Project Gutenberg's Indian Biography; Vol II (of 2), by B. B. Thatcher
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Title: Indian Biography; Vol II (of 2)
Or, An Historical Account of Those Individuals Who Have
Been Distinguished Among the North American Natives as . . .
Author: B. B. Thatcher
Release Date: January 29, 2017 [EBook #54072]
Language: English
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{Transcriber's Note: Quotation marks have been standardized to modern
usage. Footnotes have been placed to immediately follow the paragraphs
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INDIAN BIOGRAPHY;
OR,
AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
OF THOSE
INDIVIDUALS WHO HAVE BEEN DISTINGUISHED AMONG
THE NORTH AMERICAN NATIVES
AS
ORATORS, WARRIORS, STATESMEN,
AND
OTHER REMARKABLE CHARACTERS.
* * * * *
BY
B. B. THATCHER, ESQ.
* * * * *
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
* * * * *
NEW-YORK:
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY J. & J. HARPER,
NO. 82 CLIFF-STREET,
AND FOR SALE BY THE PRINCIPAL BOOK SELLERS THROUGHOUT
THE UNITED STATES
* * * * *
1832.
Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1831, by J. & J.
Harper, in the office of the Clerk of the Southern District of New
York.
CONTENTS.
* * * * *
CHAP. I.--Notices of Indians who submitted to Massachusetts,
continued--The Squaw-Sachem of Medford--Her history, family,
&c.--Sagamore John and Sagamore James--Their intercourse with the
English--Anecdotes of them--Complaints, services, death and
character--Chickatabot, Sachem of Neponset--His war with the
Squaw-Sachem--Visits Boston several times--Appears in court against
Plastowe--Anecdotes of his Government--Indian policy of Massachusetts
compared with that of Plymouth--Anecdotes of Chickatabot--His death.
Page 9
CHAP. II.--Farther account of Master Weston's settlement, and the
movements of the Indians against him--Aspinet, the Nauset, supposed to
be engaged in that affair--His tribe and power--Provocations from the
English--Magnanimous revenge of the Sachem--His hospitality and
kindness--Friendly intercourse with Plymouth--Is visited by Governor
Bradford--By Captain Standish--Is suspected of hostility by Plymouth,
and pursued by Standish--His death--Career and character of Itanough,
the "Courteous Sachem of Cummaquid"--Is suspected and pursued--His
death.
94
CHAP. III.--Summary account of the Five Nations--Their early
history--Government--Conquests--Population--Territory--Intercourse with
the European Colonies--Their war with the Adirondacks--Adventures of
Piskaret--Their negotiations with the French, in 1684--Anecdotes of the
Onondaga Chief, Garangula--His speech at the Council, and effects of
it--Remarks on his character--History of the Five Nations continued to
the time of Adario--His exploits--Their object and results--War between
the Confederates and the French--Adventures of Black-Kettle.
34
CHAP. IV.--Five Nations continued--Remarks on their
oratory--Circumstances favorable to it--Account of a council of the
Confederates at Onondaga, in 1690--Anecdotes of various persons who
attended it--Speeches of Sadekanatie and other orators--Adarhahta--The
history and character of Decanesora--His speeches at the Albany council
of 1694--Style of his eloquence--His personal and political
character--Other speeches and negotiations--Anecdotes of Sadekanatie.
49
CHAP. V.--Account of the Ottawas--Their first Chief-Sachem known to the
English, Pontiac--His interview with Major Rogers--Protects that officer
and his troops--Saves Detroit from an army of Indians--Hostility of the
northern tribes to the English, after the conquest of Canada--Adventures
of Henry--Anecdotes of Minavavana--Supposed feelings of Pontiac towards
the English--His great project of combination.
70
CHAP. VI.--Pontiac's plan of campaign--He commences active
preparations--Council of the Ottawas--Grand Council of the Northern
tribes--Dream of the Delaware--Maxims promulgated by Pontiac--Estimate
of the number and force or his allies--Commencement of the
war--Surprisal of nine English posts--mode of surprisal--Artifice
adopted at Michilimackinac, and result--Reduction of Detroit undertaken
by Pontiac in person--His interview with the Commandant--His plan
discovered, and the surprise prevented--Letter from Detroit.
83
CHAP. VII.--Siege of Detroit maintained by Pontiac--The Commandant
meditates a retreat--The French propose a conference With Pontiac, which
takes place--The latter demands the surrender of the fort, which the
Commandant refuses--Vigorous renewal of hostilities--Advantages gained
by the Indian army--arrival of succor to the English--Battle of Bloody
Bridge--Pontiac at length raises the siege--Causes of it--The Indians
make peace--His subsequent career until his death--Anecdotes
illustrating his influence, energy, magnanimity, integrity and
genius--His authority as chieftain--His talents as an orator--His
traditionary fame.
98
CHAP. VIII.--Account of the Delawares--Their ancient great men, including
Tamenend--History during the Revolutionary War--Two Parties among
them--White-Eyes, leader of one, and Captain Pipe, of the
other--Manoeuvres, speeches, plots and counter-plots of these men, their
parties, and foreigners connected with both--Anecdotes--Death of
White-Eyes in 1780--Tribute of respect paid to his memory.
120
CHAP. IX.--Observations on the character of White-Eyes--Pipe's comment on
his death--The latter gains and sustains an ascendancy in the Delaware
nation--Glickhican, Netawatwees and Wingemund--Subsequent career of
Pipe--Joins the British and fights against the Americans--Grand Indian
council at Detroit--Pipe's spirited speech on that occasion--Makes
charges against the Missionaries, but fails to prove them--Remarks on
his habits, principles and talents.
136
CHAP. X.--State of several Southern tribes during the last century--The
English send deputies to the Cherokees, in 1756--Their lives threatened,
and saved by Attakullakulla--Account of that Chieftain and his
principles--The party opposed to him headed by Occonostota--War with the
Colonies in 1750 and two years following--Anecdotes of both these
Chiefs--Saloush, Fifton, and others--Several battles--Peace
concluded--Attakullakulla visits Charleston--His subsequent career, and
that of Occonostota--Remarks on their character.
