duchy of, the equestrian body there dwindled within fifty
    years to half its number, i, 140.

 _Brenin_ means in Welsh and Bas Breton a King, i, 366.

 _Brescia_, Rhætian town, ii, 52.

 _Bretagne_, the immigration from Britain in the fifth century is
    fabulous, iii, 42.

 BRITAIN, is according to a tradition one of the most ancient seats of
    the Celts, i, 366;
   thought inaccessible, iii, 45;
   neither gold nor silver found there, 45;
   Claudius’ expedition, 134;
   province, 134;
   insurrection under Nero, 191;
   wall against the Caledonians erected by Hadrian, 230;
   the two elements of the population preserved, 230;
   rising under Antoninus Pius, 236;
   war of Septimius Severus, 254;
   revolt of Carausius, 296;
   casts itself off from the Roman empire, 331;
   the usurper Constantine, 334.

 _Britannicus_, son of Claudius of his first marriage, iii, 183.

 _Britomaris_, chieftain of the Sennonian Gauls, i, 546.

 _Britons_, their name transferred to the English, i, 143.

 _Bronze_ is met with in the temple of Solomon, and even in the
    tabernacle of Moses, iii, 45.

 _Bructeri_ reduced by Drusus, iii, 153;
   defeat the legate M. Lollius, 153;
   subdued by Tiberius, 154;
   rising under Vespasian, 242.

 _Brundusium_, Roman fortress, i, 571;
   Roman colony, ii, 106;
   faithful to the Syllanian interest, iii, 55;
   peace, 103.

 _Bruttians_, the Oscan part of them sprung from the Sabine stock, i,
    120;
   their insurrection, 153;
   their origin, 419;
   league themselves with the enemies of Rome, 545;
   acknowledge Rome’s supremacy, 571;
   fall off again, ii, 107;
   gain over Locri, 107;
   are deprived of their constitution, 186;
   nearly the whole country under Honorius was pasture land, 264.

 _Dec. Brutus_, general of Cæsar, conspires against him, iii, 79;
   entices him into the curia, 80;
   withdraws to Cisalpine Gaul, 83;
   besieged in Mutina, 89;
   the war of Mutina, 89;
   murdered, 91.

 _Brutus_, Dec. Junius Callaicus, peace with the Lusitanians, ii, 260.

 _Brutus_, L. Junius, legends concerning him, i, 82, 198;
   the name is Oscan, 198;
   given him because he was a plebeian, 199;
   _Tribunus Celerum_, 199;
   plebeian, 200;
   the statement that plebeians had been introduced by him into the
      senate, 334.

 _Brutus_, M. Junius, the father, brings forward a motion concerning the
    colony of Capua, iii, 34.

 _Brutus_, M. Junius, i, 200;
   beloved by Cicero, iii, 26;
   prætor, 76;
   prætor urbanus, 78;
   nephew of Cato, 76;
   marries Cato’s daughter, 77;
   introduced by him into the Stoic philosophy, 77;
   his character, 77;
   fights at Pharsalus, 78;
   is intrusted by Cæsar with the government of Cisalpine Gaul, 78;
   goes to Greece, 88;
   outlawed, 91;
   makes himself master of Macedonia, 95;
   battle of Philippi, 97;
   sees the vision, 95;
   victory of his fleet, 98;
   defeated; takes his own life, 99;
   his age, 99.

 _M. Brutus_ carries on the business of a sycophant, iii, 77.

 _Bubulcus._ See Junius.

 _Bunduica._ See Boudicea.

 _Burgundians_ cross the Rhine, iii, 331;
   remain in Gaul under Roman supremacy, 332.

 _Burning glasses_, the destruction of the Roman fleet by means of them,
    doubtful, ii, 117.

 _Burrhus_, Nero’s tutor, præfectus prætorio, iii, 189.

 _Busta Gallica_ near the Carinæ were still shown in Cæsar’s times, i,
    384.

 _Busts_, after the time of Caracalla no busts were made, iii, 275.

 _Buxentum_, it is uncertain whether it became Roman after the Samnite
    war, i, 505;
   conf. Pyxus.

 _Byng_, admiral, shot by the English, ii, 109.

 _Bysacene_ belonged to Carthage as early as in the days of the Roman
    kings, ii, 229.

 _Byzantines_, fought in their most brilliant days with very small
    ships, ii, 17.

 _Byzantium_ allied with Chios and Lesbos, ii, 145, 151;
   with Egypt, 148;
   destroyed by Septimius Severus, iii, 252;
   conf. Constantinople.


                                   C

 _Caia Cæcilia_, wife of Tarquinius Priscus, i, 37;
   her image in the temple of Semo Sancus, 37;
   filings from the girdle of her brazen image were used as remedies,
      37.

 _Cæcilius_ mentioned by Strabo is very likely Dionysius of
    Halicarnassus, i, 39.

 _Cæcilius_, see Atticus, Metellus, Statius.

 _Cæcina_, Etruscan historian, i, 191.

 _Cæcina_ is a gentile name, ii, 403, footnote.

 _Cæcina_, iii, 195, 197;
   killed by the order of Titus, 208.

 _Cæculus_, founder of Præneste, i, 137.

 _Cædicius_, iii, 158.

 _Q. Cæditius_, ii, 16.

 _Cæles Vibenna_, i, 88, 118, 129;
   _condottiere_, 155;
   an historical person, 191.

 _Cælius_ joins Romulus in his war against the Sabines, i, 117.

 _Cælius_, Mount, foundation of the town on it, i, 129.

 _Cælius Antipater._ See Cœlius.

 _Cælius Rufus_, judicious, ii, 379;
   beloved by Cicero, iii, 26;
   his insurrection, 65;
   his language like that of Cicero for excellence, 127.

 _Cæpio_, proconsul, ii, 259.

 _Cæpio_, proconsul, his army destroyed by the Teutones and the Cimbri,
    ii, 325.

 _Cæpio_, Q. Servilius, proconsul, murdered at Asculum, ii, 351.

 _Cære_, formerly called Agylla, i, 147;
   gets isopolity, 152.

 _Cærites_, according to Diodorus, conquer the Gauls, i, 383;
   give up part of their territory to Rome, 416.

 _Cærite citizenship_ (sympolity), i, 535.

 _Cæsar_, C. Julius, his fondness for Marius, ii, 327;
   his consulship to be looked upon as the beginning of the civil wars,
      iii, 28;
   married to the daughter of Cinna, 29;
   does not stoop to Sylla, 29;
   the greatest general of his age, 30;
   declares for Marius’ party, 30;
   consul, 31;
   his character, 31, 58;
   had no military schooling, 31;
   his work on analogy, 32;
   his style, 33;
   not one witty saying of him is recorded, 33;
   gets Gaul as a province, 34;
   founds a colony in Capua, 34;
   estrangement between him and Cicero, 34;
   his province belonged to him for five years, 37;
   congress at Lucca, 39;
   his commentaries, 39;
   much to be expected from the MSS. for his _bellum Gallicum_, 40;
   the MSS. _de bello civili_ to be traced to one single family, not so
      those _de bello Gallico_, 40;
   the other books, 40;
   war with the Helvetians, 41;
   against Ariovistus, 43;
   victory near Besançon, 43;
   conquers the Belgians, 44;
   his conduct to the Usipetes and Tenchteri, 44;
   victorious against the Veneti, 45;
   goes to Britain, 45;
   second expedition thither, 46;
   crosses the Rhine twice, 46;
   puts down the insurrection of Vercingetorix, 46;
   made prisoner by the Gauls, 47;
   has Vercingetorix put to death, 48;
   is required to lay down the _imperium_, 51;
   crosses the Rubicon, 53;
   reaches Rome, 54;
   to Brundusium, 55;
   acts in Rome as a sovereign, 55;
   goes to Spain, 56;
   siege of Massilia, 56;
   defeats Afranius and Petreius near Lerida, 56;
   dictator, 57;
   his law of debts, 57;
   goes to Illyria, 58;
   fails in his attempt against Dyrrachium, 58;
   his bold march to Gomphi, 60;
   battle of Pharsalus, 61;
   the numbers which he gives are exaggerated, 61;
   buries Pompey, 63;
   the Alexandrine war, 64;
   enslaved by Cleopatra, 65;
   marches against Pharnaces, 65;
   returns to Rome, 65;
   meeting of the troops, 66;
   surrounded in Thapsus, 67;
   his victory, 67;
   his Anti-Cato, 68;
   goes to Spain, 70;
   battle of Munda, 70;
   his triumphs, 71;
   regulates the calendar, 72;
   plans a war against the Parthians, 73;
   other plans, 73;
   his places of honour, 74;
   aspires to the title of king, 76;
   want of courtesy to the senate, 76;
   loves Brutus, 77;
   pardons almost all his enemies, 78;
   murdered, 80;
   divine honours conferred upon him, 82;
   his will, 83;
   the finish of his style to be attributed to Cicero, 127;
   his aim as a law-giver, 162.

 _C. Cæsar._ See C. Agrippa.

 _C. Cæsar_, called _Caligula_, son of Germanicus, conspires against
    Tiberius, iii, 177;
   not born on the banks of the Rhine, but at Antium, 177;
   his madness, 177;
   favourable reception from the Romans, 178;
   the name of Caligula is not to be met with among the ancient writers,
      but was only given him by the soldiers when a child, 178;
   his sleeplessness, 179;
   his waste, 179;
   his war against the Germans, 179;
   murdered, 180.

 _Cæsar_, L. Julius, consul, author of the _lex Julia_ concerning the
    franchise of the Italians, ii, 354.

 _Q. Cæsar._ See L. Agrippa.

 _Cæsar augusta_ (Saragossa), colony founded, iii, 150.

 _Cæsarea_, a bashaw there forbids to speak Greek, i, 145;
   destroyed by the Persians after a noble defence, iii, 281.

 _Cæsetius Flavus_, tribune of the people, takes the diadem from Cæsar’s
    statue, iii, 76.

 _Calabria_, nearly the whole of it under Honorius is pasture land, ii,
    265.

 _Calagurris_, siege of, ii, 403.

 _Calatinus._ See Atilius.

 _Calendar_ in Cæsar’s times, more than eighty days behind hand, ii,
    344; iii, 23;
   regulated, 72.

 _Cales_, colony, i, 455; ii, 106;
   occupied by the Romans, i, 497.

 _Caligula._ See C. Cæsar.

 _Callicrates_, Roman party-leader in Achaia, ii, 209, 216.

 _Callimachus_, ii, 198.

 _Callicula_, mount, ii, 96.

 CALONES, i, 178.

 _Calpurnius_, his eclogues, iii, 292.

 _L. Calpurnius Bestia_, ii, 314;
   condemned, 316.

 _M. Calpurnius Flamma_, ii, 16.

 _Calpurnius._ See Piso.

 _Camarina_ conquered by the Carthaginians, i, 575;
   destroyed, ii, 4.

 _Calvus_, C. Licinius, poet and orator;
   Quinctilian’s and Tacitus’s opinion of him, iii, 127;
   conf. Licinius.

 _Cameria_, a _colonia Romana_, forms a separate community, i, 279.

 _Camers_, treaty with Rome, i, 509;
   Umbrian name of Clusium, 528.

 _Camillus_, L. Furius, compelled by the Curies to go into exile, i, 94;
   fictitious victory of his, 222;
   his alleged condemnation by the tribes, 304;
   appointed dictator, 356;
   general against the Faliscans, 361;
   accused of having enriched himself from the Veientine booty, 362;
   goes to Ardea, 363;
   probably condemned by the centuries, 363;
   dictator, 380;
   his appearance in Rome whilst the money was weighed to the Gauls,
      fictitious, 382;
   a second Romulus, 385;
   dictator, to counteract Manlius Capitolinus, 394;
   at the age of eighty appointed dictator against the Licinian
      rogations, 402;
   makes a vow to build a temple to _Concordia_, 402.

 _Campanians_, their people is formed, i, 343;
   Campanian legion at Rhegium, 573;
   overpowered, 574;
   properly speaking, in rank equal to the Romans, 572.
   See Capua.

 _Campania_, extent of the country, i, 424;
   has a large _ager publicus_, ii, 282.

 CAMPANUS, CAMPAS, appellatives derived from Capua, i, 161, 424.

 _Campbells_, five thousand of them looked upon the Duke of Argyle as
    their cousin, i, 159.

 CAMPI CATALAUNICI, Champagne, not Chalons, iii, 340.

 CAMPI RAUDII, battle, ii, 332.

 _Camunians_, are of Etruscan race, i, 145;
   stand their ground against the Gauls, 369.

 CANDIDATI CÆSARIS, iii, 118.

 _Candidus_, historian, iii, 327.

 _Canidius_, lieutenant of Antony in the battle of Actium, iii, 112.

 _Cannæ_ in Apulia, destroyed by earthquake, ii, 92;
   battle, 99;
   seems to have been fought before the second of August, 99;
   the first satisfactory description given by Swinburne, 100;
   fifty to sixty German miles distant from Rome, 103;
   the surviving soldiers have to stay a long time in Sicily, 377.

 _Canosa_, Prince of, witty but eccentric, ii, 298.

 _Cantabrians_, are according to the ancients of different race from the
    Turdetanians, according to Humboldt of the same, ii, 60;
   a free nation, iii, 1;
   Augustus’ war against them, 149.

 _Canusium_, chief town of Apulia, i, 477.

 _Canvassing_, for the first time met with under the second decemvirate,
    i, 299.

 _Capellianus_, lieutenant of Maximin in Mauritania, iii, 268.

 _Capena_, its situation, i, 348, footnote;
   disappears entirely, 362.

 _Capenates_, hasten to the help of the Fidenates, i, 347.

 _Capital punishment_, i, 316.

 CAPITE SENSI, i, 178.

 CAPITIS DEMINUTIO, i, 177.

 _Capitol_, i, 378;
   burned to ashes under Sylla, under Vitellius, iii, 201.

 _Cappadocia_, kingdom of, ii, 361; iii, 121;
   quarrels about the succession decided by Mithridates, ii, 360, 362;
   given up by Mithridates, 377;
   not completely surrendered, 407;
   kingdom under Roman supremacy, iii, 161.

 _Capreæ_, the most paradise like spot in the world, iii, 160.

 _Capua_, founded in the year 283 by the Etruscans, i, 148, 342, 419;
   history of the Etruscan colony, 420;
   the Campanians ask for the help of the Romans, 420;
   _equites Campani_, 420, 453;
   shuts its gates from Pyrrhus, 560;
   Hannibal master of it, ii, 104;
   enjoys isopolity with Rome, under its own government, 104;
   wealthy, 104;
   _effeminate_, 104;
   separates from Rome and forms a league with Hannibal, 104;
   three hundred Campanians serve with the Romans in Sicily, 104;
   put the Romans to death in overheated bath rooms, 105;
   besieged by the Romans, 111;
   taken, 113;
   colony founded by Jul. Cæsar, iii, 34.

 _Caput_, the place where the liver is grown to the midriff, in Italian
    _capo_, i, 440.

 _Caracalla_, eldest son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254;
   this appellation is so generally bestowed on him only by the moderns,
      in the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_ it is Caracallus, 254;
   emperor, 256;
   murders his brother, 256;
   his cruelty, 256;
   travels through the provinces, 257;
   massacre at Alexandria, 257;
   grants the right of citizenship to all the subjects of the Roman
      empire, 257;
   his taste for gladiatorial arts, 258;
   war against the Parthians, 258;
   his fondness for Alexander the Great, 258;
   murdered, 259;
   fine busts of his age, 275.

 _Carausius_, revolts against Diocletian, iii, 296.

 _Carbo_, E. Papirius, an unworthy disciple of Tib. Gracchus, ii, 288;
   his character, 288;
   leaves his party, 306;
   consul, 306;
   takes away his own life, 306.

 _Carbo_, Cn. Papirius, consul, defeated near Noreia by the Cimbrians,
    ii, 324.

 _Carbo_, Cn. Papirius, joins Sylla, ii, 371;
   consul, tyrant, 375;
   consul, 380;
   war in Etruria, 382;
   flies to Africa, 383.

 _Carchedon_, ii, 2.

 _Caria_, belonging to Egypt, ii, 145;
   to the Rhodians, 183;
   taken from the latter by the Romans, 219.

 _Carians_, after the destruction of Troy, push forward from the
    interior country to the coast of Asia Minor, i, 144;
   had attained to a considerable degree of civilization, even before
      they were hellenized, ii, 2.

 _Carinus_, son of Carus, profligate, iii, 290.

 _Carmen_, formula, i, 93.

 _Carmentalis Porta_, i, 263, footnote.

 _Carnians_, i, 369;
   attacked in Noricum by the Cimbrians, ii, 323.

 _Carnot_, opposes masses to the thin lines of the enemy, ii, 14.

 _Caroline_, Queen of Naples, iii, 102.

 _Carpenters_, i, 177.

 _Carseoli_, Roman colony, i, 505.

 _Carthage_, _Carthaginians_, oldest alliance with Rome, i, 195;
   renewed several times, 573; ii, 3;
   spreads in Sicily, i, 566;
   inclined to conclude peace with Pyrrhus, 566;
   attack Pyrrhus on his passage to Italy, 567;
   alliance with Rome, 574;
   fleet of one hundred and twenty ships before Ostia, 574;
   fleet appears in the roadstead of Tarentum, 574;
   conquer Gela, Camarina, and other towns, and encamp before Syracuse,
      575;
   peace with Dionysius, 575;
   is a colony of Tyre, ii, 1;
   date of its foundation, 1;
   origin of the legend of the bullock’s hide, 2;
   was originally called Kartha chadta, new town, 2;
   dependence upon the Libyan peoples and Tyre, 2;
   makes its first appearance as a power about the middle of the third
      century of Rome;
   conquered by Malcus, 3;
   against Gelon of Syracuse and Theron of Agrigentum, 3;
   chronological objections to this statement, 3;
   confined in Sicily to Motye, Panormus, and Solois, 4;
   after the defeat of the Athenians, Carthaginians send a considerable
      army over to Sicily, 4;
   besiege Syracuse under Agathocles, 4;
   peace on the basis of the river Himera forming the boundary, 4;
   extent of their rule in the beginning of the first Punic war, 4;
   factories on the coast of Algiers, 5;
   constitution, 5;
   the Hundred and Four, 6, 168;
   mode of taxation of the subjects, 7;
   they keep mercenaries, and have only a cavalry of their own, 7;
   they were probably drawn up in a phalanx, just like the Greeks 10;
   they had family-names and bye-names, 10;
   their generals are very bad at the beginning of the war, 11;
   reverse near the Liparian isles, 15;
   had pulled down the walls of all the towns from fear of rebellions,
      20;
   treatment of the subjects, 20;
   never employed their citizens as soldiers, but only as officers, 30;
   try to get a loan from Ptolemy, 35;
   their distress after the first Punic war, 44;
   war of the mercenaries, 44;
   new peace with Rome, 46;
   their rule deeply hated in Africa, very easy in Spain, 59;
   their weakness is this, that they have no national army of their own,
      59;
   their empire in Spain, 61;
   their generals not only keep their office for life, but they also
      bequeath it at their death to others as an heir-loom, 61;
   are at the beginning of the second Punic war in possession of
      Andalusia and the greater part of Valencia, 70;
   boundaries of their empire there, 70;
   their fleet makes its appearance off the coast of Etruria, 70;
   have commissaries in the camp of Hannibal, 73;
   have no fleet of any importance in the beginning of Hannibal’s war,
      73;
   their army encamps in the neighbourhood of Syracuse, to relieve it,
      but is destroyed by the unwholesome air, 117;
   they make proposals of peace, 137;
   take a Roman fleet during the truce, 139;
   the democratical element is considerably on the increase after the
      second Punic war, 168;
   Ordo judicum, the Hundred and Four to be compared with the
      state-inquisition of Venice, 168;
   war with Masinissa, 229;
   extent of territory, 230;
   their arms given up to Rome, 233;
   last demands previous to the third Punic war, 233;
   despair, 233;
   topography, 234, 239;
   siege, 241;
   they build a new fleet, 241;
   conquest of the town, 243;
   colony of C. Gracchus, 301;
   their library given to the Numidian kings, 310;
   conf. _Hamilcar_, _Hannibal_, etc.

 _Carthage_, Roman, its situation, ii, 240;
   colony established by Cæsar, iii, 74;
   the second city of the Western Empire, 234, 338;
   literary opposition to Rome, 234;
   many Christians there, 273;
   profligacy of the people, 338.

 _Carthagena_, _Carthago nova_, founded by Hamilcar or Hasdrubal on
    account of the silver mines, ii, 59;
   important place of arms, 124;
   taken, 124.

 _Carthalo_, Carthaginian ambassador not received by Rome, ii, 106.

 _Carus_, _præfectus prætorio_, raised to the throne, iii, 289;
   descent, 289;
   war against the Persians, 290;
   his death, 290.

 _Carvilius_, Sp., completes the reduction of Samnium, i, 569.

 _Carvilius_, Sp., brings forward a motion during the war of Hannibal,
    to complete the Roman senate, i, 342.

 _Casca_, iii, 80.

 _Cascans_, name of the conquering people in Italy, i, 104;
   _cascus_, quaint, 105.

 _Casilinum._ See Casinum.

 _Casinum_, town of the Samnites, i, 480;
   fortified, 497;
   confounded with Casilinum, ii, 96;
   Roman colony, 106.

 _Casperius_, præfect, iii, 215.

 _Cassander_ expels Æacidas from his kingdom, 553.

 _Cassius_, prætor, iii, 76;
   his character, 78;
   quarrel between him and Brutus, 78;
   demands the death of Antony, 81;
   spoke Greek, 84;
   goes to Greece, 88;
   outlawed, 91;
   in possession of Syria, 95;
   battle of Philippi, 97;
   death, 98.

 _Cassius, Dio._ See Dio.

 _C. Cassius Hemina_ wrote a history of Rome, i, 26.

 _C. Cassius Longinus_, honoured as the justest man, goes as
    commissioner of inquiry to Africa, ii, 314;
   patrician, 315.

 _L. Cassius Longinus_, defeated by the Cimbrians and Teutones, ii, 324.

 _Sp. Cassius_, his league with the Latins, i, 220, 246, 248;
   his agrarian law, 256;
   executed for high treason, 257;
   question of his guilt or innocence, 257;
   his family goes over to the Plebs, 258;
   a son or grandson of his is tribune of the people, 325.

 _Cassius of Parma_, one of the murderers of Jul. Cæsar, iii, 113.

 _Cassius Severus_, his opinion on Cicero, iii, 95.

 _Cassubians_ are Sclavonians, speak Wendish to this day, i, 367.

 _Castes_ in the ancient states remained always exclusive, i, 158.

 CASTRA CORNELIA, ii, 135.

 CASTRUM PRÆTORIANUM, iii, 125, 175.

 _Catalaunici._ See Campi.

 _Catamitus_, Latin form instead of Ganymedes, ii, 194.

 _Catana_, an ally of Carthage, i, 578;
   opens its gates to the Romans, 581;
   Roman, ii, 116.

 _Catapults_ invented in Syracuse for Dionysius, i, 354.

 _Catiline_, become a popular character, iii, 12;
   his character, 13;
   his object, 13;
   Cicero’s saying of him, 14;
   an action _repetundarum_ brought against him, 14;
   Cicero’s attack on him in the senate, 22;
   he leaves Rome, 22;
   in Etruria, 22;
   his death, 24.

 _Cato_, M. Porcius, Censorius, his _Origines_, i, 26;
   treated the Roman history ethnographically, 26;
   plan of his work, 26;
   fragment _de sumtu suo_, ii, 190;
   his character, 191;
   conquers the heights which command the Thermopylæ, 173;
   carries on wars in Spain, 201;
   his cunning, 201;
   interests himself for the Rhodians, 219;
   brings an impeachment against Galba, 224;
   urges in the senate that Carthage should be destroyed, 231;
   learned Greek only late in life, 191.

 _Cato_, M. Porcius, of Utica, his vote in Catiline’s affair, iii, 23,
    68;
   dreams of olden times, 32;
   votes for having Cæsar given up to the Germans, 45;
   leaves Sicily where he was prætor, 56;
   in Africa, 66;
   takes the command of Utica, 66;
   his character, 67;
   death, 69.

 _Cato_, Valerius, his Diræ are very doubtful, iii, 129.

 _Catullus_ means by _gens Romulique Ancique_ the _Populus_ and the
    Plebes, i, 171;
   Cicero’s kindness to him, iii, 26;
   is the greatest poet Rome ever had, 128, 136;
   his superiority not acknowledged until the end of the eighteenth
      century, 133;
   in independent circumstances, 139.

 _Catulus_, Q. Lutatius, consul, defeats the Carthaginians near the
    Ægatian islands, thereby putting an end to the first Punic war, ii,
    39.

 _Catulus_, Q. Lutatius, consul, a fair author, left memoirs in Greek,
    ii, 328;
   falls back upon the Po, 331;
   victory near Vercelli, 332;
   death, 373.

 _Catulus_, Q. Lutatius, head of the aristocracy, ii, 395;
   an honest man, 396;
   wants to have steps taken against Cæsar, iii, 30.

 _Cavalry_, always the worst part of the Roman army, i, 440, 559;
   Thessalian cavalry excellent, 559;
   the Roman was in the battle of Zama superior to that of the
      Carthaginians, ii, 141.

 _Cavalry service_, the terms belonging to it of Celtic origin, iii,
    156.

 _Cauca_, its horrible fate, ii, 223.

 _Caudinians_, sprung from Sabine stock, i, 120;
   seem to have declared for Hannibal, whilst he was still on his march
      to Capua, ii, 107;
   carry on the Marsian war, 358.

 _Caudium_, i, 421;
   the capital of the Caudine Samnites, 487;
   battle in the Caudine passes, 488;
   what the yoke was, 490;
   the peace ratified in Rome, 490;
   broken, 491;
   the town razed to the ground, 534.

 _Caulonia_, i, 458.

 _Celer_ slays Remus, i, 115.

 _Celeres_, the patrician knights, i, 199.

 _Celtiberians_, mixture of Celts and Iberians, i, 367;
   a brave people, ii, 60;
   their country, 202;
   peace of Gracchus, 60;
   won over by Viriathus, 258;
   war with the Romans, 260;
   their tribes, 260;
   seem to have had republican institutions, 260;
   oppose the Cimbrians, 325.

 _Celtiberian_ war, ii, 223.

 _Celts_, some of their tribes keep their ground in Spain longer than
    others, i, 146;
   had Greek letters, 366;
   according to tradition, Britain one of their most ancient seats, 366;
   met with in Britain, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, 366;
   possessed once the whole of Spain with the exception of Andalusia,
      besides southern France, Ireland, and part of England, 367;
   driven by the Iberians across the Pyrenees into Aquitain, ii, 60;
   barbarians, 71;
   destroyed south of the Po, 164.

 _Cenis_, (Mount,) there was, in times of old, no road over it, ii, 77.

 _Cenomanians_, place themselves under the protection of the Romans, ii,
    52;
   between the Adda and the Lago di Garda, 55.

 _Censors_ would place a plebeian in the equestrian body as a mark of
    distinction, i, 179;
   are already elected in conformity with the law of the twelve tables,
      328;
   the first censors are not mentioned as consuls either in the _Fasti_
      or the _libri magistratuum_, but only in one of the _libri
      lintei_, 328;
   have jurisdiction, 332;
   the consuls are said to have formerly had their functions, 332;
   their office, 333;
   their registers are double, 333;
   deprived of their arbitrary sway, 335;
   their power had no reference to the patricians, 335;
   they had also a moral control, 336;
   two plebeians are censors, ii, 266.

 _Censorinus._ See Marcius.

 _Censorship_ established, i, 328;
   plebeians first entitled by law to hold it, 446.

 _Census_ in Rome required very extensive book-keeping, i, 4;
   affected realized property only, 179;
   was not a property-tax, but a land-tax, 179;
   before the Gallic calamity, 375;
   the Attic census was a real property-tax, 179;
   the census disturbed, ii, 344;
   the _census senatori_ is raised to a million sesterces, iii, 119.

 _Centenius_, ii, 93.

 CENTESIMÆ, i, 388.

 _Centoripa_, independent after the first Punic war, ii, 41.

 _Centumcellæ_, (Civitavecchia,) harbour built, iii, 222;
   baths at the hot springs, 223.

 CENTUMVIRI, judges in questions of MEUM and TUUM, i, 404;
   plebeian judges to decide in all cases concerning Quiritary property,
      313.

 _Centuria_, a square in assignations, i, 256.

 _Centuries_ and tribes, originally the same thing, i, 140;
   the centuries of Servius Tullius, 174;
   they could not vote on any subject which had not been laid before
      them by the senate, 184;
   no one could get up and speak in them, 184;
   could legally transact business on the _dies comitiales_ only, 269;
   a grand national court of justice, 303;
   decrees of the senate are laid before them, as late as in Tiberius’
      times, iii, 119.

 _Centurions_, non-commissioned officers, i, 434.

 _Cephalenia_, laid waste by the Romans, i, 175.

 _Ceraunian_ rocks, sudden squalls there, i, 556.

 _Ceres_, bread distributed at her temple, i, 183; ii, 295.

 _Ceremonial_ of the East, transplanted by Diocletian into the Roman
    court, iii, 295.

 _Cerinthus_, iii, 138.

 _Cethegus_, P. Cornelius, ii, 200;
   outlawed with Marius, surrenders to Sylla, ii, 382.

 _Cetræ_, linen coats of mail, ii, 10.

 _Chæreas_ writes a history of the first Punic war, spoken of with
    censure by Polybius, ii, 62.

 _Chæronea_, the battle there, and the downfall of the Latins takes
    place in the same year, i, 457;
   battle in which Sylla defeats the Asiatics, 375.

 _Chalcedon_, destroyed by the Goths, iii, 278;
   oracle concerning its foundation, 296.

 _Chalcis_, pillaged, ii, 155;
   evacuated by the Romans, 163;
   joins the Achæans in the war against Rome, 253;
   destroyed, 255.

 _Chalcis_, name of Cleopatra’s empire in Asia, ii, 108.

 _Champagne_, has calcareous soil, ii, 99.

 _Charilaus_, i, 473.

 _Charisius_, encyclopedist, iii, 323.

 _Charles_, Archduke of Austria, his military talent, i, 553.

 _Charles_ XII., his march to Pultawa, iii, 60.

 _Charlemagne_, fabulous accounts of his expedition to Jerusalem, across
    the Alps, and others, in the chronicles, i, 86;
   is stated to have driven all the Lombards out of Italy, 222;
   in his laws the period is fixed, during which the people are bound to
      service, 350.

 _Charops_, a chieftain of the Epirote republic, betrays Philip, ii,
    154;
   brought up in Rome, 209.

 _Chateaubriand_ neither more nor less than a bad Lucan, iii, 186.

 _Chatti_, in the country about the Mayne, Domitian’s expedition against
    them, iii, 211;
   defensive war of the Romans, 242.

 _Chauci_, iii, 156.

 _Chersonesus_, belonging to Egypt, ii, 145;
   fortified by the Romans, ii, 167;
   situation, 176;
   abandoned by Antiochus, 176.

 _Cherusci_ reduced by Drusus, iii, 153;
   by Tiberius, 154.

 _China_, the old books are destroyed, but restored from the memory of
    old men and the supplements of the astronomers, i, 7

 _Chios_, in confederacy with Byzantium, ii, 145;
   allied with Egypt, 148;
   sea fight, 148;
   free, 151;
   in a league with Attalus, 152.

 _Choiseul_, Duc de, iii, 72.

 _Christian_ VII. of Denmark, his insanity shown by his sleeplessness,
    iii, 179.

 _Christian literature_, iii, 325.

 _Christian religion_ taken up by many like any other theurgy, iii, 251.

 _Christians_, persecution of, iii, 273;
   by Diocletian, 297.

 _Christianity_, its spread unjustly reproached with having driven out
    the fine arts, iii, 224;
   Severus’ reign favourable to it, 252;
   increase of the number of Christians, 273;
   in the west in towns only, not in the country, 273;
   in the east in minority, but with life and energy, 312;
   its working, 338.

 _Chronographies_ of the Greeks, i, 5.

 _Chronology_ of the earliest Roman history made according to a system
    of numbers, i, 84;
   in the first thirty years of the republic there are wanting in Livy
      three pairs of consuls, given by Dionysius, 306;
   the war of Porsena is to be dated ten years later than is generally
      stated, 215;
   no fixed date for the battle at the Regillus, 219;
   the story of Coriolanus placed in a wrong time, 244;
   irregularity in the Fasti at the tribuneship of Lucinius and Sextius,
      399;
   the conquest of Rome by the Gauls is thought by the ancients to have
      happened under Archon Pyrgion (Ol. 98, 1), 400;
   chronology is very unsettled towards the end of the fourth century on
      account of the uncertain change of the magistrates, 407;
   Cato’s chronology is followed by Livy, 407;
     and likewise by Polybius, 533;
   that of Cato to be preferred to that of Varro, 533;
   a perfectly satisfactory Roman chronology possible only from the time
      of the first Punic war, 533;
   according to Cato the birth of Christ happens in the year 752, 546.

 _Chrysogonus_, ii, 390; iii, 17.

 _Chrysostomus_, Dio, see Dio.

 _St. Chrysostom_ appeases the emperor Theodosius, iii, 322.

 _Cibalis_, battle, iii, 300.

 _Cicero_, M. Tullius, the MSS. of the books _de legibus_ have all of
    them, in the fifteenth century, been copied from one single MS, i,
    8;
   the books _de Divinatione_ exist only in bad MSS, 21;
   little versed in Roman history, 21;
   incorrect sometimes with regard to the prænomens, 21;
   the books de _Oratore_ and _Brutus_ are corrupted in many little
      passages, 28;
   the MSS. of Brutus do not date higher than 1430, 28;
   speaks unfavourably of Licinius Macer, 33;
   was unsuited for the task of writing history, 36;
   a revolution in literature has been brought about by him, 172;
   seems to have seen the tablets of Sp. Cassius, 220;
   the old writers not to his taste, ii, 196;
   the introduction of the _Somnium Scipionis_ not historical, 239;
   taken in by the hypocrisy of those in power with regard to the affair
      of the Gracchi, 283;
   is to be blamed as the author of erroneous opinions on many subjects,
      285;
   explanation of the _duodecim coloniæ_ in the oration _pro Cæcina_,
      302;
   as a youth of seventeen introduced by his father into the presence of
      the statesmen of the age, 313;
   mistaken with regard to L. Opimius, 316;
   his love for Marius, 327;
   does not allow himself to be overawed, 337;
   oration _de imperio Cn. Pompeii_, not _pro lege Manilia_, iii, 9;
   defended Catiline before a court of justice, 14;
   his youth, 15;
   had in poetry all his life long the old Roman tinge, 16;
   unwarlike, 16;
   his knowledge of the law, 16;
   the inward struggle of his mind, 17;
   orations _pro Roscio Comædo_, _pro Quinctio_, _pro Roscio Amerino_,
      and others, 17;
   goes to Rhodes, 17;
   defects of his education, 17;
   his wit, 18, 33;
   his friendship with Atticus sprung up only in later years, 18;
   his marriage, 18,
   the source of his boastfulness, 19;
   accusation of Verres, 19;
   orations for and against Vatinius, for Gabinius, for Rabirius
      Postumus, 20;
   answer of the Delphian oracle on him, 21, footnote;
   consul, 21;
   orations against Rullus, 21;
   his sensibility, 24;
   oration for Murena, 26;
   attaches young men to himself, 26;
   not a weak character, 26;
   against Clodius, 27;
   tacks between the two parties, 32;
   speaks against a colony in Capua, 34;
   estranged from Cæsar, 34;
   leaves Rome, 36;
   his house pulled down, rebuilt by the emperor Claudius, burnt down
      again in Nero’s fire, 36;
   recalled, 36;
   oration for Flaccus, 37;
   speaks for the assignment of the provinces to Pompey, Crassus, and
      Cæsar, 37;
   loses his presence of mind in pleading for Milo, 38;
   proconsul of Cilicia, 39;
   tries to mediate the peace between Cæsar and Pompey, 39;
   in his books, _de Republica_, his conviction of the want of a king
      distinctly to be remarked, 75;
   his affection for Brutus, 77;
   for Virgil, 77;
   slander against him, 79;
   his Greek has a foreign air about it, 84;
   allows himself to be entrapped by Octavian, 85;
   _de Officiis_, _de Divinatione_, _de Fato_, _Topica_, _de Gloria_,
      85;
   stops at Rhegium, 86;
   opposition against Antony, 86;
   second Philippic, 87;
   the question of the letters to Brutus being genuine or forged, 88;
   oration _pro Marcello_, 88;
   his death, 94;
   his literary character, 94;
   his oration _pro Cælio_, 95.

 _Cicero_, M. Tullius, the son, iii, 94.

 _Cicero_, Q. Tullius, a worthless man, iii, 18;
   with Cæsar in Spain, 35;
   nearly destroyed by the Eburones, 46.

 _Ciceroniani_, iii, 94.

 _Cid_, the romances of him have more historical matter in them than
    many others, i, 85.

 _Cilicia_, iii, 8;
   well suited for pirates, 9;
   hardly the rudiments of Greek learning to be met there, 69.

 _Cilnii_, iii, 144.

 _Cimber_, C. Tillius, iii, 80.

 _Cimbrians_ did not come from Jutland, but from the East, i, 370;
   their first appearance in the Roman empire, ii, 308.

 _Cimbri_ and _Teutones_ on the frontiers of Italy, ii, 322;
   their descent, 322;
   on the middle of the Danube, 323;
   march into Gaul, 324;
   defeat the Romans, 324;
   turn towards Spain, 325;
   go round the northern range of the Alps, 328;
   burst upon Italy, 330;
   remarks on their passage over the Adige, 331;
   defeated at Vercelli, 332;
   destroyed, 333.

 _Ciminia silva_, i, 506, 508.

 _Cincinnatus_ L. Quinctius, alleged cause of his poverty, i, 281;
   the poem on his dictatorship, 282;
   brings about the condemnation of Volscius, 284;
   dictator, 338.

 _C. Cincius Alimentus_ wrote Roman history in Greek, i, 22;
   made prisoner in the second Punic war, 22;
   had from Hannibal an account of his passage over the Alps, 22;
   called _maximus auctor_ by Livy, 22;
   wrote _de Potestate Consulum_, and on the Roman Calendar in Latin,
      22;
   made researches on the monuments of ancient times, 108;
   the second Punic war formed the exclusive substance of its work, ii,
      62;
   excellent, 63.

 _Cineas_ goes to Tarentum, i, 555;
   his character, 555;
   how far he might be called a pupil of Demosthenes, 555;
   comes to Rome, 561;
   his uncommon tact and extraordinary memory, 561.

 _Cinna_, L. Cornelius, consul, attached to Marius, ii, 369;
   heads the democracy, 369;
   aims at absolute power, 370;
   at the head of the Italians, 370;
   deprived of his consulship, 370;
   returns to Rome with Sertorius, 371;
   defeats Cn. Pompeius, 372;
   consul for the second time, 373;
   killed by his soldiers, 375.

 _Cinna._ See Helvius.

 _Circeii_, colony of Tarquin the Proud, i, 197;
   at the time of Sp. Cassius still a Latin town, 246, 344;
   the colony restored, 345.

 _Circus Flaminius_ was for the plebeians what the Circus Maximus was
    for the patricians, i, 312.

 _Circus Maximus._ See Circus Flaminius.

 _Cirta_, capital of Syphax, ii, 131.

 _Cité_, i, 167.

 _Cities_, large cities are always a proof of immigration, i, 103;
   spring up in Germany, particularly after the tenth century, 167.

 _Citizens sine suffragio_ were not received in plebeian tribes, i, 174.

 _Citizenship_, its rights and obligations probably ceased at the
    sixtieth year, i, 181.

 _Cittadini_, corresponding to _Populus_, i, 166.

 _Civilis_, rebellion, iii, 204.

 CIVITAS SINE SUFFRAGIO, i, 448.

 CIVITATES FŒDERATÆ, in the provinces, ii, 41.

 CIVITATES LIBERÆ, in the provinces, ii, 41.

 _Clans_ of the Highlanders are called after individuals, i, 159.

 _Clapperton and Denham_ hear, in the interior of Soudan, of the
    insurrection in Greece, i, 469;
   meet among the Tuarics with an alphabet which is quite distinct from
      the Arabic, ii, 310.

 _Classes_ in the Lombard towns, i, 161.

 _Classis_, a host of heavy armed men, i, 177, footnote.

 _Clastidium_, battle, ii, 56;
   between Piacenza and Alessandria, 57.

 _Claudian_ of Alexandria, a true poetical genius, iii, 324.

 _Claudian family_, the character for insolence hereditary in it, ii,
    34.

 _Ap. Claudius_, consul, 233;
   his opposition against the Plebes, 272.

 _Ap. Claudius_, the decemvir president of the senate, i, 307;
   his crime against Virginia, 309;
   dies in prison, 316.

 _Ap. Claudius_, goes over to Sicily, i, 580.

 _Ap. Claudius_, proconsul, his forbearance at Capua, ii, 113;
   prætor, negotiates with the Syracusans, 115.

 _Ap. Claudius_, father-in-law of Tib. Gracchus, ii, 279.

 _Ap. Claudius Cæcus_, the grammarians still knew his moral maxims, i,
    16;
   Cicero read a speech of his against Pyrrhus, 16;
   his character, 512;
   places freedmen in a mass among the tribes, 514;
   enters them on the rolls of the senate, 516;
   his list was never made use of, 517;
   claims the censorship during five years, 517;
   makes the Appian road, 517;
   cuts a canal through the Pontine marshes, 517;
   brings an aqueduct to Rome, 518;
   is said to have undertaken his works without any authority from the
      senate, 519;
   opposes Volumnius, 527;
   turns the scales with regard to the proposals of Cineas, 561.

 _Claudius_, Emperor, writes history, i, 87;
   fragment of a speech of his on the Lugdunensian tablets, 87;
   his stupidity, 88;
   honest, 191;
   without any sort of criticism, 192;
   hides himself, iii, 180,
   brother of Germanicus, 180;
   character, 181;
   writes memoirs of Augustus, 182;
   consul, 182;
   unfortunate in marriage, 182;
   ruled by slaves and freedmen, 183;
   his buildings, 183;
   expedition against Britain, 184;
   his death, 184.

 _M. Claudius Glycia_, son of a freedman, appointed dictator by P.
    Claudius, ii, 33;
   resigns his dignity, 34.

 _P. Claudius_, son (grandson?) of Claudius Cæcus, leads reinforcements
    to the Romans in Sicily, ii, 31;
   his defeat near Drepana, 32;
   is condemned to severe punishment for having appointed the son of a
      freedman dictator, 33;
   his sister condemned, 34.

 _Q. Claudius._ See Quadrigarius.

 _Claudius_, M. Aurelius Gothicus, emperor, a great man, iii, 284;
   defeats the Goths, 284;
   his death, 284.

 _Clavus_ knocked in by the dictator on the Ides of September, i, 237.

 _Cleanthes_, iii, 68.

 _Clement_ of Alexandria, iii, 235.

 _Cleomenes_, ii, 145;
   destroys Megalopolis, 248.

 _Cleonymus_, in the pay of Tarentum, i, 461;
   forces the Lucanians to make peace, 510;
   taken into pay by one of the Sicilian parties against Agathocles of
      Syracuse, 511;
   seizes upon Corcyra, 511;
   marches to Venetia and against Padua, 511;
   dies in Sparta at an advanced age, 511.

 _Cleopatra_, sister of Ptolemy Philometor, ii, 221.

 _Cleopatra_, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, iii, 62;
   flies to Syria, 63;
   declared Queen by Cæsar, 65;
   goes to Cilicia to join Antony, 101;
   receives Cœlesyria, Judæa, and Cyprus, from Antony, 108;
   married to Antony, 110;
   takes to flight in the battle of Actium, 111;
   tries to gain over Octavian, 113;
   her death, 114.

 _Clientes_ (_cluentes_), from _cluere_, to hear, i, 170.

 _Clientship_, earliest origin of it, i, 117;
   its nature, 263;
   different causes of its origin, 170;
   its dangerous character, ii, 42.

 _Clients_, are in the curies, i, 226;
   enter into the tribes, 304;
   appear in the centuries, 327.

 _Clisthenes_, takes the _Ager Atticus_ as the basis for the division of
    the Athenian people, i, 172.

 _Clitarchus_, historian, i, 469; ii, 392.

 _Clivus Publicius_, leads from the Circus to the Aventine, i, 305.

 CLOACA MAXIMA, i, 138;
   equal in extent and bulk to the pyramids, 138;
   of hewn Alban freestone, 138;
   uncertain whether built by Tarquinius Priscus, or by his son
      Superbus, 138;
   described, 188.

 _Clockius_, i, 55.

 _Clodia_, Antonius’ stepdaughter, betrothed to Augustus, iii, 143.

 _Clodius._ See Albinus.

 _P. Clodius_, brother-in-law of Lucullus, plays the mutineer against
    him, iii, 8;
   his descent, 27;
   his profligacy, 27;
   adopted by a plebeian and made tribune, 28;
   sells the government of the provinces, 35;
   impeaches Cicero, 35;
   slain, 38.

 _Clœlia_, her flight, i, 214.

 _Clovis_ not allowed to appropriate to himself any exclusive share in
    the booty, i, 204.

 _Cluilia Fossa_, i, 108, 127.

 _Cluilius_, general of the Albans, i, 127.

 _Clupea_ (Aspis), town in Africa, ii, 20;
   taken by the Romans, 20;
   rises against Carthage, 44.

 _Clusium_, in the war of Porsena, the chief town of the Etruscans, i,
    131;
   Gauls before the town, 372;
   destroyed, ii, 383.

 _Cluver_, Philip, his _Italia Antiqua_ and _Sicilia_, i, 75.

 _Cocceius_, iii, 103.

 _Cœlesyria_ detached from Egypt, ii, 221.

 _Cœlius._ See Cælius.

 _L. Cœlius Antipater_, i, 36;
   lived in the middle of the seventh century, many things in Livy,
      particularly the romantic accounts to be traced to him, ii, 63;
   Cicero speaks slightingly of him, 63, 308.

 COHORTES URBANÆ, iii, 123.

 _Coins_, of Sybaris preserved, i, 4;
   are very good guides of history since the time of Hadrian, iii, 242.

 _Cologne_, there were there three orders, each of fifteen houses, i,
    161;
   the second and third order were admitted to offices later than the
      first, 162;
   seat of the government of Gaul, iii, 283;
   devastated, 308;
   chronicle of Cologne excellent, i, 13, 125, 202.

 _Collatinus_, chronological impossibility of the accounts of him, i,
    81;
   goes to Lavinium, 136;
   patrician consul, 202.

 _Collin_, battle, the employment of the oblique line of battle
    dangerous, ii, 101.

 _Colline gate_, its locality, i, 411;
   battle, ii, 382.

 _Colonia Ulpia_, iii, 219.

 _Coloniæ Romanæ_, exclusively Roman colonies, i, 346;
   in southern Italy, ii, 106.

 _Colonial system_ of the Romans, i, 417;
   of the Greeks, 417;
   of the Samnites, 418;
   of the Spaniards in Mexico, 420;
   development of the Roman system, iii, 274.

 _Colonies_, Latin, i, 104;
   their history, ii, 384;
   conf. i, 452;
   twelve out of thirty had furnished no contingent during the
      expedition of Hannibal, ii, 187;
   south of the Po, 200;
   twelve of M. Livius Drusus, 302;
   Julian, iii, 101.

 _Colonies_ sent into conquered towns, how it was done, i, 250.

 _Colosseum_ built by Vespasian, iii, 207;
   its dedication celebrated by Titus, 208.

 _Colossus_ on the Capitoline hill, i, 498.

 _Columna rostrata_, the general representations quite unauthentical, it
    was perhaps cast from the beaks of conquered ships, ii, 15;
   the inscription is not the original one, but restored by Germanicus,
      16.

 _Comana_, temple of Anaitis, ii, 407.

 _Comedy_ had quite gone down in the time of Augustus, iii, 129, 141.

 COMITIA TRIBUTA have the initiative in passing laws, i, 201.

 _Comitium_, junction of the Roman and the Sabine senates, i, 118.

 COMMENTARII PONTIFICUM, i, 10;
   are not as old as they would have us believe, 10.

 _Commercium_, explained, i, 171.

 _Commodus, emperor_, iii, 247;
   his character, 247;
   his prodigality, 248;
   calls himself Hercules, 248;
   murdered, 249.

 _Commune_, Italian for Plebs, i, 166, 168.

 _Communication_ was much easier in ancient times than in the twelfth
    and thirteenth centuries, i, 469.

 _Communism_, iii, 326.

 _Community_, right of, i, 165.

 _Companies of trade_ traced back to Numa, i, 177.

 _Compsa_ in the country of the Hirpinians destroyed, ii, 406.

 CONCILIABULA, i, 450.

 CONCILIUM POPULI equivalent to curies, i, 395.

 CONCIO ADVOCATA could take place at any time, i, 270.

 _Concordia_, temple of, i, 403.

 _Concubinage_, iii, 163, 187.

 _Confederacy_, the northern, declares for the Samnites, i, 501.

 _Congiarium_ given to the Roman people, iii, 231.

 _Connubium_ did not exist between patricians and plebeians, i, 171,
    280;
   not allowed by the Twelve Tables, 300.

 _Conquered_ place themselves, according to Asiatic custom, under the
    protection of the conqueror, iii, 105.

 CONSACRAMENTALES, i, 266.

 CONSCRIPTI, i, 334.

 _Conscription_, i, 181.

 _Consecrations_ for death a well known Roman custom, i, 379.

 CONSISTORIUM PRINCIPIS, put on a surer footing by Hadrian, iii, 231.

 _Constans_, son of Constantine, iii, 304;
   gets the præfecture of Italy and Illyricum, 305;
   conquers the West, 305;
   his death, 305.

 _Constantia_, Constantine’s half-sister, married to Licinius, iii, 300.

 _Constantina_, daughter of Constantine, wife of Gallus, iii, 307.

 _Constantine_, emperor, son of Constantius, had a confused sort of
    faith, had the god of the Sun on his coins, iii, 272, 303;
   a great man, 295, 298;
   proclaimed emperor, 298;
   son of Helena, 298;
   not a barbarian, 298;
   acknowledged by Galerius as Augustus, 298;
   marries Fausta, daughter of Maximinian, 298;
   his war against Maxentius, 299;
   triumphal arch, 299;
   defeats Maxentius, 299;
   war with Licinius, 300;
   victory near Adrianople, 300;
   wars against the Goths and Sarmatians, 300;
   weight of taxation, 301;
   character of his reign, 302;
   his Christianity, 302;
   his increasing irritability, 303;
   causes his son Crispus to be executed, 303;
   founds Constantinople, 303;
   his buildings, 327.

 _Constantine_, JUNIOR, son of Constantius, iii, 304;
   emperor of the _præfectura Galliæ_, 305;
   dies, 305.

 _Constantine_, an usurper, proclaimed Augustus in Britain, iii, 334.

 _Constantinople_, the great fire in the fifth century had a most
    ruinous effect on Greek literature, iii, 190;
   its foundation, 303.

 _Constantinus Porphyrogenitus_, ii, 251.

 _Constantius_, Cæsar in the West, iii, 295;
   the name of Chlorus is not to be found in contemporary writers, 295;
   Augustus, 297;
   his wife Helena, 298;
   marries Theodora, daughter of Maximian, 298.

 _Constantius_, Julius, half-brother of Constantine, iii, 303.

 _Constantius_, son of Constantine, iii, 304;
   receives the PRÆFECTURA ORIENTIS, 305;
   war with Sapor, 305;
   the most bearable of the three brothers, but swayed by his eunuchs,
      305;
   victorious against Magnentius, 306;
   war against Julian, 309;
   dies in Cilicia, 309;
   his persecution of the Homoousians, 309.

 _Constantius_, general of Honorius, iii, 334;
   marries Galla Placidia, 335.

 _Consualia_ were kept in August, i, 117.

 _Consulars_ under Hadrian appointed to the jurisdiction of Italy, iii,
    255.

 _Consular armies_, their strength in the war of Hannibal, ii, 98.

 _Consular election_ by the centuries not absolutely certain, i, 207.

 _Consuls_ were first called _prætores_, i, 203;
   etymology, 203;
   the candidates in the earliest times proposed by the senate, 205;
   had absolute sway extending from one mile beyond Rome, 235;
   inaugurated on the first of August, 238;
   elected by the curies, 242;
   one of them elected by the centuries, 243, 260;
   their office suspended during the rule of the decemvirs, 298;
   their title introduced instead of that of prætors, 312;
   their election restored to the centuries with the reservation of its
      being confirmed by the curies, 313;
   had the power of inflicting fines, 339;
   one plebeian and one patrician consul, 403;
   enter their office regularly in spring only after the Punic wars, and
      in the last years of the republic in August, 407;
   both might have been chosen from the plebeians, according to a law,
      passed in the war of Hannibal, which was not acted upon, 432;
   carried out only in the year 580, 432;
   during the second Samnite war they enter upon their office in
      September, 493;
   had the power of deciding the number of auxiliaries, which the allies
      had to furnish, 572;
   have the right of appointing a dictator, ii, 33;
   might freely dispose of the _manubia_, 184;
   the privilege that one of the consuls should always belong to one
      order, done away with in the war of Perseus, 190;
   arrested by the tribunes, 226;
   under Sylla a patrician and a plebeian, 387;
   do not leave Rome during their year of office, owing perhaps, to a
      regulation of Sylla, 396;
   have the JUS RELATIONIS, iii, 119.

 _Consus_, the god of counsel, i, 117.

 _Copais_, lake, its drains choked up, i, 357;
   at present merely a marsh, 358.

 _Cora_ and _Pometia_ fall into the hands of the Auruncians, i, 222,
    223;
   Cora retaken, 344.

 _Corbulo_, carries on war successfully against the Parthians, iii, 191;
   executed, 192.

 _Corcyra_, besieged by the Illyrians, ii, 47.

 _Cordova_, Gonsalvo de, formed the Spanish infantry, ii, 259.

 _Corfinium_, in the country of the Pelignians, under the name of
    Italica, chief town of the Italian state, ii, 352;
   takes its old name again, 358.

 _Corinth_, well affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii,
    145;
   dependent on Macedon, 145;
   the most flourishing of all the Greek towns, 153;
   given up by the Achæans to Philip, 155;
   restored to the Achæans, 162;
   separated from Achaia, 250;
   taken by Mummius, 255;
   colony established there by Cæsar, iii, 74;
   plundered and burnt by the Goths, iii, 280.

 _Coriolanus_, placed in a wrong time, i, 244;
   Cn. or C. Marcius, 244;
   cannot have conquered Corioli, 244;
   very likely of the lesser clans, 287;
   his story as commonly told, 287;
   his presenting himself to Attius Tullius entirely copied from the
      visit of Themistocles to Admetus, 288;
   centre of the emigrants, 291.

 _Corioli_ destroyed, i, 275;
   at first Latin town, afterwards Volscian, 288.

 _Corneille_ forms the link between the antique and the classic in
    French literature, ii, 292.

 _Cornelia_, daughter of the elder Scipio, mother of the Gracchi, ii,
    270.

 _Cornelians_, Sylla’s body guard, ii, 390.

 _Cornelius._ See Alexander, Cethegus, Cinna, Merula, Rufinus, Scipio,
    Severus, Sylla.

 _Cn. Cornelius_, general of the Romans, at a great disadvantage near
    the Liparian isles, ii, 15.

 _A. Cornelius Cossus_, consul, i, 425;
   surrounded, 429.

 _A. Cornelius Cossus_, military tribune, conquers Lars Tolumnius, i,
    348.

 _Cornelius Nepos_, a native of the country beyond the Po, i, 365;
   his chronological accounts very highly valued, 365;
   we have of him but the life of Atticus, iii, 126.

 _Corn magazine_ established by C. Gracchus, ii, 296.

 CORNU does not mean wing, but half, i, 440.

 _Coronea_, burned to ashes, ii, 210.

 CORPORALES RES, i, 179.

 _Corporations_ come, in Italy, into the place of municipal
    constitution, i, 120.

 CORRECTORES, iii, 255.

 _Corridors_, in the Roman houses without windows, lit up with
    candelabras, ii, 349.

 _Corsica_, settlements of the Carthaginians, ii, 5;
   given up to the Romans, 46, 220.

 _Cortez_, Ferdinand, iii, 64.

 _Cortona_, its inhabitants not at all different from the neighbourhood,
    i, 143;
   peace with Rome, 509.

 _Ti. Coruncanius_, the first plebeian pontifex maximus, i, 523;
   enjoyed the reputation of profound wisdom and knowledge of law, 348;
   his son, ambassador to Illyria, murdered, ii, 47.

 _Cossus._ See Cornelius.

 _Cothon_, harbour of Carthage, ii, 240.

 _Cotta_, Roman consul, defeated by Mithridates, iii, 5.

 _Cotton_, manufactures of, iii, 237.

 _Council of state_, iii, 120;
   under Hadrian, 231;
   completely organized under Alexander Severus, 262.

 _Court_, its exclusiveness begins to show itself under M. Antoninus,
    iii, 246.

 _Court days_, there were thirty-eight of them in the year of ten
    months, i, 520.

 _Craftsmen_, excluded from the tribes, i, 177.

 _Crassus_, Roman governor, war in Mœsia, iii, 151.

 _Crassus_, M. Licinius, consul, conqueror of Spartacus, ii, 404, 406;
   reconciled to Pompey, 404;
   victory near Petilia, 406;
   not unlikely that he used Catiline for his own ends, iii, 14;
   his connexion with Catiline very likely, 22;
   has a bitter spite against Cicero, 35;
   consul for the second time, 37;
   finds his death in the war against the Parthians, 37;
   congress at Lucca, 39.

 _Crassus_, P. Licinius, general against Perseus, ii, 208;
   defeated by him, 208.

 _Crassus_, P. Licinius, father-in-law of C. Gracchus.

 _Crassus_, P. Licinius, arises against Carbo, ii, 303;
   his talent as an orator, 303;
   goes over to the senate, 303;
   put to death, 373;
   is the first who sent for marble pillars from Greece, 395.

 _P. Crassus_, son of M. Crassus, very intimate with Cicero, iii, 36.

 _Crassus_, P. Licinius Mucianus taken prisoner by Aristonicus, ii, 267;
   his rapacity, 267.

 _Cremera_, the settlement of the Fabii on its banks an ἐπιτειχισμός
    against Veii, i, 262.

 _Cremona_, Roman colony, ii, 57, 75;
   destroyed by the Boians, 165;
   Latin colony, then a _municipium_, and at last a military colony,
      101;
   victory of Antonius Primus over the troops of Vitellius, 200.

 _Crete_, independent, torn in factions, applies to Philip for his
    mediation, ii, 148, 151;
   its inhabitants were at all times robbers by land and by sea, iii, 9.

 CRIMEN MAJESTATIS, iii, 173.

 _Criminal causes_ had to be tried before the prætor, i, 404.

 _Criminal law_, its principles among the ancients, i, 318.

 _Crispians_, T. Quinctius, consul, defeated by Hannibal, killed, ii,
    119.

 _Crispus_, son of Constantine, executed, iii, 303.

 _Critolaus_ at the head of affairs in Achæa, ii, 252;
   his death, 254.

 _Crixus_, leader in the Servile war, ii, 406.

 _Cromwell_, a great question whether he was an honest fanatic or an
    impostor, ii, 123; iii, 12;
   the title of king had a great charm for him, 76;
   wanted always to be guessed, 168.

 _Croton_, i, 459, destroyed by the Romans, 567;
   taken by Hannibal, which completes its ruin, ii, 107;
   head-quarters of Hannibal, 134.

 _Crustumeria_, i, 216.

 _Ctesiphon_, near Seleucia, capital of the Parthian kings, iii, 108;
   taken by Trajan, 220;
   built by the Parthians to humble Seleucia, ii, 254;
   taken and sacked by Severus, 254;
   by its conquest the empire so much shaken, that its subjects thought
      of freeing themselves from its yoke, 263;
   centre of the Persian empire, 264;
   is said to have been taken by Carus, 292;
   strongly fortified in Julian’s time, 313.

 _Cumæ_, i, 453;
   its earliest history very obscure, 149;
   was looked upon as wonderfully old, 150;
   Etruscans throw themselves upon it, 214;
   destroys the naval power of the Etruscans with the help of Hiero,
      342.

 _Cuman traditions_, i, 213.

 _Cumberland_ has its name from the Cymri, traces of the Cymric language
    were found there as late as a hundred years ago, ii, 322.

 _Curia Hostilia_, the sunset was seen from its steps, i, 270.

 _Curies_ condemned Manlius to death, pronounced the disgraceful
    decision between the Ardeates and the people of Aricia, compelled
    Camillus to go into exile, i, 94;
   receive their names from the thirty ravished Sabine maidens, 117;
   in Greek φράτραι, unions of clans in certain numerical proportions,
      119;
   intermediate link between the clans and the tribes, 161;
   their turn decided by lot, 162;
   it was permitted to get up and to speak in them, 184:
   condemn Cassius, 257;
   could transact business only on the _dies comitiales_, 269;
   voted VIVA VOCE, 266;
   no previous notice needed to be given, 269;
   could not do business without a SENATUS CONSULTUM, 269;
   meet for the last time, 542;
   give their sanction beforehand to the decrees of the centuries, 446;
   had originally the right of declaring war and peace, 340.

 _Curies_ & _Centuries_ could be convoked only on certain days, i, 322.

 _Curio_, C. Scribonius, highly gifted, is in vain led to better ways by
    Cicero, iii, 26;
   tribune of the people, 49;
   bought over by Cæsar, 50;
   takes the command in Sicily, 57;
   killed in battle in Africa, 57;
   falls out with the senate, because he wanted to have a month
      intercalated for himself, 72;
   Cicero assigns to him a high rank as a writer, 127.

 _M. Curius Dentatus_, Roman general against the Sabines, i, 535;
   quarrels with the senate, 537;
   his poverty, 538;
   refuses to take a greater share in the booty, 537;
   draining of the lake Velinus, 538;
   goes to Etruria, 546;
   Roman general in the battle of Beneventum, 568.

 _M. Curtius_ belongs to the time of Severus and Caracalla, writes in
    imitation of Livy, iii, 276, 283.

 _Curule Dignities_, no one should hold two of them at the same time, i,
    433;
   one could only be re-elected to it after the lapse of ten years, 433.

 CURULIS MAGISTRATUS, who was allowed to make use of a carriage, i, 326;
   CURULIS JUNO, 329;
   CURULIS TRIUMPHUS, 329.

 _Cyclades_, formerly belonging to Egypt, in an unsettled state, ii,
    151.

 _Cyclic poems_, iii, 132.

 _Cyclopian_ walls, i, 146.

 _Cymri_, or Belgians, not a mixture of Celts and Germans, as Cæsar has
    it, i, 367;
   probably the oldest inhabitants of Britain, 368;
   their migration, 368; ii, 322;
   in Basse Bretagne, iii, 42;
   their original abodes, 42.

 _Cynoscephalæ_, situation, ii, 157;
   battle, 158.

 _Cynthia_, mistress of Propertius, her true name is Hostia, iii, 137.

 _St. Cyprian_, iii, 292.

 _Cyprus_, the Phœnician settlements there are of very early date, i, 1;
   Egyptian, 221; iii, 3.

 _Cyrene_, colonized from Thera, i, 102;
   Egyptian, ii, 221;
   inscriptions in three languages found there, 310;
   Cæsar there, iii, 66.

 _Cythera_, the Phœnician settlements there later than those of Cyprus,
    ii, 1.

 _Cyzicus_, true to the Romans in the war of Mithridates, ii, 364;
   besieged by Mithridates, iii, 6;
   destroyed by the Goths, 284.

                                   D

 _Dacians_, war under Domitian, iii, 212;
   the same race as the ancient Getæ, 212;
   are rich, no barbarians, 212;
   constitution, 212;
   first war with Trajan, 218;
   second war, 219;
   freed by Maximin from the inroads of the barbarians, 268;
   given up to the Goths, 285.

 _Dagalaiphus_, iii, 315.

 _Dalmatians_ subdued, ii, 220, 307;
   campaign of Augustus against them, iii, 149;
   reduced by Tiberius, 150;
   revolt, 154.

 _Dalmatius_, half-brother of Constantine, iii, 303.

 _Dalmatius_, son of Dalmatius, iii, 304.

 _Damasippus_, prætor, causes all the partisans of Sylla to be put to
    death, ii, 381.

 _Damaratus._ See Demaratus.

 _Dante_ feels for the men of the Roman era, as an old Roman would have
    done, i, 79; iii, 94.

 _Daphnis_, a true Sicilian hero, iii, 131.

 _Dardanus_, i, 96.

 _Daughters_ could not convey gentilician rights, i, 112.

 _Daun_, by no means an inferior general to Fabius, ii, 68.

 _Dauphin_, son of Louis XV., iii, 172.

 _Death_, the black death, iii, 241;
   famine after it, 292.

 _Debt_, bondage for debt without nexum, i, 233.

 _Debt_, the Roman system of debts in later days entirely borrowed from
    the Greek law, i, 388.

 _Debtors_, law of debtors of Servius Tullius, Tarquinius Superbus, and
    Valerius, i, 228;
   that of Servius not contained in the _Jus Papirianum_, 228;
   that of the patricians liberal, that of the plebeians strict, 228;
   it was the general law of antiquity, that the borrower could pledge
      himself and his family for debt, 228;
   law of debtors of P. Licinius, 398.

 _Debts_ regulated, i, 413.

 _Decebalus_, greatness of his character, iii, 212;
   peace with Domitian, 212;
   first war with Trajan, 219;
   his empire, 219;
   conquered, 219;
   second war, 219;
   falls, 219.

 DECEM PRIMI taken from the Ramnes, i, 124;
   held the government when there was no king, 124.

 DECEMVIRI CONSULARI POTESTATE LEGIBUS SCRIBUNDIS, i, 298;
   five of the second decemvirs are plebeian, 299;
   the first represented the _decem primi_ of the senate, 299;
   the second a συναρχία after the pattern of the archons of Attica,
      299;
   their composition, 299;
   those of the second year were probably chosen for several years, 306;
   keep a guard of an hundred and twenty lictors, 307.

 _Decemviri stlitibus judicandis_ first appointed in the century, i,
    313.

 _Decemvirs_ for the Sybilline books are half of them plebeians, i, 401.

 _P. Decius Mus_, tribune, saves by his boldness the arm of Cn.
    Cornelius Cossus, i, 429;
   devotes himself to death in the battle near Veseris, 443.

 _P. Decius Mus_, consul, in the third Samnite war, i, 525;
   devotes himself to the infernal gods, 530.

 _Decius_ Q. (C.), Messius (Quintus) Trajanus, born in Illyricum, iii,
    272;
   overcomes Philip in the neighbourhood of Verona, 273;
   considered by the heathen writers a hero, hated by the Christian
      ones, 273;
   persecution of the Christians, 273;
   relieves Nicopolis, 278;
   defeated, loses his life, 278.

 _Decuries_, i, 120.

 _Decurions_, town magistrates, i, 120;
   in Gaul, iii, 331.

 DEDITIONEM FACERE, i, 212.

 _Deguigne’s_ opinion on the earlier times of the Huns incorrect, iii,
    317.

 _Delia_, in Tibullus, her real name Plania, iii, 137.

 _Delictum manifestum_, no trial required in case of one, ii, 297.

 _Delos_, given up to Athens, ii, 164;
   conf. Delphi.

 _Delphi_ and Delos, the centre of union of the Hellenic world, i, 97;
   the sending of the sons of Tarquinius thither a later invention, i,
      198.

 _Damaratus_ brings the fine arts to the Tyrrhenians in Etruria, i, 116;
   a Bacchiades from Corinth, i, 133.

 _Demesne_ in the occupation of the patricians, i, 227.

 _Demetrias_ occupied by the Romans, ii, 163;
   evacuated by them and occupied by the Ætolians, 171;
   taken possession of by Philip, remains Macedonian until the fall of
      that empire, 172.

 _Demetrius II._, father of Philip, ii, 144.

 _Demetrius_, son of Philip, hostage in Rome, ii, 161;
   ambassador to Rome, 203;
   favourable to the Romans, 203;
   poisoned, 205;
   delivers Andriscus to the Romans, 245.

 _Demetrius_, the false, not an impostor, ii, 245.

 _Demetrius_ Pharius, governor of Corcyra, gives up the island to the
    Romans, ii, 47;
   guardian to the king whilst a minor, 57;
   conspires against Rome, 57;
   commits piracy against the Cyclades, 57;
   escapes to Macedon, 57.

 _Demetrius Poliorcetes_, i, 198;
   a great genius spoiled, 553;
   allied with Ptolemy Soter, 553;
   put in possession of the throne of Macedon, 554.

 _Democracy_ established in Rome by the Hortensian law, i, 322.

 Δῆμος equivalent to plebes, i, 166;
   afterwards the whole mass of the people, 169.

 _Demosthenes_, i, 248;
   slander against him, iii, 79;
   in him oratory is at its height, 275.

 _Dempster_, led astray by Annius of Viterbo and Inghirami, i, 141.

 _Denham._ See Clapperton.

 _Diæus_ at the head of the affairs at Achaia, ii, 252, 254, 255.

 DETERIOREM PARTEM SEQUI, i, 280.

 _Dexippus_, his fragments, iii, 277;
   heroism against the Goths, 280.

 _Diadumenianus._ See Antoninus.

 _Diana._ See Janus.

 DICENEUS, iii, 212.

 _Dictator_, law UT EI EQUUM ESCENDERE LICERET, i, 330;
   formerly selected by the patricians out of a number of candidates
      proposed to them, i, 415;
   appointed by the consul, ii, 33.

 _Dictatorship_, properly a Latin magistracy, i, 221;
   the imperium for six months only, 221;
   probably referred to a league with Latium only 221;
   its object, 235;
   fallen into disuse, ii, 303.

 _Diderot_ ESSAI sur le règne de CLAUDE ET DE NÉRON, iii, 186.

 DIES DIFFISUS, i, 270.

 _Dimalus_, (double mountain,) capital of the Illyrians, ii, 57.

 _Dinon_, ii, 219.

 _Dio Cassius Cocceianus_, his careful language derived from Fabius, i,
    20; ii, 63;
   MSS., iii, 152;
   Dio Chrysostom, probably his grandfather on the mother’s side, i, 61;
   lives forty years in Rome and then retires to Capua, 62;
   writes the history of Commodus, 62;
   twice consul, 92;
   spends twelve years in collecting materials, and ten in writing his
      history, 62;
   had a true vocation for writing history, 62;
   draws from the very fountain-head, 62;
   his character, 62;
   no friend to tyranny, 63;
   his style not free from faults, 63;
   how much is still preserved of his works, 64;
   Venetian MS. of the last books, 64;
   editions, 66;
   the seventieth book lost when Zonaras, and Xiphilinus made their
      extracts, iii, 236;
   his opinion of Seneca has much truth, but is exaggerated, 186.

 _Dio Chrysostom_ has started the question of the existence of Troy, i,
    94;
   a native of Prusa, an author of uncommon talent, iii, 227;
   his pure Atticism, 227;
   character, 227.

 _Diocles_, an unknown Greek writer i, 111.

 _Diocletian_, emperor, murders Aper, iii, 290;
   conquers Carinus, 291;
   takes Maximinian as his colleague, 293;
   cannot himself have been a slave, 293;
   derivation of his name, 293;
   his character, 294;
   his system of government, 294;
   resigns his dignity, 295;
   resides in Nicomedia, 296;
   reduces Egypt, 296.

 _Diodorus Siculus_ contains many notices concerning Roman history,
    which he can only have taken from Fabius, i, 20;
     the later ones from Polybius, 38;
     then from Posidonius and others, 38;
   the Roman history is to him only a secondary affair, 47;
   writes the ancient history in synchronistical order, 37;
   concludes before the civil war to avoid giving offence, 37;
   writes his history after Cæsar’s death, 38;
   Scaliger’s opinion concerning the time in which it was written, 38;
   his writings falsified, 38;
   the halves of two books entirely wanting, 65;
   uses Roman sources in the Greek language, 373;
   his account of the Samnite war perhaps borrowed from Fabius or
      Timæus, 493;
     the Etruscan war from Fibius, 508;
   his notices of Carthage probably from Timæus, ii, 2;
     from Philinus of Agrigentum, 26;
   has not read Nævius, 26.

 _Diœceses_ of the Roman empire, iii, 294.

 _Diomedes_, grammarian, iii, 323.

 _Dion_, i, 575.

 _Dionysia_, the feast of the vintage, i, 550.

 _Dionysius of Helicarnassus_, publishes his history in the year 743, i,
    39;
   his rhetorical writings excellent, 39;
   he is probably the person mentioned by Strabo under the name of
      Cæcilius, 39;
   his history comprises the period from the earliest times to the first
      Punic war, 39;
   Ἐκλογαὶ Διονυσίου, 39;
   makes himself abridgment of his works, 39;
   MSS. in existence of the first ten books, 39;
   the eleventh book, 39;
   editions and translations, 41;
   character of his works, 43;
   does not know Livy, 45;
   the account of Naples falling into the power of the Romans, taken
      from Neapolitan Chronicles, 46;
   conf., iii, 141;
   an accomplished critic and historian, 227;
   at the time of the consuls he has more materials than he gives, i,
      124;
   observes that the Etruscan has no resemblance to the Latin, 142;
   is mistaken as to the relative positions of the _plebs_ and the
      _populus_, 172.

 _Dionysius_, tyrant of Syracuse, i, 575;
   peace with Carthage, 575;
   and ii, 4.

 _Dionysius_ the younger, i, 575; ii, 4.

 _Diophanes of Mitylene_, friend of Tib. Gracchus, ii, 287.

 _Dioscuri_ appear in the battle at the Regillus, ii, 217.

 _Directory_, French, in the year 1799, ii, 379.

 _Disproportion_ in the division by numbers avoided by the ancients, i,
    46.

 _Dittmarsch_, 3 × 10 houses, i, 161;
   example from its history, 291;
   the chronicles begin about a hundred and fifty years before the
      conquest of the country, 202;
   sudden wealth, ii, 189.

 _Dium_, part of it set fire to by Perseus, ii, 211.

 _Documents_ had no legal validity among the Romans, unless the accurate
    date was affixed to it, i, 5.

 _Dodona_, centre of union for the Pelasgian races, i, 97.

 _Dodwell_ very seldom hits upon the right conclusion, i, 45;
   often spoils by his subtleties what he has well begun, 106.

 _Doges of Venice_, forty in five hundred years, i, 83.

 _Dolabella_, son-in-law of Cicero, iii, 65;
   quarrels with Antony, both of them equally bad, 70;
   holds the province of Syria, 86.

 _Dolabella_, P. Cornelius, i, 546;
   falls upon the country of the Sennonian Gauls, 546.

 _Dolopians_, Ætolian, ii, 151;
   Macedonian, 203.

 _St. Domingo_, insurrection under Jean François, ii, 205.

 _Domitia_, wife, of Domitian, iii, 214.

 _Domitianus_, T. Flavius, Vespasian’s younger son, iii, 200;
   usurps the government in absence of his father, 201;
   takes upon himself the command of Gaul, 204;
   seeks the life of his father and brother, 209;
   a very accomplished man, 209;
   the paraphrase of the Phænomena of Aratus ascribed to Germanicus is
      by Domitian, 209;
   takes the name of Cæsar Germanicus, 209;
   establishes the endowment for rhetoricians, 210;
   institutes the AGON CAPITOLINUS, 210;
   raises the pay of the army, 210;
   his expedition against the Chatti, 211;
   war against the Dacians, 212;
   defeat, 212;
   peace, 212;
   takes the name of Dacius, 212;
   his cruelty, 212;
   stabbed, 214;
   his buildings, 214.

 _Domitius_, Cato’s brother-in-law, iii, 37.

 _Domitius Ahenobarbus_ commands the fleet of Brutus and Cassius, iii,
    96;
   carries on the war under his own auspices, 105;
   unites himself with Asinius Pollio, 105;
   reconciled to Antony, 105.

 _Domitius Ahenobarbus_ crosses the Elbe for the first time in Bohemia,
    iii, 152.

 _Cn. Domitius_, ii, 308.

 _Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus_ transfers the nomination to the pontificate
    and other priestly offices from the Colleges to the tribes, ii, 342.

 _Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus_, Nero’s father, iii, 189.

 _L. Domitius Ahenobarbus_, general of Pompey, iii, 53;
   besieged by Cæsar in Corfinium, 54.

 _Donatists_ support the Vandals in Africa, iii, 337.

 DONATIVUM, the first to the soldiers given by the emperor Claudius,
    iii, 182;
   the custom given up, 315.

 _Donatus_, father of the Latin grammar, iii, 323.

 _Double state_ in Rome, i, 122.

 _Drakenborch_, i, 57.

 _Drepana_, excellent harbour, ii, 30;
   discomfiture of the consul Claudius there, 32.

 _Droit d’Aubaine_, i, 167.

 _Druids_, rulers of the Gauls, i, 575;
   and iii, 44.

 _Drusus_, Nero Claudius, younger son of Livia, iii, 145;
   wars in Germany, 153;
   unfortunate for Germany, 153;
   his death, 153;
   his monument on the Rhine, 153;
   a first-rate general, 156;
   is said to have asked Augustus to restore the republic, 171.

 _Drusus_, son of Tiberius, iii, 160;
   delivers the funeral oration for Augustus, 161;
   suppresses the mutiny of the troops on the Rhine, 169;
   his wife Livilla, 175;
   poisoned, 175.

 _C. Duilius_, naval victory of Mylæ, ii, 15;
   his triumph and honours, 15.

 _M. Duilius_, tribune, proclaims an amnesty, i, 319;
   refuses in the name of the tribunate to accept any votes, 325.

 _Duker_, i, 57.

 _Duris of Samos_, i, 532.

 DUUMVIRI NAVALES, i, 498;
   this dignity abolished, 549, note.

 _Dyme_ taken by the Romans, ii, 146.

 _Dyrrachium_, iii, 58.


                                   E

 _Earthquake_, i, 536;
   in the year of the battle at the Trasimenus, ii, 92.

 _Ebb_ and flow of the tides almost unknown to the Romans, iii, 45.

 _Eburones_ rise against the Romans, iii, 46.

 _Ecbatana_, iii, 265.

 _Ecetræ_, the south-eastern capital of the Volscians, i, 274.

 _Echetus_, prince of the Sicilians in Epirus, i, 100.

 _Eckhel_, his worth as a critical historian, iii, 265.

 _Eclipse_, in Cicero de R. P., fifteen years before the Gallic
    conflagration, seen at Gades, i, 7;
   from it, all the preceding ones are calculated backward, 8;
   that in the year 350, the first one really observed, which occurred
      in the annals, 83.

 _Ecnomus_, battle, ii, 19.

 _Ecthlipsis_, ii, 198.

 _Edetanians_, inhabitants of Valencia, ii, 71.

 _Edicts_, imperial, iii, 231.

 EDICTUM PERPETUUM, iii, 231.

 EDOCERE PLEBEM, i, 270.

 _Egeria_, wife of Numa, melts in tears at his death, and gives his name
    to a well, springing from them, i, 125.

 _Egnatius Gellius_, leads the Samnites to Etruria, i, 527;
   falls, 532.

 _Egnatius Rufus_, tumult, iii, 118.

 _Egypt_, the eighteenth dynasty of Manetho is historical, i, 7;
   had a white population before conquered by the Æthiopians, ii, 5;
   extent of the empire in Asia and Europe, 145, 147;
   at war with Syria, 145;
   retains Cœlesyria, 145;
   on friendly terms with Rhodes, 148;
   its extent at the end of the seventh century, iii, 2;
   its manufactures very flourishing under Hadrian and the Antonines,
      237.

 _Egyptian towns_, in Asia Minor, abandoned by Philip, apply to
    Antiochus for aid, ii, 167.

 _Elagabalus_, god of the sun, iii, 260.

 _Elagabalus_, corruptly Heliogabalus, iii, 260;
   bore also the names of Avitus, M. Aurelius Antoninus, Bassianus, 260;
   priest of the god Elagabalus, 260;
   character, 260;
   adopts Alexianus (afterwards Alexander Severus), 261;
   killed, 261.

 _Elatea_ besieged by Flaminius, ii, 155.

 _Elbe_, Roman armies go up the Elbe, iii, 154.

 _Elections_, transferred from the people to the senate, iii, 169.

 _Elective princes_, Newton assigns seventeen years as an average for
    the reign of each, i, 83.

 _Eleans_, independent and leagued with the Ætolians, ii, 151;
   separate state, 163.

 _Elephants_ opposed by burning arrows, i, 568;
   may have been introduced from India, ii, 23, note;
   brought to Rome, 28.

 _Elis_, the history of its constitution offers a close parallel to that
    of Rome, i, 306, note.

 _Embassy_ to Athens to collect the Greek laws, ii, 295, note.

 _Embolon_, ii, 18.

 _Embratur_ (imperator), the highest magistrate of the confederation, i,
    422.

 _Emesa_, aerolites which fell in the neighbourhood worshipped, iii,
    260;
   battle, 286.

 _Emigrations_, if not too extensive, will not weaken a country, iii,
    42.

 _Emissarius_ of Alba still preserved, i, 108.

 _Empresses_ exercised a baleful influence upon morals, iii, 218.

 _Enchelians_, about the fortieth olympiad, burst into Greece, and
    plunder Delphi, i, 146.

 _England_, the war against France in the year 1793 popular again, then
    unpopular, then again, in the years 1798 and 1799, popular in the
    highest degree, i, 475.

 _English_, the English in the colonies learn English, after having in
    childhood spoken the language of the creoles, iii, 232.

 _English government_ claims a veto in the election of the Irish (Roman
    Catholic) bishops, i, 242;
   the Chancellor decides in Equity, 255.

 _English Rebellion_, the Irish Papists and Scotch Presbyterians,
    overpowered by Cromwell, join the old cavaliers, living abroad with
    the royal family, i, 225;
   the liberties of the Dissenters greater immediately after the
      revolution than they were twelve or fifteen years before, 225.

 _Enna_, the community slaughtered by the Romans, ii, 116.

 _Q. Ennius_, composes his annals about the commencement of the war with
    Perseus, i, 23;
   division of his work, 23;
   accompanies M. Fulvius Nobilior into the Ætolian war, 24;
   born in 513, and died 583, 24;
   his vanity, 24;
   fragments extant bespeak a poetical spirit, 24;
   his history of the kings taken from Livy, 24;
   his fragments collected by Hieronymus Columna, and Paul Merula, 25;
   a Roman citizen, ii, 197;
   friend of Scipio Fulvius Nobilior and the first men, 197;
   his metres, 198;
   introduces the hexameter, 198.

 _Epagathus_, the ringleader of the mutiny against Ulpian, iii, 263.

 _Ephesus_ falls to the lot of Syria, ii, 148;
   the residence of Antiochus, 167.

 _Epictetus_, a truly great man, iii, 239.

 _Epicydes_, emissary to Hieronymus from Hannibal, ii, 114;
   the chief power placed in his grasp, 116.

 _Epidamnus_, dependent on the Romans, ii, 48.

 _Epidaurus_, embassy to the temple of Æsculapius, i, 537;
   snakes kept there, 537.

 _Epidius Marcellus_, one of the tribunes, takes the diadem from the
    statue of Cæsar, iii, 76.

 _Epipolæ_, a quarter of Syracuse, ii, 117.

 _Epirotes_, their conjunction with the Pelasgians, i, 96;
   less skilled than the Greeks in steering their ships, 556.

 _Epirus_, Pelasgian, but hellenized, i, 458;
   the power of the kings very much limited, as in Lacedæmon, 552;
   very likely fallen into the hands of Neoptolemus, a son of Alexander
      the Molossian, 553;
   the Æacidæ extirpated, ii, 151;
   republic, 151;
   revenge of the Romans against the Epirotes, 215.

 Ἐπιτείχισις, i, 349.

 _Epitaph_ of the Scipios, i, 91.

 _Epitome_ of Livy, perhaps nothing more than a collection of the heads
    which were written in the margin, i, 58;
   bears the name of Florus, inappropriately, 58;
   conf., iii, 323.

 _Epos_, conditions of its success, iii, 132.

 _Equestrian centuries_, i, 180.

 _Equestrian order_, its census, i, 298.

 _Equites_, the statement of their pay having been lowered improbable,
    i, 435;
   probably they got a fixed pay, 435;
   bankers, 515.

 _Era_ of the beginning of the consulship originates undeniably with
    Gracchanus, i, 34.

 _Eratosthenes_, ii, 199.

 _Erbessus_, the arsenal of the Romans, ii, 11.

 _Erinna_, poem on Rome, i, 110, note.

 _Ernesti_, i, 73.

 _Erythræ_, a free town, i, 183.

 _Eryx_, (Monte San Giuliano,) ii, 9;
   mastered by the Romans, 35;
   by Hamilcar, 36.

 _Etesian gales_, in the Mediterranean, blow from fifty to sixty days
    until the dog days, iii, 64.

 _Etruscans_ have two sorts of sæcula, i, 83;
   monuments, 141;
   an indigenous people, call themselves Rasena, 142;
   traditions of Herodotus and Hellanicus concerning them, 142;
   had an aristocratical constitution, 145;
   came down from the Alps, 145;
   part of them subject to the Romans, 186;
   absurd to think that they were forced by the Gallic conquest to
      retire from the plain into the Alps, 145;
   are said to have taken three hundred Umbrian towns, 146;
   have once inhabited Switzerland and the Tyrol, 146;
   settle first in twelve towns in Lombardy, 147;
   found or enlarge twelve towns in the Apennines, 147;
   the extension of their sway belongs to the age of the last kings of
      Rome (Olymp. 60 to 70), 148;
   found Capua, 148;
   decline in the beginning of the fourth century, 148;
   their war against Cumæ is mythical, 150;
   passage over the Tiber, 250–280, 150;
   a king reigns in each of their towns, 151;
   assembly of their towns near the temple of Voltumna, 151;
   in common enterprises a king chosen, whose supremacy all the others
      acknowledged, 151;
   one city often usurped the leadership, 151;
   the twelve cities send to Tarquinius Priscus the insignia of
      leadership, some say, to Servius Tullius, 151;
   they have all the distinguishing features of an immigrating people,
      152;
   the oligarchical form of government makes them powerless against
      Rome, 152;
   territorial aristocracy with vassals, 152;
   unfavourable accounts of them in circulation among the Greeks, 153;
   a people of priests, devoted to soothsaying, especially from
      meteorological and astronomical phenomena, 153;
   show themselves unwarlike, 154;
   their luxury, 154;
   their books dated too early, 192;
   king of each town had a lictor, 221;
   their naval power destroyed by the people of Cumæ, 342;
   fighting against the Gauls, 390;
   the Etruscan league dissolved, 390;
   declare against Rome, 499;
   the good faith with which they keep their truces, 505;
   armed after the Greek fashion, 507;
   take the Gauls in their pay, 526;
   defeated near the lake Vadimo, 547;
   probably get favourable conditions from Rome, when the latter is
      threatened by Pyrrhus, 561;
   have a law of their own, 572;
   are during the Social war a short time under arms, ii, 350, 358;
   get the franchise, 358;
   their connection with the Romans, 358;
   Sylla takes away from them the right of citizenship, 382.

 _Etruscan fortifications_, i, 147.

 _Etruscan inscriptions_ are all found in the interior of the country,
    i, 144.

 _Etruscan literature_, decidedly older than that of the Romans, i, 155;
   the value of their books known only from the Veronese scholia on the
      Æneid, 191.

 _Etruscan language_, entirely different from Latin, i, 136;
   explained in the most arbitrary manner, 142.

 _Etruscan vases_, i, 134.

 _Eubœa_, well affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii, 145;
   dependent on Macedon, 151;
   a separate state, 163.

 _Eucheir_ and _Eugrammos_ accompany Damaratus from Corinth, i, 135.

 _Eucherius_, son of Stilicho, iii, 332.

 _Eudamidas_, a son of his is nominal king of Sparta, ii, 145.

 _Eudoxia_, wife of Valentinian, forced to marry Petronius, iii, 342;
   invites Genseric to Rome, 342.

 _Eudoxia_, daughter of Valentinian, iii, 341.

 _Euganeans_, friendly to the Romans, ii, 56.

 _Eugene_, Prince, reads the order, not to fight, after the battle only,
    i, 508.

 _Eugenius_, TRIBUNUS NOTARIORUM, Emperor, iii, 321.

 _Eugrammos._ See Eucheir.

 _Eumenes_, son of Attalus, ii, 163;
   rules only over Pergamos and some Ionian and Mysian towns, 178;
   becomes a great king, 183;
   hostile to Philip, 203;
   complains of Perseus to the Romans, 207;
   comes to Rome, 207;
   attacked by assassins at Delphi, 208;
   espouses the interests of Perseus, 211;
   his brother implores for him the mercy of the Romans, 221.

 _Eunapius_, iii, 327.

 _Eunuchs_, iii, 305.

 _Eunus_, leader of the slaves in Sicily, ii, 265.

 _Eutropius_ seems to have made an epitome of an abstract of Livy, i,
    59;
   iii, 323.

 _Eutropius_, eunuch, iii, 329.

 _Evander_, the founder of learning and civilization among the Italians,
    i, 110;
   inventor and teacher of the use of letters, 111;
   has his palatium on the Palatine, 116.

 _Excerpta de Legationibus, de Virtutibus et Vitiis, de Sententiis_, i,
    65, 66.

 _Exile_ is no punishment, does not imply the loss of citizenship, i,
    305.

 _Eximere diem_, i, 270.

 _Extravagance_ of Titus’s times has something whimsical and repulsive
    in it, iii, 208.


                                   F

 _Faber_, Tanaquil, i, 57.

 _Fabian family_, very accomplished, i, 15.

 _Fabii_, represent the Tities, i, 259;
   reconciled to the plebeians, 262;
   declare that the agrarian law must be granted to the plebeians, 262;
   their settlement on the Cremera, 262;
   their destruction, 262;
   have a gentilician sacrum on the Quirinal, 264;
   three Fabii sent as ambassadors to the Gauls, and afterwards chosen
      as military tribunes, 373.

 _Fabius, Cæso_, elected consul by the plebeians, i, 262.

 _Fabius Dorso_, is said to have offered in the sight of the Gauls a
    gentilician sacrifice on the Quirinal, i, 381.

 _Q. Fabius Gurges_, son of Rullianus, i, 533.

 _Q. Fabius Maximus Allobrogricus_, ii, 308.

 _Q. Fabius Maximus_, commander in the second Punic war, ii, 62;
   his character, 67;
   dictator, 94;
   saves Minucius, 97;
   Hannibal’s opinion of him, 110;
   his opposition to Scipio, 132;
   conf. 67.

 _Fabius Maximus Rullianus_, seems to have written his own history, i,
    15;
   his character, 482;
   conquers the Samnites, 483;
   condemned to death by Papirius Cursor, 484;
   victorious as consul, 485;
   unfortunate in the battle of Latulæ, 494;
   proclaims Papirius Cursor dictator, 501;
   gains a victory near Allifæ, 501;
   relieves Sutrium, 508;
   march through the Ciminian forest, 509;
   conquers the Etruscans at Perusia, 509;
   combines the Libertini into four _tribus urbanæ_, 522;
   takes from thence his surname Maximus, ii, 67;
   conducts the war in Samnium, i, 525;
   proceeds to Sentium, 529;
   his strategy, 530;
   obtains permission to go out as legate to his son, 534.