150
CHAP. XI.--The Cayuga Chief, Logan--Some account of his father,
Shikellimus--Residence of Logan--His friendship for the whites
interrupted by their provocations--His family misfortunes--The Shawanee
Silver-Heels--Logan joins in a war of revenge against the
"Long-Knives"--Battle of the Kenhawa--Treaty of Peace with Governor
Dunmore--Logan's celebrated Speech--His history
completed--Buckongahelas, the Delaware head War-Chief--His intercourse
with the Christian Indians--Part which he takes in the
Revolution--Defeated by Wayne, in 1794--Anecdotes of him--Death and
character.
166
CHAP. XII.--Some account of the Shawanees, the tribe of
Tecumseh--Anecdotes illustrative of their character--Early history and
lineage of Tecumseh--His first adventures as a warrior--His habits and
principles--His brothers Kumshaka and Elskwatawa--The first open
movements of the latter, in 1806--He assumes the character of
Prophet--His doctrines--His mode of operation upon his countrymen--Other
Indian pretenders--Anecdote of a Shawanee Chief, at Fort Wayne--Tanner's
account of the ministry of the Elskwatawa's Agents--Concert traced
between them--Witchcraft-superstition--Anecdotes of Teteboxti, The
Crane, Leather-Lips, and others.
181
CHAP. XIII.--History of Tecumseh and the Prophet continued--The latter
encamps at Tippecanoe--Sends a message to Governor Harrison--Visits him
at Vincennes--Increase of his forces--Attention of the General
Government aroused--Tecumseh visits the Governor--His speech, and
journey southward--Battle of Tippecanoe, November, 1811--Consequences
of it--Indian Council at Mississiniway--Council at Malden--Speeches and
Anecdotes of the Crane, Walk-in-the-Water, Round-Head, and other
Chiefs--Sequel of the history of the two brothers--Final exertions of
Tecumseh--His death--Death of the Prophet.
202
CHAP. XIV.--Remarks on the character of Tecumseh and the Prophet--Their
facilities for co-operation--Difficulties the latter had to overcome--His
perseverance and ingenuity--Means by which he protected his
person--Anecdotes of the Battle of Tippecanoe--Frankness of Tecumseh in
disclosing his schemes--Causes of his hostility to the
Americans--Trespasses of the whites, and other abuses--Object of the
belligerent combination--Anecdotes of Tecumseh's first visit to
Vincennes, in 1810--His dignity, independence and courage--His ideas of
the British policy--His speech to General Proctor, and remarks on his
oratory--His humanity--His genius.
296
CHAP. XV.--Michikinaqwa, or the Little-Turtle--Early history--Engages in
a combination of the Indians against the United States--Blue-Jacket--The
Turtle defeats two detachments of American troops--Some account of the
North-Western war from 1791 to 1795--The Turtle defeated by General
Wayne--He becomes unpopular after the peace--Some of the charges against
him examined--Anecdotes of his intercourse with distinguished
Americans--His letter to General Harrison--His death in 1819--His
character.
243
CHAP. XVI.--The Seneca Chief, Red-Jacket--Circumstances under which he
succeeded Corn-Planter in his influence--Anecdotes of the
latter--Red-Jacket's earliest oratorical triumph--His speech at the
Treaty of Canandaigua--Account of Farmer's-Brother, and
Brandt--Red-Jacket's political and religious principles--Speech to Mr.
Alexander, in 1811--Speech to Mr. Richardson--Remarks on the causes of
his heathenism in the conduct of the whites--His military career--Speech
in favor of declaring war against the British, in 1812--Seneca
Manifesto--Red-Jacket's interview with Washington--His interview with
Lafayette--His Memorial to the New-York Legislature--Speech to a
Missionary in 1825--His deposition and restoration in 1827--Visits to
the Atlantic cities--Death and funeral obsequies--Anecdotes.
270
APPENDIX.
No. I. Genealogy of Uncas. 394
No. II. General Wayne's Correspondence with Major Campbell. 345
No. III. Corn-Planter's letter to the Governor of Pennsylvania. 309
No. IV. Speech of the same at Warren Court-House. 312
No. V. Obituary Notice of Brandt. 314
No. VI. Little-Farmer's letter to the Hon. W. Eustis. 314
No. VII. Crawford's letter to the Governor of Canada. 316
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
Notices of Indians who submitted to Massachusetts, continued--The
Squaw-Sachem of Medford--Her history, family, &c.--Her sons, Sagamore
John and Sagamore James--Their intercourse with the English--Anecdotes
of them--Complaints, services, death and character--Chickatabot, Sachem
of Neponset--His war with the Squaw-Sachem--Visits Boston several
times--Appears in court against Plastowe--Anecdotes of his
Government--Indian policy of Massachusetts compared with that of
Plymouth--Anecdotes of Chickatabot--His death.
Having heretofore had occasion frequently to introduce the names of
Indians who subjected themselves, more or less, to the Government of
Massachusetts, we propose in this chapter to notice a few of the most
prominent of that class, who have not yet been mentioned. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] See a sketch of Cutchamequin, of Braintee in Chapter XI, Vol. I.
Some years previous to the arrival of the English, the various
Massachusetts tribes, properly so called, are believed to have been
confederated, like the Pokanokets and others, under the government of one
great Sachem, whose name was Nanepashemet, or the New-Moon. His usual
residence was in Medford, near Mystic Pond. He was killed in 1619,--by
what enemy is unknown. Two years afterwards, a Plymouth party visited this
section; and they then discovered the remains of one of Nanepashemet's
forts. It was built in a valley. There was a trench about it, breast-high,
with a periphery of palisades reaching up more than thirty feet. It was
accessible only in one direction, by a narrow bridge. The Sachem's grave
had been made under the frame of a house within the enclosure, which was
still standing; and another, upon a neighboring hill, marked the spot where
he fell in battle. His dwelling-house had been built on a large scaffold,
six feet high, also near the summit of a hill. [FN] It is evident that
Nanepashemet was a chieftain of very considerable state and power.
* * * * *
[FN] Prince.
His successor, to a certain extent, was his widow, well known in history
as the Squaw-Sachem, and otherwise called the Massachusetts Queen. It is
probably from the latter circumstance, in part, that some modern historians
have described her as inheriting the power of her husband; but this is
believed to be incorrect. We find no evidence of it among the old writers;
though it appears, on the other hand, that some of the other Massachusetts
tribes were at war with hers, when the English first made her
acquaintance. It seems highly probable, that these were the enemy--rebels,
we should perhaps say--whom Nanepashemet fell in attempting to subdue. His
failure and death were sufficient, without the aid of that terrible
pestilence which reduced the number of the Massachusetts warriors from
three thousand to three hundred, to prevent any attempts on the part of
his widow, for recovering or continuing his own ancient dominion.