 _Fabius Maximus Servilianus_, an annalist of note, i, 21.

 _Fabius Pictor_, his history written in Greek, i, 15;
   was ambassador to Delphi, 18;
   wrote the history of the war of Hannibal, 19;
   Polybius taxes him with partiality to the Romans, 19;
   writes against Philinus, 19;
   his work held in exceedingly high estimation, 19;
   one of the sources of Ennius, 24, 518, ii, 199;
   his work a summary of the two first Punic wars, 62;
   wrote Ol. 148, 1 (565 A. U. C. according to Cato), i, 400;
   statements in Appian, taken from Fabius, ii, 62.

 _Fabius Pictor_, the painter, painted the temple of Salus, i, 18, 498;
   must have been familiar with the Greek language and manners, 19;
   his son ambassador to Alexandria, 19.

 _Fabius Pictor_, Numerius, spoken of by Cicero, i, 21.

 _Fabius Pictor_, Servius, mentioned by Cicero, i, 27;
   probably ought to be Sextus Fabius Pictor, 28.

 _Fabius Rusticus_, i, 58; iii, 186.

 _Fabius Valens_, iii, 195, 196.

 _C. Fabricius Luscinus_, the first instance of a Greek town (Thurii)
    having raised a statue to a Roman, i, 546;
   taken by the Samnites, 550;
   friendship of Pyrrhus, 563;
   consul, 565.

 _Fabricius_, Fr., Life of Cicero, iii, 83.

 _Fabricius_, POETÆ CHRISTIANI, iii, 325.

 _Factio Barcina_, ii, 61.

 _Factio forensis_, i, 516.

 _Fadilla_, sister of Commodus, iii, 248.

 Φαίσολα, ii, 353.

 FÆSULÆ, ii, 383.

 _Falerii_, a Tuscan town, i, 121;
   destroyed, ii, 44.

 _Faliscans_, come to the aid of the Vaientines, i, 348;
   are Volscians, 361;
   had a language of their own, 361;
   war of the Romans against them, ii, 44.

 _Families_, exclusive families become quickly extinct, i, 140.

 _Family principles_ and characters hereditary, ii, 280.

 _Family records_, i, 93.

 _Family events_ noted in Bibles, i, 5.

 _Family policy_, iii, 107.

 _Famine_, breaks out in Rome, i, 337.

 _Fannius_, i, 36;
   his memoirs, ii, 309.

 _C. Fannius_, ii, 271;
   consul, 303.

 _L. Fannius_, envoy of Sertorius to Mithridates, ii, 408.

 _Fano_ (FANUM FORTUNÆ), defeat of the Germans, iii, 287.

 _Farnese_, Pietro Luigi, i, 198.

 _Fasti_, the Romans had an era, A REGIBUS EXACTIS, i, 5;
   gap in them, 206;
   interpolated, 206.

 _Fasti Capitolini_, i, 9, 68, 69.

 _Fasti triumphales_, i, 9.

 _Fausta_, daughter of Maximian, wife of Constantine, iii, 298;
   the report of her having been suffocated in a bath is untrue, 303.

 _Faustina_, the daughter of Antoninus Pius, wife of M. Antoninus, iii,
    240;
   her share in the rebellion of Cassius a fiction, 244;
   her letters, 244;
   takes advantage of the weakness of M. Antoninus, 246.

 _Faustulus_, i, 113.

 _Fehmern_, law of inheritance there, i, 302.

 _Female sex_, its degeneracy and profligacy in Rome, iii, 187.

 _Fenestella_, i, 34.

 _Feragosto_, iii, 115.

 _Ferentarii_, i, 441.

 _Ferentina_, her grove the place of assembly for Latin towns, i, 129.

 _Ferentines_, seem to have declared for Hannibal, whilst on his march
    to Capua, ii, 107.

 _Ferentinum_, a place formerly Hernican, i, 344.

 _Ferentum_, a Hernican town, i, 247.

 _Ferguson_, not capable of any deep inquiry, i, 4, 72.

 FERIÆ AUGUSTÆ, iii, 115.

 _Feriæ Latinæ_ do not originate with a Tarquinius, but with the LATINI
    PRISCI, i, 185;
   afterwards an assembly of all the Latin nations, 196, 451;
   the whole of the Roman magistracy present at the solemnity, ii, 351.

 _Feronia_, feast of the Ausonian peoples at her temple, i, 350.

 _Ferucci, Francesco_, his achievements at the siege of Florence by
    Charles V., ii, 235.

 _Festus_, very trustworthy on the subject of Roman antiquities, as he
    makes extracts from Verrius Flaccus, i, 130; iii, 323.

 _Fetiales_, form of their demand, i, 126;
   their number twenty, 131

 _Feudal system_, i, 252;
   in the kingdom of Marbod, iii, 55.

 _Fezzan_, under Trajan, was Roman, iii, 221.

 _Ficanians_, i, 171.

 _Ficulea_, i, 391.

 _Fidenæ_, holds out against the Sabines, i, 121;
   a Tyrrhenian town, expels the Roman COLONI, 347;
   throws itself into the arms of Veii, 347;
   destroyed, 348.

 _Fidenæ_ and _Ficulea_ send out armies against Rome, i, 391.

 _Fides_, a goddess of great importance among the Romans, i, 229.

 FIDES PUNICA cannot be entirely denied, i, 579.

 _Fiducia_, i, 522.

 _Fimbria_, C. Flavius, legate to Valerius Flaccus in the Mithridatic
    war, murders him, ii, 376;
   destroys Ilium, 376;
   takes away his own life, 377.

 _Finance department_, its place in the Forum Ulpium, iii, 223.

 _Fir-Bolgs_, in Ireland, not old Belgians, but a Danish colony, i, 99;
   form the third immigration in Ireland, 99, note;
   the Cyclopian walls in Ireland attributed to them, 99.

 _Flaccus._ See Valerius.

 _Flaccus_, Etruscan historian, i, 193.

 _Flaccus_, M. Fulvius, chosen tribune, ii, 288;
   appointed triumvir for the establishing of colonies, 301;
   takes resolute steps, 305;
   killed, 306.

 _Flaccus_, M. Fulvius, consul, hinders Hannibal from surprising the
    city, iii, 112;
   his cruelty to Capua, 113.

 _Flamininus_, L. Quinctius, brother of Titus, his cruelty, ii, 190;
   Cato expels him from the senate, 190.

 _Flamininus_, T. Quinctius, consul, marches against Philip, ii, 153;
   well imbued with Greek learning, 154;
   conquers by means of the treason of Charops near the _Fauces
      Antigoneæ_, 154;
   unites with the Ætolians, 155;
   besieges Alatea, 155;
   battle of Cynoscephalæ, 157;
   is too irritable, 161;
   peace with Philip, 161;
   freedom granted to the Greeks at the Isthmian games, 162;
   sullies his fame, 172;
   lends himself to the office of demanding from Prusias the giving up
      of Hannibal, 194.

 _Flaminian_ highway lengthened, ii, 200.

 _C. Flaminius_, tribune, his bill for the division of the _Ager
    Gallicus Picenus_, ii, 50;
   gains a battle against the Insubrians, for which he is unjustly
      reproached with bad generalship, 56;
   consul, 87;
   his law concerning the owning of ships by senators and their sons,
      88;
   charges against him, 88;
   battle of Trasimenus, 92;
   falls, 93.

 _Flamma._ See M. Calpurnius.

 _Cn. Flavius_, Scriba, i, 516, 520;
   inscribes the days on which _legi agi posset_, on a tablet of plaster
      (ALBUM), 520;
   publishes the FORMULÆ ACTIONUM, 521;
   ædile, 521;
   reconciles patricians and plebeians, 521.

 _Flavius._ See Fimbria.

 _Flavius._ See Sabinus.

 _Fleury_, ecclesiastical history, iii, 309.

 _Florence_, before the revolution in 12th century, there were hundred
    BUONI UOMINI, i, 120;
   has three times four and twenty houses, 161;
   its seven old guilds, 168;
   the guilds the ruling power in the thirteenth and fourteenth
      centuries, 168;
   the coat of arms of the city and of the commonalty placed side by
      side, 168;
   _Capitano di parte_ and _capitano del popolo_, 168;
   the Guelphs and the Ghibellines fight against each other in the
      streets, 237;
   the freemen of the district of Florence before the year 1530, 448;
   ORDINANZA DELLA GIUSTIZIA, 542;
   very likely risen as a military colony out of old Fæsulæ, ii, 384;
   besieged by Radagaise, iii, 331.

 _Florianus_, brother of the emperor Tacitus, iii, 288, note.

 _Florus_, Roman history, i, 58;
   speaks of the earlier wars with derision, 349;
   is a _homo umbraticus_, 331;
   lives in the reign of Trajan, 227;
   opinion of his works, 227.

 _Flue_, Nicholas von der, i, 125.

 FŒDERATI, iii, 344.

 _Fœnus unciarium_, i, 388;
   contradiction between Livy and Tacitus cleared up, 388.

 _Fog_ during the battle of the Trasimene lake, ii, 92;
   common there at that time of the year, 92.

 _M._ [_C._] _Fonteius_, murdered in Asculum, ii, 351.

 _Formiæ_, to be derived from ὅρμος, i, 110, 453;
   severely punished by the Romans, 466.

 FORTES and SANATES, the clause referring to them in the Twelve Tables
    applies to Tibur, i, 279.

 _Fortifications_ of two kinds in central Italy, i, 146.

 _Fortunes_ in Rome, ii, 192.

 FORTUNA MULIEBRIS, corresponds to the FORTUNA VIRILIS, her temple in
    the _Via Latina_, i, 244;
   belongs to an earlier period than that of Coriolanus, 287.

 _Forum_, was originally a marsh, i, 188;
   the province of a præfect called forum, 450.

 _Forum Appii_, i, 518.

 _Forum Nervæ_, more correctly Forum Augustum, iii, 148.

 _Forum Olitorium_, lay low on marshy ground, i, 518.

 _Forum Palladium_, built by Domitian, iii, 214.

 _Forum Ulpium_, iii, 223.

 _Fossa Quiritium_, i, 188.

 _Fox_, negotiation with Napoleon in the year 1806, i, 565.

 _Franchise_, the system of its being given to the lowest slaves, put a
    stop to by Augustus, iii, 122;
   not always attended with exemption from taxes, 162;
   the right extends over millions in the East, 235.

 _France_, time of prosperity under Henry IV., i, 345;
   the right side in the Chamber of Deputies, 516;
   the national development, which always renews itself from the time of
      Julius Cæsar, never understood by the French, iii, 286.

 _Frankish kings_, their power consisted of the comitatus, i, 204.

 _Franks_, their origin, iii, 277;
   break into the Roman territory, 279;
   their kingdom on the Lower Rhine, 280;
   Probus wages war against them, 288;
   settled in Northern Brabant, 308;
   acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, 308;
   dwell from Belgium to the Saone, 340.

 _Freedmen_, in the tribes and the senate through Appius Claudius Cæcus,
    i, 516;
   combined by Fabius in the four _tribus urbanæ_, 522;
   number of them, iii, 163;
   had much to do with the demoralized state of the Roman world, 194;
   very often mentioned in inscriptions until the middle of the third
      century, 274.

 _French army_ on its retreat from Russia, ii, 80;
   that of 1812 inferior to that of 1807, 106.

 _French literature_, difference between Paris and Geneva, iii, 234;
   marked difference between the literatures of Northern and Southern
      France, 287.

 _French restoration_, state of feeling in France at its beginning, i,
    308.

 _Fregellæ_, colony, i, 456, 467;
   importance of the place, 491;
   in possession of the Samnites, 491;
   conquered by the Romans, 496;
   fortified by them, 497;
   Pyrrhus takes it by storm, 562;
   Roman colony, ii, 106;
   the people very brave, 112;
   destroyed, 291.

 _Freinsheim_, John, his supplements to the books of Livy, i, 70;
   to be reckoned among the ornaments of Germany, 70;
   lives entirely in his books, ii, 347.

 _Frederic II._, emperor, his will to be traced in his laws, i, 301.

 _Frederic the Great_ after the battle of Kunersdorf, i, 560; iii, 278;
   eight and twenty years old when he conquers Silesia, ii, 64;
   has an aversion to sieges, 93;
   writes his memoirs in French, 328;
   has never served any military apprenticeship, iii, 30.

 FRENA, the curbs and bits of the Romans exceedingly cruel, i, 484.

 _Frentanians_, i, 419;
   separate themselves from the Samnites, 476;
   true to the Romans in the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109.

 _Freret_, his scepticism, i, 4.

 _Friesland_, the landed estates rated according to pounds, i, 179;
   the seven maritime provinces, 110.

 _Frisian tribes_, subdued under Tiberius, become afterwards free, iii,
    216.

 _Fritigern_, leader of the Visigoths, iii, 318.

 _Fronto_, tutor of M. Antoninus, iii, 233, 245;
   correspondence, 238;
   importance of his letters, 245;
   the year of his death, 247.

 _Frusino_, a Hernican town, i, 247, 502;
   receives a Roman provost to administer justice, 503.

 _Fucinus_, Lake, called at present Celano, i, 103.

 _Fuffetius Mettius_, general of the Albans, i, 127;
   traitor to Rome, 128.

 _Fulvia_, wife of M. Antonius, iii, 102;
   withdraws to Asia, 103.

 _Cn. Fulvius_, i, 528, 529.

 _Cn. Pulvius_, proconsul, defeated by Hannibal near Herdonia, ii, 119.

 _M. Fulvius Flaccus._ See Flaccus.

 _Q. Fulvius Flaccus._ See Flaccus.

 _C. Fundanius_, a Roman general, his deportment towards Hamilcar, ii,
    37.

 _Fundi_, i, 453;
   joins with the Privernates against Rome, i, 466;
   severely punished by Rome, 466.

 _Furius Bibaculus_, iii, 129.

 _Furius._ See Camillus.


                                   G

 _Gabii_, Tarquinius Superbus takes it by stratagem, i, 197;
   alliance with Rome, 197;
   devastated in Dionysius’ time, 275.

 _Gabinius_, Cicero’s defence of him, a sacrifice made to the republic,
    iii, 20;
   consul, 35;
   ἀλιτήριος, 35;
   buys the province of Syria of Clodius, 35;
   routed by Octavius, 59.

 _Gades_, older than Carthage, ii, 1;
   treated as a dependent, 5;
   treachery against Mago, 128;
   alliance with the Romans, 128.

 GÆSATI, from _gæsum_, a javelin, ii, 55.

 _Gaius_, his error, ii, 41; iii, 237.

 _Galations_, i, 370;
   called Gallo Grecians, ii, 181;
   live in thirty free towns, 181;
   defeated by Antiochus Soter, 182;
   attacked and defeated by Attalus, 182;
   besieged by Cn. Manlius, 182;
   retain the Celtic language down to the time of Augustus, 182;
   their origin, 322.

 _Galba_, Sulpicius, his conduct towards the Lusitanians, ii, 224;
   impeached by Cato, 224.

 _Galba_, P. Sulpicius, devastates Dyme, Oreus, and Ægina, ii, 150;
   consul, conducts the war against Philip, 150.

 _Galba_, Servius Sulpicius, proclaimed emperor in Spain, iii, 193;
   light thrown on Galba by Tacitus’ Historiæ, 194;
   he was old and under the influence of unworthy people, 194;
   marches against Gaul, 194;
   his covetousness, 195;
   adopts Pisa, 195;
   murdered, 196.

 _Galenus_, his name was, without doubt, Tiberius Claudius Galenus, iii,
    193;
   lived in the times of the Antonines, iii, 235, 237.

 _Galeria Faustina_, sister of the elder Annius Verus, iii, 236.

 _Galerius_, the Cæsar in the East, iii, 295;
   his surname Armentarius, 295;
   campaign against Persia, 296;
   marches against Maxentius, 298.

 _Galla_, sister of Valentinian the second, iii, 321.

 _Galla Placidia._ See Placidia.

 _Gallia Cisalpina_ appears too large on the maps, i, 371.

 _Gallia Cispadana_, united by the _Lex Julia_ as to political rights
    with Italy, ii, 165; iii, 52.

 _Gallienus_, P. Licinius, son and colleague of Valerian, iii, 279;
   a worthless prince, 281;
   acknowledges the empire of Palmyra, 282.

 _Gallo Grecians._ See Galatians.

 _Gallus_, son of Julius Constantius, iii, 304;
   holds the name of Constantius, and the dignity of Cæsar, 306;
   prisoner in Cæsarea, educated, 306;
   executed, 307.

 _Gallus Ælius_, iii, 162.

 _Gallus_, Cornelius, governor of Egypt, Virgil introduces his praise in
    the fourth book of Georgics, iii, 138.

 _Gallus Trebonianus._ See Trebonianus.

 _Garamantes_, inhabitants of Garama in Fezzan, iii, 162.

 _Gauda_, iii, 3.

 _Gaudentius_, son of Ælius, iii, 341.

 _Gaul_ dreadfully devastated by the Cimbri and Teutones, which accounts
    for its weakened state in the time of Cæsar, ii, 324;
   rebellion in Cæsar’s time, iii, 41;
   an exhausted country, 42;
   much money in circulation, 45;
   Gallia Transpadana receives the franchise from Julius Cæsar, 87;
   registration of land changed, 125;
   their fine cavalry, 156;
   the surname of Julius given to all who bore the Roman franchise, 192;
   condition under the first emperors, 202;
   abandoned by Constantius to the Alemanni and the Franks, 307;
   literary importance, 326;
   misery, 326;
   Roman possessions in the north, 346.

 _Gaul_, a Gaul and a Gallic woman, a Greek and a Greek woman
    sacrificed, i, 150.

 _Gauls_, Roman citizens, presented by the emperor Claudius with the
    right of admission into the senate, i, 87;
   Gauls and Ligurians less like than Gauls and Cymri, 99;
   the Gallic migration in the time of Tarquinius Priscus, 364;
   their friendly reception among the Ligurians, 364;
   can only have passed the Little St. Bernard, or over the Simplon,
      365;
   the Cymri distinct from the Celts but of the same stock, 367;
   their migrations, 368;
   in the inmost recesses of the Adriatic, 369;
   in Sirmium, 369;
   origin of their war with Rome, 373;
   their resemblance to the Highlanders of the present day, 374;
   already changed in the time of Cæsar, 374;
   their appalling cruelty, 374;
   have the feudal system and a priestly government, 375;
   the account of their wealth exaggerated, 375;
   the whole army not in Rome, but some in the country, 381;
   try to storm the capital, 381;
   called back by an insurrection of the Alpine peoples into Lombardy,
      382;
   willing to withdraw on payment of a ransom, 382;
   march into Apulia from Rome and offer aid to Dionysius, 384;
   the Gallic conquest must be placed four years later than it has been,
      400;
   the Sennonian Gauls appear in the year 393, 408;
   migrate as far as the Anio, 409;
   wander even to Apulia, 409;
   appear before the Colline gate, 411;
   third invasion in the year 405, 414;
   retire to the Alban hills, the Monte Cavo, 414;
   must have gone more than once to Apulia, 468;
   peace with Rome, 499;
   peacefully settled in the Romagna, 526;
   their impetuosity, 531;
   the Sennonian Gauls defeat Metellus, 546;
   their land devastated by Dolabella, 546;
   the whole nation exterminated, 547;
   their migrations no more turned against Italy but against Thrace and
      Macedon, 547, 565;
   fight in great masses, ii, 10;
   the Sennonian territory, 50;
   war with the Romans, 52;
   conquer near Φαίσολα, 53;
   their armour, 55;
   conquered near Telamon, 55;
   routed near Clastidium, 56;
   leagued with Hannibal, 75;
   rebellion of the Gauls, 83;
   march to Thrace, 181;
   in Asia, 181;
   war in the Alps with Rome, 220;
   the Cimbri not Gaels, but akin to the Cymri, 322.

 _Gaurus_, a mountain near Nuceria not far from Cumæ and the promontory
    of Misenum, i, 427;
   Valerius encamps there, 429.

 _Gela_, conquered by the Carthaginians, i, 575;
   destroyed, ii, 4.

 _Gellius._ See Egnatius.

 _A. Gellius_, a very clever man, enjoying the literature of the earlier
    times, i, 32;
   refutation of his errors, iii, 112;
   his book must be dated from the reign of M. Antoninus, 233;
   ignorance of his own age and of antiquity, 233;
   writes after the death of Fronto, 247.

 _Cn. Gellius_, a credulous, uncritical writer, should be placed in the
    second half of the seventh century, i, 28, 117.

 _Gelon_, in 262, at most only prince of Gela, i, 286;
   comes to the throne of Syracuse after the battle of Salamis, ii, 3;
   son of Hiero, 114.

 _Genabum_, the present Orleans, iii, 47.

 Γένη in Attica, their number 360 is in imitation of the solar year, i,
    82.

 _Geneva_, the heart of the town is the _cité_, the _bourg_ the suburbs,
    its inhabitants _bourgeois_, i, 167;
   its institutions, 437;
   constitutional struggles, ii, 347.

 _Genitives_ of _-um_, instead of _-orum_, come from an old contracted
    nominative, i, 160;
   in _-i_, of words of the third declension, 270, note.

 _Genseric_, Gonderic’s brother, king of the Vandals, iii, 337;
   faithless, 337;
   conquers Rome, 342;
   burns the Roman fleet at Carthagena, 344;
   treachery, 344.

 GENTES (γένη), national division with the ancients, i, 157, 158;
   definition by Pollux, 159;
   by Cicero, 159;
   had lost much of their consequence in Cicero’s days, 159;
   their number always fixed, 161;
   all the families in it were not noble, 165;
   send their representatives into the senate, 300.

 GENTES MINORES, i, 162.

 _Genthius_, king of Illyricum, ii, 211;
   imprisoned, 215.

 _Gentile names_, Etruscan in -na, ii, 403, note.

 _Cn. Genucius_, a tribune of the people, arraigns the former consuls
    and is murdered, i, 267;
   his law, 517.

 GENUS and GENS, the same word, i, 160.

 _Geography_, mathematical geography flourishing, iii, 237.

 _Gepidæ_, a tribe of the Goths, iii, 317;
   in Illyricum, 329.

 _Gergovia_ above Clermont, iii, 47.

 _Germans_, the first mention of them doubtful, ii, 56;
   mentioned in the Servile war among the rebellious slaves, 405;
   had not, in earlier times, a geographical but personal distinction of
      rights, i, 228;
   in Phrygia, ii, 182, note;
   confederation, 248;
   style of literature at the time of the seven years’ war, 392;
   extent of the nation, iii, 3;
   cross the Rhine, 43;
   probably had their dwellings as far as the Alps before the Gallic
      conquest, 43;
   wars in the time of Augustus, 152;
   divisions, 154;
   had no towns, 156;
   their cavalry better than the Roman, 156;
   conquered by Germanicus, 170;
   Caligula’s enterprise, 179;
   lose all longing for an offensive war after the time of Caligula,
      198;
   war against Domitian, 211;
   tribes dwelling in Franconia, the Upper Palatinate, Hesse, and
      Westphalia, 216;
   in general commotion in the time of M. Antoninus, 242;
   war of Maximian, 268;
   war with Decius, 278;
   their manners approaching those of the Romans, 288;
   their tribes overrun Gaul, 331;
   pay homage to Attila, 339.

 _Germany_, general prosperity before the thirty years’ war, i, 345;
   population and frontiers, 370.

 GERMANIA SUPERIOR, Alsace and Suabia, iii, 213.

 _Germanicus_, son of Drusus, sent against the Germans, iii, 159;
   lives with Agrippina in domestic happiness, 160;
   a first-rate general, 166;
   puts down the mutiny of the troops on the Rhine, 169;
   his wars in Germany, 170;
   called back by Tiberius, 170;
   meets with an enthusiastical reception from the Romans, 171;
   dies, 171;
   the paraphrase of the Phænomena of Aratus, ascribed to him, is by
      Domitian, 209.

 _Gerontius_, iii, 334.

 _St. Gervais._ See Geneva.

 _Gesner_, John Matth., i, 71.

 _Geta_, second son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254;
   murdered, 256.

 _Getæ_ and Goths, often mistaken for the same people, i, 99, 369;
   spread in Thrace, iii, 73, 212.

 _Ghadames_, divided by a wall into two parts and connected by a gate,
    i, 188.

 _Gibbon_, iii, 285.

 _Gisgo_, ii, 142.

 _Glabrio_, M. Acilius, consul, appears in Thessaly;
   battle near Thermopylæ, ii, 173;
   turns against the Ætolians, encamps near Heraclea, 173.

 _Glareanus_, startled at the contradictions in the old history, i, 3,
    56;
   examines Livy freely, 68.

 _Glass manufacture_, iii, 237.

 _Glass windows_, not used in old times, i, 154.

 _Glaucia Servilius_, his wit, ii, 335, note;
   killed, 340.

 _Glaucias_, prince of the Taulantians, i, 553.

 _Glosses_, collection of, iii, 234.

 _Glycerius_, emperor, iii, 346.

 _Goethe’s_ opinion of the murder of Cæsar, iii, 79;
   his off-hand style, 140;
   his remarks on the extravagant luxury of the Roman empire, 208.

 _Gomphi_, iii, 60.

 _Gonderic_, leads the Vandals, iii, 337.

 _Gordianus I._ and _II._, rival emperors of Maximin, iii, 268;
   both of them lose their lives, 268;
   acknowledged by the senate, 269;
   belong to the family of the Antonii, 270.

 _Gordianus III._, Cæsar, iii, 270;
   Augustus, 270;
   defeats the Persians, 271;
   murdered, 271.

 _Gothinians_, spoke Gallic, i, 370.

 _Goths_ migrated, according to some, from Scandinavia to the South,
    according to others the reverse, i, 102;
   under Vitigis they were cowards, 374, 468;
   their devastations in the time of Belisarius, 519;
   their slothfulness, ii, 182;
   uncertainty on the subject of their migrations, iii, 277;
   their empire in the beginning of the third century in the South-east
      of Europe, 277;
   they invade the Roman empire, 277;
   conquests, 278;
   besiege Nicopolis, 278;
   take Philippopolis, 278;
   combat with Decius, 278;
   treaty with Gallus Trebonianus, 278;
   break into the Roman empire, 279;
   burst in by Propontis, destroy Cyzicus, 284;
   appear in Macedon, 284;
   met by Claudius, 284;
   peace with Aurelian, 285;
   Constantine’s war against them, 300;
   invade the Roman empire under Hermanric, 317;
   divided into three tribes, 317;
   beseech the Romans to receive them into the empire, 317;
   conf. _Getæ_, _Ostrogoths_, _Visigoths_.

 _Governors_, their tyranny was far less under the emperors than it had
    been in the times of the republic, iii, 188.

 _Gracchanus_ takes his description of the constitution from the
    _Commentarii Pontificum_, i, 15;
   unlimited confidence may be placed in his history, 34.

 _Gracchi_, family of the, their mildness and kindness, i, 270, 280.

 _Gracchus_, C. Sempronius, his influence on younger men, i, 34;
   many passages of his speeches quoted, ii, 291;
   Cicero’s opinion of him as a writer, 292;
   triumvir, 284, 292;
   quæstor in Sardinia, 293;
   goes without permission to Rome, 293;
   tribune, 293;
   his legislation, 294;
   establishes a corn magazine, 296;
   constructs high roads, 296;
   founds a colony at Carthage, 301;
   begs the consulship for C. Fannius, 303;
   his death, 306;
   unjustly called a demagogue, 320;
   wrote prose in measured periods, 394.

 _Gracchus_, Tiberius Sempronius, puts Hanno to the rout near
    Beneventum, i, 110.

 _Gracchus_, Tib. Sempronius, speech quoted by Livy, ii, 184;
   wishes to have L. Scipio arrested, 185;
   becomes consul and goes to Spain, 202;
   son-in-law to Scipio, 202;
   concludes a peace with the Celtiberians, 202.

 _Gracchus_, Tib. Sempronius, at the head of the popular party, ii, 261;
   saves the Roman army, 262;
   opposes Great Phrygia’s being given to Mithridates, 268;
   is the first to mount the wall of Carthage, 271;
   becomes quæstor, concludes peace with Numantia, 271;
   the first thought of amending the condition of Italy occurs to him in
      Etruria, 275;
   Cicero calls him _sanctissimus homo_, 276;
   his laws, 277;
   moves for the deposition of M. Octavius, 281;
   sends the treasure of Attalus to Rome, 283;
   declared a traitor, 286;
   murdered, 287.

 _Gradi_, Stefano, iii, 276.

 _Granada_, in the possession of Carthage, ii, 5;
   Phœnician settlement, 59.

 GRASSATORES, iii, 122.

 _Gratian_, son of Valentinian, iii, 316;
   emperor, 316;
   calls Theodosius in to be his colleague, 319;
   sinks into inactivity, 321;
   slain, 321.

 _Grecian history_, even of the middle ages, free from fabrications
    intended to disguise defeats, i, 223.

 _Grecian inscriptions_ in Egypt barbarous, iii, 231.

 _Grecian names_ to Latin places, i, 110.

 _Grecian_ nationality established in the East, iii, 164.

 _Grecian language_ in Southern Italy, Campania, Apulia, etc., i, 18;
   common among the Romans in the eighth century, iii, 84;
   kept itself more alive than Latin, 232.

 _Greece_, a Roman province, ii, 256;
   remains a wilderness to the time of Trajan, iii, 187.

 _Greeks_, their constitution, i, 164;
   their joining the Achæan league, the only instance of a nation
      sacrificing its individual will to preserve its nationality, 422;
   relations of Rome to them, 457;
   not happy in agricultural pursuits, except the culture of the olive
      and the vine;
   the Greek a cheerful fisherman and capital sailor, 460;
   the inhabitants of conquered towns not sold by them as slaves, 462;
   intercourse with the Sabellian peoples, 489, note;
   have a great contempt for the Opicans, 489;
   their wars not interesting, 530;
   ships of war furnished to the Romans by the Greek towns in Lower
      Italy, 571;
   Grecian literature dies at the time of the loss of the Piræeus, ii,
      48, note;
   Greeks in Carthage do not cease to be Greeks, 114;
   their intellectual life fallen, 152;
   very temperate, 189;
   their literature not unknown to the Romans, 194;
   decline of literature in the time of Augustus, iii, 142;
   new era in their literature, 228.

 _Greek fire_, ii, 176.

 _Gröningen_, the district placed on the same footing as the town, i,
    216.

 _Gronovius_, John Fred., i, 56.

 _Gross Görschen_, battle, i, 428.

 _Grumentum_ taken and sacked, i, 406.

 _Guilds_, the ruling power in Italy in the thirteenth century, in
    Germany in the fourteenth, i, 168;
   in Rome to be placed as far back as the time of Numa, 177.

 _Guischard_, i, 440, note; ii, 325.

 _Gulussa_, Masinissa’s youngest son faithless to Carthage, ii, 230;
   suspicions of the Romans, 236, 307.

 _Gundobald_, king of the Burgundians, iii, 346.

 _Gustavus Adolphus_, ii, 66.


                                   H

 _Hadrianople_, the Greek language spoken there, iii, 267;
   victory of Constantine, 300;
   battle with the Visigoths, 319.

 _Hadrian_, Emperor, his predilection for the Greeks, i, 160; iii, 233;
   gives up the conquests of Trajan in the East, ii, 147; iii, 229;
   restores the statue of Pompey, iii, 63;
   adopted by Trajan, 221;
   had little taste for the fine arts, 224;
   under him, the Greek language again becomes prevalent, 228;
   married to the daughter of Marciana, 229;
   uncertain whether he should be reckoned among the good princes or the
      bad, 229;
   looks upon himself first as the emperor of the whole Roman empire,
      229;
   the first emperor that gives subsidies to the border nations, 229;
   remission of taxes, 229;
   travels over his empire, 230;
   erects a wall in Britain, 230;
   his love for Athens, 230;
   invested with the dignity of Archon Eponymus, 230;
   melancholical in the last years of his life, often cruel, 230;
   adopts Ælius Verus, 231;
   at his death chooses T. Antoninus Pius, 231;
   his council of state, 231;
   his preference for ancient literature, 232;
   writers of his reign, 234;
   his villa two miles from Tibur, 235;
   fond of an artificial style of architecture, 275.

 _Hagen_, Gottfried, his poem on the feud of the bishops, paraphrased in
    prose in the chronicle of Cologne, i, 14.

 _Haliartus_, burnt to ashes, ii, 210.

 _Halycus_, river, boundary of the Carthaginian and Sicilian settlement
    in Sicily, ii, 4.

 _Hamilcar_, Barcas, almost greater than his son, ii, 35;
   occupies Hercte, 36;
   devastates the Italian coast, 36;
   takes possession of the town Eryx, 36;
   negociates a peace, 39;
   rejects the demand to lay down arms, 39;
   thwarted by a faction, 44;
   the war of the mercenaries put down, 45;
   to Spain, 58;
   first introduces a system in working the mines of Spain, 59;
   stays eight years there, 61.

 _Hamilcar_, remains behind from Mago’s army, organizes the Ligurian and
    Gallic forces, ii, 164.

 _Hannibal_, Carthaginian general in the first Punic war, posts himself
    in Agrigentum, ii, 10;
   makes a sally, 11.

 _Hannibal_, son of Hamilcar Barcas, did not speak Latin in the
    beginning of the second Punic war, i, 22;
   marries a Spanish woman of Castulo, ii, 59;
   the story of the oath rests on his own authority, 64;
   born about 507, 64;
   personal character, 65;
   well acquainted with Grecian literature, 66;
   the irresistible charm of his manners, 66;
   his position to his army compared to that of Cæsar to his, 70;
   his artifices to kindle the war, 71;
   is wounded at the siege of Saguntum, 72;
   passes the Ebro, 73;
   probably sets out in May, 74;
   tale of the demon, 75;
   passage over the Pyrenees, 75;
   mutiny in his army, 75;
   in Gaul, 76;
   passage over the Rhone, 76;
   over the Alps, 77;
   never let himself to be deceived, 79;
   conquers Turin, 83;
   battle at Ticinus, 83;
   his tactics to go round the enemy and to cut off his retreat, 84;
   strengthens his army, 85;
   battle at the Trebia, 86;
   makes the very most of his victories, 87;
   resolves to go through the marshes, 89;
   battle at the Lake of Trasimenus, 92;
   changes the arms of his troops, 92;
   generosity to the Italians, 93;
   his aversion to sieges, 93;
   why he did not besiege Rome, 94;
   composition of his army, 95;
   in Campania, 95;
   the guide leads him to Casilinum instead of Casinum, 96;
   his retreat cut off near Mount Callicula, 96;
   defeats Minucius, 97;
   battle of Cannæ, 99;
   Maharbal calls upon Hannibal to follow him to Rome, 103;
   in Capua, 103;
   his troops become effeminate there, 105;
   reckons upon support from Carthage, 106, 107;
   driven back by Marcellus, near Nola, 107;
   his object to gain a seaport, 107;
   tries to relieve Capua, 109;
   appears before the gates of Rome, 112;
   his generosity to the Sicilians, 114;
   negotiations with Hieronymus, 115;
   keeps possession only of south-eastern Lucania and Bruttium, 134;
   returns to Africa, 139;
   tries to negotiate with Scipio, 140;
   the battle of Zama, 140;
   conduct to Gisgo, 142;
   turns himself towards Antiochus, 166;
   made suffete in Carthage, 168;
   turns his attention to the financial abuses, 168;
   the Romans demand that he should be given up to them, 168;
   his advice to Antiochus, 169;
   offers hospitality to Scipio, 170;
   leads the fleet of Antiochus, 175;
   sent by Antiochus to Pamphylia, 176;
   his death, 193.

 _Hannibalianus_, half-brother of Constantine, iii, 303.

 _Hannibalianus_, son of Dalmatius, iii, 304.

 _Hanno_, Carthaginian general in the first Punic war, ii, 11;
   goes to the aid of Hannibal near Agrigentum, 11;
   conquered by the Romans, 11, 38;
   his conduct after the war, 58.

 _Hanno_, Carthaginian general in the second Punic war, routed near
    Beneventum by Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, ii, 109;
   taken prisoner, 136.

 _Haret_, king of the Nabathæan Arabs, iii, 11.

 _Harvest_ in Thessaly, about the middle of June, ii, 157.

 _Hasdrubal_, Carthaginian general in the first Punic war, defeated by
    Metellus near Palermo, ii, 27;
   conquered, 28.

 _Hasdrubal_, Hamilcar’s son-in-law, murdered after nine years’
    administration, ii, 64.

 _Hasdrubal_, brother of Hannibal, whether he is older than the latter
    is doubtful, ii, 65;
   his treaty with Rome, in which the Ebro is fixed upon as the
      boundary, 69;
   goes to Italy, 124;
   defeated near Sena Gallica, 126.

 _Hasdrubal_, Gisgo’s son, ii, 123;
   his armies driven back to the Atlantic, 128;
   goes over to Africa, 128;
   meets with Scipio at the same banquet, 131.

 _Hasdrubal_, Carthaginian general in the third Punic war, ii, 230;
   defeated by Masinissa, 230;
   appointed general out of the town, 234.

 HASTATI, i, 441.

 _Heilbronn_, guilds in the fourteenth century, i, 168.

 _Heineccius_, i, 387.

 _Helena_, mother of Constantine, iii, 298.

 _Helena_, wife of Julian, iii, 306.

 _Helena_, see Illiberis.

 _Heliogabalus_, see Elagabalus.

 _Hellespont_, belongs to Egypt, ii, 145.

 _Helvetians_, i, 370;
   their inroads, iii, 41;
   under the Romans, 151.

 _Helvidius Priscus_, iii, 202;
   a Stoic, his opposition to Vespasian, 206;
   put to death, 206.

 _Helvius_, see Pertinax.

 _C. Helvius Cinna_, iii, 128.

 _Hemsterhuys_, iii, 235.

 _Heræa_, well-affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii, 145.

 _Heræan Mounts_, ii, 8.

 _Heraclea_, attacked by the Lucanians, i, 463;
   battle, 558;
   treated with particular favour, 571.

 _Heraclea_, in Sicily, ii, 11.

 _Heraclea_, on the Thessalian side of Thermopylæ, belonging to Ætolia
    Epictetus, ii, 174;
   taken by storm, 174;
   having isopolity with the Achæan league, 250.

 _Heraclea_, in Thrace, battle, iii, 300.

 _Hercte_, Monte Pellegrino, ii, 8, note;
   must have been a state prison, 35;
   Hamilcar gains possession of the height, 36.

 _Herculanum_, its destruction, iii, 209.

 _Herdonia_, battle, ii, 119.

 _Herdonius_, Appius, attacks Rome at the head of four thousand Sabines,
    i, 283.

 _Hereditary governments_, not to be met with in Italy, i, 151.

 _Hermæum_, headland over against Carthage, ii, 20.

 _Hermann_, see Arminius.

 _Hermann_, Gottfried, i, 73.

 _Hermanric_, leader of the Goths, iii, 317;
   whether belonging to the time in which Jornandes places him
      uncertain, 317.

 _T. Herminius_, i, 206, 210.

 _Hermodorus_ of Ephesus, his advice said to have been asked by the
    decemvirs, i, 296;
   friend of Heraclitus, 297;
   banished from Ephesus because he was too wise, 297, 461.

 _Hermogenianus_, a mere compiler, iii, 275.

 _Hermunduri_, peace with the Romans, iii, 242.

 _Hernæ_, Sabine word for mountain, i, 247.

 _Hernicans_, enter into isopolity with the Romans and Latins, i, 220,
    246;
   league with the Latins and Romans, 246;
   dwell in five towns, 247;
   are said to have sprung from the Marsians and Sabines, 247;
   severed from Rome, 390;
   union with Rome, 410;
   take part with the Samnites, 501;
   the prisoners treated as guilty of high treason by the Romans, 502;
   receive the right of citizenship through the _Lex Julia_, ii, 354.

 _Herod_, ii, 390;
   his will, iii, 124.

 _Herodes Atticus_, teacher of M. Antoninus, iii, 238.

 _Herodian_, a stranger and a frivolous writer, iii, 250;
   his account of the war of Alexander Severus borne out by its
      intrinsic probability, 265;
   in all that he really knows, a writer of much judgment, 266.

 _Herodotus_, his superiority, i, 52.

 _Hexameter_, introduced by Ennius into Roman literature, ii, 198;
   those of Ennius clumsy and full of faults, 198;
   of Ennius and Lucilius, 393;
   of the Augustan era, iii, 129.

 _Heyne_, i, 73, 251.

 _Hiempsal_, son of Micipsa, ii, 310;
   murdered by Jugurtha, 311.

 _Hierarchy_, iii, 338.

 _Hiero of Syracuse_, alliance with Rome, i, 574;
   his origin, 577;
   is said to have had Theocritus put to death on account of a satire,
      578;
   peace with Carthage, 578;
   treachery to his mercenaries, 578;
   undertakes a war against the Mamertines, 579;
   beaten by the Romans, 581;
   makes peace with Rome, 581;
   assists the Romans at Agrigentum, ii, 11;
   remains independent from the first Punic war, 41;
   dies at the age of ninety, 114;
   his whole family murdered, 116;
   his assertion respecting the Romans, 354.

 _Hieronymus_ of Cardia, one of the sources of Ennius, i, 24;
   has written from Pyrrhus’ own memoirs, 564.

 _Hieronymus_, grandson of Hiero, ii, 114;
   conspiracy discovered, 115;
   murdered, 115.

 _Highroads_ paved with basalt, i, 518;
   their excellent condition, iii, 197.

 _Hilary_, Pope, the greatest Christian poet, iii, 326;
   takes Lucretius for his pattern, 327.

 _Hilary, St._, iii, 326.

 _Hildebrand_ and Hadubrand, their song of more ancient date than
    Charles the Great, i, 13.

 _Himera_, the Carthaginian and Sicilian boundary in Sicily, ii, 4.

 _Himera_, the battle cannot have been fought on the same day as the
    battle of Salamis, ii, 3.

 _Himilco_, commander of the Carthaginians at the siege of Lilybæum, ii,
    30.

 _Himilco_ conducts the Carthaginian fleet to Sicily in the second Punic
    war, ii, 116;
   makes himself master of Agrigentum, 116.

 _Himilco_, Phameas, general of the Carthaginians in the third Punic
    war, ii, 235;
   his conduct at the end of the war, 235.

 _Hippo_ rises against Carthage, ii, 45.

 _Hippocrates_, emissary of Hannibal to Hieronymus, ii, 114;
   obtains the dominion of Syracuse, 116;
   dies there, 117.

 _Hipponium_, i, 458.

 _Hirpinians_, i, 419;
   declare for Hannibal whilst on his march to Capua, ii, 107;
   continue the Marsian war, 358;
   their country laid waste by Sylla, 385.

 _A. Hirtius_, a most accomplished man, author of the eighth book _de
    bello Gallico_, and of the book _de bello Alexandrino_, iii, 40, 64;
   advises Cæsar to be cautious, 80;
   consul, 87;
   the war of Mutina, 89;
   his death, 89;
   an elegant writer, 130.

 _Hispania Bœtica_, quite Latinized, iii, 215.

 HISPANICUS SENATUS, in the time of Sertorius, ii, 400.

 _History_ has not the effect of weakening man’s belief in Providence,
    ii, 49;
   importance of Roman history, i, 78.

 _Historical annals_, some existed before the burning by the Gauls, i,
    5.

 _Historical literature_ of the Germans, the oldest is written in
    poetry, i, 16.

 _Hoche_, general, ii, 14.

 _Holidays_ of the senate during September and October, iii, 119.

 _Holland_, after the peace of Münster there arose there a wild sort of
    life and differences between William II. and the city of Amsterdam,
    i, 308;
   takes the lead among the seven Dutch provinces, 386;
   the hereditary Stadtholder Captain General and High Admiral, iii,
      119.

 _Holstein_, bondage abolished, i, 251.

 _Holy Scriptures_, books restored after the destruction of the temple,
    i, 7.

 _Homerides_, a genos in Chios, of no relationship to Homer, i, 159.

 _Homoousians_, their persecutions, iii, 309, 315.

 _Honoria_, Justa Grata, iii, 335.

 _Honorius_, Emperor, iii, 322;
   holds his court at Milan, 330;
   hemmed in at Asti, 330;
   flies across the Alps, 330;
   triumphal arch, 330;
   Stilicho’s son-in-law, 332;
   his death, 335.

 _Hooke_ not capable of deep enquiry, i, 4, 72; iii, 94.

 _Horatii_ and _Curiatii_, their combat poetical, i, 81;
   unknown which of them were Romans, and which Albans, 128.

 _Horatii_ belong to the _gentes minores_, i, 206.

 _M. Horatius_, elected in the place of Collatinus, i, 205.

 _M. Horatius Barbatus_, requires the decemvirs to resign their power,
    i, 308.

 _Horatius Cocles_, i, 210.

 _Q. Horatius Flaccus_, i, 277;
   loving mention of his father, ii, 292;
   ignorant of the history of his own people, 312;
   not to be compared with Virgil in his knowledge of the Greek writers,
      312;
   turns up his nose at Lucilius, 393;
   his part in the battle of Philippi, iii, 99;
   his journey to Brundusium, 104;
   his most poetical time, 104;
   his sayings concerning Octavian, 112;
   his father not foreign, but of Italian origin, 134;
   his earlier history, 134;
   does not deserve the reproach of being called a flatterer, 134;
   chronology of his works, 135;
   fictitious names, 135;
   opinion of him, 135.

 _Von Hormayr_, his work on the Tyrol, iii, 151.

 _Horse_, of the equestrian statue of M. Antoninus, belongs to a race
    which does not seem to us beautiful, iii, 275.

 _Q. Hortensius_, dictator, i, 540.

 _Q. Hortensius_, the orator, not free from envy, ii, 394;
   ready to sell his convictions for money, 395; iii, 26;
   his son put to death, iii, 99.

 _Hostia_, mistress of Propertius, iii, 137.

 _Hostilianus_, nephew or son of Decius, colleague of Gallus
    Trebonianus, iii, 279.

 _Hostilius_, Tullus, with him appears a new era in history, i, 126;
   the legend of his death, 128;
   one of the Ramnes, 131.

 _Hostilius_, his cruelty to the Greeks, ii, 210.

 _Hudson_ opposed to Bentley by the university of Oxford, i, 42.

 _Hugo_, i, 387.

 _Humbert_, Colonel, his excavations in Carthage, ii, 239, 310.

 _Von Humboldt_, William, maintains that the Iberians were all of the
    same stock, ii, 60;
   believes the poem on the Cantabrian war to be genuine, iii, 150.

 _Hume_, ii, 53.

 _Huns_, a nomadic tribe of Mongolian race, iii, 317;
   push on the Goths, 317;
   their abodes, 338;
   their wars, 339.

 _Hyksos_, under them the old records must have been lost, i, 7;
   their age forms the boundary of real history, 7.

 _Hyrcanus_, king of Judæa, iii, 11.


                                   I

 _Iberians_, break into Spain from Africa, i, 367;
   in Southern Spain, the Balearic Isles, Sardinia, Corsica, western
      Sicily and Africa, 367;
   driven by the Celts to the Garonne, 368;
   send an embassy to Alexander the Great, 469;
   their personal attachment to their princes, ii, 64.

 _Iberians_, on the Caspian sea, brought into subjection by Sapor, iii,
    313.

 _Icelus_, favourite of Galba, iii, 196.

 _Idumæi_, cohort of the, iii, 271.

 _Ignominia_, i, 335.

 _Ilia_, mother of Romulus, i, 111.

 _Ilia_, name of Jerusalem according to the Arab writers, iii, 230.

 _Ilium_, destroyed by C. Flavius Fimbria, ii, 373.

 _Illiberis_, (also called Helena,) in Roussillon, iii, 305.

 _Illiturgis_, near Cordova, ii, 120.

 _Illyria_, as far as Scutari, a country of low hills, on the east it
    has a high ridge of mountains, ii, 152.

 _Illyrian empire_, its spread before the Peloponnesian war, ii, 47;
   war with Rome, 47;
   peace, 47;
   second war, 57.

 _Illyrians_, see Enchelians;
   waste the coast of Greece, ii, 46.

 _Illyricum_, extensively colonized, iii, 272;
   there are still some pure descendants of the Goths there, 320.

 _Imbrivium_, not Imbrinium, near Subiaco, i, 481.

 _Imbros_, Athenian, ii, 164.

 _Imperator_, surname of the Emperor, iii, 117.

 IMPERIA MANLIANA, i, 343.

 INCORPORALES RES, i, 179.

 _Indibilis_, a Spanish prince, enters into an insurrection against
    Scipio, ii, 130.

 _Indictions_, iii, 301.

 _Informers_, under Tiberius, iii, 173;
   under Domitian, 213.

 _Inghirami_, his forgeries, i, 141.

 _Insanity_ of several princes, iii, 179;
   no means were known in ancient times for its treatment, 179.

 _Inscriptions_, under Hadrian, in barbarous Latin, iii, 231;
   most of the sepulchral inscriptions are from the end of the first to
      the beginning of the third century, P. C., 274;
   written characters of a barbarous shape, 276.

 _Instinct_ of substituting the fallen off members of political
    organizations, i, 109.

 _Insubrians_, in Italy, ii, 52;
   conquered by Flaminius, 56;
   ready for rebellion, 83;
   declare for Hannibal, 87;
   in arms against the Romans, 164;
   submission after two campaigns, 164.

 INSULA BATAVORUM, iii, 203.

 _Interamnium_ built, i, 497;
   Roman colony, ii, 106.

 _Interdict_, possessory, i, 254.

 _Interest_, it is forbidden in Rome to take interest, i, 541; ii, 192.

 _Interreges_, were only patricians, i, 454.

 _Invading peoples_ not to be found in scattered spots, i, 367.

 _Ionia_, with the exception of some towns, comes into the possession of
    Eumenes, i, 185.

 _Ipsus_, battle, i, 553.

 _Irak_ Ajemi, has in all probability preserved the language of the
    Medes, iii, 264.

 _Ireland_, after the peace of Limerick, under William the third, ii,
    264;
   the Roman Catholics sacrificed at the time of the Union, 283.

 Ἰσηγορία, i, 279.

 Ἰσονομία, i, 279.

 _Isopolity_, i, 220.

 _Issa_, delivered by the Romans, ii, 47.

 _Isthmus_ of Corinth, Cæsar wishes to cut it through, iii, 74.

 _Istrians_, subjected even before the war of Hannibal, ii, 57.

 _Itali_, name of the Pelasgians in Italy, i, 97;
   principle of the Italians, that the complaint of the breach of treaty
      was to be made before the injured people, i, 266.

 _Italia_, originally the country south of the Tiber or south of Latium,
    iii, 97;
   once bounded on the north by a line from the Garganus to Terracina,
      97;
   the name afterwards extended to a wider range, 97.

 _Italian towns_, Rome exacts from them military service, i, 571.

 _Italians_, begin in the fifteenth century to consider themselves the
    heirs of the ancient Romans, i, 67, 222;
   apply themselves to history, 68;
   their different laws in the middle ages, 228;
   their tillage, 234;
   their peasantry worthy and respectable, the herdsmen and townspeople
      good for nothing, 460; ii, 265;
   unfit for a sea life, i, 460;
   make beasts of themselves when they have an opportunity of feasting,
      ii, 189.

 _Italica._ See Corfinium.

 _Italica_, in the neighbourhood of Seville, iii, 216;
   birth place of Trajan and Hadrian, 216.

 _Italy_ divided with reference to taxation, i, 573;
   southern Italy takes the form of a province, owing to the war with
      Hannibal, ii, 186;
   the large estates there more profitable than the smaller ones, 272;
   condition during the Servile war, 405;
   divided into a number of regions, iii, 124;
   aversion to military service, 159;
   fields cultivated by slaves, and the population changed, 187;
   free from the land-tax, 299;
   the spirit of bravery died away, 330.

 _Ituræi_, iii, 271, note.

 _Itzig_, iii, 302.


                                   J

 _Jacobi_, F. H., compared with Cicero, iii, 26.

 _Janiculum_, the existence of an old town there, i, 121;
   probably Roman, whilst the territory on the other side of the Tiber
      was Etruscan, 214.

 _Janus_ and _Jana_ (Diana), the heavenly lights, i, 169.

 _Janus_, two different ones on the Roman gates, i, 263, note.

 _Janus_, his temple closed, iii, 151.

 _Janus_, Quirini, i, 187.

 _Janus’ head_, symbol of the double state.

 _Jerome_, St., iii, 325;
   his wit, 326.

 _Jeremiah_, ii, 252.

 _Jerusalem_, under Ezra and Nehemiah, i, 391;
   conquered by Pompey, the temple plundered, iii, 11;
   a military colony founded under the name of Ælia Capitolina, 230.

 _Jews_, their last struggle with the Romans, ii, 252;
   rebellion under Claudius, iii, 199;
   under Hadrian, 230;
   not allowed to approach Jerusalem, 230;
   outbreak under Antoninus Pius, 236;
   divided into Jews and Proselytes, the latter into two classes, the
      Proselytes of Righteousness, and the Proselytes of the Gate, i,
      164.

 _Jewish_ tribes, i, 163.

 _Johannes_, the first emperor with a Christian name, iii, 335.

 _Johannes Saresberiensis_, quotes from Livy, i, 67.

 _Josephus_, his notice against Apion from Phœnician chronicles, ii, 1;
   his book one of the most interesting historical works, iii, 199;
   throws light on the tactic of the Romans, 199;
   is a Pharisee, 199.

 _Jovian_, emperor, cedes a tract of country to the Persians, ii, 147;
   becomes emperor, iii, 315;
   concludes a peace with Persia, 315;
   gives an edict for freedom of belief, 315;
   his death, 315.

 _Jovinus_, usurper, iii, 333.

 _Juba_, ii, 322;
   king of Mauritania, and client of Pompey, iii, 57;
   presented by Augustus with the realm of Bocchus, 162.

 _Dec. Jubellius_, leader of the Campanian legion at Rhegium, i, 573.

 _Jubellius Taurea_, his death, ii, 113.

 JUDICES equivalent to _centumviri_, i, 313;
   delegated by a prætor, 404;
   elected from the senate, 404.

 _Jugera_, five hundred, as much as seventy rubbii now, ii, 277.

 _Jugurtha_, son of Mastanabal, ii, 310;
   sent to Spain, 310;
   adopted by Micipsa, 311;
   bribery in Rome, 311;
   surrenders himself for appearance sake to the Romans, 314;
   comes to Rome on the strength of Cassius’ word of honour, 315;
   causes Massiva to be murdered in Rome, 315;
   his behaviour towards Metellus, 317;
   goes to Bocchus, 321;
   given up to Marius, 321.

 _Julia_, Cæsar’s aunt, married to Marius, iii, 83.

 _Julia_, Cæsar’s daughter, married to Pompey, iii, 39.

 _Julia_, Cæsar’s sister, wife of M. Atius Balbus, iii, 83.

 _Julia_, Augustus’ daughter, first married to Marcellus, then to
    Agrippa, iii, 143;
   her shameful depravity, 146;
   transported to Pandataria, 147.

 _Julia Domna_, wife of Septimius Severus, iii, 252, 254, 259.

 _Julia Emerita_ (Merida), a colony, iii, 150.

 _Julian_, emperor, taken in by any one who called himself a
    philosopher, iii, 245;
   son of Julius Constantius, 304;
   kept prisoner in Cæsarea, 306;
   called by the Christian writers apostata, extolled by the Heathen
      ones, 307;
   Cæsar, 306;
   marries Helena, 307;
   proclaimed emperor by the soldiers, 308;
   his ostentation, 309;
   character, 309;
   Misopogon, 311;
   war against Persia, 311;
   his death, 314.

 _Julianus_, Claudius, Cæsar, his letter to Maximus and Balbinus, iii,
    270.

 _Julianus Didius_, Emperor, iii, 250;
   character, 250;
   put to death, 251.

 _Julii_, an Alban clan, belonging to the _gentes minores_, iii, 29;
   not to be found in the Fasti from the fourth to the seventh century,
      29;
   sided with the popular party, 29.

 _July_, month, origin of its name, iii, 114.

 _Julius._ See Cæsar.

 _C. Julius_, decemvir, summons the people to pass judgment on one who
    was not _reus manifestus_, i, 307.

 JUNIORES, i, 180.

 _Junius._ See Brutus.

 _Junius._ See Pennus.

 _C. Junius Bubulcus_, consul in the Samnite war, vows to Salus a
    temple, i, 498.

 _L. Junius_, consul, his fleet destroyed by a storm, ii, 34;
   surprises Eryx, 35.

 _Juno_, the worship of Juno on the Capitol Etruscan, i, 148.

 _Jupiter_, his worship on the Capitol Etruscan, i, 148.

 _Jurisdiction_ in Italy after the Lex Julia is obscure, iii, 255.

 _Jurisprudence_, the study of, becomes the province of the French, i,
    68;
   revival in the eighteenth century, 73;
   has two sides, 388;
   history of the emperors indispensable for it, iii, 164;
   foundation of its system under Hadrian, 231;
   its progress under Antoninus Pius, 237.

 _Jury_, in ancient Rome, instituted after the laws of Gracchus, ii,
    297.

 JUS AGRARIUM, i, 252;
   the Romans stand alone with regard to it, 253.

 JUS CÆRITUM EXULANDI, i, 210.

 JUS FLAVIANUM, a sort of “Complete Lawyer,” i, 521.

 JUS GENTIUM, had, perhaps originally a much wider meaning than is
    generally believed, i, 161.

 JUS PAPIRIANUM, i, 184, 226.

 _Justina_, wife of Valentinian the first, iii, 321.

 _Justin_, a careless writer, ii, 2.

 _Justin_, the Martyr, iii, 235.

 _Juthungi_, the reigning dynasty of the Lombards, iii, 280;
   pass the Po, 287.

 _Juvenal_, reproached with having in his writings chiefly described
    depravity, iii, 178;
   his opinion of Otho, 197;
   one of the greatest minds, 210.

 _P. Juventius Thalna_, beaten by Andriscus, ii, 247.


                                   K

 _Kant_ assails the eloquence and profession of advocate, iii, 21.

 _Kent_, iii, 45.

 _Kinburn_, iii, 71.

 _Kinna_, a place now unknown, i, 495.

 _Klopstock_, his hexameters, ii, 198.

 _Kunersdorf_, battle, i, 560; iii, 278.


                                   L

 _Labeo._ See Atinius.

 _Laberius_, ii, 16.

 _Laberius, Dec._, composer of Mimes, iii, 129, 141.

 _Labici._ See Lavici.

 _Labienus_, in the battle of Munda, iii, 71;
   his conduct, 106;
   goes to the Parthians, 106.

 _Lacedæmon_, one revolution follows another;
   Machanidas seizes the government, ii, 145;
   lose their ancient constitution, 151;
   a separate state, 165.

 _Lacedæmonians_, the general population of Sparta, ii, 249.

 _Laco_, favourite of Galba, iii, 196.

 _Lactantius_, his work a reproduction of Cicero, iii, 293, 325.

 _Lælianus._ See Ælianus.

 _Lælius_, supports Masinissa in his attack against Syphax, ii, 137.

 _C. Lælius_, gets the surname of Sapiens, ii, 275;
   fragment of a speech, 292, 394.

 _Lænas._ See Popillius.

 _Lætorius_, friend of C. Gracchus, ii, 305.

 _Lætus Pomponius_ gives an impulse to the study of archæology, i, 67.

 _Lætus_, _præfecto prætorio_ under Commodus, iii, 249.

 _Lævians_, a people on the Ticinus, i, 365.

 _Lævinus_, M. Valerius, restores Agrigentum, ii, 119;
   takes out, as prætor, a fleet against Philip, 143;
   his fleet a curse for Greece, 146.

 _Lævinus_, P. Valerius, consul, against Pyrrhus, i, 558;
   battle near Heracles, 558;
   follows Pyrrhus on the Appian road, 562.

 _Lamennais_, iii, 51.

 _Lamia_, on the Thessalian side of Thermopylæ, belongs to Ætolia
    Epictetus, ii, 174;
   besieged by Philip, 174;
   the siege given up, 174.

 _Lampadius_, C. Octavius, divides Nævius’ history of the Punic war into
    books, i, 17.

 _Lamponius_ M., ii, 382.

 _Land tax_, Savigny has done a great deal for its elucidation, iii,
    229.

 _Language_, Polish and Lithuanian, their relationship, i, 95;
   that of a conquered people often becomes extinct, 144;
   the Western part of the Roman empire preserves a kind of unity of
      language, iii, 163.

 _Languedoc_, ii, 308.

 _Lanuvians_, full citizenship granted to them, i, 448.

 _Lanuvium_ devastated by Marius, ii, 372.

 _Lanzi_ supposes Etruscan to have been a sort of Greek, i, 142.

 _Larinum_, ii, 126.

 _Larissa_, a Pelasgian word signifying borough, i, 101.

 _Lars_, probably signifies king or God in Etruscan, i, 136, 208, note.

 _Sp. Lartius_, i, 206, 210.

 _Latin language_, a medley of Oscan, and Siculo-Pelasgian, i, 105;
   degenerates, iii, 232.

 _Latin form_ of Greek proper names, ii, 194.

 _Latins_, had a number of towns, from Tibur to the river Tiber, i, 101;
   Latins and Sabines settle on the Aventine, 165;
   the hegemony over them acquired by Tarquin the Proud, not by Servius
      Tullus, 185;
   the _feriæ Latinæ_ established on the Alban mount, 185;
   the sacrifices on the Aventine offered in the temple of Diana,
      afterwards in a grove near Aricia, 186;
   bind themselves _ad majestatem populi Romani comiter colendam_, 195;
   leagued under Octavius Mamilius with Porsena, 210;
   break the alliance with Rome after the Etruscan calamity, 216;
   peace concluded in the year 259, 219;
   receive isopolity, 220;
   league of Sp. Cassius in the year 261, 220;
   receive isopolity _jus municipii_, 243;
   league with the Romans and Hernicans, 246;
   defeated by the Volscians and Æquians in the valley of Grotta
      Ferrara, 276;
   after the spread of the Volscians again subject to the Romans, 293;
   free themselves after the Gallic calamity from the Roman rule, 386;
   part of them unite with Velitræ and Antium in hostility against Rome,
      390;
   friendship with Rome restored, 410;
   the new federation, 411;
   has for its chiefs two prætors, 412;
   continue the war against the Samnites alone, 436;
   their constitution, 437;
   proposals for a union with Rome, 437;
   war with Rome, 438;
   fight near Veseris, 439;
   battle near Trifanum, 444;
   conditions of their subjection, 444;
   last insurrection, 445;
   battle on the river Astura, 447;
   the people are born husbandmen, 460;
   revolt, 480;
   opposed to the agrarian law of Ti. Gracchus, ii, 283;
   C. Gracchus wishes to extend to them the full right of citizenship,
      299;
   meaning in the time of Livius Drusus, 346;
   receive the full franchise by the Lex Julia, 354.

 _Latini_, iii, 258.

 _Latin fortifications_, i, 146.

 _Latin towns_, thirty in number, i, 109;
   have all of them a council of a Hundred, 120.

 _Latium_ extends as far as Campania, i, 102;
   suffers dreadfully in the war with Cinna, ii, 372.

 _Latteen sails_ of the ancients, ii, 39.

 LAUDATIONES FUNEBRES, i, 11;
   owing to them falsifications creep into Roman history, 11;
   a tissue of repetitions like the λόγοι ἐπιτάφιοι, 261.

 _Laurentum_ alone retains the old fœdus, i, 451.

 _Lautulæ_, insurrection, i, 430;
   quelled by Valerius Corvus, 431;
   battle, 494.

 _Lavici_, not Labici, 344;
   Roman colony, 345.

 _Lavinium_ founded by thirty households, i, 109;
   a general name for Latium, central point of the Prisci Latini, 109;
   keeps faithful to Rome, 390.

 _Lays_, historical, in Roman history, i, 88.

 _Leagues_, a clause in those of the ancients, wherein the contracting
    parties prescribed to each other the bounds of their intended
    encroachments upon other nations, i, 412.

 _Leave of absence_, purchased by the Roman soldiers, iii, 157.

 LEGATI AUGUSTI, _pro consule, pro prætore_, &c., iii, 121.

 LEGATI _pro prætore_ in the imperial provinces, often remained the
    whole of their lives in the same province, iii, 244.

 LEGES, the resolutions of the patricians, i, 241.

 LEGES ANNALES, suspended during the second Punic war, ii, 132;
   _lex Villia annalis_ rigorously observed, 239;
   those in force in Cicero’s days, dated from the age of Sylla, 239.

 _Leges Liciniæ_, (Licinian Rogations,) i, 205, 396;
   violated in the year 412 for the last time, 425;
   enlargement of it, 432.

 LEGES POMPEIÆ, iii, 38.

 LEGES PORCIÆ, iii, 35.

 LEGES PUBLILIÆ, i, 447.

 LEGES SACRATÆ, he who violated them was to be sold as a slave at the
    temple of Ceres, i, 290.

 LEGES SEMPRONIÆ, ii, 277, 294.

 LEGES VALERIÆ, i, 207.

 LEGIO MARTIA, iii, 89.

 _Legion_, in the war of Hannibal, consisted of 4,200 men and 200 horse,
    ii, 98.

 _Legions_, the country and city, at the time of the Gallic calamity, i,
    375;
   the country legions armed with pikes, 376;
   consisted half of Latins and half of Romans, 376;
   three thousand men strong, 376;
   their arrangement in the war against the Latins, 441;
   their division in Cæsar’s time, ii, 326;
   their time of service, iii, 126;
   their camps on the frontiers in which they were stationed until
      superannuated, 169;
   outbreak in Illyricum and on the Rhine, 169;
   their degeneracy in the East, 243.

 _Legislations_, of old, did not only comprise civil and criminal law
    and judicial procedure, but political law and transient measures
    also, i, 278;
   should be independent of magistracy, 278.

 LEMBI, the lightest ships, ii, 17.

 _Lentulus_, consul, prætor, accomplice of Catiline, iii, 22.

 _Leo the Great_, iii, 327.

 _Lepidus_, M. Æmilius, head of the democracy, ii, 395;
   sets himself up as the avenger of Rome, 396;
   dies in Sardinia, 397.

 _Lepidus_, M. Æmilius, in Gaul, iii, 87;
   triumvir, 91;
   confined to Africa, 105;
   Pontifex Maximus, 110, 118.

 _Lepontians_, on the Lake of Como, of Etruscan race, i, 145;
   stand against the immigrating Gauls, 368.

 _Lerida in Catalonia_, battle, iii, 56.

 _Lesbos_, allied with Chios and Byzantium, iii, 145.

 _Lessing_, endowed with a most philological spirit, i, 73; ii, 245;
   German literature reaches perfection through Lessing, iii, 127;
   connecting link between two generations, 130;
   has no equal among German prose writers, 226.

 _Letronne_, ii, 78.

 _Letters_, their use known in the earliest times among the Romans, i,
    4;
   a common use not to be thought of previous to the use of the Egyptian
      papyrus, 4;
   have a threefold root, 4, _note_;
   of more ancient date in Europe than Homer, 4.

 _Leuco-Syrians_, ii, 360.

 _Levesque_, i, 73.

 LEX ÆLIA ET FUFIA, ii, 225;
   repealed by Clodius, 226.

 LEX ÆLIA SENTIA, iii, 122, 163.

 LEX AGRARIA of Sp. Cassius, i, 256;
   probably accepted, 257;
   _lex agraria_ TRIBUNICIA, 346.

 LEX ATERNIA TARPEIA, i, 339.

 LEX AURELIA _judiciaria_, iii, 4.

 LEX CASSIA not to be regarded as an innovation, ii, 285.

 LEX CORNELIA _de ambitu_, ii, 227.

 LEX FLAMINIA, ii, 87.

 LEX FURIA _testamentaria_ may be placed about the year 450, i, 303.

 LEX DE GALLIA _Cisalpina_, ii, 165.

 LEX GENUCIA, i, 517.

 LEX HORTENSIA, i, 322, 542.

 LEX DE IMPERIO, ii, 41.

 LEX JULIA, i, 120, 172, 311;
   unites Gallia Cispadana to Italy, ii, 165, 354.

 LEX JULIA _de adulterio_, iii, 187.

 LEX JULIA _de judiciis_, iii, 124.

 LEX JULIA NORBANA, iii, 119.

 LEX JUNIA, i, 280;
   dated by Dionysius thirty years too early, 280.

 LEX MÆNIA, made the confirmation by the curies a mere form, i, 406,
    539.

 LEX MENSIA, i, 173.

 LEX MUCIA LICINIA, ii, 344.

 LEX OGULNIA, i, 130, 523.

 LEX OVINIA TRIBUNICIA, i, 335.

 LEX PAPIA POPPÆA, iii, 163, 187.

 LEX PEDIA, iii, 91.

 LEX PUBLILIA, of the dictator, Q. Publilius Philo, i, 321.

 LEX SERVILIA, ii, 345.

 LEX TERENTILIA, i, 278.

 LEX THORIA, ii, 290.

 LEX TREBONIA, iii, 37.

 LEX VALERIA, i, 235.

 LEX VALERIA HORATIA, i, 320.

 LEX VOCONIA, ii, 225.

 _Leyden_ inhabited only about the centre, ii, 108.

 _Libanius_ appeases the emperor Theodosius, iii, 322.

 LIBERTINI and their descendants excluded from the _gentes_, i, 160. See
    Freedmen.

 _Library_ of Ptolemy Philadelphus burnt, iii, 64.

 LIBRI AUGURALES, i, 11, 238.

 LIBRI FATALES, of Etruscan origin, i, 151.

 LIBRI LEGEM, i, 9.

 LIBRI MAGISTRATUUM, i, 9.

 LIBRI PONTIFICUM, i, 10.

 LIBURNÆ, light ships, ii, 17.

 _Liburnians_, the name of the earlier inhabitants of the North of
    Italy, i, 98.

 _Libyans_, oppressive neighbours of the Carthaginians, ii, 2;
   mingle only gradually with the Phœnician settlers, 2, 4;
   do not differ in their constitution from the inhabitants of Southern
      Europe, 5;
   the relation between the Libyans and Pœni analogous to that of the
      Lettish and the Lithuanians to the Germans, 6;
   take arms against Carthage, 44;
   have an alphabet of their own, 310.

 _Licinian family_, defends the rights of the plebeians, i, 402.

 _Licinius’ laws_ are in fact only a repetition of former ones, ii, 402;
   conf., ii, 270.

 _Licinius._ See Crassus, Lucullus, etc.

 _Licinius_, Augustus in Illyricum, iii, 298;
   war with Maximinian Daza, 300;
   war with Constantine, 300;
   married to Constantia, half-sister of Constantine, 300;
   conquered near Adrianople, executed, 300.

 _P. Licinius Calvus_, plebeian senator, i, 340.

 _C. Licinius Macer_, writes history from documents, i, 33;
   one of Pliny’s sources, 33;
   Cicero speaks unfavourably of him, 33.

 _C. Licinius Stolo_, tribune of the people, i, 396;
   accused of having evaded his own law, ii, 272.

 _Lictors_, among the Tuscans the king of each town has a lictor, i,
    221;
   twelve Latin and twelve Roman lictors given to the common dictator,
      221;
   represent the curies, 539.

 _Lightnings_, flashing forth from the earth, the fact already known to
    the Etruscans, i, 154.

 _Ligue_ sharpened the wit and quickened the mind of the people, ii,
    395.

 _Ligurians_ in South of France, Piedmont, and Lombardy, i, 368;
   pushed on by the Iberians as far as Aix in Provence, 368;
   a warlike race, 371;
   war against Rome, ii, 51;
   new war against Rome, 200;
   did not extend beyond the borders of Provence, 200;
   fifty thousand Ligurians led from their homes into Samnium, 200.

 _Ligurian peoples_ in Piedmont, ii, 57.

 _Lilybæum_, besieged by Pyrrhus, i, 566;
   its fortifications one of the wonders of the ancient world, 567;
   siege raised by Pyrrhus, 567;
   the survivors of Motye become the founders of Lilybæum, 575;
   besieged by the Romans, ii, 29;
   etymology of its name, 29;
   had a good harbour, 29;
   Roman, 116.

 LIMES, made road, iii, 157.

 _Limigantes_, a Sarmatian colony, iii, 301.

 _Linen manufactures_, iii, 237.

 LINGUA RUSTICA, or _vulgaris_, iii, 232.

 _Lipariotes_, the guardians of the Tyrrhenian sea against the pirates,
    i, 428.

 _Liparian isles_, sea fight, ii, 15.

 _Lipsius_, Justus, i, 240;
   does not distinguish between the different ages, 240.

 LIS VINDICIÆ and _lis vindiciarum_, i, 123.

 _Lista_, chief town of the Opicans, i, 103.

 _Liternum_, a Latin colony, or _colonia maritima_, between Cumæ and
    Minturnæ, ii, 185.

 _Literature_, Christian, iii, 325.

 _Literature_, Grecian, ruinous effects of the great fire at
    Constantinople, iii, 190.

 _Literature_, Roman, under Augustus, compared with that of the French
    under Louis XIV., and the latter with that under Louis XV., i, 31;
   the division into golden, silver, &c., ages very preposterous, iii,
      185.

 _Livia_, mother of M. Cato, iii, 76.

 _Livia Drusilla_, wife of Augustus, iii, 143;
   her sway over Augustus, 143;
   accused of poisoning C. Cæsar, 148;
   hatred to Germanicus 160;
   daughter of Livius Drusus, 165;
   Tiberius’ fear of her, 174;
   her death, 174;
   treated Claudius with particular harshness, 181.

 _Livilla_, daughter of the elder Drusus, wife of the younger, iii, 175.

 _Livius Andronicus_, ii, 195;
   makes an abridgment of the Odyssey in the Italian measure, 196;
   his tragedies, 196.

 _M. Livius Drusus_, tries to undermine the popularity of C. Gracchus,
    ii, 301;
   founds twelve colonies, 302;
   whether they were really founded, 302.

 _M. Livius Drusus_, son of the former, tribune, ii, 344;
   his probable aim, 345;
   his legislation, 345;
   goes over to the opposition, 348;
   murdered, 349;
   denounces the conspiracy of the Italians against the senate, 351.

 _Livius Drusus_, father of Livia Drusilla, his real name Appius
    Claudius Pulcher, iii, 165.

 _T. Livius Patavinus_ (Livy), liable to the censure of having made the
    earlier Roman history into disrepute, i, 4;
   his statements concerning the booty, etc., are taken from the
      Triumphal Fasti, 10;
   his carelessness with regard to making use of historical records, 11;
   took his description of the time of the kings from Ennius, 24, 80;
   anachronism with regard to the Origines of Cato, 26;
   in his first books borrowed many things from Valerius Antias 33;
   began to write in 743, 45;
   born in 693 at Patavium, died 772, 45;
   grounds for fixing the period at which he began to compose his
      history at so late a date, 45;
   traces found in the last books of the first decade, that Livy had
      known Dionysius, 45;
   died before he had finished his work, 45;
   the division in decades an original one, 47;
   in the later decades he paraphrases Polybius, 47;
   becomes prolix in his old age, 47;
   the old grammarians reproach him with tautology and palilogy, 48;
   the preface belongs to the worst parts of the work, 48;
   was, when he commenced his work, entirely deficient in general
      historical knowledge, 48;
   dictated the whole of his work, 49;
   always took one annalist as his ground work, 49;
   his talent for description and narration, 50;
   deficient in comprehensiveness of view, 50;
   was in early life a Pompeian, 50; iii, 92;
   reproach of Patavinity, i, 51;
   the perfect correctness of his style, 51;
   his amiable disposition, 52;
   his influence on the later ages, 52;
   all the MSS. of the first decade may be traced to a single one, 53;
   missing books of Livy sought for in different parts of the world, 54;
   fragments of the ninety-first book, 55;
   condition of the text, 55;
   commentaries and editions, 56;
   no quotation from him since Priscian, during the whole of the middle
      ages, except in Joannes Saresberensis, 67;
   his account the most unadulterated source for the earlier times, 81;
   not to be supposed that he had written from the old heroic poems, 92,
      136;
   gives his sources without understanding them, 216;
   the account of the war of the Auruncians occurs twice in him, 222;
   does not generally alter the materials which he finds, but merely
      drops part of them, 241;
   was, with all his genius, no more than a rhetorician, 327;
   mistakes, in the second Punic war, a certain Heraclitus for the
      philosopher of the same name, 329;
   makes use of Dionysius, perhaps as early as in the fifth book, 364;
   looks upon earlier Roman history with a sort of irony, 383;
   wrote history not to give an account of facts, but for the sake of
      the narrative, 397;
   is very exact in his histories of the Fabian house, 507;
   did not think of making any use of Hannibal’s memoirs, ii, 62;
   the romantic in him may be traced to Cœlius Antipater, 63;
   in his accounts of the war of Hannibal we may distinguish the
      different sources, 63;
   all the speeches of Hanno and others are rhetorical trifles, 68;
   the description of the siege of Saguntum certainly from Cœlius, 72;
   opinion on Cicero, iii, 92, 95;
   literary character, 141;
   takes pity on Claudius, and encourages him to write history, 182;
   influence of the rhetoricians on him, 185;
   whenever he wants to be argumentative he is infinitely harder than
      Tacitus, 226;
   stands forth as a great man in his age, 228.

 _M. Livius Salinator_, near Ariminum, ii, 126.

 _Lixæ_, i, 178.

 _Loans_, earliest system of them, i, 387;
   loan from the rich in Rome ii, 37.

 _Locks_, known to the ancients, brought to perfection by the
    Netherlanders in the fifteenth century, iii, 74.

 _Locrians_, Ozolian, Ætolian, ii, 151.

 _Locri_, i, 459;
   taken by the Bruttians, ii, 107;
   the first Greek town which declares for Hannibal, 107;
   taken from Hannibal by Scipio, 133.

 _Locris_, well affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii, 145;
   subject to the rule of the Macedonians, 151;
   a separate state, 163.

 LOCUPLETES, i, 182;
   _locupletes testes_, 182.

 _Logau’s_ poems at the end of the thirty years’ war, iii, 340.

 _M. Lollius_, legate, defeated by the Bructeri, iii, 153.

 _Lombards_, carried on the money trade in medieval Italy, i, 227.

 _Lombards_, fearing rebellions, pulled down the walls of all the
    conquered towns in Italy, ii, 20;
   pass the Po, iii, 287;
   see Juthungi.

 _Lombardy_, the cold there not less severe than in Germany, ii, 86.

 _Louis XIII._, conspires against one of his subjects, iii, 333.

 _Louis XIV._, the devastation of the Palatinate under him is the last
    war of horrors, ii, 119.

 _Luca_, colony founded, ii, 165;
   congress between Cæsar, Pompey and Crassus, iii, 39.

 _Lucanians_, sprung from the Sabine stock, i, 122;
   not in a position of equality with the Œnotrians, 153;
   war against them decided by a miraculous apparition, 219;
   come from the Samnites, 419;
   attack Heraclea and Metapontum, 463;
   send ambassadors to Alexander the Great, 469;
   hostile to the Greek, but partake of Greek civilization, 472;
   called a Samnite colony, 478;
   are Œnotrians become Samnites, 479;
   never strong, 479;
   union with Rome, 479;
   independent, 505;
   war with Tarentum, 510;
   with the Samnites, 524;
   again turn their arms against Rome, 544;
   send ambassadors to Pyrrhus to Epirus, 557;
   acknowledge the supremacy, 571;
   in the service of Agathocles, 577;
   fall away from Rome after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 107;
   not trustworthy, 111;
   hardly dealt with after the war of Hannibal, 187;
   revolt in the Social war against Rome, 352.

 _Lucania_, nearly the whole country under Honorius was pastureland, ii,
    264.

 _Lucan_, the Pharsalia wretched, iii, 132;
   immensely read during the middle ages, 186;
   the Lucanian school, 186.

 _Luceres_, _Lucertes_, the third tribe of the earliest Roman
    population, i, 129;
   in the same relation to the two older tribes, as Ireland was to Great
      Britain to the year 1782, 130;
   introduced into the senate by Tarquinius Priscus, 141;
   are called factio regis, 194.

 _Luceria_, originally a Samnite town, taken from them by Apulians,
    besieged by the Samnites, i, 486;
   the conquest happened very likely in the year 439, 493;
   receives a colony, 497; ii, 106.

 _Lucerne_ and Berne, insurrection in the year 1657, i, 237.

 _Lucerum_, name of the town on the Cœlius, i, 129.

 _Lucian’s_ Lexiphanes, iii, 234;
   overrated for some time, 234;
   his style calls forth our admiration, 234.

 _Lucilius_, from Suessa Aurunca, his verses, ii, 393.

 _Lucilla_, sister of Commodus, iii, 248.

 _Lucretia_, ii, 198;
   her marriage with Collatinus belongs to poetry alone, 204.

 _Lucretius_, Roman prætor, particularly notorious by his cruel deeds
    against the Greeks, ii, 209.

 _T. Lucretius Carus_, his eminence, iii, 128.

 _Q. Lucretius Ofella_, besieges Præneste, ii, 381.

 _Sp. Lucretius Tricipitinus_, belongs to the Ramnes, i, 200;
   princeps Senatus, 201.

 _Lucullus_, historian, i, 36.

 _L. Lucullus_, general in Spain, ii, 223;
   opinion of him, iii, 6;
   outbreak against him, 8;
   retreats to Cappadocia, 8;
   recalled, 8.

 _Lucumo_, joins Romulus in the war against the Sabines, i, 117;
   title of an Etruscan king, 136.

 _Lucus Petelinus_, place of assembly for the populus outside the town,
    i, 269.

 LUDI ROMANI, after the Licinian rogations a fourth day is added to them
    for the plebeians, i, 405.

 _Luneburg_, only one house left, i, 140.

 _Lugdunensian tables_, i, 87, 190.

 —LUS, adjective-termination, had a diminutive meaning given it at a
    later period, i, 341.

 _Lucitanians_, their dwelling-place, ii, 223;
   Galba’s treachery to them, 224;
   peace, 260.

 _Lutatius._ See Catullus.

 _Lycia_, civilised, even before it was hellenized, ii, 2;
   under Egyptian rule, 147;
   conquered by Syria, 148;
   Rhodian, 183;
   taken from the Rhodians by the Romans, 219; iii, 3.

 _Lyciscus_, partisan of the Romans in Ætolia, ii, 209.

 _Lycortas_, father of Polybius, ii, 209.

 _Lydians_, under Atys emigrate to Tyrrhenia, i, 142;
   after the destruction of Troy, they push forward nearer the coast and
      subjugate the Meonians, 144.

 _Lydia_, given to Eumenes, ii, 183.

 _Lydus_, Joannes, makes use of excellent materials, i, 205;
   was a heathen, iii, 335, note.

 _Lygdamus_ is very likely not the name of the author of the poems in
    the collection of Tibullus, iii, 137.

 _Lysimachia_, destroyed by the Thracians, ii, 167;
   fortified, 167;
   its situation, 176.

 _Lysimachus_, obtains the whole of Macedon after having shared it with
    Pyrrhus, i, 554;
   a curse on his house, 576.


                                   M

 _Maccabees_, iii, 2.

 _Macedon_ abandons Antigonus Gonatas, proclaims Pyrrhus emperor, leaves
    the latter again, and sides with Antigonus, i, 569;
   extends in Philip’s times as far as the Nestus, ii, 161;
   division of the country after the defeat of Perseus, 218;
   province, 247;
   favoured by Caracalla, iii, 238.

 _Macedonians_, originally Pelasgians, i, 96, note;
   their system of fighting in masses, 559;
   their true home the mountains east of Illyria, ii, 152;
   formerly under their own liege lords, then dependent on Philip, 153;
   were no barbarians, 157.

 _Macer._ See Licinius.

 _Machanidas_ siezes upon the government of Sparta, ii, 145.

 _Machares_, son of Mithridates, makes a separate peace with Pompey,
    iii, 10.

 _Macchiavell_, i, 251.

 _Mack_, general, capitulates near Ulm, iii, 280.

 _Macrianus_, Gessius, husband of Mamæa, iii, 260.

 _M. Macrinus_, præfectus prætorio, iii, 259;
   emperor, 259;
   tries to restore discipline among the soldiers, 259;
   rebellion, 259;
   his death, 250;
   was not, perhaps, of noble race, 266.

 _Macro_, favourite of Tiberius, præfectus vigilum, iii, 176.

 _Macrobius_, refuted, iii, 112;
   flourished at end of the fourth century, 323.

 _Mæcenas_, C. Cilnius, iii, 103, 134;
   character, 154;
   his ancestors on both sides seem to have been raised to the highest
      magistracies at Arretium, 145.

 _Sp. Mælius_ affords help during a famine, i, 337;
   murdered by Servilius Ahala, 338.

 _C. Mænius_, conquers on the river Astura, finishes the Latin war, i,
    447;
   prætor _rei gerendæ causa_, 496.

 _Mæsa_, sister of Julia Domna, iii, 259;
   forms a conspiracy against Macrinus, 260.

 _Maestricht_, sacked in 1576, i, 577.

 _Maffei_, proposes a union of the nobility of Venice and of the terra
    firma, i, 512, 542.

 _Magalia_, or Megara, suburb of Carthage, ii, 240.

 _Magdeburg_, the number of its inhabitants, after its destruction,
    reduced from thirty thousand to three thousand, i, 386, 500.

 _Magister_, warden of the Vicus or pagus, i, 174; iii, 123.

 _Magister equitum_, his office a continuation of the dignity of
    tribunus celerum, i, 199;
   not necessarily a patrician, 199.

 _Magister populi_, i, 221.

 _Dec. Magius_, allowed by Hannibal to leave Capua, ii, 67;
   advises to remain true to the Romans, 105.

 _Magnentius_, rebellion, iii, 305;
   defeated by Constantine, 306.

 _Magnesia_, constituted as an independent state, ii, 163.

 _Magnesia_, on the Sipylus, battle, ii, 164, 178.

 _Magnus_, surname of Caracalla, iii, 258.

 _Mago_, brother of Hannibal, ii, 65, 123;
   driven back to the Atlantic, 128;
   goes to the Balearic isles, and from thence to Liguria, 128;
   his progress in Italy, 139;
   recalled, dies, 139.

 _Maharbal_, commander of the Carthaginian cavalry, calls upon Hannibal
    to follow him to Rome, ii, 103.

 _Mai_, Angelo, his vanity, i, 40.

 _Majorian_, emperor, iii, 343;
   his high character, 344;
   his undertakings and his death, 344.

 _Malaga_, Phœnician settlement, ii, 59.

 _Malchus_, historian, iii, 327.

 _Malcus_ conquers Carthage, ii, 3.

 _Cn. Mallius_, consul, his army destroyed by the Cimbri and Teutones,
    ii, 325.

 _Malta_, its evacuation demanded of the English after the peace of
    Amiens, but not executed, i, 467.

 _Maltese dialect_ still retains some Punic elements, ii, 5.

 _Malthinus_, in Horace instead of Mæcenas, iii, 135.

 _Mamæa_, younger daughter of Mœsa, iii, 260;
   mother of Alexander Severus, 261;
   her avarice, 262;
   murdered, 267.

 _Mamertines_, get possession of Messana by treachery, i, 566, 567;
   common name for the Oscan mercenaries, 577;
   apply to the Romans, 579;
   independent after the first Punic war, ii, 41.

 _Mamertus_, Claudius, iii, 326.

 _L. Mancinus_, consul, ii, 237.

 _Mancinus_, C. Hostilius, defeated by the inhabitants of Numantia, ii,
    262;
   delivered up to the Numantines, but not accepted, 262.

 _Mandonius_, Spanish chief, joins an insurrection against Scipio, ii,
    129.

 _Manichæism_, iii, 316.

 _M’. Manilius_, consul, ii, 232;
   a highly distinguished jurist, ii, 234.

 _Maniple_, i, 197.

 _Manlius Capitolinus_, condemned to death not by the people, but by the
    Curies, i, 94;
   befriends the sufferers, 392;
   condemned by the _concilium populi_, 395;
   thrown from the Tarpeian rock, 395.

 _Manlius_ drives back the Gauls, i, 382.

 _C. Manlius Torquatus_, his duel with a Gaul seems to be historical, i,
    409.

 _C. Manlius_, general of Catiline in Etruria, iii, 23.

 _Cn. Manlius_, killed in the Veientine war, i, 261.

 _Cn. Manlius_, consul, his campaign against the Galatians, ii, 181;
   conquers them, 183.

 _L. Manlius_, consul, with Regulus to Africa, ii, 20;
   recalled, 21.

 _T. Manlius_, consul, his declaration against the Latins, i, 438;
   has his son executed for disobedience, 440.

 _Mannert’s_ work on ancient Italy can only receive very qualified
    recommendation, i, 75.

 _Mantua_, iii, 101.

 _Manutius_, his commentary to Cicero’s epistles indispensable, i, 269,
    _note_; iii, 94;
   his researches on Roman jurisdiction, ii, 299.

 _Maps_, disadvantage of the want of them, ii, 95.

 _Marble_, its first introduction into Rome, ii, 394;
   Carrara marble first brought into use by Augustus, iii, 149;
   foreign, 222.

 _Marbod_, his kingdom, iii, 154, 159.

 _Marcellinus_, prince of Illyria, iii, 344.

 _Marcellinus_, see Ammianus.

 _C. Marcellus_, consul, iii, 49;
   cancels the decree of Curio, 51.

 _Marcellus_, M. Claudius, distinguished captain, slays Viridomarus, ii,
    56;
   gains a victory near Clastidium, 56;
   drives Hannibal back near Nola, 107;
   Hannibal’s opinion of him, 110;
   conquers Syracuse, 117;
   his alleged humanity, 118;
   is the first to carry works of Grecian art in mass to Rome, 118;
   enriches the temple of Virtus and Honor, 119;
   defeated by Hannibal, dies of his wounds, 119.

 _Marcellus_, M. Claudius, thrice consul, his generous conduct in Spain,
    ii, 222, 257.

 _Marcellus_, M. Claudius, general in the Cimbrian war, ii, 330.

 _M. Marcellus_, consul, annoys and offends Cæsar, iii, 49, 78.

 _M. Marcellus_, son of Octavia, iii, 143;
   differences between him and Agrippa, 146;
   dies, 146.

 _Marcellus_, Sextus Valerius, husband of Soæmis, iii, 259.

 _Marcia_, concubine of Commodus, iii, 248, 249.

 _Marciana_, Trajan’s sister, iii, 217.

 _Marcianopolis_, in the neighbourhood of Schumla, iii, 318.

 _Marcius_, see Ancus, Philip.

 _C. Marcius Rutilus_, first plebeian censor and dictator, i, 415.

 _L. Marcius_, according to Livy retrieves the losses of the Romans, an
    improbable story, ii, 121.

 _L. Marcius Censorinus_, consul, 232.

 _Marcomanni_, iii, 155, 211;
   cross the Danube, 240;
   mentioned for the last time, 242;
   the war against them had two different epochs.

 _Mardia_, battle, iii, 300.

 _Marforio_, iii, 211, _note_.

 _Maria_, daughter of Stilicho, wife of Honorius, iii, 332.

 _Marinus_, proclaimed emperor, soon after murdered, iii, 272.