Still, the Squaw-Sachem governed at least the remnants of one tribe. She
also laid claim to territory in various places, and among the rest to what
is now Concord, a grant of which place she joined with two or three other
Indians in conveying to the original settlers, in 1635. Previous to this
date, she had taken a second husband, Wappacowet, the chief priest of her
tribe, he being by custom entitled to the hand of his Sachem's widow. The
land was paid for in wampum, hatchets, hoes, knives, cotton cloth, and
chintz; beside which, Wappacowet, who figured only as an evidence in the
case, received a gratuity of a suit of cotton cloth, a hat, a white linen
band, shoes, stockings, and a great coat. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Depositions on Concord Records.
Several years after the sale of Concord, the Squaw-Sachem visited Boston,
for the purpose of subjecting herself to the Massachusetts Government.
That object she effected. Whether the priest was included in the
submission, or what was the sequel of his history, or even hers, does, not
appear.
The Squaw-Sachem, like her husband, the New Moon, has maintained her
principal dignity in our early annals, as the parent of Wonohaquaham and
Montowampate, better known as Sagamore John and Sagamore James. [FN] The
former lived, before the English came, at the old residence of his father,
in Medford; subsequently, at Winnesimet, anciently called Rumney Marsh,
and situated partly in Chelsea, and partly in Saugus. James, who was
Sachem of the Saugus Indians, and had jurisdiction of Lynn and
Marble-head, resided on Sagamore hill, near the eastern end of Lynn
beach.
* * * * *
[FN] There has been a controversy about the meaning of this title, and
the difference between Sagamore, (or Sagamo) and Sachem. We agree with
Mr. Lewis (from whose accurate history of Lynn we have borrowed above,)
in considering them different pronunciations of the same word.
John was one of the best, as well as earliest friends the settlers of
Boston ever had among the natives; and by their descendants his memory
should be cherished for that, if for no other reason. On all occasions, he
was courteous, kind and frank. Soon after their coming, he engaged with
the governor to make compensation for damages done by his subjects, and to
fence in his territories, both which he did. During the same year, 1630,
he seasonably gave warning to the Charlestown people, of a plot formed
against them among some of the neighboring Indians,--an act on the mention
of which an old writer pays him the deserved compliment of having "always
loved the English."
His attachment was justified by the conduct of his new ally and friends,
for though he often brought complaints before the Massachusetts
authorities, it was as rarely without effect as it was without cause.
At one time, two of his wigwams were carelessly set on fire by some
English fowlers, and destroyed. The chief offender was a servant of Sir
Richard Saltonstall, and the Court ordered him to give satisfaction, which
he did, being mulcted in seven yards of cloth, valued at fifty shillings
sterling. The act of firing one of the buildings, was not very easily
proved; but, say the Court, "lest he should think us not sedulous enough
to find it out, and so should depart discontentedly from us, we gave both
him and his subject satisfaction for them both."
So when he and his brother James, a few weeks afterwards, applied to the
Governor for an order, to procure the return of twenty beaver-skins which
had been obtained unfairly from them by an Englishman, "the governor
entertained them kindly, and gave them his letter, &c." [FN] John must
have been permitted to manage his relations with other sachems also, as
he pleased; for when Chickatabot fought for Canonicus in 1632, as we shall
soon see, he also joined him at the head of thirty men, and the fact is
recorded not only without censure, but without comment.
* * * * *
[FN] New-England Chronology, 1631.
James was a more troublesome personage, and was more than once in
difficulty with both Indians and English. A party of that formidable
eastern people, the Tarratines, attacked him in 1631, slew seven of his
men, wounded both him and his brother John, and carried off his wife
captive. Hubbard observes, that he had treacherously killed some of the
Tarratines before this, "and was therefore the less pitied of the English
that were informed thereof:" but the latter nevertheless procured the
redemption of his wife. The following extract from Mr. Winthrop's Journal,
throws some light, both on the authority which he exercised upon his own
subjects, and the liberties he took with the English. The Government, it
must be observed, had made a prudent regulation, forbidding the sale of
arms to the natives.
"September 4th, 1632.
"One Hopkins of Watertown was convict for selling a piece and pistol, with
powder and shot, to James Sagamore, for which he had sentence to be
whipped and branded in the cheek."--It was discovered by an Indian, one
of James's men, upon promise of concealing him, _or otherwise he was sure
to be killed._ It was probably for some offence of this description that
James was once forbidden to enter any English plantation under penalty of
ten beaver-skins; a much better dispensation of justice, clearly, than to
have sent an armed force, as the good people of Plymouth had been in the
habit of doing on such occasions, to punish him in person. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop.
The following is an item in the account of Treasurer Pyncheon, stated to
the General Court for 1632, under the head of Payments out of the Common
Treasury.
"Paid _John Sagamore's brother,_ the 9th Oct. 1632 for killing a wolf, one
coat at L0. 12s. 0."
This account of James indicates that he was much less known among the
English than his brother; and as it appears in company of several charges
like these,--
"To Jack Straw, one coat, by a note
from the Governor, 12s.
To Wamascus' Son, two wolves,
two coats, L1. 4s."
It may be fairly inferred that the Sagamore hesitated not to put his
dignity, so far as he _was_ known, on a level, in the eyes of the English,
with the lowest of his countrymen.
John and James died about the same time, in 1633, of a mortal epidemic
then prevalent among the Massachusetts Indians. Hubbard says, that both
promised, if they recovered from their sickness, to live with the English
and serve their God. The reason why John, at least, had not already taken
such a course, may be gathered from some expressions in that curious
tract, New England's First Fruits, which we cite the more willingly
because it places the character of John in its true light.
"Sagamore John," says the learned author, "Prince of Massaquesetts, was
from our very first landing, more courteous, ingenious, and to the English
more loving than others of them; he desired to learne and speake our
language, and loved to imitate us in our behaviour and apparell, and began
to hearken after our God and his ways. . . . And did resolve and promise
to leave the Indians and come live with us; but yet, _kept down by feare
of the scoffin of the Indians,_ had not power to make good his purpose,
&c."
The same writer thus refers to the poor Sagamore's last moments. Being
struck with death, we are told, he began fearfully to reproach himself
that he had not lived with the English, and known their God. "But now,"
he added, "I must die. The God of the English is much angry with me, and
will destroy me. Ah! I was afraid of the scoffs of these wicked Indians.