 _C. Marius_, his descent, ii, 318;
   the name is Oscan, 318;
   must have made some money, 318;
   superstitious, 319;
   consul, 320;
   demagogue, 320;
   disdained the refinement of his age, 320;
   a first-rate general, 320;
   gets the chief command in Numidia, 321;
   ends the war with Jugurtha, 321;
   further consulships, 322, 325;
   author of the great change in Roman tactics, 325;
   takes every able-bodied man into the army, 326;
   defeats the Ambrones, 329;
   the Teutones, 330;
   fifth consulship, 331;
   victory near Vercellæ, 333;
   sixth consulship, 333;
   triumph, 333;
   his weakness, 333;
   his conduct at the legislation of Saturninus, 337;
   declares against Saturninus and Glancia, 339;
   distinguishes himself in the Social war, 356;
   his relation to Sylla, 359;
   sinks in his later days in moral worth, 365;
   outlawed together with his son and partisans, 368;
   hides himself in a marsh, 368;
   escapes to Africa, 368;
   recalled by Cinna, 371;
   consul for the seventh time, 373;
   dies, 374;
   married to the sister of Cæsar’s father, iii, 29.

 _C. Marius_, son or nephew of Marius, consul, ii, 380;
   defeated by Sylla near Sacriportus, 381;
   flies to Præneste, 381, 383.

 _L. Marius_, ambassador of Sertorius to Mithridates, ii, 408.

 _Marius_, armourer, emperor, iii, 283.

 _Marius Gratidianus_, cousin of Marius, ii, 373.

 _Markland_, Jeremy, the first who speaks without prejudice of Virgil,
    iii, 133.

 _Maronea_, Macedonian, ii, 203.

 _Marrana_, canal, five miles from Rome, which carries the water of the
    low ground at Grotta Ferrara into the Tiber, i, 289.

 _Marrucinians_, of Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
   side with the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109;
   revolt against the Romans in the Social war, 352;
   make a separate peace with Rome, 357.

 _El Marsa_, the ancient Magalia, ii, 240.

 _Marsala_, the ancient Lilybæum, ii, 30.

 _Marsians_, of Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
   allies of Romans, i, 505;
   side with Romans after battle of Cannæ, ii, 109;
   had a share in the Apulian pastures, ii, 282;
   equal to the Romans in refinement, 352;
   revolt against Rome in the Social war, 352;
   had a language of their own, but Latin letters, 353;
   make a separate peace with Rome, 357;
   their relation to Rome, 358.

 _Marshes_ near Pisa, ii, 89;
   the Pontine marshes drained by Trajan, as far as they can be drained,
      iii, 223.

 MARSICUM BELLUM, ii, 365.

 _Martha_, Syrian soothsayer, ii, 319.

 _Martial_, his flatteries, iii, 211.

 _Mascov_, i, 33; iii, 127.

 _Masinissa_, prince of the Massylians, ii, 135;
   goes over to the Romans, 136;
   against Syphax, 136;
   conquers Cirta, 137;
   lays claim to Bysacene, 229;
   war with Carthage, 230;
   defeats Hasdrubal, 230;
   his faithfulness to Rome wavers, 233;
   makes Scipio executor of his will, 309.

 _Massesyles_, ii, 5.

 _Massilia_, transactions with Rome, probably on account of the
    fisheries, i, 458;
   besieged, iii, 36;
   had always been a staunch ally to the Romans, 36.

 _Massilians_, get from Rome a strip of country for protection against
    the Ligurians, ii, 307.

 _Massiva_, descendant of Masinissa, murdered by Jugurtha, ii, 315.

 _Massylians_, people on the frontiers of what is now Tunis, ii, 135.

 _Mastanabal_, son of Masinissa, ii, 309;
   imbued with Greek learning, 309.

 _Mastarna_, name of Servius Tullius in Etruscan annals, i, 88, 154,
    190.

 MASTRUCÆ, sheepskins of the Sardinians, ii, 5.

 _Maternus_, iii, 213.

 _Mausoleum_, iii, 148.

 _Maxentius_, son of Maximian, Cæsar, iii, 297;
   his conduct to his father, 299;
   war with Constantine, 299;
   the taxes raised, 299;
   defeated near Turin, and then near Ponte Mollo, 299.

 _Maximian_, colleague of Diocletian, iii, 293;
   his coarseness, 294;
   resigns his dignity, 295;
   lives at Milan, 296;
   returns to Rome, 296;
   goes to Gaul, differences with Constantine, his death, 299.

 _Maximin_, the first barbarian adventurer who rose to the imperial
    throne, iii, 266;
   born in Thrace, 266;
   earlier history, 266;
   did not even understand Greek, 267;
   his son an amiable and well-bred young man, 267;
   his cruelty, 267;
   his wars, 268;
   insurrection in Thysdrus, 268;
   insurrection in Italy, 269;
   murdered, 270;
   chronology, 270.

 _Maximinus Daza_, nephew of Galerius, Cæsar in the East, iii, 279;
   Augustus, 298;
   war with Licinius, death, 300.

 _Maximus_, L. Appius, puts down the insurrection of Saturninus in
    Germany, iii, 213.

 _Maximus_, M. Clodius Pupienus, emperor, iii, 269;
   murdered, 270.

 _Maximus_, revolt in Britain, emperor, iii, 321;
   marches against Valentinian II., 321;
   defeated near Aquileia, 321.

 _Maximus_, proclaimed emperor by Gerontius, iii, 335.

 _Maxyes_, ii, 5.

 _Mazzochi_, i, 68.

 _Mecklenburgh_, the Vandal (Wendish) language vanished, i, 145.

 _Medes_, have Persian language, iii, 264.

 _Medicis_, Cosmo of, plots in his family, iii, 167.

 _Media_, the king beseeches the protection of Antony, iii, 108;
   Persian vassal kingdom, 253.

 _Mediterranean_, the Sirocco increases in summer often into the most
    dreadful hurricanes, ii, 25;
   southern gales there are most dangerous, north winds harmless, 27;
   north-easterly winds dangerous at the meeting of the currents of the
      Adriatic and the Pontus, 27.

 _Megara_, given up to Philip by the Achæans, ii, 155;
   Achæan, 163.

 _Megara._ See Megalia.

 _Melas_, general, bungling and stupid, ii, 84.

 _Melians_, among them the government placed in the hands of the men
    above sixty, i, 181.

 _Melpum_, in the country of the Insubrians, said to have been destroyed
    on the same day with Veii, i, 364;
   must have stood near the spot where Milan is now, 365.

 _Melville_, general, his researches on the march of Hannibal over the
    Alps, ii, 77.

 _C. Memmius_, tribune of the people, moves for an inquiry against
    Calpurnius Bestia, ii, 314;
   opposes Saturninus, 335, 337;
   consul, 339;
   murdered, 339.

 _Mena_, commander of S. Pompey, iii, 109.

 _Menalcidas_, general of the Achæan league, ii, 249;
   bribed by the Oropians, 249.

 _Menander_, his tone compared to that of Horace, iii, 136.

 _Menecrates_, commander of S. Pompey, iii, 109.

 _Mentz_, devastated, iii, 308.

 _Meonians_ are Tyrrhenians, distinguished from the Lydians, i, 144.

 _Mercenaries_, war against Carthage, ii, 44;
   rising in Sardinia against Carthage, 45.

 _Mericus_, Spanish general of the mercenaries before Syracuse, bribed
    by Marcellus, ii, 118.

 _Merida_, down to the Arabian times a first-rate town, its foundation,
    iii, 150.

 _Merobaudes_, iii, 324, 325.

 _Merovæus_, king of the Franks, iii, 340.

 _Merula_, Paul, has perhaps committed a fraud in his edition of the
    fragments of Ennius, i, 25.

 _Merula_, L. Cornelius, chosen consul in Cinna’s stead, is again
    deposed, ii, 373;
   his death, 373.

 _Mesomedes_, a lyric poet, had a pension from Hadrian, iii, 233.

 _Mesopotamia_ under Roman supremacy, iii, 254.

 _Messala_, Valerius, surnamed from Messana, i, 581.

 _Messala_, M. Valerius, spoke Greek, iii, 84, 98;
   prose writer, 130;
   orator of about the same standing as Virgil, 130.

 _Messana_, conquered by the Mamertines, i, 566;
   massacre, 573, 577;
   besieged by Hiero and the Carthaginians, 581.

 _Messapians_, Grecian name for Sallentines, i, 46;
   hellenized, ii, 355.

 _Messenians_, separated from the Ætolians and Achæans, ii, 151;
   independent, 163.

 _Metapontum_, i, 459;
   attacked by the Lucanians, 463;
   taken by Cleonymus, 510;
   goes over to Hannibal, ii, 110.

 _Metellus_, tribune of the people, iii, 55.

 _Metellus_, C. Cæcilius, prætor, against the Sennonian Gauls, i, 546;
   defeated, 546.

 _Metellus_, L. Cæcilius, besieged by Hasdrubal near Palermo, defeats
    him, ii, 28.

 _Q. Metellus Celer_ against Catiline, iii, 24.

 _Q. Metellus Macedonicus_, conquers Andriscus, ii, 247;
   scatters the Achæans near Scarphea, 253;
   all his four sons consulars, 307.

 _Metellus_, Q. Cæcilius Numidicus, ii, 307;
   goes to Africa, 316;
   character, 316;
   war against Jugurtha, 317;
   conduct towards Marius, 317;
   opposes the laws moved for by Saturninus and goes into exile to
      Rhodes, 338;
   recalled, 340.

 _Q. Metellus Pius_ ends the Nolan war, ii, 374;
   in the Romagna, 380;
   against Sertorius, 401.

 Μετεωρία, iii, 1.

 _Metres_, anapæsts of the modern Greeks, and those among the Sclavonic
    nations, ii, 198.

 _Mexicans_, their name transferred upon the Spaniards there, i, 143.

 _Mezentius_, probably the Etruscan conqueror of Cære, and also of
    Latium, i, 147.

 _Micali_, i, 73.

 _Micipsa_, son of Masinissa, ii, 309.

 _Middleton_, life of Cicero, iii, 94.

 _Miguel_, Dom, his most intimate confidant is his barber, iii, 183.

 _Milan_, residence of Maximian, iii, 296.

 _Military colonies_ of Sylla, ii, 384;
   of Augustus, iii, 125.

 _Military service_, the obligation for it lasted in Sparta until the
    sixtieth year, i, 180;
   regulated by general laws, 572.

 _Military tribunes_, law, that he who had been military tribune should
    no more become a centurion, i, 434;
   appointed part of them by the tribes and part by the consuls, 434.

 _Military tribunes with consular power_, i, 327;
   inferior to the consuls, 329;
   their number changes, 330;
   their election seems to have passed from the centuries to the tribes,
      331, 347, 416;
   were almost without any exception patricians, 401.

 _Milo_, general of Pyrrhus in Tarentum, i, 568;
   character, 570;
   sells Tarentum, 570,

 _Milo_, T. Annius, iii, 38, and _note_;
   insurrection, 65.

 _Mimes_, consisted very much of improvisation, iii, 129, 141.

 _Minerva_, her worship on the Capitol Etruscan, i, 148.

 _Minervina_, Constantine’s first wife, iii, 298.

 _Minority_ decides in the constitution of Servius Tullius, i, 183.

 _Minturnæ_, Roman fortress, i, 510.

 _Minucius_, consul, surrounded by the Æquians on the Algidus, i, 282.

 _Minucius_, magister equitum, defeated by Hannibal, ii, 97.

 _L. Minucius Augurinus_, præfectus annonæ, i, 337.

 _Misenum_, peace, iii, 105.

 _Misitheus_, præfectus prætorio of young Gordian, iii, 270;
   others call him Timesicles, or Timesitheus, 270, 271;
   father-in-law of Gordian, 271;
   is said to have owed his death to the arts of Philip, 271.

 _Mithridates_ of Pontus, gets Great Phrygia, ii, 268;
   by bribery, 268.

 _Mithridates_, king of Pontus, descent, ii, 360;
   his earlier history, 361;
   outbreak of the war with Rome, 363;
   conquers, 363;
   brought up in the Greek manner, 364;
   on his coins there is the sun and the moon, 364;
   received with rapture in Greece, 364;
   accepts the peace, 376;
   second war, 407;
   third war, 408; iii, 5;
   extent of his empire, iii, 1;
   overrated in history, 5;
   besieges Cyzicus, 6;
   flies to Tigranes, 7;
   breaks into Cappadocia, 8;
   conquered by Pompey, 10;
   his death, 11.

 _Mitylene_, free, ii, 151.

 _Mnaseas_, pupil of Aristarchus, i, 100.

 _Modena_, probably fortified after the battle of Clastidium, afterwards
    lost again, ii, 57;
   Roman colony, 165;
   must have been of very great extent, iii, 89;
   war of Mutina, 89.

 _Mœsia_, war of Crassus, iii, 151.

 _Möser_, Justus, i, 175;
   his remark concerning the ancient Germans, iii, 154.

 _Mohammed_, an inspired enthusiast, or a crafty impostor, ii, 123.

 _Mohocks_, in the times of Queen Anne, i, 281.

 MOLES HADRIANI, iii, 235;
   the tower still existed in the middle ages, 235.

 _Molossians_, their empire first rising from insignificance in the
    Peloponnesian war, i, 552;
   their princely race branches into two lines, that of Arymbas and that
      of Neoptolemus, 552.

 _Mons sacer_, i, 236.

 _Montbeliard_, in its neighbourhood there are magnificent ruins of a
    place, iii, 203.

 _Monte Sasso di Castro_, i, 414, _note_.

 _Monte Testaccio_, iii, 330.

 _Montesquieu, sur les causes_, &c., a masterly work, i, 71, 186, 251;
   mistaken with regard of the struggle of the _optimates_ and the
      _equites_, ii, 341.

 _Moors_, disturbances under Hadrian, iii, 229;
   under Antoninus Pius, 236;
   invade Spain under M. Antoninus, 268;
   have never been quite subject to Roman rule, 268.

 _Moreau_, was general of division already in his first campaign, iii,
    30.

 _Morelli_, abbate, i, 64, 279.

 _Morgetians_ of the same stock as the Pelasgians, i, 116.

 _Mortgage_, the Roman law of mortgage borrowed from the Athenian, i,
    229.

 _Mosaic_, its rise, iii, 275;
   peculiar to the West, 327.

 _Mosheim_, iii, 126.

 _Motye_, conquered by Dionysius, i, 575;
   Carthaginian, ii, 4;
   Phœnician settlement, 4;
   destroyed, 4.

 _Movement_, trochaic or iambic, of native use among the Romans, ii,
    198.

 _Mucianus_, Licinius, in Parthia, against Vitellius, iii, 198;
   of noble birth, 200;
   character, 200.

 _Mucias Scævola_, i, 211;
   the Mucii Scævola plebeians, 211;
   Mucius was, in the old poems, certainly called only C. Mucius, 211.

 _P. Mucius_, a tribune, causes his nine colleagues to be burnt alive,
    i, 294;
   criticism on this statement, 294, 325.

 _P. Mucius Scævola_, consul, ii, 279;
   called upon by Scipio Nasica to take strong measures, 286;
   a great lawyer, iii, 16.

 _Q. Mucius Scævola_, in great danger of being condemned guiltless, ii,
    342;
   pontifex maximus, murdered, 381.

 _Von Müller_, Johannes, i, 165, 214.

 _Mulcta_, regulations concerning its amount, i, 339.

 _Mummius_, _novus homo_, ii, 255;
   takes Corinth, 255.

 _Mummius_, tribune of the people, ii, 285.

 _Munatia Plancina_, daughter of Munatius Plancus, wife of Piso, iii,
    172.

 _Munatius Plancus_, iii, 37;
   in Gaul, 87;
   a native of Tiber, a man of distinguished intellect, a Cæsarian, 107;
   a flatterer, 117;
   a skilful orator, 130.

 _Municipia_, i, 449.

 _Murcia_, dependent on Carthage, ii, 5.

 _L. Murena_, general against Mithridates, ii, 407.

 _Mursa_, the present Essek in Slavonia, iii, 306.

 _Musicians_, i, 177.

 _Mutina._ See Modena.

 _Mutines_, a Numidian Captain, treacherously goes over to the Romans,
    ii, 119.

 _Mylæ_ (Milazzo), naval victory of Duilius, ii, 15;
   battle, iii, 109.

 _Myonnesus_, sea fight, ii, 175.

 _Mysia_, in the possession of Eumenes, ii, 183.

 _Mysians_, push forward after the destruction of Troy to the coast of
    Asia Minor, i, 144.


                                   N

 _Nabis_, tyrant of Lacedæmon, ii, 151;
   peace with Rome, 163;
   slain in a riot, 163.

 _Cn. Nævius_, his _bellum Punicum_ in Saturnian rhythm, i, 16; ii, 196;
   the year in which he first brought out a play undecided, i, 16;
   libellous verses against the Metelli, 17;
   cannot have died in Utica, 18;
   Varro places his death at a later period than others did, 18;
   gives the legend of the Troian settlement, 105;
   has himself served in the first Punic war, ii, 21;
   has written tragedies and comedies, 196;
   an eminent poet, 196.

 _Names_, too great a stress should not be laid on their resemblance, i,
    99;
   those ending in _-ing_ and _-ung_, names of dynasties, iii, 280.

 _Naples_, saying of Prince Canosa, ii, 298;
   butchery of 1799, 306;
   the dregs of the populace armed in 1799, 386.

 _Napoleon_, negotiation between him and Fox in the year 1806, i, 565;
   twenty-seven or twenty-eight years of age when he undertook the
      Italian campaign, ii, 64;
   battle of Marengo, 84;
   his plight after the battle of Borodino, 106;
   in the Russian campaign the Italian troops suffered less than the
      northern nations did, 330;
   falls into the hands of an Austrian patrol, iii, 47;
   his opinion of Tiberius, 174;
   knew Roman military history very well, 174;
   sometimes sick of war, 220;
   charge of cowardice unfounded, deficient in moral courage, 294;
   should have died at Waterloo, 294.

 _Narbo_ acquires the Roman franchise by the lex Julia, ii, 354;
   _colonia civium Romanorum_, 354.

 _Narcissus_, iii, 183.

 _Narni_, conf., Nequinum.

 _Nasidienus_ in Horace, means Salvidienus, iii, 135.

 _Nasos_, of Syracuse, ii, 117.

 _National Convention_, iii, 173.

 _Naupactus_, siege, ii, 174.

 _Navius._ See Attus.

 _Navigation laws_, first traces of them among the Romans, ii, 45.

 _Neapolis_, founded, i, 470;
   of Chalcidian origin, 470;
   situation, 471;
   receives Samnite auxiliaries, 472;
   betrayed to the Romans, 473;
   obtains a favourable alliance, 473.

 _Neapolis_, suburb of Syracuse, ii, 117.

 _Nebrodian_ mountains, ii, 8.

 NEGOTIATORES, bankers, i, 515;
   bloodsuckers in the provinces, ii, 297.

 _Nemesian_, poem on the chase, iii, 292.

 _Nemi_, its lake higher than that of Alba, i, 359;
   aqueduct made by Augustus, iii, 149.

 _Neniæ_, i, 91;
   two of them still preserved in the tombs of the Scipios, 91.

 _Neodamodes_ in Sparta, ii, 22.

 _Neoptolemus_, prince of the Molossians, father of Olympias, i, 552.

 _Nepet._ See Sutrium.

 _Nepheris_, ii, 237.

 _Nepos_, Julius, emperor, iii, 346.

 _Nequinum_, Latin colony under the name of Narnia, i, 509, 524.

 _Nero_, emperor, in his time the style of architecture first changed,
    iii, 148;
   son of Agrippina by her first marriage, 183;
   adopted by Claudius, 183, 184;
   mannerism of his writing, 186;
   emperor, 188;
   his parents, 188;
   pupil of Seneca and Burrhus, 189;
   his profligacy, 189;
   uncertain whether he set Rome on fire, 190;
   builds the golden palace, 190;
   seems to have been insane, 192;
   strolls about Greek towns, 192;
   kills himself, 194.

 _Nero_, C. Claudius, sent to Spain, ii, 122;
   opposes Hannibal, 126;
   his bold expedition against Hasdrubal before Sena Gallica, 126.

 _Nero_, Ti. Claudius, husband of Livia, tries to get up an insurrection
    in favour of the proscribed, iii, 99, 102;
   compelled by Augustus to give up to him Livia, 142;
   quæstor with Cæsar, 156;
   flies to Naples, 156.

 _Nerva_, M. Cocceius, his history imperfectly known, iii, 214;
   character of his government, 215;
   adopts Trajan, 215;
   dies, 217.

 _Nervians_, seems to have had no serfs, iii, 44.

 _Nestor_, Russian chronicle of the eleventh century, i, 14.

 _Netherlands_, their growing prosperity at the time of the thirty
    years’ war, i, 459;
   horrors of year 1576, 577;
   constitution, ii, 248.

 _New-Platonism_, iii, 293, 310.

 _Newton_, Sir I., assigns seventeen years as an average to each king,
    i, 83.

 _Nexum_ and _Nexus_ i, 230;
   done away with, 522.

 _Niall_, the Great of Ireland, fabulous tales concerning him, i, 86.

 _Nibelungen_, existing only in the form in which the poem was composed
    in the thirteenth century, i, 13;
   interpreted as an historical war of the Burgundians, 29;
   historical characters appear in it, but nothing of the whole poem
      belongs to history, 85;
   it cannot be chronologically placed anywhere, 214;
   originally Gothic, iii, 317.

 _Nice_, council, iii, 303.

 _Nicomedes_, king of Bithynia, ii, 181.

 _Nicomedes_, son of Prusias, hostage in Rome, ii, 221;
   his territory enlarged, 267.

 _Nicomedes_, king of Bithynia, ii, 362;
   leaves his kingdom to the Romans, iii, 1.

 _Nicomedia_, destroyed by the Goths, iii, 278;
   residence of Diocletian, 296.

 _Nicopolis_, besieged by the Goths, relieved by Decius, iii, 278.

 _Niebuhr_, B. G., his attention directed to Roman history by political
    affairs, i, 74;
   relied too much on Varro’s authority, wherefore he arrived only late
      at clear views, 103, _note_;
   searches for the old churches in Rome, 122, _note_;
   deemed at first Rome to be an Etruscan colony, 148;
   first led to critical researches on Roman history by the _jus
      agrarium_, 250;
   his researches on Roman topography arisen from the discovery of the
      spot of the Curia Hostilia, 270, _note_;
   retracts his opinion, first expressed in the first edition of his
      Roman history, that three envoys had been sent to Athens to
      collect the Greek laws, 295;
   understands the first Punic wars from the campaign of the English in
      1812, ii, 9;
   takes much trouble to become acquainted with farming in Italy, 273;
   makes out the place on the Palatine where Cicero’s house stood, iii,
      36;
   puts up Cæsar’s Commentaries as subjects for a prize essay, 40;
   intended to continue his Roman history down to the institution of the
      Feriæ Augustæ, 115;
   keeps the laurel from the grave of Virgil as a dear relic, 133;
   lived in Rome beside the theatre of Marcellus, 149;
   on Petronius, 276.

 _Niebuhr_, Carsten, meets in Arabia with positive news of the seven
    years’ war, i, 469;
   conf. d’Anville.

 _Night marches_, people always arrive later than is calculated, i, 568,

 _P. Nigidius Ficulus_, iii, 127.

 _Nisibis_, the ancient Zobah, iii, 8;
   border fortress of the Romans against Persia, 8.

 _Nissa_, on the borders of Bulgaria and Servia, battle, iii, 284.

 _Nizza_, taken, ii, 220.

 _Nobility_, ii, 268.

 _Nola_, Samnite colony, i, 426;
   hellenized, 472;
   conquered by the Romans, 496;
   taken by Papius Mutilus, ii, 355;
   destroyed, 406.

 NOLANUM BELLUM, ii, 365.

 NOMEN DARE, ABNUERE, i, 233.

 _Nomentans_, acquire the full right of Roman citizenship after the
    Latin war, i, 448.

 _A. Nonius_, elected tribune, murdered by the influence of Saturninus,
    ii, 336.

 _Nonius Asprenas_, iii, 158, 159.

 _Nonius Marcellus_, iii, 323.

 _Norba_, i, 344.

 _C. Norbanus Balbus_, consul, democrat, ii, 378;
   defeated by Sylla near Canusium and the Mount Tifata, 380.

 _Noricans_, i, 369;
   of Celtic descent, 370.

 _Normandy_, the excavations there betoken towns of great extent, iii,
    203.

 _Normans_, gain settlements in Neustria, ii, 181;
   devastations in the ninth and tenth centuries, iii, 280.

 _North America_, hardly any homebred population, i, 163;
   there are in the United States similar sentiments said to prevail as
      in Carthage, ii, 7.

 _Notarii_, see Scribæ.

 NOTA CENSORIA, i, 336.

 _Nubia_ becomes a Roman province under Trajan, iii, 221.

 _Nuceria_, yields itself up to the Romans, but afterwards falls off
    again, i, 479;
   reconquered by the Romans, 504;
   the story of the murder of the senate unauthenticated, ii, 65;
   conquered by Papius Mutilus, 355.

 _Nuremberg_, the guilds crushed, i, 168.

 _Numa Pompilius_, poetical account of him, i, 80;
   born on the day of the foundation of Rome, 84;
   first sæculum at Rome ends with his death, 84;
   belongs, as husband of Egeria, to the cycle of the Gods, 85;
   the account of his election merely a representation taken from the
      books of rituals, 123;
   compromises the dissension between the Romans and Sabines, 124;
   doubles the number of augurs and pontiffs, 124;
   all the spiritual law traced back to him, 156;
   imagined to have been a Pythagorean, a truly Sabine tradition, 489,
      _note_.

 _Numantia_, town of the Arevaci, ii, 260;
   situation, 260;
   the peace with Pompey not approved by Rome, 261;
   delivers up Mancinus out of regard for Ti. Gracchus, 262;
   destruction by Scipio, 263.

 _Numeri_, original meaning, i, 81.

 _Numerian_, son of Carus, well educated, but unwarlike, iii, 290.

 _Numerical systems_, two different ones in the Roman legends, i, 106.

 _Numidia_, united with the province of Africa, most of it an
    independent kingdom, ii, 321.

 _Numidians_, ruthless and reckless, ii, 66;
   excellent for foraging, reconnoitring, harassing the enemy, by no
      means fitted to stand the shock of the battle, 101;
   have an alphabet of their own, 310;
   extent of their kingdom, 310.

 _Numidian kings_ receive the Carthaginian library, ii, 310.

 _Numidian horsemen_, the Cossacks of the ancients, ii, 11.

 _Numitor_, prænomen, i, 112.

 NUMMI RESTITUTI of Trajan, i, 403.

 _Numonius Vala_, iii, 158.

 _Nundines_ are no more to be the same as court-days, i, 520.

 _Nursia_, Val di Norcia, constitution anterior to the French
    revolution, ii, 397;
   its inhabitants of the present day, 398;
   in Cicero’s times, 398.

 NURSINA DURITIES, ii, 397; iii, 200.

 _Nymphius_, i, 473.


                                   O

 _Obrecht_, one of the ornaments of Germany, i, 70.

 OBSESSIO, i, 354.

 OBTORTO COLLO, i, 267.

 _Oceanus_, statue on the Forum Martium, iii, 211.

 _Ocellus_, the Lucanian, has hardly written all the works attributed to
    him, i, 18.

 Ὄχλος, the mass of the poor, i, 169.

 _Octavia_, half-sister of Octavian, widow of Marcellus, marries Antony,
    iii, 104;
   divorce, 110;
   the most respectable of all the Roman matrons, 143.

 _C. Octavianus_, (conf. C. Octavius,), makes particular advances to
    Cicero, iii, 85;
   gets prætorian power, 88;
   the war of Mutina, 89;
   suspected of having caused the death of Hirtius and Pansa, 90;
   consul, 91;
   triumvirate, 91;
   battle of Philippi, 97;
   accused of not having taken the least share in the battle, 98;
   his cruelty after the war, 99;
   the Perusian war, 103;
   peace of Brundusium, 103;
   receives the West, 104;
   peace of Misenum, 105;
   war against S. Pompey, defeated near Taurominium, 108;
   his fleet, 111;
   battle of Actium, 111;
   to Egypt, 113;
   conf. Augustus.

 _C. Octavius_, grandson of the sister of Julius Cæsar, his heir _ex
    dodrante_, iii, 83;
   of the equestrian order, 84;
   his age, 84;
   sent to Apollonia, 84;
   from Velitræ, 147;
   conf. Octavian and Augustus.

 _C. Octavius_, C. F., a worthy man, dies early, iii, 83.

 _Cn. Octavius_, consul, colleague of Sylla, ii, 367, 368;
   opposes Cinna, 370;
   murdered, 373.

 _M. Octavius_, tribune of the people. friend of Ti. Gracchus, ii, 281;
   turns against Gracchus, 281;
   deposed 281.

 _M. Octavius_, Pompey’s best general, iii, 58, 59.

 _Octavius Mamilius_, son-in-law of Tarquinius Superbus, i, 210, 216,
    218.

 _Odenathus_, king of Palmyra, justly reckoned among the great men of
    the East, iii, 281;
   princeps Saracenorum, 281.

 _Odoachar_, iii, 347.

 _Œnomaus_, leader in the servile war, ii, 406.

 _Œnotrians_, earliest inhabitants of Southern Italy, i, 98.

 _Œnotria_ proper, the present Basilicata and Calabria, i, 143.

 _Ofella._ See Lucretius.

 _Ofellus_ in Horace, ii, 396; iii, 134.

 _Officers_, the class of officers one of the best things in the Roman
    military system, i, 434.

 _Olybrius_, emperor, iii, 345.

 _Olympiads_, the reckoning by them very late among the Greeks, i, 149.

 _Olympiëum_, iii, 230.

 _Olympus_, Mount, ii, 212.

 _Opicans_, crush the Siculians in Central Italy, i, 98;
   in Samnium and Campania, 98;
   held in great contempt by the Greeks, 489, note.

 _L. Opimius_, prætor, destroys Fregellæ, ii, 292;
   consul, 303;
   persecutes the partisans of C. Gracchus, 305;
   declares for Jugurtha, 311;
   condemned, 316.

 _Oppidum_, town wall, also a town surrounded by walls, i, 330, note.

 _C. Oppius_, author of the book, _de bello Africano_, iii, 40;
   Cæsar’s friend, 40.

 _Sp. Oppius_, decemvir, president of the senate, i, 307;
   becomes obnoxious, 308;
   dies in prison, 316.

 _Orbi_, _orbæque_, pay a tax for the equites, i, 351.

 _Orchomenes_, in the power of Philip, ii, 155.

 _Orchomenus_, in Arcadia, ii, 250.

 _Orders_ in Cologne, i, 161.

 ORDINANZA DELLA GIUSTIZIA in Florence, i, 542.

 _Orestians_, well inclined to the Romans, ii, 153;
   free, probably united with Thessaly, 163.

 _Orestes._ See Aurelius.

 _Orestes_, a patrician, iii, 346.

 _Oreus_, taken by the Romans, ii, 146.

 _Oricum_, situation, iii, 58.

 _Origen_, addresses letters to the emperor Philip, iii, 272.

 _Orkney_ islands, visited by Agricola, iii, 211.

 _Orleans_, besieged by Attila, relieved by Aëtius, iii, 340;
   conf. Genabum.

 _Oropians_, quarrel with the Athenians, ii, 249.

 _Orosius_ seems to have written from an abstract of Livy, but assigns
    dates which clash with him, i, 59;
   exaggerates, 553;
   an unadulterated source for the history of the Cimbri and Teutones,
      ii, 329.

 _Osca_, (Huesca,) town in Northern Spain, academy there, ii, 400.

 _Oscan_, histories of Italy, not written in the Oscan but in Greek, i,
    18;
   Oscan language distinguished from the Sabine by Varro, 99;
   Oscan language still existing in some monuments, 105;
   Oscan people receive isopolity, 572;
   Oscans in the service of Agathocles, 577.

 _Osroëne_, Persian vassal kingdom, iii, 253;
   Roman province, 258.

 _Ossaja_, the name does not refer to the battle of the Trasimene lake,
    but was formerly called Orsaria, ii, 91.

 _Ostia_, founded by Ancus, i, 132;
   holds out against the Gauls, 381;
   devastated, ii, 372;
   the harbour bad, iii, 73;
   filled with silt, 222.

 _Ostrogoths_, iii, 317;
   rush into the places left by the Visigoths, 318;
   in Illyricum, 329.

 _Otho_, M. Salvius, his person, iii, 195;
   proclaimed emperor, 196;
   war against Vitellius, 197;
   battle near Bedriacum, 197;
   puts an end to his life, 197;
   character, 197.

 _Otho_, emperor, makes a question rising out of the law of inheritance
    to be decided by an appeal to the judgment of God, i, 132.

 _Ottilienberg_ in Alsace, the heathen wall there evidently an Etruscan
    work, i, 146.

 _Ovid_, the greatest Roman poet after Catullus, iii, 139;
   influence of his age on him, 140.


                                   P

 _Pacuvius_, nephew of Ennius, composes only in imitation of Æschylus
    and Sophocles, ii, 199;
   tragic writer, 392.

 _Pacuvius_, tribune of the people, iii, 118.

 _Padua_, see Patavium.

 _Pæstum_, Roman colony, ii, 106;
   conf. Posidonia.

 _Pætus_, Thrasea, iii, 190.

 _Paganism_, the attempt of Julian to revive it a downright absurdity,
    iii, 310.

 PAGI, subdivision of the tribes in the country, i, 174.

 _Paix_ of Fexhe, i, 243.

 _Palæopolis_, a Cuman colony, i, 470;
   its situation, 471;
   receives Samnite auxiliaries, 472;
   betrayed by Rome, disappears from the face of the earth, 473.

 _Palazzo Savelli_, iii, 149.

 _Palatine_ and Aventine hostile to each other, i, 113;
   Palatine, seat of the noblest patrician tribe, 115.

 _Palestrina_, see Præneste.

 _Pallas_, iii, 183.

 _Palmerius_, see Paulmier.

 _Palmyra_, makes head against Sapor, iii, 281;
   the empire acknowledged by Gallienus, 282;
   its extent, 283;
   protects the eastern frontier, 284;
   destroyed, 286.

 _Pamphylia_, whether, after the peace of Antiochus with the Romans, it
    remained under the rule of Antiochus, uncertain, ii, 180;
   Roman, iii, 3.

 _Panætius_, ii, 238.

 _Panegyrists_, iii, 324.

 _Pangæus_, gold mines, iii, 97.

 _Pannonia_, subjected, iii, 151.

 _Pannonians_, of Liburnian race, called by the Greeks Pæonians, had a
    language of their own, iii, 151;
   revolt, 155;
   had Roman manner, 155.

 _Panormus_, (Palermo,) Carthaginian, ii, 4;
   taken by the Romans, 27;
   a thoroughly Greek city, 29;
   Roman, 116.

 _Pansa_, a generous and wise man, iii, 80;
   a commonplace soldier, 85;
   consul, 87;
   the war of Mutina, 89;
   wounded, 89.

 _Pantheon_ of Agrippa, the finest relic of ancient Rome, iii, 144, 148.

 _Panvinius_, Onuphrius, elucidates the Roman antiquities, i, 68;
   weak in Greek literature, 68.

 _Paphlagonia_, ii, 376.

 _Papinian_, murdered by Caracalla, iii, 263;
   a great jurist, 275;
   excellent with regard to language, 275.

 _Papirius_, see Carbo.

 _L. Papirius_, a written law attributed to him, i, 5.

 _L. Papirius Cursor_, dictator, character, i, 482;
   consul, 493;
   appointed dictator by the consul Fabius, 501;
   defeats the Samnites, 501.

 _L. Papirius_, the younger, completes the reduction of the Samnites, i,
    569;
   takes Tarentum, 570.

 _Papius Brutulus_, the life and soul of the Samnite campaign, i, 485;
   makes away with his own life, 486;
   the Samnites send his corpse to Rome, 486.

 _C. Papius Mutilus_, a Sabine, consul in the Italian state, ii, 353,
    355;
   coins existing with his likeness, 354.

 _Papus_, see Æmilius.

 _Parætonium_ in Libya, iii, 113.

 _Parentationes_, see Laudationes.

 _Parma_, colony founded, ii, 165.

 _Paros_, Athenian, ii, 164.

 _Parthamasiris_, king of Armenia, pays homage to Trajan, iii, 219.

 _Parthamaspates_, made king of the Parthians by Trajan, iii, 220.

 _Parthians_, foundation of their empire, ii, 222;
   spread, 267; iii, 2;
   are not without Greek learning, ii, 310;
   war against them, iii, 105;
   commanded by Labienus, driven back by Ventidius, 107;
   hostages of theirs among the Romans, 161;
   expel a king given to them by Tiberius, 171;
   war against them in Nero’s times, 191;
   Trajan’s war against them, 219;
   deserve but little our esteem, 220;
   hostilities under Antoninus Pius, 236;
   burst into Armenia, 240;
   peace, 241;
   had excellent cavalry, 244;
   defeated by Avidius Cassius, 244;
   war of Septimius Severus, 253;
   of Caracalla, 259;
   downfall of the Parthian dynasty, 263;
   their light cavalry seldom spoken of in later times, 263;
   vanish, 264;
   the downfall of their empire commemorated by a bas relief and an
      inscription, 264.

 _Pasion_ in Athens, i, 227.

 _Patavium_, (Padua,) capital of the Venetians, ii, 56;
   destroyed by the Huns, iii, 341.

 _Patres_, synonymous with the patricians, i, 224, _note_;
   ambiguous use of the word, 330.

 PATRES CONSCRIPTI, i, 104.

 _Patricians_ are in the centuries, i, 174;
   do not belong to the classes, i, 183;
   were tenants _in capite_, not freeholders, 183;
   forbidden by Servius Tullius to dwell on the Esquiline, 193;
   their money trade, 227;
   cannot have possessed such immense moneyed resources, 227;
   had different civil rights from the plebeians, 227;
   in cases of difficulty their clients or kinsmen had to step in, 231;
   their proceedings, 236;
   _usurpatores agri publici_, 255;
   origin of this matter, 255;
   go over to the plebes, 315;
   in the tribes since the time of the second censors, 315;
   connubium with the plebeians sanctioned by law, 326;
   _coëunt ad interregem prodendum_, 340;
   the appeal from the dictator to the curies open to them, 484;
   relations to the plebeians in the fifth century of the city, 512;
   in the times of Dionysius there are not more than fifty patrician
      families left, ii, 268;
   their number increased by Julius Cæsar, iii, 75.

 _Patrician falsifications_ of history, i, 287.

 _Patriots_, the so called, in the times of George I. and II., intrigue
    and secretly correspond with the Pretender, i, 63.

 _Paul_, Vincent de, iii, 24.

 _Paullus_, not to be spoken of in the same breath with Papinian and
    Ulpian, iii, 275.

 _Paullus_, see Æmilius.

 _Paulmier_ de Grentemesnil, (Palmerius,) his criticism on the end of
    Regulus, ii, 25.

 _St. Paul_, church of, built by Ricimer, iii, 347.

 _Pausanias_ writes in the days of the Antonines, very useful and
    important, iii, 235.

 _Pavia_, was not Etruscan, i, 147.

 _Pax Augusta_, (Badajoz,) founded, iii, 150.

 _Pax Julia_, (Beja,) iii, 150.

 _Pay_ of the soldiers raised by Cæsar and Augustus, iii, 126;
   by Domitian, 210.

 _Peace_ of the patricians and plebeians, i, 238.

 _Peasants_, their landed property could not pass to the noblemen, i,
    171.

 _Peasants’ wars_ in Gaul, iii, 332.

 _Pecuniary embarrassments_ of the plebeians only to be understood of
    the mortgages which encumbered the landowners, i, 169.

 _Q. Pedius_, iii, 91.

 _Pelasgians_, dwell from Italy to Asia Minor, i, 96;
   on the other hand as far as Liguria, Sardinia, and Corsica, 97;
   vanish in the age of history, 97;
   their migration, 98;
   settle at the mouth of the Po at Spina, from whence they cross to
      Etruria, 142;
   their old abodes, 418.

 _Pelasgus_, son of Palæchthon, rules in Argos, i, 143.

 _Pelignians_, from Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
   faithful to the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109;
   revolt against Rome in the Social war, 352;
   make a separate peace with Rome, 357.

 _Pella_, destroyed, ii, 247.

 _Pella_, the real centre of the Jewish-Christians, ii, 272.

 _Pennus_, M. Junius, tribune of the people, his decree concerning the
    allies, ii, 290.

 _Pentalides_ in Mitylene, i, 281.

 _Pentameter_, the Roman poets have peculiarities in its construction,
    iii, 129.

 _Penteconters_, manned with fifty men, open, ii, 12, and note.

 _Pentrians_, i, 419;
   carry on the Marsian war, ii, 358.

 PEREGRINI, may be received in the gentes, i, 160.

 PEREGRINITAS, abolished, iii, 258.

 _M. Perennis_, præfect under Commodus, iii, 247;
   death, 248.

 _Perinthus_, acquired by Syria, ii, 148.

 _Peripatetics_, fallen to nothing in the times of the emperors, iii,
    239.

 _Perizonius_, Jacob, historical criticism, i, 3;
   his _animadversiones historicæ_, a thoroughly classical work, 71;
   a real genius for history, 71;
   conf. 88, 111, 263, 282.

 _M. Peperna_, defeats Aristonicus, ii, 267.

 _M. Peperna_, an Italian, becomes consul and censor, ii, 343, and note.

 _M. Peperna_, lieutenant of M. Lepidus, ii, 397;
   conspires against Sertorius, 403;
   conquered by Pompey, 404.

 _Perrhæbia_, detached from Thessaly, ii, 163.

 _Persepolis_, iii, 264.

 _Persians_, insurrection against the Parthians, iii, 264;
   Tadjicks (inhabitants of towns) of the Iran race, 264;
   their later worship very different from the former one, 264;
   war of Gordian, 271;
   peace, 271;
   burst into the Roman empire, 279;
   defeat Valerian, and overrun Asia Minor and Syria, 280;
   their relations with their eastern neighbours hidden from us, 281;
   peace with Rome, 286;
   war with Carus, 290;
   campaign of Galerius, 296;
   wars of Constantius, 305, 306;
   war of Julian, 312;
   peace, 315.

 _Perseus_, son of Philip, ii, 205;
   maddened against the Romans, 205;
   character, 206;
   wins the hearts of the Greeks, 206;
   marries the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes, 207;
   war with Rome, 208;
   defeats Crassus, 208;
   allows himself to be taken in by Marcius Philippus, 210;
   successful in the second and third years of the war, 210;
   battle of Pydna, 213;
   flies, 214;
   made prisoner, 214;
   declension of his name, 215, note;
   a prisoner at Alba on the Lake Fucinus, 245;
   his son becomes a clerk at Alba, 245.

 _Persian_ families, seven noble, ii, 360.

 PERSONA, in its legal meaning, i, 227.

 _Pertinax_, Helvius, distinguished in the administration, iii, 247;
   emperor, 249;
   murdered, 249;
   not of noble birth, 266.

 _Perusia_, (Perugia,) concludes a peace with Rome, i, 509;
   breaks it, 526;
   fate of the town, iii, 103;
   rebuilt as a Julian military colony under the name of Perusia
      Augusta, 103.

 _Perusian war_, iii, 103.

 _Peruvians_, their name transferred upon the Spaniards, i, 143.

 _Pescennius Niger_ in the East, iii, 246;
   proclaimed emperor, 250;
   defeated near Issus by Septimius Severus, 253.

 _Pestilence_, in the Volscian war, i, 276;
   after the Samnite wars, 536.
   See _Plague_.

 _Petelia_, i, 479;
   the only place which remained faithful to the Romans after the battle
      of Cannæ, ii, 109;
   destroyed by the Carthaginians, and the other Lucanians, 109.

 _Peteline grove_, i, 395, 435.

 _Petilia_, battle, ii, 406.

 _Petrarch_, read the war of Hannibal in Livy, and also Cæsar’s
    Commentaries with passionate fondness, i, 67;
   felt for the old Romans as an old Roman himself would have done, 79;
      iii, 94.

 _M. Petreius_, against Catiline, iii, 24;
   general of Pompey in Spain, 54;
   defeated near Lerida, 56;
   in Africa, 66;
   his death, 67.

 _Petronius Arbiter_, witty but profligate, lived in the reign of
    Alexander Severus and Gordian, iii, 276;
   the greatest poetical genius of Rome since the days of Augustus, 276.

 _Petronius Maximus_, emperor, iii, 342.

 _Peucetians_ i, 98.

 Φαίσολα in Polybius, must have been situated in the neighbourhood of
    Aquapendente, ii, 54.

 _Phalanx_, its meaning explained, i, 176;
   was not one compact mass, but advanced by smaller divisions, 569,
      note.

 _Phameas._ See Himilco.

 _Pharnaces_, son of Mithridates, iii, 11;
   peace with Pompey, 11;
   mixes himself up with the civil wars, 11, 65.

 _Pharsalus_, battle, iii, 60.

 _Pherecydes_, the philosopher, ii, 390.

 _Philemon_, poet, legend of him, ii, 48, note.

 _Philinus_ of Agrigentum wrote the first history of the first Punic
    war, highly exasperated against the Romans, i, 19;
   always represents the Carthaginians as generous, ii, 37.

 _Philip II._ of Spain, ii, 390;
   plots in his family, iii, 167.

 _Philip_, son of Amyntas, had crossed the Hellespont even before
    Alexander, ii, 176.

 _Philip III._ of Macedon negotiates with Hannibal, ii, 111;
   we read the treaty in Polybius, 143;
   war with the Romans, 144;
   his character, 144;
   overcomes the Asintanians and Ardyæans, 146;
   invades Ætolia, 147;
   peace, 147;
   peace with the Romans, 147;
   allies himself with Antiochus the Great against Ptolemy Epiphanes,
      147;
   conquers the whole of the Thracian coast, 148;
   applied to by Crete for his mediation, 148;
   second war with Rome, 150;
   defeated by Flaminius near the _fauces Antigoneæ_, 155;
   flies, 155;
   keeps Orchomenus, without asking leave of the Achæans, 155;
   defeated near Cynoscephalæ, 160;
   concludes peace with the Romans, 161;
   a pretender opposed to him by Antiochus, 169;
   seizes the fortress of Demetrias, 172;
   must have had a secret treaty with the Romans, 172;
   union with Rome, 173;
   besieges Lamia, 174;
   left in the lurch by the Romans, 174;
   reduces the Athamanians and Dolopians, 174;
   supports Scipio, and receives for his reward the towns on the
      Thracian coast, 177;
   extent of his empire, 203;
   his death, 205.

 _Philip_, M. Julius, emperor, præfectus prætorio under Gordian, murders
    him, iii, 207;
   from Bostra in Arabia Petræa, 207;
   called an Arabian, 207;
   peace with the Persians, 207;
   is assumed to have been a Christian, 207;
   his coins bear heathen emblems, 272;
   tradition of his having done penance, 272;
   rebellion in Pannonia, 272;
   is killed in a fight near Verona, 273.

 _Philippi_, battle, iii, 96.

 _Philippus_, consul, enemy of Livius Drusus, ii, 348;
   ὅρκος Φιλίππου, 348;
   plot to murder him, 351.

 _Philippus_, Q. Marcius, Roman general against Perseus, ii, 210;
   crosses Olympus, 210.

 _Philocles_, Macedonian governor of Corinth, takes Argos, ii, 156.

 _Philology_, blighted in Germany by the Thirty Years’ war, i, 70;
   grammatical, 73.

 _Philopœmen_, ii, 156, 162, 209;
   his hatred against Sparta, 248.

 Φιλοστοργία, iii, 26.

 _Phintias_, prince of Agrigentum, i, 576.

 _Phlius_, Achæan, ii, 151.

 _Phocæa_, free, ii, 183.

 _Phocæans_, beaten by the Agyllæans and the Carthaginians in Corsica,
    i, 147.

 _Phocis_, during the war of Hannibal, well-affected to Hannibal, ii,
    145;
   dependent on Macedon, 151;
   a separate state, 163, 256.

 _Phœnicians_ had settlements on Cyprus, ii, 1;
   may have frequently emigrated under the Persian to Carthage, 3;
   subjected by Pompey, iii, 11;
   did not fetch their tin from India, 45.

 _Phœnician_ chronicles known to the Romans, after the destruction of
    Carthage presented to the Numidian kings, ii, 1.

 _Phraata_, town in Media, iii, 108.

 _Phraortes_, king of the Parthians, iii, 108.

 Φράτραι, i, 161.

 _Phrygia_, on the Hellespont, and Great Phrygia (afterwards made one
    under the kingdom of Asia) falls to Eumenes, ii, 183, 377.

 _Phthiotis_, for the greater part Ætolian, ii, 151, 163.

 _Phthiriasis_, ii, 390.

 _Piali_, Stefano, iii, 148.

 _Picenians_, from Sabine stock, i, 120.

 _Picentians_, i, 418;
   acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, 571;
   faithful to the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109.

 _Picenum_, the commotion in the Social war fiercest there, ii, 351;
   revolt against Rome, 352;
   had to suffer most grievously, 356.

 _Pictor_, mentioned in Cicero as a Latin annalist, i, 21;
   _de jure pontificio_ in Macrobius, 21.

 _Picts_, of Cimbrian stock, ii, 322.

 _St. Pierre_, Bernardin de, iii, 186.

 _Pighius_, Steph., historical criticism, i, 3;
   his annals a chimerical undertaking, 69.

 PILANI in the Roman army, ii, 326.

 _Pillars_, colossal pillars, formerly thought to have been portions of
    the temple of Jupiter Stator, belong to the Curia Julia, iii, 148.

 _Pilum_, its practice not easy to learn, ii, 92.

 _Pindar_ sings the achievements of Gelon and Theron, ii, 3.

 _Pinnes_, son of Agron, ii, 47.

 _Pinnes_, leader of the Pannonians, iii, 155;
   treacherously given up to the Romans, 156.

 _Pirates_, iii, 8;
   encouraged by Mithridates to make prizes, 9;
   land at Ostia, 9;
   reduced by Pompey, 9.

 _Pisa_, the valley there was at one time a great marsh, ii, 53;
   is now inhabited only in the centre, 108.

 _Pisidia_, Roman, iii, 3.

 _Piso_, C. Calpurnius, conspiracy under Nero, iii, 192.

 _Piso_, Cn. Calpurnius, his conduct to Germanicus, iii, 172;
   will not give up Syria, 172.

 _Piso_, L. Calpurnius, author of a work De continentia veterum
    poëtarum, i, 25;
   doubts on it, 25.

 _Piso_, L. Calpurnius, Frugi Censorius tries to bring consistency into
    the earliest history, i, 29;
   historicises the birth of Romulus, 81; ii, 121.

 _Piso_, L. Calpurnius, consul, ii, 237.

 _Piso_, L. Calpurnius, consul, ἀλιτήριος, iii, 35;
   buys the province of Macedonia from Clodius, 35;
   Cæsar’s father-in-law 82;
   not among his heirs, 83.

 _Piso_, L. Calpurnius, _præfectus urbi_, iii, 123.

 _Piso_, L. Calpurnius adopted by Galba, iii, 195.

 _Pitt_, after the loss of America, with redoubled courage undertakes
    the task of infusing new strength into his country, ii, 58.

 _Placentia_, Roman colony, ii, 57, 75;
   destroyed by the Boians, 164;
   colony or municipium, 385.

 _Placidia_, sister of Honorius, married to Adolphus, iii, 334;
   flies to Constantinople, 335.

 _Plague_ in the Peloponnesian war, i, 176; iii, 241;
   in Greece at the time of Antigonus Gonatas, i, 536; iii, 241;
   epoch in literature owing to it, 241;
   not in Africa, 246;
   its intensity, 246, 284;
   ceases, 289.

 _Plancius_, quæstor, his conduct to Cicero when outlawed, iii, 36.

 _Plania_, mistress of Tibullus, iii, 137.

 _Platen_, count, his metrical art, ii, 198; iii, 24;
   the tomb in Busento, 334.

 _Plato_, his letters old but not genuine, i, 576;
   attached to the uncle of his mother, iii, 29;
   his Phædon does not give the faith of immortality, 69.

 _Platonists_ had sunk into thaumaturgi and theurgi, iii, 239.

 _Plautus_ and _Terence_, in their iambic and trochaic verses, observed
    the rhythmical measure only, and not the quantity, i, 90;
   P. is one of the greatest poetical geniuses of ancient times, ii,
      196;
   his irony, 196;
   very poor, 197;
   his metres by no means Greek, 197.

 _Plebeians_, in the tribes, i, 174;
   constitute a fourth order, 190;
   oppressed by the patricians, 225;
   had different civil rights from patricians, 227;
   were no rabble, 234;
   in possession of the Capitol, conquerors, after the downfall of the
      decemvirs, 312;
   connubium with the patricians, 326;
   may become military tribunes, but the election always foiled, 330;
   have a share in the senate, 334;
   in the consulship, 397; ii, 269;
   curule ædiles, i, 405;
   prætors, 454;
   add to their names those of their fathers and grandfathers, 513;
   their distinguishing character is that of being landowners, 513.

 _Plebs sincera_, 516;
   sedition, 540;
   two plebeians for the first time censors together, ii, 268.

 _Plebeian forgeries_ of history, i, 226.

 _Plebeity_, the notion of it changed, ii, 97.

 _Plebes_, its origin, i, 133;
   does not by any means consist of the poorest classes of the people,
      169;
   existed even before the reign of Ancus, 173;
   _sciscit_, 269;
   assembles in the forum, afterwards in the Area Capitolina, 269; ii,
      285;
   votes _tabellis_, i, 269;
   plebs urbana distinguished from the tribes, ii, 295.

 PLEBISCITA, rules at pleasure, i, 241;
   had not at first any authority over the whole community, 241;
   the spelling, _plebisscita_, incorrect, 270, note;
   acquire general validity, 320;
   _ut omnes Quirites tenerent_, 447;
   there is no longer any mention made of them under Augustus, iii, 118.

 PLEBISCITUM CANULEIUM, i, 326;
   that a tribune could be elected two years running, ii, 293.

 _Pleias_, Alexandrine tragedy, iii, 138.

 _Pleminius_, his cruelty against Locri, i, 445.

 _Pleuron_ in Ætolia has isopolity with the Achæans, ii, 250.

 _Pliny_, the elder, mentions Licinius among his sources, i, 33;
   his excerpta little weighed by him, 98;
   has seen the treaty of Porsena, 212.

 _Pliny_, the younger, mentioned along with Tacitus, iii, 226;
   vain, 226;
   his letters most instructive, 226;
   striking likeness to the Parisian writers of the eighteenth century,
      226.

 _Plotina_, wife of Trajan, an excellent woman, iii, 217;
   has perhaps only spread the report of Hadrian’s adoption, 221.

 _Plutarch_, made, like Montaigne, for quiet and cheerful contemplation,
    i, 59;
   his lives most delightful reading, 59;
   no critic, 59;
   follows at one time one authority and at another time another, 60;
   understood little Latin, 60;
   conf. 175;
   had a keen perception of individual character, ii, 191;
   wrote the life of the Gracchi without any knowledge of the state of
      affairs, 271;
   very detailed on the Cimbric war, 329;
   has made use of Sylla’s memoirs, 367;
   his life of Cæsar is ἀκέφαλοι, iii, 29;
   life of Antony, 108;
   the only writer of eminence since Polybius from old Greece, 142;
   his defects, 228;
   character, 228.

 _Plutei_, i, 354.

 _Poetical traditions_, source of the early Roman history, i, 12.

 _Poggius_, the letters to him most affecting, i, 67.

 _Police_ in Rome, iii, 122.

 Πόλις, its original meaning, i, 166.

 Πολῖται, i, 166.

 Πολιτεία, union of the clans and the community, i, 166.

 _Political views_ hereditary in certain families, i, 401.

 _Political delinquencies_, for many of them no penalty fixed, i, 318.

 _Politorians_, i, 171.

 _Pollentia_, in Montferrat, battle, iii, 330.

 _Pollnumber_, the ancients never voted according to accidental
    pollnumber, i, 421, and note.

 _Polyaratus_, ii, 219.

 _Polybius_, i, 36, 133;
   a very good officer, 530;
   does not mention the first misunderstanding between Rome and
      Carthage, 574;
   his list of the Roman reserve in the war with the Cisalpine Gauls
      wrongly written, ii, 52;
   has made use of a brass tablet of Hannibal in the temple of Juno
      Lacinia, 62;
   his work leaves nothing to desire, 62;
   his account of the battle of Cannæ, 63;
   two editions of his work, 69;
   acquitted of the charge of partiality for the Romans, 71;
   his clear exposition of the state of political affairs, 209;
   taken to Rome, 217;
   the second edition added the war against Corinth and the third Punic,
      besides an introduction, 220;
   tutor of Scipio, 238;
   obtains fair conditions for his countrymen, 256;
   his share in framing the constitution of Achaia, 256.

 _Polybus_, or Polybius, very likely not as contemptible as he is
    generally represented, iii, 183.

 _Pomerania_, extinction of the Vandal (Wendish) language, i, 145.

 _Pometia_, i, 222, 223.

 _Pomœrium_ of Romulus, i, 187.

 POMPÆ, in connexion with the prætextatæ, ii, 195.

 _Pompædius_, (Poppædius,) Silo, consul in the Italian state, ii, 353.

 _Pompeia_, wife of Julius Cæsar, iii, 27.

 _Pompeii_, conquered by Papius Mutilus, ii, 355;
   the so-called barracks there a _ludus gladiatorius_, 405;
   destruction, iii, 209.

 _Pompeian_ race, iii, 109.

 _Cn. Pompeius Magnus_, (Pompey,) in Picenum, ii, 380;
   character, 401;
   held in particular esteem by Sylla, 402;
   against Sertorius, 402;
   ends the war, 403;
   consul, 404;
   reconciled with Crassus, 404;
   restores the tribuneship, iii, 5;
   war against the pirates, 9;
   against Mithridates, 10;
   had Mithridates buried with kingly pomp, 11;
   against Tigranes, 11;
   goes to Egypt, 11;
   dismisses his army, 11;
   his surname of Magnus conferred on him by Sylla, 12;
   his indifference to Cicero, 25;
   sets on Clodius against Cicero, 28;
   falls out with Clodius and friend with Cicero, 37;
   consul for the second time, 37;
   his laws, 37;
   congress at Lucca, 39;
   marries Cæsar’s daughter, 39;
   dangerously ill, 51;
   receives the command in Italy, 52;
   goes to Brundusium, 54;
   tyranny of the Pompeians, 55;
   betakes himself to Illyricum, 55;
   defeats Cæsar near Dyrrachium, 59;
   battle of Pharsalus, 60;
   flies, 62;
   goes to Egypt, 62;
   murdered, 63;
   his statue, 63.

 _Cn. Pompeius_, Cn. F., a by far more able general than his father,
    iii, 70;
   cut down, 71.

 _Cn._ and _Sex. Pompeius_ in Spain, iii, 70;
   battle of Munda, 70.

 _Cn. Pompeius Strabo_, father of Magnus, prætor with proconsular power,
    is the first who had any brilliant success in the Social war, ii,
    356;
   victory near Ascalum, 356;
   Cicero’s opinion of him, 369;
   ambiguous, 372;
   defeated by Sylla, 372;
   dies of the plague, 372.

 _Q. Pompeius_, A. F., consul, in Spain chief of the aristocracy, ii,
    261;
   brought to great straits by the Numantines, offers peace, 261;
   hand and glove with Scipio Nasica, 279.

 _Q. Pompeius_, Sylla’s colleague, receives the command in Italy against
    Cinna, ii, 369;
   murdered, 369.

 _S. Pompey_, hides himself among the Celtiberians, iii, 71;
   master of Sicily, 104;
   peace of Misenum, 105;
   _sermone barbarus_, 105;
   war with Octavian, 109;
   battles near Mylæ and Taurominium, 109;
   murdered, 109.

 _Pomponius_, friend of C. Gracchus, ii, 305.

 _Pomponius_, see Atticus, Lætus.

 _Pondemate_, (Pound-mead) i, 179.

 _Ponte di Sanguinetto_, wrongly referred to the battle of the Trasimene
    lake, ii, 91.

 _Ponte Mollo_, iii, 300.

 _Pontifex Maximus_, lived below in the town, i, 7.

 _Pontifices_, their number doubled by Numa, two Ramnes, two Tities, i,
    124;
   number at a later period, 130, 523;
   their number is increased by Sylla from nine to fifteen, ii, 389;
   their jurisdiction must have been done away with, iii, 27.

 _Ti. Pontificius_, tribune of the people, puts a veto to the levy of
    soldiers, i, 260.

 _Pontian_ isles, Roman colony there, i, 489.

 _Pontine_ marshes, Ap. Claudius cuts a canal through them, i, 517;
   object of it, 517.

 _C. Pontius_, general of the Samnites, one of the greatest men of
    ancient times, i, 487;
   victory in the Caudine passes, 488;
   gives to the departing Romans beasts of burden for the wounded 490;
   sends back the prisoners, 492;
   the account of his having been conquered in Luceria, 493;
   put to death, 534.

 _Pontius_, Herennius, father of Caius, friend of Archytas, i, 489;
   occurs as a speaking personage together with Archytas in a
      philosophical dialogue of a Pythagorean, 489, _note_.

 _Pontius Glaucus_, a poem written by Cicero in his youth, iii, 16.

 _C. Pontius Telesinus_, ii, 353;
   against Rome, 382;
   battle at the Colline gate, 382.

 _Pontus_, population, ii, 361.

 _Poor_, the poor received corn in the temple of Ceres, ii, 259;
   care taken by C. Gracchus for them, 259.

 _M. Popillius_, ambassador of Rome to Antiochus Epiphanes, prevents him
    from the conquest of Egypt, ii, 221.

 _P. Popillius Lænas_, consul, persecution of the adherents of Gracchus,
    ii, 287;
   goes into exile, 294.

 _Popillius Lænas_, iii, 93.

 _Popolanti_, in the middle ages, no Romans but Albanians and Illyrians,
    i, 236, note.

 POPOLO, in Italian, union of the clans and the community, i, 168.

 _Poppæa Sabina_, wife of Nero, iii, 189.

 _Poppædius_, see Pompædius.

 _Populonia_ destroyed, ii, 383.

 POPULUS ROMANUS QUIRITES, i, 104, 123.

 _Populus_, πολῖται, _citadini_, i, 166;
   etymology, 166;
   populus and plebes without a doubt in all the towns of Italy, and
      also in the Greek colonies of Lower Italy and Sicily, 171;
   assembles in the comitium and in the Lucus Petelinus, 269;
   _jubet_, 269.

 _Porcia_, wife of Brutus, iii, 77, 80.

 _Porcius_, see Cato.

 _Porsena_, Martial’s incorrect scansion of the name, i, 208, note;
   his mausoleum at Clusium, 209;
   his war is fabulous, 210;
   his peace quite a different thing from what the Romans would make us
      believe, 211;
   acquires the _septem pagi agri Veientium_, 213;
   seems to have failed against Aricia, 213;
   his goods symbolically sold before every sale by auction, 213;
   his war very likely happened ten years later than is generally
      presumed, 215, 232.

 _Porta Carmentalis_, i, 263, note.

 _Portico_ of Octavia, the entrance still standing, iii, 149.

 _Portogallo_, i, 384.

 _Portugal_, down to the times of Pombal, had many negro slaves,
    wherefore also many Mulattos there, ii, 274.

 _Portus_ Julius, iii, 144.

 _Posidonia_, i, 458;
   see Pæstum.

 _Posidonius_, i, 36;
   not inferior to Polybius, 252;
   history of the Gracchi, 252.

 _Posidonius_, contemporary of Perseus, has described the war of
    Perseus, ii, 214.

 POSSESSIO and property distinguished, i, 254.

 _Postumius_, see Albinus.

 _Postumius Regillencis_, dictator in the battle at the Lake Regillus,
    i, 217;
   an interpolation, 219;
   consul, according to some, 219.

 _L. Postumius_, consul, given up to the Samnites, i, 492;
   insults old Fabius, 543;
   impeached by the tribunes, 543;
   head of an embassy to Tarentum, 550;
   mocked by the Tarentines, 550.

 _A. Postumius Tubertus_, dictator, conquers the Æquians and Volscians,
    i, 343.

 _M. Postumius_, military tribune, slain by the soldiers, i, 346.

 _C. Postumius Megillus_, ii, 272.

 _Postumus_, M. Cassianus, (Cassianius) Latinius, severs Gaul, Spain,
    Britain, from the Roman empire, iii, 282;
   an eminent man, 282;
   loses his life, 282.

 _Pothinus_, eunuch, guardian of Ptolemy, iii, 63;
   wishes to overpower Cæsar, 64.

 _Potitii_, extinct in the times of Appius Claudius, i, 140.

 _Pouilly_, i, 3.

 _Pound_ of the Romans weighed about twenty-three half-ounces of
    Cologne, i, 382.

 PRÆFECTURA ANNONÆ, seems to have been a temporary magistracy, i, 337;
   præfectura explained, 450;
   præfectures with Cærite rights, ii, 185;
   _præfectura ærarii_, iii, 123;
   _præfectura Galliæ_, 282, 295.

 PRÆFECTURA URBI, his office abolished during the decemvirate, i, 299;
   has jurisdiction, and probably likewise the presidency in the senate,
      330;
   _Latinarum causa_, ii, 351;
   under Augustus, iii, 123;
   has since Hadrian a district of a hundred Italian miles round Rome,
      255.

 _Præneste_, disappears in the Volscian war, i, 275;
   independent since the Gallic invasion, 384;
   seems to have been united with Tibur, 390;
   together with part of the Æquians hostile to Rome, 390, 451;
   the citadel occupied by Pyrrhus, 562;
   receives Roman citizenship by the Lex Julia, ii, 354;
   declares for Marius, 372;
   the present Palestrina is a part only of the ancient arx, 381;
   reduced by hunger by Q. Lucretius Ofella, 381;
   fate after the conquest, 383;
   military colony, 385.

 _Prærogativa_, decided by lot, i, 162; ii, 366.

 _Prætextatæ_, native tragedies in Italy, ii, 195;
   historical pieces in the manner of Shakspeare, 393.

 PRÆTOR URBANUS, a new magistracy instead of the _præfectus urbi_,
    patrician, i, 403;
   is not so called merely in contradistinction to the _prætor
      peregrinus_, 403;
   his functions, 403;
   was called _collega consulum_, six lictors, 404;
   appointed by the centuries, 406;
   the office accessible to the plebeians, 454;
   the office of prætor peregrinus created, ii, 42;
   the phrase is a barbarism, 42;
   the prætor not limited to civil jurisdiction, 42;
   their number raised from four to six, 186;
   the patrician privilege done away with, 190;
   their number increased by Sylla, 389;
   raised to ten, and again to sixteen, iii, 74.

 _Prætores_, the original name of the consules, i, 203.

 _Prætorians_, their increase by Sejanus is the most momentous event in
    the later Roman history, iii, 175;
   their despotism, 179;
   tale of their having offered the empire for sale, 249;
   cowardly, 251;
   transformed by Septimius Severus into a guard, 257;
   accompany Severus and Caracalla in their expeditions, 257.

 _Prætorian cohorts_, iii, 125.

 _Prætura urbana_, honourable and lucrative, iii, 78.

 _Priestly offices_, the nomination for them transferred upon the
    smaller half of the tribes, ii, 342;
   co-optation restored by Sylla, 388.

 _Primus_, Antonius, tribune, excites the Mœsian legions to rebellion
    against Vitellius, iii, 198;
   is victorious near Cremona, 200;
   conspires against Vespasian, and thereby loses his life, 206.

 _Principes_, i, 441.

 _Prisci_, name of the Cascans, i, 104.

 PRISCI LATINI, i, 104.

 PRISCUS, quaint, i, 104;
   a common name with the Romans, 136.

 _Priscus_, see Helvidius.

 _Priscus_, Statius, iii, 240.

 _Priscus_, historian, iii, 327.

 _Privernum_, Volscian town, i, 353;
   seems not to have entered into the league of the Latins, 444;
   rises against Rome, 466;
   receives the citizenship and constitutes the tribus Ufentina, 466.

 _Privilegia_, laws against individuals abolished by the laws of the
    Twelve Tables, i, 303.

 _Probus_, emperor, iii, 288;
   wars, 288;
   his popularity, 289;
   came from the neighbourhood of the Limes Illyricus, 289;
   murdered, 289.

 _Proconsular power_, its origin, i, 473.

 _Proconsuls_, in the senatorial provinces, iii, 244.

 _Procopius_, general of Julian, iii, 312.

 _Proculeius_, an officer of Octavian, iii, 113.

 _Procuratores Cæsaris_, iii, 125.

 _Prodigality_ never became rife again among the Romans since Vespasian,
    iii, 206.

 _Profuturus_, Renatus, historian, iii, 325.

 PROLETARII, i, 178;
   paid no taxes, 182.

 _Propertius_, mentions _patres pelliti_, i, 120;
   his poems imitations of the Alexandrian school, iii, 139.

 _Property tax_, ii, 37.

 _Property_, different from possession, i, 254.

 _Proscribed_, the sons of the proscribed by Sylla, persuaded by Cicero
    to renounce recovering their honours, iii, 22;
   the _jus honorum_ restored to them by Cæsar, 74.

 _Proscriptions_, ii, 383; iii, 91.

 _Prose_, in olden times always developed by oratory, iii, 130.

 _Proselytes_ of the gate and of the temple, i, 164.

 _Provence_, its inhabitants were during the whole of the middle ages in
    possession of the coral fisheries of Africa, i, 458;
   is called _Italia altera_, iii, 122.

 _Province_, explained, ii, 41;
   Roman province in Gaul, 308;
   senatorial and imperial, iii, 120;
   proconsular and pro-prætorian, 121;
   provinces less heavily oppressed than Italy, 257;
   the difference between senatorial and imperial provinces done away
      with, 274.

 _Provinces_ distributed in the senate previous to the election of the
    magistrates, ii, 300.

 _Provincials_ of the west much sooner assimilated themselves to Roman
    manners than those of the east, i, 61;
   the ownership of the provincials not according to Roman but to
      provincial law, ii, 41.

 _Prudentius_, iii, 326.

 _Prusa_ destroyed by the Goths, iii, 278.

 _Prusias_, king of Bithynia, ii, 193;
   marries Perseus’ sister, 207;
   connexion with Perseus, 211;
   goes to Rome, 221.

 _Prussian army_ of 1762 much inferior to that of 1757, ii, 105.

 _Pseudophilip_, ii, 237;
   an impostor, 245;
   given up by Demetrius to the Romans, 245;
   routs the Macedonians, 246;
   defeated by Scipio Nasica, 246;
   beats P. Juventius Thalna, 247;
   conquered by Q. Metellus, 247;
   put to death, 247.

 _Ptolemy Auletes_, driven from Alexandria, comes to Rome to be
    reinstated, iii, 28;
   restored by Gabinius, 62;
   his death, 62.

 _Ptolemy Epiphanes_, son of Ptolemy Philopator, against him Philip
    III., Antiochus the Great united, ii, 147.

 _Ptolemy Euergetes_, war against Seleucus Callinicus, ii, 182.

 _Ptolemy Euergetes II._, (Physcon,) ii, 221;
   receives Cyprus and Cyrene, 221.

 _Ptolemy Ceraunus_, i, 556;
   succumbs under the invasion of the Gauls in Macedonia, 546.

 _Ptolemy Lagus_, historical writer, i, 470.

 _Ptolemy Philadelphus_, in alliance with Rome, ii, 13, 50.

 _Ptolemy Philometor_, ii, 221.

 _Ptolemy Philopator_, an unworthy king, under him the empire falls into
    utter decay, ii, 148.

 _Ptolemy_, son of Ptolemy Auletes, iii, 62.

 _Ptolemy Soter_, friendly with Seleucus, enemy to Cassander, quarrels
    with both of them about the spoil of the battle of Ipsus, i, 553.

 _Publicani_, farmers of revenue, i, 253; ii, 193.

 _Public debt_ in Rome during the war of Hannibal, ii, 187.

 _Public works_ in Rome done by contract, ii, 38.

 _Publicius_, see Clivus.

 PUBLICUM, chest of the patricians, i, 233;
   after the Licinian laws very likely the general exchequer of the
      country, 408.

 _Q. Publilius Philo_, dictator, his laws, i, 445;
   first plebeian prætor, 454;
   conquers Naples as first proconsul, 473;
   consul, 493.

 _Vol. Publilius_, insult offered to him by the patricians, i, 268;
   elected tribune, 268;
   his rogations, 269.

 _Pulcheria_, iii, 335.

 _Pullani_, descendants of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, become
    unwarlike, ii, 166.

 PULSARE, to violate the law of nations, ii, 251.

 _Punic_, spoken in the provincial towns of Africa, iii, 234.

 _Punic wars_, periods of the first, ii, 9;
   the ideas of the Romans quite changed by the taking of Agrigentum,
      12;
   peace, 39;
   the first Punic war one of the causes of the degeneracy of the Roman
      people, 42;
   no war in ancient history to be compared to the second Punic, 61;
   division, 68;
   peace, 142;
   the third Punic war, 227.

 PUTEUS, cistern, i, 518.

 _Puzzuoli_, dyke across the harbour, iii, 180.

 _Pydna_, battle, ii, 213.

 _Pyrgi_, Roman fortress, i, 571.

 _Pyrrhus_, king of Epirus, i, 551;
   compared to Charles XII., 552;
   brought up by Glaucias, prince of the Taulantians, 553;
   goes to the court of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and of Antigonus the
      One-eyed, 553;
   restored by Demetrius, king of the Molossians, 553;
   in his service, 553;
   sent to Ptolemy, 553;
   marries Antigone, daughter of Berenice, 554;
   acquires Ambracia, Amphilochia and the Epirote provinces, 554;
   war with Demetrius Poliorcetes, 554;
   unites with Lysimachus, and shares with him Macedon, 554;
   a mighty master in the method of battle array, 555;
   treaty with Tarentum, 555;
   sails to Italy, 556;
   raises a levy among the Tarentines, 556;
   the only barbarian king fraught with the brilliancy of old Hellenism,
      557;
   offers his mediation between Rome and Tarentum, 558;
   battle of Heraclea, 558;
   advances against Rome, 560;
   sends ambassadors, 561;
   takes Fregellæ by storm, 562;
   resolves upon turning back, 562;
   embassy of the Romans to him, 562;
   has left memoirs, 563;
   gives leave to the prisoners to go to Rome to the Saturnalia, 563;
   an enthusiastic admirer of the Romans, 563;
   battle near Ascalum, 564;
   always placed alternately an Italian moveable cohort and solid
      battalion of the phalanx, 565;
   the attempt at poisoning by his physician seems to have been a
      preconcerted farce, 565;
   exchange of prisoners, 566;
   goes to Sicily, 566;
   his son becomes king of Syracuse, 566;
   drives out the Carthaginians from Sicily, except from Lilybæum, 566;
   conquers the Mamertines, 566;
   siege of Lilybæum, 567;
   returns to Italy, lands near Locri, 567;
   attacked by a Carthaginian fleet, 567;
   battle of Taurasia, (Beneventum,) 567;
   leaves Milo behind in Tarentum, 568;
   returns to Epirus, 569;
   proclaimed king of Macedonia, 569;
   soon forsaken again, 569;
   expedition against Sparta, 569;
   marches to Argos, 569;
   his death, 569.

 _Pythagoras_, uncertain whether an historical person, i, 458;
   the Pythagorean philosophy known at an early period to the Romans,
      458;
   to be sought for among the Pelasgians, 472.

 _Pyxus_, i, 458.


                                   Q

 _Quadi_ cross the Danube, iii, 240, 242.

 _Quadratum saxum_, flagstone, i, 518.

 _Quadriremes_, ii, 12.

 _Quadrigarius_, Q. Claudius, his history is brought down to about the
    time of Cicero’s consulship, i, 31;
   unwieldiness of his language, 31.

 QUÆSTIONES PERPETUÆ, analogous to the modern jury courts, ii, 345;
   assigned by Sylla to the prætors, 389;
   gave the verdict of innocence or guilt, and also had the right of
      pardoning, iii, 21.

 _Quæstor_, his office ceases during the decemvirate, i, 298;
   chosen by the centuries, 325;
   _Quæstores parricidii_ and _Quæstores classici_ to be distinguished,
      325;
   _quæstores parricidii_ synonymous with the _duum viri perduellionis_,
      325;
   the office thrown open in the year of the town 346 to both orders,
      335, 340;
   quæstors appointed for Italy, 572;
   their number increased to eight, 572;
   by Sylla to twenty, ii, 389;
   by Cæsar to forty, iii, 74.

 _Quæstura Ostiensis_, ii, 335.

 _Quatremere de Quincy_, i, 209.

 _Quatuorviri_, i, 406.

 _Quinctilian_, his saying on Cicero, iii, 94;
   on Cornelius Gallus, 138;
   restorer of good taste in Rome, 186, 228;
   on Domitian, 210;
   has a pension from him, 210.

 _Quinctilis_, month, called July, iii, 114.

 _Quinctilius_, brother of Claudius Gothicus, iii, 288, _note_.

 _Quinctius_, see Cincinnatus, Crispinus.

 _Quinctius_, Cæso, son of Cincinnatus, offers the most violent
    resistance to the _lex Terentilia_, i, 280;
   prosecuted on the _Lex Junia_, 281;
   leaves the town, 281;
   his death, 284.

 _Quinqueremes_ in the Macedonian, Sicilian, and Punic fleets, ii, 12;
   manned with three hundred rowers, and hundred and twenty marines, 13.

 _Quirinal Hill_, iii, 223.

 _Quirites_, the name wrongly adopted as a common one of the united
    Romans and Sabines, i, 123.

 _Quirium_, name of the Sabine town, i, 129.


                                   R

 _C. Rabirius_, iii, 106.

 _Radagaise_ besieges Florence, iii, 331;
   forced back by Stilicho into the Apennines, 331.

 _Rafaelle_, iii, 299.

 _Ramnes_, name of the Latin tribe, i, 124.

 _Ranks_, their line of demarcation formed by landed or moneyed
    property, iii, 4.

 _Rape_ of the Sabines, i, 117;
   their number, 117.

 _Rasena_, original name of the Etruscans, i, 142, _note_.

 _Rastadt_, murder of the French ambassadors, ii, 139.

 _Raudii_, see Campi.

 _Ravenna_, built on islands, iii, 333.

 _Rea Silvia_, mother of Romulus, i, 112;
   Rea is a cognomen, 112;
   changed into a goddess, made the wife of the god Anio, 112.

 _Rebellio_, instead of _rebellis_, iii, 245.

 _Regifugium_, i, 198.

 _Regillus_, battle, the account of it poetical, i, 218;
   its date not fixed, 219.

 _Regillus_, M. Æmilius, at the head of a fleet against Antiochus, ii,
    175;
   battle of Myonnesus, 175.

 _Regions_ of Servius Tullius, i, 173.

 _Regions_ of Rome, iii, 123;
   of Italy, 124.

 _Regulus_, M. Atilius, consul, goes to Africa, ii, 20;
   battle of Adis, 21;
   takes Tunis and encamps near the river Bagradas 21;
   character, 21;
   conquered by Xanthippus, 23;
   legends concerning his death, 25;
   seem to have been taken from Nævius, 26.

 _Reichardt_, his map of Italy thoroughly bad, i, 77.

 _Reimarus_, Herm. Sam. editor of Dio Cassius, i, 66; iii, 127.

 _Reiske_, J. J., his qualities, i, 42;
   his edition of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 42.

 _Reiz_, F. W., i, 73.

 _Remi_, the most distinguished people among the Belgians, iii, 44;
   seem to have intrigued with the Romans, 44.

 _Removal_, from the _tribus rusticæ_ to the _urbanæ_, a _nota
    ignominiæ_, i, 174.

 _Remuria_, a hill three miles south of Rome, i, 114;
   town on that hill, 114;
   Pelasgian, 116.

 _Remus_, i, 113;
   according to some on the Aventine, according to others on the
      Remuria, 114;
   his end, 115;
   personification of the plebeians, 129.

 _Reno_, river, iii, 91.

 _Representation_, based on districts of towns, i, 157.

 _Republic_, has the duty of providing for its members, ii, 295;
   restored in Rome after Caligula’s death, iii, 180.

 _Republics_, in confederate republics similarity of constitution has no
    influence whatever on their mutual support, i, 237;
   drawbacks, 259;
   their forms sometimes a mere phantom, 279.

 _Resolutions_ of the people were to be carried before sunset, i, 270.

 _Responsa prudentum_, given in the name of the emperor acquire real
    authority, iii, 231.

 _Revenue_, tenths and fifths, i, 254.

 _Rhætians_, of Etruscan race, i, 145, 370; iii, 151;
   their abodes, 151;
   stand their ground against the Gauls, i, 368.

 _Rhegium_, i, 459;
   occupied by a mutinous Campanian legion, 567, 572;
   massacre, 573;
   besieged by the Romans, 573;
   conquered, 573.

 _Rhetoricians_, Greek, their influence upon Roman literature, iii, 184,
    227;
   in the second century, 235.

 _Rhianus_, in his poem on Messene, clashes with Pausanias and Tyrtæus,
    i, 13.

 _Rhine_, the population along its banks German, iii, 203.

 _Rhodes_ free, friend of the Romans, ii, 145;
   friend with Alexandria, 148;
   defends Ptolemy Epiphanes, 148;
   great and powerful, 151;
   against Antiochus, 167;
   their fleet defeated by the Syrians, 173;
   has the best seamen of the age, 173;
   its wealth, 183;
   thoroughly respectable, 183;
   tries to mediate between Rome and Perseus, 212;
   peace with Rome, 219;
   faithful to the Romans in the war of Mithridates, 364;
   besieged by Mithridates, 364;
   taken by Cassius, iii, 96;
   earthquake, 237.

 _Rhone_, has its mouth choked up with silt, iii, 327.

 _Ricimer_, iii, 342;
   a Sueve of royal race, 343;
   treachery to Marjorian, 344;
   conquers Rome, 346;
   dies, 346.

 _Rienzi_ is said to have read all the books of the ancients, i, 79.

 _Right of community_, i, 165.

 _Robespierre_, very likely had no purpose whatever, ii, 236.

 _Roche Blanche_, ii, 78.

 _Rollin’s_ Roman history, i, 72.

 _Roma_, a small place on the Palatine, i, 110;
   its name Greek, place of strength, 110;
   Pelasgian, 116.

 _Romances_ on Charlemagne, i, 87.

 _Roman empire_, its extent at the end of the seventh century of the
    town, iii, 1.

 _Roman history_, existed from about the period of the secessio, i, 203;
   its sources destroyed by the Gallic conquest, 202;
   the same events very often recur again, 216;
   becomes general history, ii, 251.

 _Roman law_ distinctive with regard to the rights of persons and
    things, i, 295.

 _Romans_ by no means barbarians previous to the time when they learned
    from the Greeks, i, 15;
   unite with the Sabines, 118, 122;
   pay tithe to the Etruscans, 212;
   their laws not borrowed from those of Athens, 295;
   their hypocrisy, 424;
   their practice in sieges still in its very infancy, 473;
   fight with the pilum and the sword, 507;
   tactics, 530;
   treat their allies with more honour than other peoples, 572;
   never served in foreign armies, 577;
   their perseverance, ii, 11;
   build a fleet after the model of a Carthaginian quinquereme, 13, 38;
   their fleet destroyed in the Mediterranean by storm, 25, 27;
   always learn from their enemy, 30, _note_;
   lose a large merchant fleet, 34;
   embassy to the Achaians and Ætolians, 48;
   to Athens, 48;
   to Corinth, 48;
   get a part in the Isthmian games, 48;
   receive from the Athenians isopolity and admission to the Eleusinian
      mysteries, 49;
   awful liars when they want to lay the blame upon their enemies, 65;
   show themselves unskilful at the beginning of every great war, 74;
   in many respects slaves established usage, 82;
   example of their discipline, 84;
   their system of tactics the worst when the troops were not well
      trained, the best with practised soldiers, 88;
   would not ostensibly deviate from their principles, 118;
   their religion was not mythology, but theology, 194;
   universally hated, 204;
   their policy truly Macchiavellian, 207;
   their laws did not apply to the allies, 282;
   their art of war in Cæsar’s time, 326;
   conduct the Social war with troops of all nations, 353;
   murdered in Asia Minor, 363.

 _Rome_, sister town to Antium and Ardea, i, 116, 223;
   the commemoration of the foundation of the city held in April, 117;
   formerly supposed to have been an Etruscan colony, 148;
   was under the last kings the capital of a mighty empire, 152;
   consisted originally very likely of three tribes, of a hundred clans
      each, 161;
   all the primary agencies in nature and in the world of intellect
      designated as male and female, 169;
   the liberties of the old town extended about one German mile on the
      road leading to Alba, 170;
   the oldest town consists of about a thousand households, 175;
   the boundary in the second period of the Volscian war on the other
      side of Tusculum, 275;
   census at the period of the Gallic calamity, 375;
   conquest by the Gauls, and fire of the town, 380;
   the summer in Rome pestilential, 380;
   pays its ransom to the Gauls probably from the treasure on the
      Capitol, 382;
   advantages of its situation, 386;
   tradition of the weakened state of Rome, 309;
   census after the first Punic war, dispute about it between Hume and
      Wallace, ii, 53;
   difficulty of besieging Rome, 94;
   unhealthy air, 94;
   after the war of Hannibal freedmen received as citizens, 187;
   standing army, 188;
   language in Rome at the end of the Republic, iii, 106;
   division in fourteen regions, 123;
   fire under Nero, 190;
   under Titus, 209;
   literary opposition to Carthage, 234;
   the thousandth anniversary of the city, 271;
   a great number of Christians among the middle classes, 273;
   fortified by Aurelian, the walls in a very bad state under Honorius,
      330;
   besieged by Alaric, 333;
   laid in ashes, 334;
   conquered by Genseric, 342;
   taken by Ricimer, 345.

 _Romulus_, his wondrous birth an historical impossibility, i, 81;
   the same his removal from the earth during an eclipse of the sun, 81;
   belongs, as son of Mars, to the cycle of the gods, 85;
   a personification of Rome, 85;
   legends, 111.

 _Romulus Augustulus_, emperor, iii, 346.

 _Rorarii_, i, 441.

 _Rostra_ stood between the comitium and the forum, i, 270;
   _vetera_ and _nova_, iii, 162.

 _Royal races_, of the Greek are dissolved into γένη ἀρχικὰ, i, 204.

 _Royalist party_ in Rome continued long time after the expulsion of the
    Tarquinii, i, 225.

 _Royal dignity_, its abolition decreed by a _Lex curiata_, i, 201.

 _Rubicon_, very likely in the neighbourhood of Cesena, iii, 53.

 _Q. Rubrius_, tribune, ii, 285;
   very likely triumvir for the establishing of colonies, 301.

 _Rufinus_, P. Cornelius, covetous, removed from the senate, i, 548.

 _Rufinus_, præfectus prætorio, favourite of Theodosius, iii, 322;
   receives the government of the East, 328;
   murdered, 328.

 _Rufus_, see Cælius.

 _Rullus_, Servilius, moves for establishing a colony in Capua, iii, 34.

 _P. Rupilius_, consul, puts an end to the servile war in Sicily, ii,
    265.

 _Russia_ and Persia make war against each other for a couple of months
    every year on the frontiers of Georgia, i, 350.

 _Rusticus_, Arulenus, writes the life of Pætus Thrasea, iii, 218.

 _Rusticus_, see Fabius.

 _Rusticus_, Junius, tutor of M. Antoninus, iii, 239.

 _Rutilius_, i, 36.

 _F. Rutilius_, legate of Metellus in Africa, ii, 321;
   an honest man, but condemned by the evidence of false witnesses, 341.

 _P. Rutilius Lupus_, general against Pompædius Silo, killed in battle,
    ii, 356.

 _Rutilus_, see Marcius.

 _Ryckius_, Theodore, treatise on Æneas, i, 94.


                                   S

 _Sabellus_ and _Sabinus_, synonymous, except that according to usage
    the name of Sabellians is given to the whole nation, and that of
    Sabines to a small district, i, 341;
   Sabines in the last half of the third century often seen as enemies
      of the Romans, 342;
   victory of Valerius and Horatius, 342;
   isopolity established between them, 342;
   emigration towards the South leaves off, 343;
   take no active share in the contest of the Romans and Latines, 438;
   isopolity, 572;
   great part of them receive the full right of citizenship, ii, 185.

 _Sabines_, call themselves aborigines, push on the Opicans, i, 98;
   come according to Cato from Amiternum, 99;
   unite with the Romans, 118, 122;
   become one of the greatest peoples of Italy, 120;
   very likely they came only at a later period into the country
      afterwards occupied by them, 121;
   leagued with Rome under Servius Tullius, 186;
   allied with Rome under Sp. Cassius, 248;
   war against them, 323;
   declare for the Samnites, 534;
   conquered, 535.

 _Sabines_, rape of the S., poetical, i, 81.

 _Sabine_ chapels on the Quirinal, i, 122.

 _Sabine town_ on the Quirinal and Capitolinus, i, 121.

 _Sabine_ element in the Roman worship, i, 122.

 _Sabinus_, T. Flavius, brother of Vespasian, præfect of Rome, iii, 200.

 _Sacchetti_, Francesco, novel, i, 67.

 SACRA FAMILIARUM, unknown to the Romans, i, 161.

 SACRA GENTILITIA, i, 161;
   could only be offered in Rome, 263.

 SACRAMENTUM, i, 317.

 _Sacranians_, name of the conquering people at the popular migration in
    Latium, i, 103;
   the name explained, 103;
   unite with the Siculians under the name of _Prisci Latini_, 104.

 _Sacriportus_, battle, ii, 381.

 _Sacrovir_, Julius, rising against Tiberius, iii, 202.

 _Sæcula_ of the Etruscans, two sorts of them, i, 83;
   astronomical ones of a hundred and ten years, 83;
   nearly correspond to a hundred thirty years of ten months, 84;
   physical sæculum, 84.

 _Sagax_, his continuation of Eutropius, i, 66.

 _Saguntum_, Livy fancies that it lay East of the Ebro, ii, 69;
   Polybius knows nothing of the fact that it was to remain independent,
      69;
   its siege did not happen in the year 534, but in 533, 71;
   was perhaps not purely Iberian, but Tyrrhenian, 71;
   the derivation from Zacynthus probably originated only from its name,
      71;
   conquered, destroyed by the inhabitants themselves, 72.

 _Sailors_, levied from the _capite censi_, ii, 33.

 _Salapia_, an Apulian town, taken by Hannibal, recovered by the Romans,
    ii, 120.

 _Salarian gate_, iii, 334.

 _Salassians_ may have been a Gallic people, i, 365;
   Ligurians, 370; ii, 81; iii, 151.

 _Salernum_, it is doubtful whether it was Roman after the second
    Samnite war, i, 504.

 _Salii_, brotherhoods on the Quirinal, i, 131.

 _Salinator_, Julius, ii, 399, _note_.

 _Sallentines_, war against the Romans, i, 511;
   allied with the Romans against Cleonymus, 511;
   acknowledge Rome’s supremacy, 571;
   fall off after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 107;
   conf. Messapians.