But _my child_ shall live with the English, to know their God, when I am
dead. I'll give him to Mr. Wilson--he much good man, and much love me."
Mr. Wilson, (clergyman at Boston,) was accordingly sent for, and when he
attended, as he did promptly, the Sagamore "committed his only child to
his care, and so died."--In confirmation of this honorable testimony, the
author of the Wonder Working Providence may be cited. He observes, that
the English clergymen were much moved to see the Indians depart this life
without the knowledge of God in Christ, "and therefore were very frequent
among them, for all the Noysomness of their Disease, entering their
Wigwams, and exhorting them in the name of the Lord." John is said to have
given some good hopes, as being always very courteous to them. Then
follows the request to Mr. Wilson: "Quoth hee, 'by and by mee Mattamoy,
[dead]--may bee my sons live--you take them to teach much to know God.'"
[FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Johnson speaks as if there were several sons, and therein is clearly
incorrect. Mr. Cotton is much better authority in this case.
Mr. Cotton, himself a preacher also at Boston, at the same period, and
probably an eye-witness, furnishes a more particular and interesting
account of this scene, with which we shall conclude our notice.
"At our first coming hither _John Sagamore_ was the chiefest _Sachim_ in
these parts. He falling sick, our Pastor Mr. _Wilson_ hearing of it (and
being of some acquaintance with him) went to visit him, taking one of the
deacons of our Church with him, and withall, a little Mithridate and
strong water. When he came to his lodging, (which they call a _Wigwam_)
hearing a noyse within, hee looked over the mat of the door, to discerne
what it meant, and saw many _Indians_ gathered together, and some
_Powwaws_ amongst them, who are their Priests, Physitians, and Witches.
They by course spake earnestly to the sick _Sagamore,_ and to his disease,
(in a way of charming of it and him) and one to another in a kind of
Antiphonies. When they had done, all kept silence, our Pastour went in
with the Deacon, and found the man farre spent, his eyes set in his bead,
his speech leaving him, his mother (old _Squaw-Sachim_) sitting weeping
at his bed's head. Well (saith our Pastour) our God save _Sagamore John,
Powwaw Cram_ (that is, kill) _Sagamore John;_ and thereupon hee fell to
prayer with his Deacon, and after prayer forced into the sick man's mouth
with a spoon, a little Mithridate dissolved in the strong water; soon
after the Sagamore looked up, and three dayes after went abroad on
hunting. This providence so farre prevailed with the Sagamore, that he
promised to look after the _English_ man's God, to heare their sermons,
to weare _English_ apparell, &c. But his neighbor _Indians, Sagamores,_
and _Powwaws,_ hearing of this, threatened to _Cram_ him (that is, to kill
him) if he did so degenerate from his Country Gods, and Religion, he
thereupon fell off, and took up his Indian course of life again.
Whatsoever facility may seeme to offer itself of the conversion of the
Indians, it is not so easie a matter for them to hold out, no not in a
semblance of profession of the true Religion. Afterwards God struck _John
Sagamore_ againe, (and as I remember with the Small Pox) but then when
they desired like succour from our Pastour as before, he told them now the
Lord was angry with _Sagamore John,_ and it was doubtful hee would not so
easily be intreated. The _Sagamore_ blamed himself and justified God, and
confessed, he should not have been discouraged by their threats from
seeking our God: for those _Sagamores_ and _Powwaws_ who did most terrifie
him, hee had seene God sweeping them away by death, before himself, in a
short time after. And therefore, when hee saw hee must die (for he died of
that sickness) he left his sonne to the education of our Pastour, that he
might keep closer to the English, and to their God, than himself had done.
But his sonne also died of the same disease soon after." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The Way of Congregational Churches Cleared: London, 1648.
Another Sachem carried off by the pestilence was Chickatabot, otherwise
called Chickataubut and Chickatalbott; and whose name, under the form of
Chickatabak, is appended with those of eight other sachems, to the deed of
submission to King James, dated 1622, which has already been mentioned in
the life of Massasoit. Some writers call him the Chief Sachem of the
Massachusetts. But so Sagamore John, and his mother, if not some others,
were vaguely entitled; nor can any thing more be inferred from the
expressions, we conceive, than that he was one of the principal chiefs.
That conclusion might be drawn also from the fact, that when the English
first knew him (in 1621,) he was at war with the Squaw-Sachem of Medford.
No doubt he had been subject to her husband, and probably she was now
struggling to continue and enforce the dominion. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Since writing the above, we have availed ourselves of Mr. Shattuck's
researches. He believes that Chickatabot was subject to _Massasoit._ One
of his reasons is the improbability of his contending against his superior
Sachem; and another, the circumstance that all his recorded conveyances of
land are south of Charles River, which Mr. S. considers the southern
boundary of the Massachusetts. With deference to an accurate writer, we
shall leave the question without an argument--only reminding the reader
that Chickatabot fought for _Canonicus_ in 1632, that being about the
time when the latter made sundry attacks on Massasoit--and also that the
case of Sassacus and Uncas, (not to refer to Powhatan's history,) is a
_precedent_ exactly in point.
The same causes which enabled Chickatabot and other sagamores of his
section of the country, to maintain their independence of each other,
probably induced them to submit so readily to whatever authority appeared
able and willing to protect them. King James, Massachusetts and Plymouth,
were the same to him, in this particular, with Massasoit and Canonicus;
and he submitted with an equal grace to all or either, as the case might
require. No doubt it was the influence of the Pokanoket Sachem that
induced him to visit Plymouth for the purpose of Subscribing the
submission--which he probably neither knew nor cared any thing about,
except in relation to the promised consequences of the act of signing.
With the same accommodating disposition, or rather from the same
necessity, he turned out with all his men, in 1632--to fight against the
same Massasoit, we suppose--the Narragansett Chief, Canonicus, having
"sent for him" to that end. [FN] This movement, together with the absence
of all comment upon it in history, illustrates sufficiently the sense
which, notwithstanding the submissions alluded to, both himself and his
English neighbors still entertained of his independence.
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop.
The Sachem took no advantage of the freedom thus silently allowed him. Nor
does the liberality, and even courtesy, with which he was on all other
occasions treated by the Massachusetts Government, appear to have had any
other than the happiest effect upon him. On the contrary, he judged them
as they judged him; and being seldom if ever suspected, was rarely exposed
to suspicion by his conduct He esteemed his own dignity at least enough to
appreciate their politeness.
Residing near Neponset river, in Dorchester, he made himself familiar with
the settlers of Boston very soon after their arrival, and that in a manner
which discredits neither of the parties. As early as March, 1631, (the
settlement having commenced in the preceding September,) he went into
Boston, attended by quite a company of men and women of his tribe, and
carrying with him a hogshead of Indian corn as a present for the Governor.
When the latter had provided a dinner for his visitors, with the much
esteemed accompaniment of "tobacco and beer," the Sachem sent his escort
all home, with the exception of one sanop and one squaw, although it
rained, and the Governor rather urged that they might be permitted to
stay. He, and the other two who remained, tarried until afternoon of the
next day but one. As he had before this time accustomed himself to wear
English clothes, we are informed that "the Governor set him at his own
table, where he behaved himself as soberly as an Englishman." His host
gave him at parting, "cheese and pease, and a mug and some other things;"
[FN] and no doubt he returned to Neponset exceedingly gratified with the
well-timed munificence of his new friend.
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop.
Accordingly, he made his appearance again within a month, on which
occasion he requested Mr. Winthrop to negotiate with some tailor, on his
behalf for a suit of English clothes. The Governor civilly gave him to
understand, that English Sagamores were not accustomed to truck in this
way--but he called his own tailor, and directed him to make the proposed
suit. Chickatabot presented his host with two large skins of coat-beaver,
so called, paid the proper honours to a dinner prepared for him and his
attendants, and took his leave, promising to return for his clothes in
three days. This was the 13th of April. On the 15th he came again, and the
Governor then arrayed him in the new suit, which had been promptly made
ready for his use, and also entertained him at dinner. If the Sachem had
behaved soberly on his first visit, he deserves still higher praise for
the improvement which is evident in his manners since that time. He would
not eat now--savage as he was--at the hospitable board of his Christian
host, until the latter had craved the customary blessing which attended
his own meals; and, "after meat, he desired him to do the like, and so
departed."
Nor did Chickatabot receive only compliments and new clothes from his
Boston ally. Substantial justice was rendered to him and his subjects,
whenever emergency required; and an Englishman was punished, at least as
promptly and severely for a trespass upon him or them, as an Indian would
have been expected to be punished for the same offence against the whites.
To illustrate by an instance,--in the latter part of 1631, Chickatabot
appeared in Court at Boston, and complained of one Josias Plastowe, for
stealing a quantity of his corn. Evidence of the charge having been
produced, sufficient to convict the offender, the Court gave judgment as
follows:
"It is ordered, that Josias Plastowe shall, for stealing four baskets of
corn from the Indians, return them eight baskets again, be fined five
pounds, and hereafter be called by the name of Josias, and not Mr. as
formerly as he used to be; and that William Buckland and Thomas Andrew,
[servants] shall be whipped for being accessary to the same offence."
Chickatabot knew how to value this honorable policy of the Government, and
was grateful for it. But even earlier than the date of the transaction
last referred to, he had himself set the example which that Government, so
far as regarded him, did but follow. The following single paragraph, taken
from the same authority which records the sentence of Plastowe, is among
the evidence to this effect:
"At a Court, John Sagamore and Chickatabot, being told at last Court of
some injuries that their men did to our cattle, and giving consent to make
satisfaction, &c. now one of their men was complained of for shooting a
pig, &c. for which Chickatabot was ordered to pay a small skin of beaver,
which he presently paid." So in August of the next year, two of the
Sachem's men having been proved guilty of assaulting some of the settlers
at Dorchester in their houses, were detained in the bilboes, until
Chickatabot could be notified of the fact, and requested to beat them,
"_which he did._" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] "The most usuall custome amongst them," says Roger Williams, of the
Indians, "is for the Sachim either to beate, or whip, or put to death with
his owne hand, to which the common sort most quietly submit." Key to the
Ind. Languages.
It is obvious to remark, how much more satisfactory this course must have
been to him, than the more violent mode of doing _themselves_ justice,
would have been, which was pursued by many English authorities on most
occasions of a similar description. It was dealing with him, as they
wished to be dealt with; which policy, whether under the circumstances
required by strict justice or not, was unquestionably best calculated to
effect the end proposed in each particular case, as well as to secure the
general affection and respect of the Indians. It may be remarked here,
without impropriety, that the conduct of the Massachusetts Government
towards Chickatabot is no more than a just specimen of the course they
usually pursued towards his countrymen. The exceptions are few and far
between.
It is specially worthy of notice, that Chickatabot was never called to
account for the part which he took in the combination of the Indians
against Master Weston's infamous settlement at Weymouth, of which we shall
presently have occasion to make further mention. And yet, there was not
only some reason for suspecting him, on account of his vicinity to the
residence of the chief ringleaders; but it appears clearly, that he was
known to be engaged, and that to such an extent, as to be considered by
some the instigator and manager of the whole business. Witness, for
example, the following extract from a letter written by Governor Dudley to
the Countess of Lincoln, in England, and bearing date at Boston, March
12th, 1630:
"There was about the same time, one Mr. Weston, an English merchant, who
sent divers men to plant and trade who sate down by the river of
Wesaguscus; but these coming not for so good ends as those of Plymouth,
sped not so well; for the most of them dying and languishing away, they
who survived _were rescued by those of Plymouth out of the hands of_
Chickatalbott, _and his Indians, who oppressed those weak English, and
intended to have destroyed them,"_ [FN] &c. The writer then goes on to
mention a settlement soon after attempted near the same place by one
Wollaston, and a company of some thirty men, whose history may be
profitably noticed very briefly, for the purpose of comparing the Plymouth
with the Massachusetts policy.
* * * * *
[FN] Mass. His. Coll.
One of the Wollaston crew, mentioned by Prince, in 1625, as having been a
kind of pettifogger in England, was Thomas Morton. This person became a
notable disturber of the peace; cheating the Indians in trade, and spending
the profits with his companions in rioting; drinking, as the annalist just
cited specifies, "ten pound worth of wine and spirits in the morning,"
besides setting up a may-pole for the Indian women to drink and dance
about, "with worser practices."