 _Sallust_, writes detached parts of Roman history, i, 36;
   the histories begin from the time after Sylla’s death, 37;
   had an uncommon acquaintance with the old constitution, 224;
   his war of Jugurtha, ii, 307;
   reproached with malignity, but he is not sinning against truth, 313;
   _historiæ_, 391;
   the number of the books of the histories uncertain, 397;
   probably went down from the war of Lepidus to the end of the war of
      Pompey in Asia, 397;
   the _historiæ_ were his last, Catiline the first, of his works, 397;
   has written the history of Catiline with great truthfulness, iii, 12;
   ill-treated by the soldiers 66;
   his style, 127;
   considerably younger than Cicero, 127.

 _Sallustius_, præfectus prætorio, iii, 314.

 _Salluvians_ or _Salyans_, war against the Ligurians, ii, 307;
   conf. Salyans.

 _Salonius_, i, 434.

 _Salvian_, iii, 326;
   socialist views, 326;
   description of Carthage, 338.

 _Salvius_, see Otho.

 _Salyans_, war against them, ii, 200;
   see Salluvians.

 _Samaritans_, iii, 230.

 _Sambre_, battle, iii, 44.

 _Samnites_, do not oppress the old Oscan people, but combine into one
    whole with them, i, 153;
   make conquests on the upper Liris, 410;
   league with Rome, 412;
   form a confederation of four peoples, Pentrians, Caudinians,
      Hirpinians, and Frentanians, 419;
   conquer Cumæ, 420;
   constitution, 421;
   their spread on the Liris was the cause which in 412 first engaged
      the Romans and Samnites in a war together, 422;
   attack the Sidicinians at Teanum, 423;
   peace, 436;
   allied with Rome in the battle of Veseris, 438;
   embassy to Alexander the Great, 469;
   friendly with the Greeks, 472;
   division of the second Samnite war, 474;
   had dependencies, 476;
   defeated by Fabius in the neighbourhood of Subiaco, 481;
   seek for peace, 485;
   conquered by Fabius, 485;
   again for peace, 485;
   looked upon by the Greeks as a Spartan colony, 489, _note_;
   ornament of their arms, 501;
   very likely had subsidies from Tarentum, 502;
   held Lucania in check, 502;
   lead a guerilla war, 503;
   the second war ended by the battle of Bovianum, 504;
   peace, 505;
   carry the war into Etruria, 526;
   end of the war, 534;
   peace, 534;
   embassy to Pyrrhus in Epirus, 557;
   their country laid waste, 560;
   conquered by Sp. Carvilius and L. Papirius, 569;
   peace, 569;
   in the service of Agathocles, 577;
   fall off from Rome after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 107;
   revolt in the Social war, 352;
   the Oscan the prevailing language among them, 353;
   end of the war, they receive the right of citizenship, 374;
   all but exterminated by Sylla, 385, 394.

 _Samnite people_ sprang from Sabine stock, i, 120;
   tradition of the founding of their country, 121.

 _Samos_ belonging to Egypt, ii, 145.

 _Samothrace_, metropolis of Ilium, i, 96;
   their mysteries a gathering point of many men, 96;
   their worship akin to that of the Penates at Lavinium, ii, 214.

 _Sanchoniathon_, his fragments genuine, ii, 1.

 _Sancus_, Semo, his temple, i, 137.

 _Sandwich-islanders_, their poetical traditions, i, 12, _note_.

 _Sannio_, Pulcinella, earliest mention of this mask, ii, 352.

 _Santafedists_ in Naples were Lazzaroni, i, 513.

 _Sapor_, king of Persia, iii, 279, 305, 307, 309.

 _Saracens_, etymology, iii, 281;
   the name occurs long before Mohammed, 281.

 _Saragossa_, founded, iii, 150.

 _Sardinia_, subject to the rule of the Carthaginians, except the
    highlands, ii, 5;
   the way of living of the inhabitants the same to this day, 5;
   on the coast the Punic language and manners spread, 16;
   attack of the Romans, 16;
   submits to the Romans, 46;
   given up by the Carthaginians to the Romans, 46;
   refuse obedience, 52.

 _Sarmates_, i, 370;
   break through the Roman frontier, iii, 242;
   uncertain whether they dwelt on the middle, or the lower Danube, 268;
   war of Maximin against them, 268;
   that of Probus, 288;
   their abodes, 300;
   Constantine’s wars, 300.

 _Sarmatian peoples_, great move among them on the Dniepr, ii, 204;
   driven back over the Danube, iii, 151.

 _Sarsinates_, acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, i, 571.

 _Sarti_, i, 240.

 _Saticula_, in the neighbourhood of Capua besieged by the Romans, i,
    494;
   fortified, 497.

 _Satricum_, i, 494.

 _Saturn_, with him the first step of civilization begins, i, 110;
   Saturnus and Ops, deities of the generating powers, 169.

 _Saturnia_, Siculian town on the Capitoline, i, 121.

 _Saturnian verse_, i, 90;
   examples of it in Charisius, 90, and _note_;
   worked up in Plautus to a high degree of beauty, 90.

 _Saturnian year_, consisted of thirty common years, i, 106;
   hundred Saturnians a grand year, 106.

 _Saturninus_, L. Antonius, rising against Domitian in Germania
    Superior, iii, 213.

 _Saturninus_, L. Apuleius, character, ii, 335;
   deposed from the quæstorship, 335;
   becomes a tribune of the people, 335;
   behaves in the most savage manner, 335;
   his legislation, 336;
   flatters Marius, 336;
   demands that the senate should swear to his _Lex agraria_, 337;
   killed, 340;
   his laws seem to have been repealed, 340.

 _Saturninus_, Sentius, against Marbod, iii, 155.

 _Savigny_, i, 73, _note_, 120;
   on land-tax, iii, 229, 301.

 _Saxo Grammaticus_, tries to change the Danish Saga into history, i,
    13.

 _Saxons_, according to Wittikind, come out of Britain into Germany,
    according to the usual account from Germany to Britain, i, 102.

 _Scævola_, interpreted, the left handed, means in the family of the
    Scævola, amulet, i, 211.

 _Scævola_, see Mucius.

 _Scaliger_, Joseph, receives without any hesitation the details of
    ancient history, i, 2, 38, 170;
   great philologist, iii, 235.

 _Scansion_, by long and short syllables is Greek, ii, 197.

 _Scarphea_, defeat of the Achæans, ii, 253.

 _Scaurus_, historian, i, 36.

 _Scaurus_, defeated by the Cimbrians and Teutones, ii, 324.

 _Scaurus_, M. Æmilius, ambassador to Jugurtha, his character, ii, 312;
   Cicero holds him in great respect, 313;
   becomes quæsitor in Africa, 316;
   Cicero’s apostrophe to him, iii, 19.

 _Schärtlin_ von Burtenbach, ii, 394.

 _Schilhas_, ii, 5.

 _Schiller_, the great characters in Mary Stuart reviled, i, 461;
   struggles with the form, iii, 140.

 _Schlegel_, Friedrich, iii, 339.

 _Scholiast_ to the Ibis of Ovid, i, 578.

 _Schoolmen_, iii, 348.

 _Schools_, grammatical, existed in Rome until beyond the seventh
    century, in Ravenna even down to the eleventh, i, 53.

 _Schottus_, Andreas, finished the annals of Pighius, i, 69.

 _Schrader_, i, 387.

 _Von Schütz_ Major-General, a distinguished general, ii, 85.

 _Schubert_, misled by Pighius, i, 69.

 _Schulting_, i, 387.

 _Schwytz_ had its government and its territory not according to its
    subdivision, i, 157;
   the country people divided into four quarters, afterwards into six,
      173, _note_.

 _Scepticism_ of the seventeenth century, i, 71.

 SCINDERE VESTEM, i, 268.

 _Cn. Scipio_, killed in Spain, ii, 121.

 _Scipio_, L. Cornelius, brother of Africanus, consul, ii, 176;
   most insignificant, 177;
   conquers near Magnesia, 178;
   impeached, 184;
   found guilty, 185.

 _Scipio_, L. Cornelius, consul, democrat, ii, 378.

 _Scipio_, P. Cornelius, father of Africanus, consul, puts in at
    Marseilles, ii, 76;
   arrives at the Po whilst Hannibal was descending the Alps, 82;
   battle on the Ticinus, 83;
   wounded, 83;
   joined by Sempronius, 83;
   slain owing to the faithlessness of the Celtiberians, 121.

 _Scipio_, P. Cornelius, Africanus, is the first to get a surname from a
    place which he had conquered, i, 217;
   not fully equal to Hannibal as a general, ii, 62;
   his letter to Philip of Macedon on his achievements, 62, 199;
   forgets himself after the victory, 66;
   well acquainted with Greek literature, 66;
   is said to have rescued his father from the battle on the Ticinus,
      83;
   offers to go to Spain, 122;
   compels the young Romans after the rout of Cannæ to take an oath not
      to go away, 122;
   surnamed the Great, 122;
   his character, 122;
   takes Carthago nova, 123;
   puts down an insurrection in his camp, 130;
   goes over to Africa to visit Syphax, 131;
   consul, 132;
   is to be made consul and dictator for life, 133, and _note_;
   receives Sicily as a province, 133;
   supported by the Etruscan and Umbrian states, by the Sabines,
      Picentines, and Marsians, and others, 133;
   stays in Sicily, 134;
   crosses over to Africa, 135;
   gains, with the assistance of Masinissa, an advantage over the
      Carthaginians, 136;
   attacks the camp of Hasdrubal and Syphax, 136;
   conditions on which he first proposes to conclude the peace with
      Carthage, 138;
   battle of Zama, 140;
   opposes the demand for the extradition of Hannibal, 168;
   sent to treat with Antiochus, 170;
   conversation with Hannibal, 170;
   legate of his brother, 177;
   censor, 177;
   sick in Elæa, 177;
   his son taken prisoner, 177;
   the year of his death uncertain, 184;
   charges against him, 184;
   goes to Liternum, 185;
   his death, 193;
   goes as Roman commissioner to Carthage, 229.

 _Scipio_, P. Cornelius, Paulli F., ii, 236;
   is not called Æmilianus, 237, _note_;
   character, 237;
   consul, 239;
   destroys Carthage, 243;
   against Numantia, 262;
   his cruelty, 263;
   declares against Tib. Gracchus, 289;
   his death, 290.

 _Scipio_, Q. Cornelius, Pompey’s father-in-law, iii, 66.

 _Scipio Nasica_, has written the history of the war of Perseus, ii,
    199;
   son-in-law of Scipio Africanus, 213;
   did not wish Carthage to be destroyed, 231;
   is son of him who was called “the Best,” 231;
   conquers Andriscus, 246.

 _P. Scipio Nasica_, grandson of “the Best,” heads the coalition against
    Tib. Gracchus, ii, 279;
   encourages consul Mucius Scævola to take strong measures, 286.

 _Scipio Serapio_, origin of his surname, ii, 336.

 _Scipiones_, P. and Cn., _duo fulmina belli_, ii, 35, 121;
   sent to Spain, 120;
   establish themselves in Tarragona, 120.

 _Scirians_, i, 371.

 _Scordiscans_, overrun Greece, ii, 308;
   their dwellings, iii, 3.

 _Scotland_, sailed round by Agricola, iii, 211.

 _Scribæ_, their class, i, 515;
   do the work of the officials, 515;
   minutes of the prætors kept by them, 515;
   did services for the bankers, 515.

 _Scribonia_, wife of Augustus, mother of Julia, iii, 143.

 _Scriptores historiæ Augustæ_, iii, 236;
   their incapacity, 245, 250;
   it is impossible to separate the several vitæ, 245.

 _Sculptures_, on the arch of Antonine far inferior to those of the time
    of Trajan, 224.

 SCUTA introduced, i, 352.

 _Scutari_, (now Scodra,) residence of Genthius, ii, 211.

 _Scyros_, Athenian, ii, 164.

 _Scythed chariots_, an Asiatic invention, found among the Celts,
    especially in Britain, ii, 179.

 _Scythians_, i, 369.

 _Sebastian_ of _Portugal_, one of them very likely the true king, ii,
    245

 _Sebastian_, Julian’s general, iii, 313.

 Σεβαστός, translation of Augustus, iii, 117.

 _Secessio_ of the Plebes, i, 236;
   said to have lasted four months, but cannot have lasted longer than a
      fortnight, 238;
   its result by no means a decisive victory of the plebeians, 243;
   under the rule of the decemvirs, according to some on the _Mons
      Sacer_, according to others on the Aventine, 311.

 _Secretaries_, imperial, the statutes detestably drawn up by them, iii,
    276.

 _Sedulius_, Cælius, iii, 326.

 _Segestæans_, Pelasgian or Doric people at the foot of Mount Eryx in
    Western Sicily, i, 575;
   betake themselves to the Carthaginians as their refuge, 575;
   boast of Troian descent, ii, 15;
   relieved by the Romans, 15.

 _Segida_ a town of the Celtiberians, ii, 222.

 _Segur_, Marshal, his regulation, that only nobles were to hold
    commissions, i, 543.

 _Seius Strabo_, of Vulsinii, father of Sejanus, iii, 174.

 _Sejanus_, Ælius, friend of Tiberius, iii, 174;
   præfectus prætorio, 174;
   his character, 174;
   aims at supreme power and wishes to root out the whole of the
      emperor’s family, 175;
   his downfall, 176.

 _Selden_, i, 164, _note_.

 _Seleucia_, reduced by Trajan, iii, 220;
   conquered by Avidius Cassius, 241.

 _Seleucidæ_, poor in great men, Seleucus himself hardly deserves to be
    so called, ii, 165.

 _Seleucus Callinicus_, suffers shipwreck, ii, 25;
   alliance with Rome, 50;
   war against Ptolemy Euergetes, 182.

 _Seleucus_, brother of Antiochus, ii, 166.

 _Selinuntians_, an Ionic people, i, 575.

 _Selinus_, in Cilicia, afterwards Trajanopolis, iii, 221.

 _Selinus_, in Sicily, destroyed by the Carthaginians, ii, 4.

 _Semo_, see Sancus.

 _Sempronius_, see Gracchus.

 _Ti. Sempronius Longus_, consul at the outbreak of the second Punic
    war, ii, 73;
   sent to Africa, 74;
   lands at Malta, 83;
   returns, 83;
   dismisses his soldiers with orders to meet him again near Ariminum,
      they march to the Trebia and join Scipio, 84.

 _Ti. Sempronius Tuditanus_, concludes peace for the Romans with Philip,
    ii, 147.

 _Sena Gallica_, battle, ii, 126.

 _Senarius_, may be Greek, iii, 198.

 _Senate_, of one hundred persons, i, 118;
   the senate of the third estate was not consulted until the other two
      had voted, 163;
   had no authority by itself to declare war, 232;
   nothing could be taken to the Plebes direct from the senate, 269;
   sets up a bust to the wisest Greek, 296;
   becomes, towards the middle of the fourth century, an assembly chosen
      by the people, 335;
   its power increases, as that of the curies loses, 416;
   changed into a sort of elective council, its vacancies supplied from
      the quæstors, ii, 43;
   conduct towards Scipio, 130;
   had an unbounded power over the finances, 296;
   reorganized by Sylla, 386;
   enlarged, 389;
   never to be looked upon as a representative body, 389;
   its number increased by J. Cæsar, iii, 74, and _note_;
   purified by Augustus, 119;
   had its regular sittings three times a month, and holidays in the
      months of September and October, 119;
   is the supreme court to judge political crimes, 120;
   only a condemning machine in the hand of the tyrant, 173;
   was under Hadrian only a set of presumptuous people, 231;
   the senatorial dignity hereditary, 231.

 _Senators_, are judges in all the causes which do not concern quiritary
    property, ii, 197;
   their census, iii, 4;
   no senator should be a general, which must have been different from
      what is generally believed, 289.

 _Senatus consultum de Bachanalibus_, ii, 197, _note_.

 _Seneca_, M., his Suasoria, iii, 59;
   Suasoria and Controversies, 185;
   writes his Controversies when upwards of eighty, 185.

 _Seneca_, L. Annæus, the philosopher, his historical work probably one
    of the best, iii, 165;
   humbles himself before Polybus, 183;
   _Ludus de morte Claudii_, 184;
   remarkable character, 185;
   Dio Cassius’ opinion of him, 186;
   the similarity of his style to that of Rousseau and Buffon, 186;
   man of the world, Nero’s tutor, 189;
   enemy of Agrippina, 189;
   composes Nero’s speech after the murder of his mother, 190;
   executed, 191.

 _Seneca_, tragedies, iii, 139.

 _Senecio_, Herennius, writes the life of Helvidius Priscus, iii, 213.

 _Seniores_, limited to the defence of the walls only, i, 180;
   had as many votes as the juniores, 181.

 _Senonians_, make their appearance in Gaul, i, 376;
   their territory, ii, 50.

 _Sentinum_, battle, i, 529.

 _Septimius_, see Severus.

 _L. Septimius_, gives the advice to murder Pompey, iii, 63.

 _Septimuleius_, from Anagnia fills the head of C. Gracchus with molten
    lead, ii, 306.

 _Sequani_ rise in Gaul, iii, 42.

 _Serena_, niece of Theodosius, married to Stilicho, iii, 328;
   condemned to death, 330.

 _Serpent_ in the camp of Regulus, very likely borrowed from the Bellum
    Punicum of Nævius, ii, 21.

 _Serranus_, Attilius, dictator, the same story told of him as of
    Cincinnatus, i, 282.

 _De Serre_, friend of Niebuhr’s, i, 471.

 _Q. Sertorius_, character, ii, 371;
   induces Cinna to put a stop to the slaughter, 374;
   breaks the armistice with Sylla, 380;
   from Nursia, 397;
   goes to Spain, 398;
   takes to flight, 399;
   places himself at the head of the Spaniards, 400;
   his fanciful belief, 400;
   war against Metellus, 400;
   relieves _Caligurris_, 403;
   sells the hostages, 403;
   murdered, 404.

 _Servile war_ in Italy, ii, 404.

 _Servile war_ in Sicily, ii, 264.

 _Servilia_, Cato’s half-sister, iii, 77.

 _Servilius_, consul, i, 233.

 _Servilius_, consul, brings reinforcements to Flaminius, ii, 93.

 _Servilius Ahala_, stabs P. Mælius, i, 338;
   impeached as a murderer, 338.

 _Servilius Cæpio_, stepfather of Cato the younger, iii, 76.

 _P. Servilius Isauricus_, iii, 3.

 _Servilius Nonianus_, historian, iii, 165.

 _Servilius_, see Cæpio, Glaucia, Rullus.

 _Servius_, appears not to have read Nævius’ history on the Punic war,
    i, 17; iii, 332.

 _Servius_, a standing prenomen in the gens Sulpicia, iii, 193;
   becomes almost a nomen, so that another prenomen is put before it,
      193.

 _Servius Tullius_, legends of him, i, 85, 155;
   in the Tuscan annals called Mastarna, 88;
   son of a man of rank at Corniculum, 155;
   all the political law traced back to him, 156;
   before him the country district was not yet united with the state,
      171;
   divides the town into four, and the country into twenty-six regions,
      172;
   intends to resign the throne and to have two consuls elected, 185;
   war against the people of Cære, and of Tarquinii, 185;
   his reign probably very short, 185;
   alliance with the Latins, 186;
   his great rampart, 190;
   his legislation bears the impress of a Latin stamp, 191;
   has to be carried through almost by force, 193;
   attempts to murder him, 193;
   murdered, 193.

 _Sesterces_, done away with, iii, 302.

 _Setia_, i, 344.

 _Settlers_ and cultivators of the soil alone had a vote in the plebeian
    tribes, i, 174.

 _Seven-Years’-War_, compared to the second Punic war, ii, 61.

 _Severus_, see Alexander.

 _Severus_, Cæsar in the West, iii, 297;
   Augustus, 298.

 _Severus_, Cornelius, fragments of his, iii, 140.

 _Severus_, Libius, emperor, iii, 344.

 _Severus_, Septimius, general on the Illyrian frontier, iii, 246;
   proclaimed emperor by the Pannonian and German legions, 250;
   enters Rome, 251;
   from Leptis, thoroughly Punic, 251;
   a good writer both in Greek and Latin, 251;
   writes his memoirs, 251;
   leans to foreign religions, astrology, and soothsaying, 251;
   gives protection to Christianity, 252;
   his cruelty, 252;
   war with Pescennius Niger, 252;
   gains over Albinus, 253;
   wars against the Parthians, 253;
   in Britain, 254;
   causes himself to be adopted as the son of M. Aurelius, 254;
   his measures but little known, 255;
   fine busts and statues from his age, 275.

 _Sextilis_, month, receives the name of August, iii, 114.

 _L. Sextius Lateranus_, tribune, i, 396;
   first plebeian consul, 407.

 _Sextus Empiricus_, iii, 237.

 _Shaftesbury_, ii, 314.

 _Shakespeare_, connects awful natural phenomena with frightful moral
    ones, ii, 92.

 _Shaw_, fixes with admirable precision the point where Scipio landed,
    ii, 135.

 _Sibylline books_, after the destruction in Sylla’s time, made up again
    by collations, i, 7.

 _L. Siccius_, the story of his assassination seems to be a poetical
    figment, i, 309.

 _Sicelus_ comes from Roma on the south to the Pelasgians, i, 116.

 _Sicily_, its language was Greek and Arabic, which afterwards utterly
    disappears, i, 145;
   rent in factions owing to the death of Agathocles, 566;
   natural features of the island, ii, 8;
   mountains in the South of Italy belong geologically to Sicily, 8;
   laid waste by the first Punic war, 40;
   modern Sicilians, next to the Portuguese, rank lowest among the
      nations of Europe, 40;
   fates of the island, 40;
   Roman province, 40;
   condition after the Punic war, 264.

 _Siculians_, name of the Pelasgians in Italy, Sicily, and Epirus, i,
    97.

 _Siculio_, part of the town of Tibur, i, 100.

 _Sicyon_, Ætolian, ii, 151.

 _Sidicines_ of Teanum, sprung from the same stock as the Volscians, not
    limited perhaps to that town, i, 423;
   league against the Samnites, 436;
   war of the Romans, 455.

 _Sidonius Apollinaris_ iii, 325.

 _Sieges_, sample of them, i, 354.

 _Sigambri_, i, 46, 152;
   reduced by Drusus, 153;
   by Tiberius, 154;
   rising under Vespasian, 242;
   call themselves Franks, 277.

 _Signia_, colony of Tarquin the Proud, i, 197, 344.

 _Sigonius_ has not the least idea of historical criticism, i, 3, 56;
   arranges the Roman Fasti, 68;
   his works on Roman antiquities recommended, 269, _note_.

 _Sigovesus_, general of the Gauls, i, 368.

 _Silanus_, defeated by the Cimbrians and Teutones, ii, 324.

 _Dec. Silanus_, iii, 23.

 _Sila_, forest, half of it yielded by the Bruttians to the Romans, i,
    571;
   of great value for ship-building, 571.

 SILEX, basalt, i, 518.

 _Silius Italicus_, has paraphrased Livy, i, 53.

 _Silva Ciminia_, i, 362.

 _Simonides_ sings the achievements of Gelon and Theron, ii, 3.

 _Singara_, battle, iii, 306;
   taken by Sapor, 309.

 _Singeric_, iii, 335.

 _Sirmium_, Probus wishes to drain the fens in the neighbourhood, iii,
    289.

 _Sisenna_, his work extended from the time of Jugurtha to the consulate
    of Lepidus, i, 37; ii, 389.

 _Sismondi_, i, 175.

 _P. Sitius_, of Nuceria, an adventurer, iii, 67.

 _Slaves_, who gained their freedom, stood to their late masters in the
    relation of clients, i, 170;
   punished with death if they presumed to take to themselves the honour
      of military service, iii, 159;
   admitted into the army by Augustus, 159;
   Greek, had a good education in Roman houses, 183;
   black, in the American colonies, their language, 232.

 _Slave-trade_, its extension after the Punic wars, ii, 265.

 _Slave-market_ at Delos, ii, 265.

 _Slavonic_ nations, their advance from the East sets the Germans in
    motion, iii, 242.

 _Smyrna_, free, ii, 183;
   earthquake, iii, 237.

 _Soæmis_, daughter of Mæsa, iii, 259.

 _Social war_, scantiness of our information, ii, 350;
   its division, 355.

 _Socii_ and Latini opposed to the agrarian law of Gracchus, ii, 282;
   afterwards sacrificed by the oligarchs, 283;
   conspiracy of the Socii, 291;
   C. Gracchus’ intentions with regard to them, 299;
   armed in the Roman manner, true legions, iii, 43.

 _Solois_, Carthaginian, ii, 4.

 _Solon_, introduces the Attic law of mortgage, i, 229;
   his legislation contained regulations concerning matters of momentary
      interest, i, 278;
   two of his laws met with in the Pandects, which does not prove that
      the Roman law had sprung from the Attic, 295.

 _Sonnino_, division of the landed property there, ii, 274.

 _Sophonis_, _Sophonisbe_, daughter of Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, marries
    Syphax, ii, 135;
   takes away her own life, when Scipio demands her extradition, 137.

 _Sora_, i, 456;
   taken by the Samnites by treachery, 494;
   conquered by the Romans, 497;
   restored, 497;
   retaken by the Samnites, 501;
   reconquered by the Romans, 504.

 _Soranus_, Bareas, iii, 191.

 _Sosilus_, wrote a history of the second Punic war, staid in the camp
    with Hannibal, spoken of with censure by Polybius, ii, 62.

 _Southern_ people are able to stand heat and frost better than others,
    ii, 330.

 _Spain_, the royalist volunteers belonged to the very lowest of the
    people, i, 513;
   southern S., its natural advantages, ii, 59;
   population of the country, 59;
   southern peoples have quite a different character from those of the
      north, 60;
   have an alphabet of their own, 60;
   saying of an Arab general concerning them, 60;
   several towns were republics, 71;
   not barbarians, 71;
   overpowered by the Romans, 128;
   _citerior_ and _ulterior_, provinces, 186;
   the Roman armies become quite domesticated there, 201;
   union is wanting, 223;
   wars with the Romans, 257;
   character of the Spaniards, 259;
   southern S. takes up arms for the sons of Pompey, iii, 70;
   the country on the side of the Mediterranean subject to the Romans,
      the southern provinces to the Western Goths, 340.

 _Spaniards_, probably stood in _catervas_ and fought with small swords
    and _in cetris_, ii, 10;
   vanity of the present Spaniards, 160.

 _Sparta_, the obligation to military service lasted until the sixtieth
    year, i, 180;
   unsuccessful attack of Pyrrhus, 569;
   stunted, owing to her not making the Lacedæmonians equal to the
      Spartans, ii, 23;
   compelled to adopt Achæan νόμιμα, 248;
   population, 248;
   severed from the Achæan alliance, 248;
   defeated in the war with Achaia, 250;
   remains a _libera civitas_, 256;
   conf. Lacedæmon.

 _Spartacus_, a Thracian, breaks out of a barracks at Capua, ii, 404;
   escapes to Mount Vesuvius, 405;
   war, 405.

 _Spartianus_, cannot be relied on, iii, 252.

 _Speech_, art of, vanished from Greece, had sought a new home among the
    Asiatic peoples, ii, 152.

 _Spendius_, a slave from Campania heading the insurrection of the
    mercenaries against Carthage, ii, 45.

 _Spina_ on the mouth of the Po, i, 142.

 _Spoletum_, Roman colony, faithful to Rome in Hannibal’s war, ii, 93.

 _Sponsio_, i, 317.

 _Stabiæ_, taken by Papius Mutilus, ii, 355.

 _Standing armies_, ii, 201.

 _Statianus_, legate of M. Antony, iii, 108.

 _Statius_, Cæcilius, his comic skill praised by Cicero, ii, 392.

 _Statius Gellius_, Samnite general, taken prisoner, i, 504.

 _Statius Murcus_, commander of the fleet of Brutus and Cassius, iii,
    96;
   joins Sextus Pompey, 105.

 _Statius_, his Silvæ agreeable, his Thebais a cold poem, iii, 210;
   does not win with the Thebais the Capitoline prize, 210;
   his poem, the Leptitani, 251.

 _Stilicho_ pushes on the Eastern Goths under Radagaise to the Apennines
    not far from Fiesole, i, 414; iii, 331, 322;
   was not of Roman extraction, 328;
   marries Serena, 328;
   defeats Alaric, 329;
   conquers Alaric near Pollentia, 330;
   murdered, 333.

 _Stipendium_ introduced, i, 351;
   monthly, 351.

 _Stoic philosophy_ particularly welcome to the Romans, ii, 271;
   did not raise up any heroes among the Greeks, iii, 68;
   republicanism in Rome, 206;
   importance in the time of the emperors, 239.

 _Stonians_ stand their ground against the Gauls, i, 368.

 _Stories_, the same told in different ways which are entirely opposed
    to each other, i, 102.

 _Strabo_, judicious and excellent, mistaken in thinking of the marshes
    near Parma as those through which Hannibal passed, ii, 89;
   eminent for his practical turn for history, iii, 227.

 _Strabo_, see Seius.

 _Strasburg_, the guilds the ruling power there, i, 168.

 _Stratonicea_, ii, 219.

 _Styria_, out of two thousand noble families scarcely a dozen remain,
    i, 140.

 _Sucro_ in Spain, ii, 130.

 _Suessa Aurunca_, fortified, i, 497, 510.

 _Suessula_, i, 453.

 _Suetonius’_ life of Cæsar ἀκέφαλος, iii, 29;
   the dedication also wanting, 29;
   life of Horace, 134;
   criticism of the purpose of his work, 164;
   is a writer who has little of the antique about him, 178;
   tainted with the profligacy of his time, 179;
   had no insight into character, 194;
   not able to do much without books, 204;
   his book must have been a work of his youth, 205.

 _Suetonius Paullinus_ crushes the rebellion in Britain, iii, 191.

 _Sueves_ invade Gaul, iii, 42;
   defeated near Besançon, 43, 46, 211;
   cross the Rhine, 331;
   evacuate Gaul, 332;
   in Spain, 332;
   defeated by Adolphus, 334.

 _Suffetes_, ii, 6;
   heads of the state in peace, 168;
   always called by the Greeks βασιλεῖς, 168, _note_.

 _Sully_, i, 239, 398.

 _Sulpicia_, iii, 138.

 _Sulpician_ aims at the sovereignty, iii, 249.

 _Sulpicius_, tribune, flies after the battle on the Alia to the Capitol
    to defend it, i, 378.

 _Sulpicius_, his fleet a curse for Greece, ii, 146;
   does not succeed against Philip, 153;
   his undertaking a complete failure, 153.

 _P. Sulpicius_, tribune, brings forward a motion, that the command
    against Mithridates should be transferred to Marius, ii, 365;
   moreover, that the new citizens should be distributed in the old
      tribes, 366;
   Cicero’s opinion of him, 366; iii, 17;
   outlawed, ii, 368;
   killed, 368.

 _Sulpicius Severus_, iii, 326.

 _Sunnah_ corresponds in form to the _commentarii Pontificum_, i, 10.

 SUPREMA TEMPESTAS, i, 270.

 _Surnames_, taken from places, betoken a relation of patrons, i, 217.

 _Susa_, iii, 264.

 _Sussex_, iii, 45.

 _Sutrium_ and _Nepete_, border fastnesses of Etruria against Rome, i,
    392.

 _Suwarow_, iii, 71.

 _Swabia_ was not a German country, has become so only by the Alemanni,
    iii, 152;
   little war in the days of Nerva, 216.

 _Swabians_, partly called Sueves, and partly Alemanni, dwell on the
    Maine, iii, 277;
   break through the _Limes_ and take possession of what is now Swabia,
      280.

 _Swinburne_ gives a satisfactory description of the ground of the
    battle of Cannæ, ii, 100.

 _Switzerland_, whenever danger threatened from abroad the
    aristocratical cantons mild to their country districts, otherwise
    harsh and cruel to them, i, 225;
   growing prosperity at the time of the Thirty Years’ war, 459;
   the office of Bailiff sold in the smaller cantons, ii, 7.

 _Syagrius_, iii, 347.

 _Sylburg’s_ edition of Dionysius excellent, i, 41;
   not inferior to any philologer of the first renown, 41.

 _Sylla_, L. Cornelius, promotes proletarians into the senate, i, 516;
   treats with Bocchus about the delivering up of Jugurtha, ii, 321,
      distinguishes himself in the Social War with the main army, 356;
   consul, 359;
   character, 359;
   appointed general by the senate against Mithridates, 360;
   marches against Rome, 367;
   conquers near Chæronea, 375;
   greatness of his character, 378;
   his return to Italy, 378;
   confirms all the rights of the new citizens, 379;
   defeats Norbanus near the Mount Tifata, 380;
   trace, 380;
   conquers the younger Marius near Sacriportus, 381;
   marches upon Rome, 381;
   goes to Etruria, 382;
   battle of the Colline gate, 382;
   has eight thousand Samnites put to death, 383;
   conduct towards Præneste, 383;
   proscriptions, 383;
   his fantastic activity, 385;
   reorganizes the senate, 385;
   regulates the consulate and tribunate, 387;
   deprives the children of the proscribed of their rights as citizens,
      387;
   gives back the administration of justice to the senators, 388;
   further changes, 388;
   dictatorship, 390;
   his disease, 390;
   death, 391;
   was not false, 407.

 _Symmachus_, iii, 324.

 _Symplegades_, according to one legend in the eastern, and according to
    others in the western sea, i, 102.

 _Sympolity_, synonymous to _connubium_ and _commercium_, i, 503.

 _Syngraphæ_, i, 388.

 _Syphax_, king of the Massæsylians, ii, 131;
   makes overtures to the Romans, 131;
   marries Sophonisbe, 135;
   wishes to act as mediator between Rome and Carthage, 136;
   defeated by Masinissa, led in the triumph of Scipio, dies at Alba,
      136;
   his statues common, 136.

 _Syracuse_ besieged under Agathocles by the Carthaginians, ii, 4;
   the cradle of mechanical art, 12;
   falls off from Rome, 114;
   proclaims the republic, 115;
   revolution by the mercenaries, 116;
   conquered, 117;
   acknowledged by Timæus as the first of Greek towns, 118.

 _Syria_ at war with Egypt, ii, 145;
   wins the northern fortresses of Phœnicia, 145;
   Roman province, iii, 11;
   one of the finest and richest countries in the world, 12;
   overrun by the Persians, 280.

 _P. Syrus_, iii, 141.


                                   T

 TABELLIONES under the emperors, i, 515.

 TABULÆ NOVÆ, cancelling of debts, i, 540.

 _Tacitus_, his loving memory of his father-in-law, ii, 292;
   the excellent _dialogus de Oratoribus_, iii, 130, 185;
   has not described the time of Nerva, 214;
   has written from the death of Augustus down to Trajan, 164;
   the Annales were very likely twenty books, 164;
   throws in the beginning of his _Historiæ_ some light on Galba, 194;
   his opinion of Otho’s end, 198;
   his Agricola one of the greatest masterpieces of biography, 211;
   character of his writings, 224, 225;
   first edition of Agricola, 224;
   the _Historiæ_ comprised thirty books, 225;
   his age did not acknowledge his eminence, 225.

 _Tacitus_, princeps Senatus, emperor, iii, 287;
   the statement of his advanced age deserves little credit, 288;
   carries on the war against the Alans, 288;
   dies, 288.

 _Tactics_ of the Romans, great light thrown on it by Cæsar’s
    commentaries and by Josephus, iii, 199.

 _Tadjiks_, inhabitants of towns, iii, 264.

 _Tænarus_, the gathering place of men without a home, i, 462; ii, 23.

 _Talents_ in Appian are not Attic, but Egyptian, i. e., copper talents,
    iii, 72.

 _Talmud_, corresponds in form to the _Commentarii pontificum_, i, 10.

 _Tamphilus_, see Bæbius.

 _Tanaquil_, lives to see the death of Servius, must at that time have
    been a hundred and fifteen years old, i, 81, 155;
   every woman, who is stated to have been Etruscan, is called by the
      Romans Tanaquil, 137.

 _Tarchon_, i, 192.

 _Tarentum_ waxes great by the immigration of the Greeks from the other
    states, i, 459;
   state of its affairs, 460;
   constitution, 460;
   the blame heaped upon it is unjust, 460;
   calls in Archidamus of Sparta, 461;
   then Alexander of Epirus, 461;
   wool dying manufactories, 478;
   its share in the second Samnite war, 497;
   calls in Cleonymus against the Lucanians, 510;
   very likely throughout the Samnite war hostile to Rome, 511;
   treaty with Rome, 511, 544;
   excites the people far and near against the Romans, 544, 548;
   destroys the Roman ships, 549;
   the citadel given up to Cineas, 556;
   sold by Milo, 570;
   garrison of the Romans there, ii, 50;
   goes over to Hannibal, 110;
   the citadel remains to the Romans, 110;
   fallen into the hands of Hannibal owing to treachery, again betrayed
      to the Romans, 120;
   colony sent thither by C. Gracchus, 120;
   loses all its rights, 186.

 _Tarpeia_, a Sabine heroine, i, 29.

 _Tarquinians_, after their expulsion reside at Laurentum, i, 136;
   _gens Tarquinia_, 137;
   treated at first with forbearance, then exiled, 204.

 _Tarquinii_, an important town, its connexion with Corinth not to be
    mistaken, i, 134;
   its people carry on war against the Romans, 390;
   threaten Rome, 408;
   war of them, 413;
   routed by C. Martius, 413.

 _Tarquinius Priscus_, legends of him, i, 81, 185;
   is a Latin, not an Etruscan, 136;
   his wife in the old legend a Latin woman, Caia Cæcilia, 137;
   in all likelihood belongs to the Luceres, 137;
   his time seems to be parted from the former by a great gulf, 137;
   _Cloaca maxima_, 138;
   wishes to double the Romulean _Tribus_, 139.

 _Tarquinius Superbus_, stated by Piso to have been the grandson of
    Tarquinius Priscus, i, 29;
   at least fifty years of age when he kills Servius, 81;
   forbids the plebeian Sacra, 173;
   destroys the laws of Servius Tullius, 184, 194;
   undertakes immense works, uses the plebeians as bondmen, 194;
   subjects Latium, 195;
   presides at the sacrifices of the _Feriæ Latinæ_, 197;
   said to have founded colonies at Signia and Circeii, 197;
   Gabii taken by stratagem, 197;
   his statue remained on the Capitol, 199;
   goes to Cære, Tarquinii, Veii, 208;
   his death, 219.

 _Sex. Tarquinius_, his outrage against Lucretia, i, 189.

 _L. Tarquitius_, master of the horse of Cincinnatus, i, 282.

 _Tarraco_, in the beginning of the second Punic war, in possession of
    the Romans, ii, 69.

 _T. Tatius_, dies in the fourth year of the town, i, 84, _note_;
   gains, by means of treason, a settlement on the Tarpeian Hill, 118;
   slain at the sacrifice in Laurentum, 118, 121;
   his memory hated, 121;
   called by Ennius a tyrant, 121;
   refuses to the people of Lavinium to give up their kinsmen, 266.

 _Taurasia_, battle, i, 567.

 _Taurea_, see Jubellius.

 _Taurinians_ were Ligurians, i, 370.

 _Tauris_, capital of Armenia, iii, 296.

 _Tauriscans_ are among the tribes in arms in the war of the Cisalpine
    Gauls, otherwise only in Carniola, ii, 52;
   their dwellings, iii, 3.

 _Taurominium_, allied with Syracuse, i, 578;
   opens its gates to the Romans, 581;
   independent after the first Punic war, ii, 41.

 _Taxes_ among the ancients were mostly on land, ii, 183;
   made superfluous in Rome by the Macedonian booty after the defeat of
      Perseus, 219; iii, 301.

 _Taxiles_, general of Mithridates, ii, 375.

 _Tectosages_, tribe of the Galatians, ii, 81.

 _Telamon_, near Populonia, battle of the Romans and the Cisalpine
    Gauls, ii, 55.

 _Tellenians_, i, 171.

 _Tellus_ and _Tellumo_, deities of the earth, i, 169;
   temple of Tellus on the Carinæ, 257.

 _Telmissus_ comes to Eumenes, ii, 183.

 _Temple_ of Penates, falsely called the temple of Romulus, at the foot
    the Velia, i, 206;
   that of Venus and of Roma is _summa Velia_, 206;
   of Virtus and Honos, dedicated by Marcellus, thoroughly stripped in
      the time of Livy, ii, 119;
   the temple of Jerusalem plundered by Pompey, iii, 11;
   of the temple of Apollo on the Palatine nothing is left, 149;
   the temple of peace built by Vespasian, 207;
   of Mars Ultor, all the columns of marble, 222;
   the temples of Venus and Roma erected under Hadrian, 224.

 _Tenchteri_, Cæsar’s conduct to them, iii, 44.

 _Terentia_, Cicero’s wife, her influence over him, iii, 18.

 _C. Terentilius Harsa_ appoints five men to draw up a law, declaring
    the limits of consular authority, i, 277.

 _P. Terentius Afer_ (Terence), ii, 392;
   conf. Plautus.

 _Terentius Culleo_, ii, 185.

 _C. Terentius Varro_, consul, son of a butcher, ii, 97;
   seems unjustly to have been condemned by historians, 98;
   in the account of Appian, taken from Fabius Pictor, he is far from
      being so blameable as Livy and Polybius want to make him out, 99.

 _M. Terentius Varro_, descendant of C. Terentius Varro, dates the death
    of Nævius later than others do, i, 18;
   not a learned philologist in the modern sense of the term, 99;
   has read an immense deal, but is confused, 103;
   belongs to the aristocratical party, ii, 98; iii, 56;
   does not at all write like one who lived in the same age with Cicero,
      127;
   by far less learned in Greek things than in Roman, 127.

 _Terina_, i, 458.

 _Termantia_, or Termessia, town of the Celtiberians, ii, 260.

 _Terni_, origin of the cascade, i, 538;
   conf. Amiternum.

 _Terra di Lecce_ and _Terra di Otranto_, the Greek language extinct
    there, i, 145.

 _Terracina_, Tyrrhenian, called formerly Τραχεινή, i, 110;
   afterwards Volscian, called Anxur, 223;
   conf. Anxur.

 _Tertullian_, a man of the highest talent, iii, 234;
   his book against the theatre, 235;
   should be read much more generally by philologists, 235.

 _Tetricus_, C. Pesuvius, emperor in the West, iii, 283, 284;
   goes over to Aurelian, 286.

 _Teuta_, Queen of Illyria, ii, 47.

 _Teutoburg Forest_, battle, iii, 157.

 _Teutones_, of German stock, ii, 323;
   may have been chased out of the East by the advance of the
      Sarmatians, 323;
   conquered by Marius, 329.

 _Teutonic Knights_ at Königsberg, had a book with stories from the O.
    T., and from the heroic age of Rome, i, 79.

 _Thalna_, see Juventius.

 _Thapsus_, peninsula with a fortified town, iii, 67.

 _Tharyps_, king of the Molossians, i, 552.

 _Thasus_, the Phœnician settlement there later than that of Cyprus, ii,
    1.

 _Theatres_, Greek, had most of them a view of the sea, i, 549;
   in them the people used to assemble, 549;
   of Marcellus, iii, 149.

 _Thebes_, destroyed, ii, 255.

 _Theocritus_, said to have been put to death by Hiero on account of a
    Satire, i, 578;
   his idyll Χάριτες, 578;
   his shepherds are Siculian, not Greek, iii, 131.

 _Theodora_, stepdaughter of Maximian, wife of Constantine, iii, 298.

 _Theodoric_, king of the Western Goths, iii, 340;
   his classical knowledge, 343.

 _Theodorius_, emperor, colleague of Gratian, iii, 319;
   native of Spain, 319;
   character, 320;
   conquers the Goths, 320;
   defeats Maximus near Aquileia, 321;
   against Eugenius, 321;
   does penance, 322.

 _Theodosius_, iii, 335.

 _Theology_, of the Romans Etruscan, i, 148;
   a knowledge of the imperial history indispensable for it, iii, 164.

 _Theophilus_, his mistake, ii, 41.

 _Theophrastus_, did not yet reckon by Olympiads, i, 149.

 _Thera_, rises out of a clod of earth, i, 102.

 _Thermantia_, Stilicho’s daughter, Honorius’ wife, iii, 332.

 _Thermometer_, its height much less in old times than now, i, 357, and
    _note_.

 _Thermopylæ_, Ætolian, ii, 151;
   battle, 173.

 _Thesmophoriæ_, celebrated by women only, iii, 27.

 _Thessalians_, are connected with the Pelasgians, i, 96.

 _Thessalonica_, besieged by the Goths, iii, 284.

 _Thessaly_, country of Cineas, has produced no other distinguished man,
    i, 555;
   well affected to Macedon, ii, 145;
   part of it Ætolian, 151;
   blended with Macedon, 151;
   forms with Phthiotis the Thessalian republic, 163;
   quite unable to take care of its own affairs, 171.

 _Thirty Years’ War_, did nothing but destroy in literature, ii, 395;
   in the latter years of it the French, Swedish, and imperial armies
      were equally bad, iii, 201.

 _Thrace_, the towns on the southern coast belonged to Egypt, ii, 145;
   conquered by Philip, 148;
   a kingdom, iii, 121.

 _Thracians_, surprise the Roman army, ii, 204;
   are not without Greek learning, 309;
   speak Wallachian, iii, 267;
   only the seaports and the larger inland towns, Greek, 267.

 _Thrasea_, see Pætus.

 _Thucydides_ mentions natural phenomena, ii, 92;
   no other historian of the same spirit rose up after him, iii, 275.

 _Thurii_, i, 459;
   conquered by the Lucanians, 551;
   by Rome, 551;
   destroyed, ii, 406.

 _Thurinians_, supported by the Romans against the Lucanians, i, 545;
   erect a statue to Fabricius, 546;
   the protection of Tarentum withdrawn from them, 551.