But although Thomas changed the name of Wollaston to _Merry Mount,_ [FN]
his jollity was not to last forever. Mr. Endecott, of the Massachusetts
Company, who landed at Salem in the summer of 1628, visited Master Morton
within two months from his arrival, and changing Merry Mount to Mount
Dagon, took active measures for correcting that riotous settlement. These
were not entirely successful, and even when Morton was at length arrested
and sent to England for punishment, he was not only liberated, but sent
back again: "upon which," as Prince writes, "he goes to his old nest at
Merry Mount." This was in 1629. In the summer of the next year, the
Massachusetts colonists came over with Winthrop and Dudley; and as early
as September of that season, we find the following order taken upon Master
Morton's case by the Court of Assistants:--
* * * * *
[FN] Prince's Annals, 1625.
"Ordered, that Master Thomas Morton of Mount Wollaston shall presently be
set in the bilbows, and after sent prisoner to England by the ship called
the Gift; that all his goods be seized to defray the charge of his
transportation, payments of his debts, _and to give satisfaction to the
Indians for a canoe he took unjustly from them; and that his house be
burnt down to the ground in sight of the Indians, for their satisfaction
for many wrongs he has done them._"
If this summary course had been taken with Weston and _his_ banditti,
there might have been, as we shall see, the saving of the lives of many
innocent men. If it could not be taken by the English, who were appealed
to, some allowance at least might have been made for those who were
finally compelled to assume the administration of justice.
In the case of Chickatabot, though not in all, such allowance _was_ made.
It also appears, that no evil consequences arose from this policy, but
much the reverse. The sachem was uniformly the more ready to give all the
satisfaction in his power, and no doubt partly because it was rather
requested of him than required. When the Indians were said to be plotting
against the English in 1632, and much apprehension was excited in
consequence, "_the three next Sagamores were sent for,_" says Winthrop,
"who came presently to the Governor," and this is the last we hear of the
matter. Chickatabot must have been one of them, and _he_ explained away
the causes of suspicions at once. Pursuing this course, the Massachusetts
Government continued upon good terms with him until his death, which was
occasioned by the prevalent epidemic, in the latter part of 1633.
His descendants, to the third generation at least, several of whom were
persons of note, followed his own peaceful and friendly example. Among the
Suffolk records, there is still to be seen, a quitclaim deed from his
grandson Josias,--of Boston, the islands in the harbor, &c. "to the
proprietated inhabitants of Boston."
CHAPTER II.
Farther account of Master Weston's settlement, and the movements of the
Indians against him--Aspinet, the Nauset, supposed to be engaged in
that affair--His tribe and power--Provocations from the
English--Magnanimous revenge of the Sachem--His hospitality and
kindness--Friendly intercourse with Plymouth--Is visited by governor
Bradford--By captain Standish--Is suspected of hostility by Plymouth,
and pursued by Standish--His death--Career and character of Iranough,
the "Courteous Sachem of Cummaquid"--Is suspected and pursued--His
death.
Having necessarily, in the course of justice to some individuals
heretofore noticed, animadverted on the early Indian policy of Plymouth,
we shall devote this chapter to the further consideration of certain facts
bearing upon that subject, and especially as connected with the case of
Weston. These facts cannot be better set forth, than they are in the lives
of two among the most remarkable natives who held intercourse with the
Government in question.
One of them was Aspinet, _the first open enemy,_ as the Pokanoket Sachem
was the first ally, whom the Plymouth settlement had the fortune to meet
with. He ruled over a number of petty tribes, settled in various parts of
what is now the county of Barnstable, all of whom are said to have been
ultimately subject, or at least subsidiary, to Massasoit. The principal
among them were the Nausets, at Namskeket, [FN] within the present limits
of Orleans, and round about the cove which separates that town from
Eastham. With this tribe Aspinet had his residence.
* * * * *
[FN] A spot chosen with the usual sagacity of the Indians, and which at
some period probably subsisted a large population with its immense stores
of the _sickishuog,_ or clam. A thousand barrels annually are said to
have been taken there in modern times, merely for fish-bait. _Mass. His.
Coll._
Aspinet, we have observed, was the first open enemy of the colonists; and
it will be admitted, that his hostility was not without cause. Of the
twenty-four Indians kidnapped by Hunt, in 1614, twenty belonged to
Patuxet, (or Plymouth,) and the residue were the subjects of the Nauset
chieftain. When the Pilgrims came over, six years after this abominable
outrage, it happened, that upon landing in the harbor of Cape Cod, before
reaching Plymouth, they sent out a small party in a shallop, to discover a
proper place for a settlement. These men went ashore a little north of the
Great-Pond, in Eastham, and there they were suddenly attacked by the
Nausets. The assailants were repulsed, but the English retreated in great
haste.
Unquestionably, these men acted in obedience to the orders of Aspinet,
instigated, as he must have been, by the remembrance of Hunt's perfidy.
Winslow, in his Relation, gives an affecting incident which occurred
subsequently at this place, going to illustrate, very forcibly, the effect
of such atrocious conduct on the disposition of the natives. "One thing,"
he says, "was grievous unto us at this place. There was an old woman, whom
we judged to be no less than a hundred years old, which came to see us,
because she never saw English; yet could not behold us without breaking
forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessively. We demanding the
reason of it; they told us _she had three sons, who, when Master Hunt was
in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade with him, and he carried
them captives into Spain, by which means she was deprived of the comfort
of her children in her old age!_" The English made what explanation they
could of the affair, and gave her a few "small trifles, which somewhat
appeased her."
The expedition alluded to in this case, which took place in the summer of
1621, was occasioned by the absence of an English boy, who had strayed away
from the colony at Plymouth, and was understood to have fallen into
Aspinet's hands. The accident gave that sachem an opportunity of
gratifying his revenge, which to him might have appeared providential. But
he was too intelligent a man to confound the innocent with the guilty; and
too noble to avail himself of a misfortune, even for humbling the pride of
an enemy. When, therefore, the English party, on this occasion, having
landed on his coast, sent Squanto to inform him amicably of the purpose
for which they had come,--and with instructions perhaps to appeal to his
better feelings,--he threw down his enmity at once with his arms. "After
sun-set,"--is the minute but touching description given of this singular
scene:--"Aspinet came with a great train, and brought the boy with him,
one bearing him through the water. He had not less than an hundred with
him, the half whereof came to the shallop-side unarmed with him; the other
stood aloof with their bows and arrows. There he delivered up the boy,
behung with beads, and made peace with us, we bestowing a knife on him;
and likewise on another that first entertained the boy, and brought him
thither. So they departed from us." [FN] It was indeed a magnanimous
revenge.
* * * * *
[FN] Journal of a Plantation.
After this auspicious interview, a friendly intercourse was maintained for
more than a year between the English and the Nausets. Supplies of corn,
beans and other provision, were obtained of them to a large amount, at a
period when the colonists were reduced almost to famine. The trade was
conducted on both sides with justice, and therefore with confidence.
Governor Bradford, when he touched at Namskeket, was treated with the
highest respect. On one occasion, his shallop being stranded, it was
necessary to stack the corn which had been purchased, and to leave it,
covered with mats and sedge, in the care of the Indians. The Governor and
his party traveled home, fifty miles, on foot. The corn remained as he
left it, from November to the following January, and when another shallop
touched at Nauset, it was found in perfect safety. All this is attributed
to Aspinet; "_The Sachim,_" we are told, "used the Governor very kindly."
The Indians were promised a reward for taking future good care of the corn;
"which they undertook, and the Sachim promised to make good!" And again,
"the Sachim sent men to seek the shallop," and then sent the shallop to
Plymouth within three days.
He manifested the same good feeling and good faith at other times. When
Standish landed at Nauset, in the winter of 1622-3, an Indian crawled into
his shallop about dusk, as it lay in a narrow creek, and carried off some
beads, scissors and other small articles. The captain soon discovered the
theft, and taking some of his crew with him, he went immediately to
Aspinet, made his complaint, and demanded, with some bravadoes, that
either the articles or the criminal should be delivered to him forthwith.
The Sachem took no offence at his plainness of speech; but not being
prepared to give satisfaction on the instant, very composedly offered his
visitor the hospitalities of his wigwam till the matter could be settled
as it should be. These were rejected, and Standish returned to his
"rendezvous" on the shore. The next morning, Aspinet made his appearance.
He came marching down to the shore, with considerable pomp and
circumstance, attended by an escort of his subjects, probably numerous
enough to have overwhelmed the little party of Standish, and never at any
former time found wanting in courage. But the object was to do justice,
and not to enforce wrong. He approached the captain and saluted him by
thrusting out his tongue, "that one might see the root thereof, and
therewith licked his hand from the wrist to the finger's end, withal
bowing the knee, to imitate the English gesture, being instructed therein
formerly by Tisquantum." His men followed the example as well as they were
able, but so awkwardly, with all their zeal, as to furnish no little
amusement for the civilized spectators of the scene. Aspinet now gave up
the stolen articles, observing that he had beaten the thief soundly, and
"seeming to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled." The
interview closed with a liberal provision of excellent bread upon his
part, which he had ordered his women to bake and bring in whatever
quantities it was wanted.
But notwithstanding all the pains which the chief of the Nausets took to
maintain a good understanding with his new neighbors, he was destined to
incur their suspicion, and to meet with a miserable ruin under the weight
of their hostility. When the English visited Massasoit, in his sickness,
early in 1683, that chieftain disclosed to them, by the medium of
Hobamock, the particulars of an extensive combination, reported to be
formed among the Indian tribes, "against Master Weston's colony at
Weymouth," as Winslow expresses it, "_and so against us._" The
Massachusetts Indians were ringleaders in the affair, it was said; but
Aspinet, and the sachems of many other settlements, including even
Capawack, (Martha's Vineyard) were charged with being privy to it.
Whether they were so or not, need not be discussed, and cannot be decided.
It is observable, however, in relation to Aspinet, that the evidence of
Massasoit, which was the only evidence in the case, went to show, that
"_the men of Massachusetts,_ were the _authors_ of the intended
business." This very much confirms our conclusion to the same effect, in
the Life of Chickatabot. But, granting all that is charged, it may easily
be imagined how much provocation the Indians had received from Weston's
notorious banditti, and how much reason they had to make common cause
against them in their own self-defence. Winslow himself bears witness,
that immediately after Weston's settlement was commenced, "the Indians
filled our ears with clamors against them, for stealing their corn, and
other abuses;" as also that the Plymouth Government "_knew no way to
redress these abuses, save reproof._"
It seems to have been hardly considered,---when the English undertook to
wage a preventative or precautionary war, as they did, upon all the
parties accused by Massasoit,--not only that the good Sachem might be
misinformed by rivals or enemies of those parties; and that there might be
a fault upon their own side; but also that the Indians might well be
disposed to punish the Weymouth ruffians, without necessarily carrying
their hostilities any farther. _They_ looked upon Weston's clan as one
_tribe,_ and upon the Plymouth people as another; and the conduct of the
two settlements respectively had hitherto given good cause for the
distinction.
But whatever was the truth or justice of the case, the result is a matter
of no uncertainty. Captain Standish proceeded to "_try his conclusion,_"
according to the phraseology of the times, much as John Smith would have
done in his stead, upon such of the savages as were most suspected.
Several were killed, wounded and captured, "and this sudden and unexpected
execution," writes our historian, "together with the just judgment of God
upon their own guilty consciences, so terrified and amazed the other
people who _intended_ to join with the Massachuseuks against us, as in
like manner they forsook their houses,--running to and fro like men
distracted,--living in the swamps, and other desert places,--and so
brought manifold diseases amongst themselves, whereof very many are dead."
Among these unfortunate persons was the Sachem of Nauset; and thus
miserably perished a man at least deserving the credit of having rendered
numerous and generous favors to a people, who had been in the first
instance flagrant trespassers upon his dominion, as they were finally the
cause of his death.
Iyanough, sometimes entitled the "Courteous Sachem of Cummaquid," ruled
over the Indians at that place, which was otherwise called Mattakees, or
Mattakiest, and was included in what has since been the eastern part of
the township of Barnstable and the western part of Yarmouth.
The kindness of the Sachem and his subjects towards such of the English as
first made their acquaintance, amply accounts for the compliment implied
in his title. The same party which, as we have seen, went in pursuit of
the Plymouth boy, put in at Cummaquid for the first night, and
unfortunately anchored in a situation, where at low water they found
themselves aground. In the morning they espied savages near the shore,
looking for lobsters. Squanto was sent to inform them of the object of the
visit of the English, and to assure them of their friendly disposition.
Thus addressed, the Indians answered that the boy was very well, but at
Nauset; yet, since the English were so near their territory, it was hoped
they would take the trouble to come ashore and eat with them. The
invitation was accepted by six of the party, who landed as soon as their
shallop was afloat, leaving four of the Indians voluntary hostages with
the residue of the crew.