 _Thysdrus_, provincial town in Africa, iii, 268;
   insurrection against Maximian, 268.

 _Tiberius_, Claudius Nero, a very able ruler, iii, 126;
   compelled to marry Julia, 147;
   proud of high birth, 147;
   goes to Rhodes, 147;
   adopted by Augustus, heir presumptive, 148;
   looked upon with gloomy forebodings, 149;
   campaign against the Dalmatians, 149;
   suspected of having caused the death of Drusus, 153;
   receives the command in Gaul, 153;
   subdues the Sigambri, Bructeri and Cherusci, 154;
   against Marbod, 155;
   to Gaul, 159;
   speaks the funeral oration of Augustus, 161;
   was in danger of life even when still an infant, 165;
   has the _quæstura Ostiensis_, 166;
   goes to Armenia, 166;
   character, 166;
   a first-rate general, 166;
   heir of two-thirds of Augustus’ property, 168;
   dissimulation, 168;
   his apparent refusal to undertake the government, 168;
   did all for peace, 170;
   hoards treasures, 173;
   his dread of Livia, 174;
   gives himself up to the most infamous lusts, 174;
   Napoleon’s opinion of him, 174;
   withdraws to Capreæ, 175;
   declares against Sejanus, 176;
   poisoned, 177;
   knew Caligula as the monster he really was, 177.

 _Tibullus_, his fortune had suffered in the stormy times in which he
    was placed, iii, 137;
   genuineness of his poems, 137.

 _Tibur_ seems to have formed a distinct state, hostile to the Romans,
    i, 413;
   receives the full franchise by the Lex Julia, ii, 354;
   declares for Marius, 370;
   conf. Præneste, Tivoli.

 _Tiburtines_, attached to the party of Cinna, iii, 107.

 _Ticida_, iii, 129.

 _Ticinus_, battle, probably near Pavia, ii, 83.

 _Tifata_, Mount, battle, ii, 380.

 _Tigellinus_, præfectus prætorio, iii, 192.

 _Tigranes_, king of Armenia, iii, 2;
   extent of his empire, 2;
   buys the peace with Rome, 11.

 _Tigranocerta_, iii, 7;
   taken by Lucullus, 7.

 _Tigurini_, in Helvetia, of Gallic stock, join the Cimbrians, ii, 324;
   revenge of the Romans, iii, 41.

 _Timæus_, source of Ennius, i, 24;
   statement from him, 98;
   is the first who reckons by Olympiads, 149;
   his history of the Samnite wars merely an introduction to that of
      Pyrrhus, 493;
   his history of the war of Pyrrhus, 562; ii, 1;
   lived in Athens, ii, 118.

 _Timesicles_, see Misitheus.

 _Timesitheus_, see Misitheus.

 Τιμηταί of the Greek towns, i, 332.

 _Timoleon_ checks the spread of the Carthaginians in Sicily, i, 457;
   pacifies Sicily, 575; ii, 4.

 _Tin_, of great value to the ancients for making copper fusible, ii,
    58;
   even now found principally in England and the East Indies, iii, 45;
   very great quantities used in ancient times, 45;
   channels of its trade, 45.

 _Tin mines_ in Cornwall, iii, 45.

 _Tiridates_ receives Armenia as a fief from Nero, iii, 191;
   mention of him in the _Mirabilia Romæ_, 192.

 _Tiridates_, prince of Armenia, iii, 313.

 _Tities_, name of the Sabine tribe, i, 124.

 _Titthi_, tribe of the Celtiberians, ii, 260.

 _L. Titurius_, his legion annihilated by the Eburones, iii, 46.

 _Titus_, son of Vespasian, remains behind in Judæa, iii, 201;
   carries on the government, 207;
   very unpopular before his father’s death, 207;
   his generosity, 208;
   præfectus prætorio, 208.

 _Tivoli_ had in the 15th century fifty times more owners of the soil
    than now, i, 228;
   destroyed places in its neighbourhood, 409 and _note_;
   constitution in modern times, ii, 398;
   conf. Tibur.

 _Toga_, its form, i, 267.

 _Toichographies_ of the Greeks, i, 5.

 _Tolistoboii_, tribe of the Galatians, ii, 181.

 _Lars Tolumnius_, king of Veii, i, 347.

 _Tomi_ (Kustendji), lay outside the contiguous Roman empire, iii, 161.

 _Tongres_, burnt to ashes, iii, 308.

 _Town-house_ in America, i, 450.

 _Trajan_, fond of transporting himself into the past, i, 403;
   has written his memoirs, iii, 214;
   adopted by Nerva, 215;
   his descent, 216;
   goes to Germany, 216;
   comes to Rome only a year after his accession, 217;
   his energy, 217;
   gets the finances into excellent order, 217;
   the first Dacian war, 218;
   conquers, 218;
   second war, 219;
   successfully ended, 219;
   war against the Parthians 219;
   reduces Seleucia and Ctesiphon, 220;
   makes peace, 220;
   makes Arabia a Roman province, 220;
   dies at Selinus, 221;
   adopts Hadrian, 221;
   his buildings, 221.

 _Trajanopolis_, formerly Selinus, iii, 221.

 _Trajan’s pillar_, iii, 212, 223.

 TRANSITIO AD PLEBEM, i, 200; iii, 28.

 _Trapani_, the Drepana of old, ii, 29.

 _Trasimenus_, battle, ii, 91;
   has great resemblance to the battle of Auerstedt, 91.

 _Travertino_, is fire proof, i, 380.

 _Treasury_ of Rome during the time of the Social War, ii, 296;
   well filled at the death of Antoninus Pius, iii, 248.

 _Trebia_, locality of the battle, ii, 84;
   battle of Macdonald against Suwarow in 1799, 86.

 _Trebonianus_, Gallus, emperor, iii, 278;
   concludes a treaty with the Goths, 278;
   falls, defeated by Æmilianus, 279.

 _Trebonius_, a Lucanian name, iii, 37.

 _C. Trebonius_, general of Cæsar, takes a part in the conspiracy
    against him, iii, 79.

 _Trent_, a Lombard colony, i, 103.

 _Treves_, seat of the Gallic government, iii, 283;
   _Porta nigra_, 283;
   destroyed, 308.

 TRIARII, i, 441.

 _Triballians_, make their appearance in Thrace nine (twelve) years
    after the taking of Rome, i, 365, 369.

 _Tribuneship_, brought back by Sylla to what it was before the
    Publilian law, ii, 387;
   no one, after having been tribune, is to have any office, which led
      to the senate, 387;
   restored by Pompey, iii, 5.

 TRIBUNI ÆRARII, iii, 4.

 TRIBUNI CELERUM, not one but four of them, i, 199.

 TRIBUNI MILITARES, their number, i, 192;
   in the army, when complete, there are twenty-four of them, 488.

 TRIBUNI PLEBIS, entered upon office on the tenth of December, i, 237;
   institution of the office, 239;
   elected by the whole of the community, 239;
   inviolable, 340;
   chosen _auxilii ferendi causa_, 340;
   looked upon like the ambassador of a foreign state, to protect the
      subjects of his sovereign, 241;
   their houses open by day and night, not allowed to absent themselves
      from the city, 241;
   elected by the centuries, 242;
   confirmed by the curies, 242;
   their number at first two, afterwards five, 242;
   were anything but mutinous, 256;
   their character changes under Pontificius, 260;
   no longer confirmed by the curies, 261;
   impeach the consuls, probably before the curies, 265;
   after that before the Plebes, 265;
   their procedure in their motions before the people, 270;
   receive by the Publilian rogations the initiative, 271;
   their office not abolished under the first decemvirate, only under
      the second, 298;
   ten elected under the presidency of the _Pontifex Maximus_, 312;
   after the downfall of the decemvirs they enter upon their office in
      December, 312;
   the protest of one might paralyze the influence of the whole body,
      314;
   representatives of their order, 314;
   seem also to have taken auspices, 314;
   patricians among them, 314, 326;
   their college divided, 328;
   their power limited by the _Lex Ælia_ and _Fusina_, ii, 226;
   arrest consuls, 226;
   change of the character of the tribuneship, 269;
   can only check each other, 280;
   belong to the first families, 281;
   merely commissioned to bring motions before the people, 281;
   enter upon office on the ninth of December, 284;
   take part in the discussions of the senate, 284.

 TRIBUNUS, head of a tribe, i, 174.

 TRIBUNUS NOTARIORUM, cabinet councillor, iii, 321.

 _Tribes_, the names of the oldest Roman tribes Etruscan, i, 148;
   of Servius Tullius, i, 173;
   had common Sacra, 173;
   names of the country tribes taken from heroes, 173;
   plebeians only received into them, 174;
   _tribus urbanæ_ were _minus honestæ_, especially the Esquilina, the
      Crustumina standing higher, 336, 522;
   there seems to have been discussion allowed in them, 184;
   their privileges, 184;
   an appeal to them granted by Servius Tullius, 184;
   their number reduced from thirty to twenty by the peace of Porsena,
      212;
   tribus Crustumina added as the twenty-first, 212;
   consist of two decuries, 239;
   were allowed only to transact business on the Nundines, 269;
   a curulian magistrate not allowed to be present at their assemblies,
      269;
   mode of voting, 260;
   become a general national division, 304;
   might assemble every day, 322;
   decide on war, 415;
   after the first Punic war there are thirty-five of them, ii, 185;
   new tribes formed in the Social war, 357;
   conjectures on their number, 357, _note_;
   done away with, 374.

 _Tribus Æmilia_, ii, 374.

 _Tribus Pupinia_, i, 448.

 _Tribus Quirina_, ii, 185.

 _Tribus Sergia_, ii, 374.

 _Tribus Tarquinia_, i, 204.

 _Tribus Ufentina_, i, 466.

 _Tribus Velina_, ii, 185.

 _Tribute_ of the conquered countries to Rome, iii, 12.

 _Trierarchies_ in Rome, i, 405.

 _Trifanum_ on the Liris, battle, i, 444.

 _Trinundinum_ or _Trinum nundinum_, i, 269, 270.

 _Triremes_ of the Athenians had from two hundred to two hundred and
    twenty men, partly rowers, partly marines, ii, 12;
   of the Romans and Antiates, ii, 13.

 _Triumph_ on the Alban mount, i, 411, _note_.

 _Triumphal Fasti_, see Fasti.

 _Triumphal arches_ at the entrances of the Forum Ulpium, iii, 224, on
    that of Severus the falling of the art is to be seen, 224.

 TRIUMVIRI, more correctly _tresviri_, i, 544.

 TRIUMVIRI AGRORUM _dividendorum_, ii, 284;
   were not _sacrosancti_, 284.

 TRIUMVIRI CAPITALES were perhaps an offshoot of the ædilieian power, i,
    406, 543;
   their offices, 544.

 TRIUMVIRI MONETALES, established after the _Lex Hortensia_, i, 406.

 _Triumviri reipublicæ constituendæ_, i, 407; iii, 92.

 _Trocmi_, tribe of the Galatians, ii, 181.

 _Trogus Pompeius_, born near Massilia, used native chronicles, i, 364;
   of Ligurian extraction, ii, 49.

 _Trojans_ to be looked upon as Pelasgians, i, 96.

 _Trojan_ immigration in Italy quite unauthenticated, i, 105;
   mentioned by Nævius, 105.

 _Tuarics_ have an alphabet quite distinct from the Arabic, ii, 310.

 _Tubero_, Q. Ælius, writes the Roman annals anew, i, 35;
   no longer knew the old style of language, nor did he see the
      difference between the institutions of his own day and those of
      primitive times, 35;
   made use of documents, 35.

 _Tuditanus_, consul, ii, 288.

 TULLIA GENS, an Alban clan on the Cœlius, i, 156.

 _Tullus_, see Attius, Hostilius.

 _Tunes_, _Tunis_, its territory subject to Carthage, ii, 4;
   the dialect probably still contains Punic and Latin elements, 5; iii,
      234;
   conquered by Regulus, ii, 21.

 _Turditanians_, according to the ancients of different race from the
    Cantabrians, according to Humboldt of the same, ii, 60.

 _Turin_, battle, iii, 299.

 _Turini_, ancient form for Tyrrheni, i, 102.

 _Turnus_, synonymous with Turinus, Tyrrhenus, i, 109.

 _Turnus Herdonius_, the tale of him has a highly poetical colouring, i,
    195.

 _Tuscanica signa_ prized at Rome, i, 153.

 _Tuscany_, the grand duke Peter Leopold divided his subjects, and
    thereby made them bad, i, 451.

 _Tusci_, synonymous with Tyrrheni, i, 144.

 _Tusculans_, become full citizens after the Latin war, i, 448;
   put into the Tribus Pupinia, 448;
   the most renowned Roman families were Tusculan, 448;
   rising, 480.

 _Tusculum_ remains faithful to Rome, i, 390;
   the theatre there presupposes the performance of native and Greek
      pieces, ii, 195.

 _Twelve Tables_, the laws of the, introduce one uniform civil law for
    patricians and plebeians, i, 228, 230;
   their origin, 297;
   the laws hostile to the liberty of the plebeians were on the two
      last, 298;
   constitution after them, 300, 303;
   the laws were not entirely new, 301;
   give unlimited right to dispose by will, 301;
   forbid the enactment of any _privilegia_, 303.

 _Tycha_, part of Syracuse, ii, 117.

 _Tyndaris_, on the northern coast of Sicily, sea fight, ii, 16.

 _Tyrants_, thirty, iii, 281.

 _Tyre_, by its connexion with Persia becomes the port for the whole of
    Asia, ii, 3.

 _Tyrrhenians_, old name of the Pelasgian population of Latium, i, 98;
   among the Greeks the Pelasgian inhabitants of the whole western coast
      of Italy, 102;
   go from Meonia to Italy, 102;
   the name transferred by the Greeks to the Etruscans, 148;
   dwelt, according to Thucydides, near Athos, and in Lemnos, according
      to Herodotus, in Attica, near the Hymettus, 143;
   the national hatred of the Greeks against them in Pindar to be
      understood of the Etruscans, 151;
   make their appearance before Cumæ, 214.


                                   U

 _Ulixes_, Latin form for Odysseus, ii, 194;
   Siculian, 194, _note_.

 _Ulm_, the guilds the ruling power there, i, 168.

 _Ulphilas_, iii, 317.

 _Ulpianus_, Domitius, chief of Septimius Severus, iii, 262;
   of Tyrian origin, but not born in Tyre, 262;
   murdered, 263;
   a great jurist, 275;
   excellent with regard to language, 275.

 _Ulster_, it is problematical whether any Cymri had dwelt there, ii,
    322.

 _Umbrians_, belong to the same stock as the Opicans, i, 99;
   their language has some resemblance to Latin, 142;
   Umbria, a district in Tuscany, 146;
   become tributary to the Gauls, 372;
   connexion with the Romans, 509;
   acknowledge Rome’s supremacy, 571;
   under arms during the Social War, ii, 352, 358;
   get the Roman franchise, 358.

 _Umbro_, river in Tuscany, i, 146.

 _Unction_ often applied as a remedy, iii, 252.

 _Uri_, the _Beisassen_, a subjugated community, i, 167;
   the canton oligarchical, 437.

 _Usipetes_, Cæsar’s conduct against them, iii, 44.

 _Utica_, older colony of Tyre than Carthage, ii, 1;
   rises against Carthage, 45;
   throws itself into the arms of Rome, 232;
   saved by Cato, iii, 69.


                                   V

 _Vaccæans_, their subjection, ii, 202;
   war against them, 231.

 _Vadimo_, lake, i, 547.

 _Valais_, iii, 43.

 _Valckenaer_, iii, 235.

 _Valencia_, province, Latinized, ii, 257.

 _Valencia_, town, founded, ii, 260.

 _Valenciennes_, excavations, iii, 203.

 _Valens_, see Fabius.

 _Valens_, brother and colleague of Valentinian the First, iii, 315;
   cruel and cowardly, a fanatical Arian, 316;
   battle of Adrianople, 319.

 _Valentinian_, emperor, an Illyrian, iii, 315;
   character, 315.

 _Valentinian II._, son of Valentinian the First, iii, 316;
   flies before Maximus to Thessalonica, 321;
   murdered by Arbogastes, 321.

 _Valentinian III._, Placidus, iii, 335;
   emperor, 335;
   conspires against Aëtius, 342;
   murdered, 342.

 _Valeriani_, ii, 377; iii, 5.

 _Valerianus_ defeats Æmilianus, emperor, iii, 279;
   censor, 279;
   his history very obscure, 279;
   war with the Persians, capitulates and becomes a prisoner, 280;
   dies in captivity, 281.

 _Valerian laws_ restore those of Servius, i, 207.

 _Valerius_, see Messalla.

 _Valerius_ and _Horatius_, consuls after the downfall of the decemvirs,
    i, 342;
   conquer the Sabines, 342.

 _L. Valerius_, _duumvir navalis_, sent with his squadron to Tarentum,
    i, 549;
   killed, 549.

 _M. Valerius_, dictator, i, 235.

 _Valerius_, Volesus, and the several contemporary Valerii, i, 200,
    _note_, 218;
   belong to the Tities, 200.

 _Valerius Antias_, the most untrue of all the Roman historians, i, 32;
   does not belong to the gens of the patrician Valerii, 32;
   Livy has repeatedly taken from him, 33, 117.

 _M. Valerius Corvus_, character, i, 425, 481;
   conquers near the Mount Gaurus, 427;
   a second time, 429;
   puts down the insurrection near Lautulæ, 431;
   lives to an advanced age, 547;
   six times consul, ii, 333.

 _Q. Valerius Falto_, prætor, conquers near the Ægatian isles, ii, 38.

 _L. Valerius Flaccus_, friend of Cato, ii, 173, 192.

 _L. Valerius Flaccus_, head of the democracy, ii, 369;
   gets the command against Mithridates, 375;
   murdered by his quæstor or legatus Fimbria, 376.

 _Valerius Flaccus_, prætor, iii, 23;
   Cicero’s oration for him, 37.

 _Valerius Maximus_, one of the most wretched of writers, i, 66;
   during the middle ages the mirror of virtue, 79;
   no historical authority, 466.

 _Valerius Poplicola_, præfectus urbi, i, 202;
   generally mentioned as the successor of Collatinus, 205;
   the accounts of him are fabulous, 206;
   said to have been chosen into the senate, 334.

 _L. Valerius Potitus_, requires the decemvirs to resign their power, i,
    308.

 _C. Valerius Triarius_, iii, 8.

 _Valesius_, Hadrian, iii, 276.

 _Valgius_, iii, 129, 141.

 _Valla_, Laurentius, his grave discovered by Niebuhr, i, 3;
   startled at the contradictions of ancient history, 3, 56.

 _Vandals_, fearing rebellions, pull down the walls of the conquered
    towns, ii, 20;
   make their appearance, iii, 284;
   threaten Rome, 287;
   cross the Rhine, 332;
   evacuate Gaul, 332;
   in Spain, 332;
   conquered by Adolphus, 334;
   invited to Africa by Boniface, 337;
   truce and peace, 337;
   pillage Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and the coast of Italy, 338.

 _Q. Vargunteius_, has reviewed, not divided the books of Ennius, i, 24.

 _Q. Varius_, tribune, his law, ii, 349.

 _Varius_, ranked by the ancients among the greatest of that age, iii,
    138;
   his tragedy of Thyestes, 138;
   composed very likely after Alexandrinian tragedy, 138.

 _Varro_, see Terentius.

 _Varro Atacinus_, translator of Apollonius Rhodius, iii, 129.

 _Varus_, general of Pompey in Africa, iii, 56.

 _Varus_, Martius, iii, 241.

 _Varus Quinctilius_, iii, 156.

 _Vases_, Etruscan, near Tarquinii, perfectly similar to the oldest
    Greek ones, i, 134;
   Arretinian, 134.

 _Vatinius_, Cicero’s charge and defence, iii, 20;
   causes, as tribune of the people, Cisalpine Gaul to be given to Cæsar
      for five years, 34.

 _Vaudoncourt_, general, asserts, that the Italian, Spanish, and African
    nations, fought in phalanx, i, 476;
   his notions with regard to the battle on the Trebia inconceivable,
      ii, 84.

 _Vegetation_ in southern countries always springing up about walls, i,
    382.

 _Veientine_ war of Tarquin mythical, i, 208.

 _Veii_, extent of the town, i, 261;
   war with Rome, 261;
   conquer the stronghold of the Fabii at the Cremera, 264;
   attack against Rome, 264;
   truce, 265;
   last war with Rome, 352;
   parallel to that of Troy, 354;
   conquered, 359;
   occupied by patricians, and partly also by plebeians, 360;
   the Etruscans try to reconquer it, but are repulsed by the Romans
      under Cædicius, 381;
   proposition to inhabit Veii instead of Rome, 386;
   destroyed by the orders of the senate, 387;
   restored as military colony under Augustus, 387.

 _Velabrum_, i, 189;
   lay low on marshy ground, 518.

 _Velia summa, infima_, i, 206.

 _Velinus_, lake, its draining, i, 538.

 _Velitræ_, originally Latin, i, 445;
   afterwards a Volscian town, 344, 345;
   Roman colony, 345;
   separated from Rome, 390;
   fate after the Latin war, 450.

 _Velleius Paterculus_, writes as far as 783, independent of Livy, i,
    57;
   character, 58; ii, 357;
   hits off many characters with masterly touches, iii, 146;
   has much of the mannerism of the French writers of the eighteenth
      century, 165.

 _Venafrum_, got Roman franchise perhaps by the Lex Julia, ii, 354.

 _Venantius Fortunatus_, iii, 154.

 _Vendeans_ in the year 1793, i, 526.

 _Veneti_, near the mouth of the Loire, conquered by Cæsar, iii, 45.

 _Venetians_, friends to the Romans, ii, 56;
   their chief town Patavium, 56;
   different from the Tuscans, probably of Liburno-Pelasgian descent,
      56;
   their residences, 56;
   dependent, 58.

 _Venice_, position of the nobili, i, 131, 512;
   in the concilio grande every one was equal to his neighbour, 174;
   wishes for peace after the battle of Ghiera d’Adda, 475;
   the places were sold, ii, 7;
   fought in its most brilliant times only with small ships, 18;
   senate, iii, 288;
   foundation, 341.

 _Vennonius_, an annalist, i, 28.

 _Venusia_, colony, i, 534, 560; ii, 106; iii, 133;
   probably besieged by Pyrrhus, i, 564;
   takes part in the Social war, ii, 352, 355;
   military colony, iii, 133.

 VER SACRUM, i, 104.

 _Vercelli_, battle, iii, 332.

 _Vercingetorix_, insurrection against the Romans, iii, 46;
   gives himself up to the Romans, 48.

 _Verrius Flaccus_, i, 130, 136; iii, 323.

 _Verses_, old German, their construction, i, 90;
   Arabic, 90;
   Persian, 90;
   Spanish _coblas de art mayor_, 90.

 VERSURAM FACERE, to add the interest to the principal, i, 388.

 _Verulæ_, Hernican town, i, 247.

 _Verus_, Ælius, adopted by Hadrian, iii, 231.

 _Verus_, L., adopted by T. Antonius, iii, 237;
   wallowed in luxury, 240;
   sent against Parthia, 240.

 _Vescia_, Ausonian town, very likely the present S. Agata di Goti, i,
    443.

 _Veseris_, battle, i, 439, 443.

 _Vespasian_ from Nursia, ii, 397; iii, 199;
   has the golden house of Nero destroyed, iii, 190;
   in Syria against Vitellius, 198;
   _instaurator reipublicæ_, 199;
   of low birth, 199;
   a distinguished officer, 200;
   comes late to Rome, 201;
   character, 204;
   avarice, 206;
   his saying concerning the wants of the Roman state, 206;
   his buildings, 207;
   dies, 207.

 _Vesta_, see Vulcanus.

 _Vestales_, their number reduced to six by Tarquin the Proud, i, 130.

 _Vestinians_ of Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
   friends to the Samnites, 476;
   fall off from Rome in the Social War, ii, 352;
   make peace with Rome, 356.

 _Vesuvius_, quite burnt out at the time of Spartacus, ii, 405;
   quiet since the time of the Greek settlements, begins to throw up
      fire under Titus, iii, 209.

 _Veterans_, of Scipio’s army, rewarded by a special grant of land, ii,
    187, 273;
   veterans form settlements where they have been encamped, iii, 152;
   colonies of them founded by Cæsar, 74.

 _Vetranio_, iii, 306.

 _Vetrius Messius_, i, 344.

 VIA APPIA, i, 518;
   paved with basalt as far as Brundusium, iii, 222;
   see Appian road.

 VIA SETINA, i, 518.

 _Vibenna_, see Cæles.

 _Vibius Virrius_, head of the Carthaginian party in Capua resolves to
    die, ii, 113.

 VICI, a certain number assigned to each region, i, 172; iii, 123.

 _Victor_, the _Origo gentis Romanæ_, a forgery of modern times, i, 34;
    iii, 323.

 _Victoriensis_, Neu Wied, iii, 283.

 _Victories_, invented after defeats, i, 222.

 _Victorinus_, M. Piavvonius, emperor, iii, 282.

 _Victorinus_, Marius, rhetorician, iii, 324.

 VICUS, _septem viarum_, i, 188;
   _sceleratus_, 194.

 VIDEANT _consules, ne quid detrimenti capiat res publica_, i, 277; ii,
    304, and _note_.

 _Vienna_, siege by Soliman, ii, 280.

 _Vienne_, capital of the Allobroges, ii, 78.

 VIGILES, iii, 123.

 _Villani_, Giovanni, i, 120;
   Matteo, iii, 292.

 VILLE, original meaning, i, 167.

 _Villius_, consul, only a short time against Philip, ii, 154;
   stationed at Antigonea, 154.

 _Viminalis_, first brought within the precincts of the city by the wall
    of Servius Tullius, i, 190.

 VINCULA PETRI, iii, 114.

 VINCULUM FIDEI, i, 230.

 _Vindelicians_, are of Liburnian stock, i, 370; iii, 151.

 _Vindex_, Julius, an Aquitanian of rank, insurrection under Nero, iii,
    192;
   had the rank of a Roman senator, 193;
   slain, 193;
   a Gallic national feeling manifested in his rebellion, 202.

 VINDICIÆ _contra libertatem, secundum libertatem_, i, 309.

 _Vinius_, favourite of Galba, iii, 196.

 _Virgil_, changes the old legend of the settlement of Æneas in Latium,
    i, 116;
   _Gensque virum truncis et duro robore creti_, i, 110;
   _recens horrebat regia culmo_, 120;
   his life in danger, iii, 101;
   his fourth eclogue, 103;
   may be called the contemporary of Asinius, 130;
   never has any obsolete phrases but in the Æneid, 131;
   opinion of him, 131;
   lyric poetry his true calling, 132;
   wishes to burn the Iliad, 133;
   deserves the reproach of flattery far more than Horace, 134;
   follows in the track of the poets of Alexandria and Pergamus, 139;
   Virgilian school in the middle ages, 186.

 _Virgin_, her image washed in the river Almo, iii, 115.

 _Virginia_, daughter of the centurion L. Virginius, i, 309;
   crime of Ap. Claudius against her, 309.

 _Virginius_, father of Virginia, not Aulus, as Livy has it, i, 309.

 _T. Virginius Rufus_, commander of the German troops, iii, 193;
   truce with Vindex, 193;
   refuses to be emperor, 193;
   declares himself for Galba, 194.

 _Viriathus_, ii, 224, 257;
   his peace with the Romans, 258;
   murdered, 259.

 _Viridomarus_, Gallic chief slain by M. Claudius Marcellus, ii, 56.

 _Visigoths_, iii, 317;
   their national civilization, 317;
   received into the Roman empire, insurrection at Marcianopolis, 318;
   overrun Mœsia and Thrace, 318;
   besiege Adrianople, 319;
   disarmed by Theodosius, 320;
   defeated in Greece by Stilicho, 329;
   conf. Alaric and Adolphus.

 _Vitellius_, proclaimed emperor by the troops on the German frontier,
    iii, 196;
   his character, 196;
   his father, 196;
   marches against Italy, 197;
   battle near Bedriacum, 197;
   takes possession of Rome, 198;
   murdered, 201.

 _Vitruvius Vaccus_, i, 466.

 _Vituli_ or _Vitelli_, name of the Pelasgians in Italy, i, 79.

 _Vodostor_, Carthaginian commander, ii, 37.

 _Volaterra_, destroyed, ii, 383.

 _Volcano_, on Ischia, an eruption, i, 536.

 _Volnius_ i, 148.

 _Vologæsus_, iii, 391.

 _Volones_, ii, 110.

 _Volscians_, are Opicans, i, 98, 223;
   periods of the wars against them, 246;
   advance against Rome from the sea-side, 275;
   very likely those of Ecetræ had a friendly alliance with Rome, 285;
   get isopolity, 285, 292;
   the Volscians of Ecetræ crushed by Postumius Tubertus, 344;
   split into several states, 410;
   their land Roman, 504;
   peace, ii, 147.

 _Volscius_, who informs against Cæso Quinctius, banished by
    Cincinnatus, i, 284;
   his surname of Fictor, 284.

 _Voltumna_, temple, i, 151;
   festivals of the Etruscans there, 350.

 _Volumnius_, consul, carries on the war in Samnium, i, 525;
   goes to Etruria, where Ap. Claudius wants not to admit him, 527.

 _Voss_, J. II., the truth of his remarks on Tibullus not admitted owing
    to party spirit, iii, 137.

 _Vossius_, Ger. John, i, 38;
   misled by Pighius, 69.

 _Vulcanus_ and _Vesta_, deities of fire, i, 169.

 _Vulsinii_, the insurrection there betokens the condition of a
    vanquished people, i, 152;
   war with Rome, 361, 390, 509.

 _Vulturnum_, another name for Capua, i, 343.


                                   W

 _Walch’s_ emendations on Livy, i, 57.

 _Wall_ of Servius Tullus, i, 190;
   that which is called after Trajan, probably built by Augustus, iii,
      61.

 _Wallace_, ii, 53.

 _Wallachia_, language of the country, iii, 219.

 _Wallia_, iii, 345.

 _Walpole_, i, 464.

 _Warnefrid_, Paul, Eutropius continued by him, i, 66.

 _War_, a different notion of waging war has come into vogue since the
    end of the seventeenth century, ii, 119.

 _War_, declaration of war by the Fetiales, its formula in Livy, i, 104.

 _War_, art of war was of a far higher order in the Seven-Years’ war
    than it is now, ii, 17.

 _Wars_ in the French revolution conducted with sluggishness and want of
    design on the part of the enemy, ii, 82.

 _Waterloo_, battle, i, 560.

 _Wattignies_, battle, turning point of the modern history of warfare,
    ii, 14.

 _Well_, on the Capitol, i, 378.

 _Wendes_, in Germany, have most of them adopted the German language
    without colonization, i, 367.

 _Western Asia_, ruled over by Syrian kings, ii, 145.

 _Western Goths_, see Visigoths.

 _Westerwald_, iii, 46.

 _Wieland_, his commentary on Horace, iii, 134.

 _Will_, double form of it, i, 301;
   _in procinctu_, 301;
   auguries requisite for it, 302;
   the free disposition of property gave rise to the most shameful
      abuse, 303.

 WINKELMANN, i, 73;
   led astray by Dempster, 141;
   belongs from his style to the period before Lessing, iii, 127.

 _Winter_, severe, in Rome, i, 357.

 _Wittekind_, of Corvey, in his time all memory of the Roman wars
    entirely vanished, iii, 150.

 _Wolf_, F. A., i, 73, 251.


                                   X

 _Xanthippus_, not a Spartan, but a Neodamode, ii, 22;
   becomes general of the Carthaginians, 23;
   defeats Regulus, 24;
   leaves Carthage, 24.

 _Xanthus_, in Lycia, iii, 96.

 _Xanthus_, of Lydia, his work unjustly suspected of not being genuine,
    i, 143.

 _Xenagoras_, i, 223.

 _Xiphilinus_, extracts from Dio Cassius, i, 64.


                                   Y

 _Year_, the oldest year of the Romans had ten months, i, 84, 387;
   that of the Etruscans likewise, 387.

 _Yellow fever_, in Cadix in 1800, i, 276.

 _Yemen_, etymology, iii, 281.


                                   Z

 _Zama_, battle, ii, 140.

 _Zanclæans_, their curse on Messana, i, 577.

 _Zarmizegethusa_, capital of Dacia, Roman colony under the name of
    Colonia Ulpia, iii, 219.

 _Zeno_, iii, 68;
   by far inferior to Plato and Aristotle, 239.

 _Zenobia_, widow of Odenathus, iii, 282;
   war with Aurelian, 286;
   must have had bad infantry, 286;
   taken prisoner, 286.

 _Zeuxis_, ambassador of Antiochus to Scipio, ii, 179.

 _Zonaras_, follows in the track of Dio Cassius, i, 20;
   his extract from it has a slight admixture from Plutarch, 64;
   character of his work, 64;
   statements of his of a marked character are taken from Fabius, ii,
      62.

 _Zorndorf_, battle, 531.

 _Zurich_, the guilds the ruling power there in the fourteenth century,
    i, 168.

-----

Footnote 1:

  Ad Cornelianam p. 78. Ps. Asconius ad Cic. Divin. Verr: p. 103. Or.
  and in other places, see Orellii Onom. Ind. Leg. p. 142.—German
  Edition.

Footnote 2:

  Ch. viii. 3.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 3:

  1749.

Footnote 4:

  There is a story that Cicero, when going to Rhodes, consulted the
  Delphian oracle concerning his life, and that the Pythia replied, that
  he ought not to trouble himself about the opinion of others but always
  to follow his own. If this be an invention, it was devised by a man of
  profound penetration; if the Pythia said it, it is one of those cases
  in which one feels tempted to believe in her inspiration.

Footnote 5:

  Lydus de Magistr. II, 6.—Germ. Edit.

Footnote 6:

  Lucan, Pharsal. I, 125.

Footnote 7:

  It is remarkable, that of Cæsar not one witty saying indeed is
  recorded, whilst of Cicero an immense number are known, all of which
  have a particular stamp, so that their genuineness is not to be
  doubted.

Footnote 8:

  This unaccountable expression is found in the MSS., and therefore I
  did not choose to suppress it. Milo was, as is well known, from
  Lanuvium, and had been adopted into the family of the Annii; but in
  fact he was sprung from the _gens Papia_. The epithet _Syllanian_
  seems to refer to his marriage with Fausta, the daughter of the
  dictator Sylla.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 9:

  Servius on Virg. Æn. XI, 743.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 10:

  This view is contradicted by Bunsen in his Description of the City of
  Rome,—Vol. III, 2d div., p. 110.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 11:

  320 against 22. App. B. C. II, 30.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 12:

  _V. Id. Sextil._ consequently on August 9th, according to the
  _Kalendar. Amiternin._ in Foggini p. 112. 153. Not having access to
  the book itself, I have borrowed the quotation from _Fischer’s
  Römische Zeittafeln_, p. 278. Orelli (_Inscript._ II, p. 397) agrees
  with it.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 13:

  Licinus was a barber, an upstart who had amassed an immense fortune,
  and had caused himself to be splendidly buried.

Footnote 14:

  When Dio Cassius, XLIII, 47, says, ὥστε καὶ ἐννακοσίους τὸ κεφάλαιον
  αὐτῶν γενέσθαι, he does not mean by it a regularly fixed amount, but
  an accidental maximum.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 15:

  The same friendly affection Cicero had shown also to Virgil, of whom
  he is said to have used the expression, _Magnæ spes altera Romæ_:
  Virgil, at the death of Cicero, was twenty-six years old. (Donat. vit.
  Virgil. XI.)

Footnote 16:

  The other prætorships were unimportant, their occupants being mere
  chairmen of the courts of justice.

Footnote 17:

  Against Demosthenes also similar calumnies were uttered, and the lines
  (Plut. Demosth. c. 30),

                Εἴπερ ἴσην ῥώμην γνώμη, Δημόσθενες, εἶχες,
                Οὔποτ’ ἂν Ἑλλήνων ἦρξεν Ἄρης Μακεδών,

  have been misrepresented, as having reference to it.

Footnote 18:

  Posthumous Works, XIII, 68., “How little even the better men among
  them (the Romans) understood what government means, may be seen from
  the most absurd deed, which was ever done, even from the murder of
  Cæsar.”

Footnote 19:

  Plut. Brut., c. 40.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 20:

  See vol. I., p. 406.

Footnote 21:

  According to Cic. Brut. c. 64. and 94. Hortensius had made his first
  speech in the consulship of L. Crassus, and Q. Scævola (657 according
  to Cato), ten years before the birth of Brutus, who was therefore born
  in 667, and as he died in 710, must have been in his forty-fourth
  year. The other statement is that of Velleius Paterculus.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 22:

  The ode

                _O sæpe mecum tempus in ultimum
                Deducte_
                                                    II, 7.

  is to be dated either from the time when Domitius Ahenobarbus united
  with Asinius Pollio (712), or more likely somewhat later, when Sextus
  Pompey made peace with the triumvirs, 713, Horace being then
  twenty-five years old. The punctuation in the edition of Lambinus is
  incorrect in the passage

                      _Cum fracta virtus et minaces
                        Turpe solum tetigere mento._

  There ought to be a comma after _minaces_, and a note of admiration
  after _turpe_, which is not an adjective but an adverb, according to
  the Horatian usage. The passage refers to those who in their flight
  stumble and fall.

Footnote 23:

  De Orat. III, 12, 45.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 24:

  I.,—7.

Footnote 25:

  In several manuscripts, there is here only a very short reference to
  the Fasti Prænestini; but as these do not contain the month of August,
  I conjecture that the _Kalendarium Amiterninum_ is meant (Orellii II,
  p. 397), where it is stated, _Feriæ ex S. C. Q(uod) E(o) D(ie) Cæsar
  Divi F. Rempublic(am) tristissim ... periculo liberat_.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 26:

  Lammas day.

Footnote 27:

  Gell. XIV, 7, 8.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 28:

  For details on the subject, see Strabo XVII, towards the end; Dio
  Cassius, LIII, 12.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 29:

  Conf. Plin. H. N. III, 4, 5.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 30:

  Here there seems to be some mistake. The passage of Quintilian, X, 1,
  115, runs as follows, _Inveni qui Calvum præferrent omnibus, inveni
  qui Ciceroni crederent, eum nimia contra se calumnia verum sanguinem
  perdidisse: sed est et sancta et gravis oratio et custodita et
  frequenter vehemens quoque_. On the other hand, in the _Dial. de
  Orat._ c. 18. _Sunt enim (antiqui) horridi et impoliti et rudes, et
  informes et quos utinam nulla parte imitatus esset Calvus vester, aut
  Cælius, aut ipse Cicero!_ And _Legistis utique et Calvi et Bruti ad
  Ciceronem missas epistolas, ex quibus facile est deprehendere, Calvum
  quidem Ciceroni visum exsanguem et attritum—rursumque Ciceronem e
  Calvo quidem male audivisse tanquam solutum et enervem_. In those
  writings of Cicero which are still extant, there occur two larger
  passages, _Brut._ c. 82, _Epist. ad Famil._ XV, 21, 5, where Calvus
  indeed is judged with great leniency, but is certainly not spoken of
  with unqualified praise.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 31:

  Should Seneca perhaps be meant here? conf. Gell. XII, 2.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 32:

  Weichert Poet. Lat. Rel. p. 361, not. 20.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 33:

  Plin. Ep. I, 18.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 34:

  Dio Cass. LXI, 20, LXIII, 8; but indeed in quite a different
  meaning—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 35:

  According to vol. I. p. 45. to his seventy-ninth.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 36:

  Pro Cluentio, c. 56.

Footnote 37:

  Humboldt, in Adelung’s Mithridates, vol. IV. p. 351, &c.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 38:

  I. 15.

Footnote 39:

  Here ended the winter lectures on Roman history, April 1st 1829. Those
  which follow on the history of the emperors, were delivered in the
  following summer one hour every week; which accounts sufficiently for
  their greater conciseness—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 40:

  Goethe’s Faust, Hayward’s Translation.—TRANSL.

Footnote 41:

  Basiliscus?—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 42:

  This name is supplied by conjecture. N. very likely had said of the
  sun and the moon: one MS. has “of Apollo and ...” (here follows an
  illegible name). The emendation is correct beyond a doubt, according
  to Descript. of Rome III, 1, 104.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 43:

  Posthumous Works, vol. XIII. p. 68. “The Romans, from a narrow, moral,
  easy, comfortable, bourgeois state had risen to the broad range of the
  dominion of the world, without losing their narrow-mindedness.—To the
  same source we may trace their luxury. Underbred men who acquire a
  great fortune, will always make a ridiculous use of it: their
  pleasures, their pomp, their profusion, will be absurd and overdone.
  Hence also arises that fondness for the Strange, the Innumerable, the
  Immense. Their theatres which turn round with the spectators; the
  second population of statues, with which the town was thronged, as
  well as the gigantic bowl in after times, in which the large fish was
  to be kept entire, are all of the same origin: even the insolence and
  cruelty of their tyrants mostly partakes of the absurd.”

Footnote 44:

  The so-called Marforio. See Descript. of the city of Rome, III, 1. p.
  138.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 45:

  Plin. Ep. IV. 22.—Germ. Edit.

Footnote 46:

  Aurel. Vict. Imp. Rom. Epit. c. 12.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 47:

  195 palms, according to Platner in Bansen’s Description of the City of
  Rome, III, 1. p. 289. 10 _Palmi_ = 99 Parisian Lines.—Conf. however,
  on this matter, Platner and Urlich’s Description of Rome. Stuttg. and
  Tüb. 1845, pp. 24, 25.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 48:

  N. namely reads instead of _laudati essent, capitale fuisse_, laudati
  capita_les_ fuis_sent_; and previously, in c. 1. instead of _at mihi
  nunc_, at mihi nu_per_. See “Two classical Latin Writers of the Third
  Century, P. C.” (_Kleine historische und philolog. Schriften_ I, p.
  331.)—Germ. Edit.

Footnote 49:

  Any one who writes High German, must feel that phrases and words are
  wanting, for which the popular dialect has very apt expressions, only
  they are not used in High German. This is most keenly felt by an
  inhabitant of Lower Saxony, as in Upper Germany people write very
  nearly as they speak.

Footnote 50:

  That is, from Bonn.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 51:

  Alfieri, in one of his pieces, makes Pliny address a speech to Trajan
  in which he calls upon him to restore the republic.

Footnote 52:

  Three months and six days, according to Dio Cassius.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 53:

  Laurentum, according to Herodian I. 12. 1.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 54:

  In Rome there is an amulet which has not been described before, a
  silver plate with magic inscriptions, having on it the silver
  candlestick of Jerusalem and the usual Christian monogram. It is in
  Greek, mingled with quite barbarous words in an unintelligible
  language. There is written on it, that he who wore this plate, was
  sure of being in favour with gods and men. This medley of
  Christianity, Judaism, and paganism, is of particularly frequent
  occurrence in the beginning of the third century of the Christian era.

Footnote 55:

  In the dissertation “Two Classical Latin Authors of the Third Century,
  P. C.” (Lesser Historical and Philological Writings, I. p. 321)—Germ.
  Edit.

Footnote 56:

  One of the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_ (Vit. Maximin. jun. c. 7.) is
  as ignorant as to make Maximus and Pupienus two different persons.

Footnote 57:

  In Schmitz II, 320, this passage is given in the following version,
  “if he had been a Bedouin, he could not have been enlisted in a Roman
  legion, but would have remained in the cohorts of the _Ituræi_.” As my
  sources already begin to be more scanty, and in the ancients
  themselves very few notices are to be found, from which one might
  arrive at a correct opinion, I feel particularly bound to quote here
  this variation.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 58:

  Schmitz has Jotapianus, whereas my MSS., one and all, give the right
  version.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 59:

  According to the _Fasti consulares_, C. Messius Quintus Trajanus
  Decius.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 60:

  In some MSS., Cassianius, which form Eckhel lays down as the correct
  one.—Germ. Edit.

Footnote 61:

  The MSS. give Ælianus and Lælianus, both forms, as is well known,
  being found of these names.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 62:

  X, 9. Niebuhr, Two Classical Writers, &c. (Lesser Histor. and Philol.
  Writings, I, p. 304. sqq).—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 63:

  IV. 4.

Footnote 64:

  A mistake for Florianus, Quintilius being brother to Claudius
  Gothicus.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 65:

  Review (_Zeitschrift_) on Historical Jurisprudence. VI. 323. Conf. XI.
  20. Walter’s History of the Roman Law (_Römische Rechtsgeschichte_),
  I. p. 483. 2d edition.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 66:

  Apotheos. 450.

Footnote 67:

  Claudianus de tertio consul. Honorii 90.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 68:

  Qy! Galiani!—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 69:

  P. 765. Conf. Niebuhr’s preface to Merobaudes, p. x.—Germ. Edit.

Footnote 70:

  Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus in Gregorius Turonensis II, 8.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 71:

  Conf. on this Godofredus’ Prosopography of the Codex
  Theodosianus.—Germ. Edit.

Footnote 72:

  The words “on the banks of the Danube” are not in the MSS. I have
  supplied them merely from conjecture.—Germ. Ed.

Footnote 73:

  Johannes, however, is not an exclusively Christian name. Johannes
  Lydus certainly was an heathen.

Footnote 74:

  The reading Placidius has less authority for it, most of the coins on
  monuments have Placidus.

Footnote 75:

  More correctly, _nephews_.—Germ. Ed.

------------------------------------------------------------------------




                          TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES


 Page           Changed from                      Changed to

  281 called _Princeps Saracenorum_    called _Princeps Saracenorum_
      (from ‏شرق‎ to rise, ‏دشرق‎          (from ‏شرق‎ to rise, ‏مشرق‎

 ● Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.
 ● Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last
     chapter.
 ● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
 ● Enclosed blackletter font in =equals=.





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