They were conducted to the residence of Iyanough; a man described as not
exceeding twenty six years of age, but very personable, gentle, courteous,
fair-conditioned, and indeed not like a savage, save for his attire. [FN]
This entertainment is said to have been answerable to his "parts," and
his cheer plentiful and various. The English tarried with him until after
dinner, and then reembarked for Nauset; Iyanough and two of his men going
with them on board the shallop. The latter returned on foot, when the
design of the expedition was accomplished. The English sailed for Plymouth
with a head wind, but were obliged to put in again for the shore, where
they met with their fellow-passenger, the Sachem. He came out to greet
them, with most of his subjects, in company, men, women and children: "and
being still willing to gratify us," says the historian, "took a rundlet,
and lead our men in the dark a great way for water, but could find none
good; yet brought such as there was on his neck with them." In the
meantime, the women joined hand in hand, and began to dance and sing upon
the stand near the shallop; the men showed all the kindness in their
power; and the interview ended with Iyanough himself taking a bracelet
from about his neck, and hanging it upon that of the person who acted as
the leader of the English. His visitors took their leave of him, and "by
God's providence came safely home that night."
* * * * *
[FN] Journal of a Plantation
All that we hear of Iyanough, after this, goes to confirm the estimate
which these particulars induce one to form of his character. He supplied
the colony with a large quantity of provisions, in a period of great need;
and as late as February 1623, when Standish went to Mattakiest on a
similar errand, it is admitted that he not only "pretended" his wonted
love, but spared a good quantity of corn to confirm the same. [FN] The
account given of that meeting closes with the following language. It is
the more noticeable as illustrating the temper of Standish in cases of
excitement and the kind of evidence against the Indians, by which, through
him, the colonists were likely to be satisfied.
* * * * *
[FN] Window's Relation.
"Strangers," writes the historian, "also came to this place, _pretending_
only to see him (Standish,) and his company, whom they never saw before
that time, but _intending_ to join with the rest to kill them, as after
appeared. But being forced through extremity [of weather] to lodge in
their houses, _which they much pressed,_ God possessed the heart of the
Captain with just jealousy, giving strait command, that as one part of his
company slept, the rest should wake, declaring some things which he
understood, whereof he could make no good constructions." We are then
informed, that some beads were stolen from him in the night. Upon this, he
drew out his men, and stationed them around the wigwam of Iyanough, where
many of his people were collected. He threatened to fall upon them
forthwith, unless satisfaction should be made; and seated his indignation
upon the Sachem with an especial emphasis. Iyanough exerted himself to
discover the criminal. An adjustment of the difficulties was at length
effected; and then the Indians good humouredly brought in corn enough to
fill the shallop. "Finally, this accident so daunted their courage, as
they durst not attempt any thing against him; so that through the good
means and providence of God they returned in safety."
It is not difficult to be seen that there was more prejudice against
Iyanough and his subjects, than proof. Their hospitality only made them
suspected. On the other hand, the real hostility which they may or may not
have felt towards the scoundrels and thieves who composed Master Weston's
settlement at Weymouth, was first taken for granted, and then amplified
into a cause of premature retaliation on the part of the people of
_Plymouth._ It was about this very time, that the Indians were making the
most urgent complaints against Weston--"how exceedingly," to quote again
from the Relation itself, "that company abased themselves by undirect
means to get victuals from the Indians;" and how "others by night robbed
the Indians' store, for which they had been publickly stocked and whipped,
and yet there was little amendment," &c.
If Iyanough _had_ indeed shown himself a little shy of his old
acquaintances in the case last alluded to, it were not much to be wondered
at; especially considering the violence of the worthy but warm-blooded
captain, and also the fact that Plymouth, though duly and distinctly
appealed to, had given the Indians no redress. It is somewhere intimated
in the ancient journals, that certain Indians,--and testimony of this kind
seems to have been received without much suspicions--stated that Iyanough
had been _solicited_ to join the Massachusetts against the whites. But
this certainly, if true, was no crime. Massasoit himself acknowledged,
that he was solicited.
On the whole, not to enlarge on the minutiae of a case, which at best can
afford no pleasure to those who feel their own honor involved in the
memory of Standish and his Plymouth brethren, we can hardly record the
fate of the kind and gentle Iyanough, the Courteous Sachem, on his own
soil, in the prime of his days, without a blush and a sigh together for
the _mistake_ and the _misfortune._ Insulted, threatened, pursued, by an
enemy whom no restitution could satisfy, and who suspected equally his
caresses and fears, he fled in consternation and died in despair.
CHAPTER III.
Summary account of the Five Nations--Their early
history--Government--Conquests--Population--Territory--Intercourse with
European Colonies--Their war with the Adirondacks--Adventures of
Piskaret--Their negotiations with the French, in 1684--Anecdotes of the
Onondaga Chief, Garangula--His speech at the Council, and effects of
it--Remarks on his character--History of the Five Nations continued to
the time of Adario--His exploits--Their object and results--War between
the confederates and the French--Adventures of Black-Kettle.
Having concluded our notices of the most eminent Indians of New-England,
it now becomes proper, following merely the progress of history, to turn
our attention to another section of country, and to a period of time which
has not yet furnished us any considerable share of its abundant material.
We refer to the Middle States, and particularly to a large portion of the
State of New-York, which, with other neighboring territory, was formerly
occupied by that famous confederacy commonly called, by the English, the
Five Nations. Owing to circumstances not necessary here to be detailed,
these tribes--and, as an almost necessary consequence, all the
distinguished individuals they produced--came forward in their intercourse
with the foreign colonies around them, to fill the prominent station
before filled by the Indians of New-England, much as the latter had, in
their turn, succeeded the red men of the South.
The Five Nations were the Mohawks, the Oneidas, the Cayugas, the Onondagas
and the Senecas. The Virginian Indians gave them the name of Massawomekes;
the Dutch called them Maquas, or Makakuase; and the French, Iroquois.
Their appellation at home was the Mingoes, and sometimes the Aganuschion,
or United People. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Governor Clinton's Discourse before N. Y. H. Society: 1811.
When the French settled in Canada, in 1603, they found the Iroquois living
where Montreal now stands. They were at war with the Adirondacks,--a
powerful tribe residing three hundred miles above Trois-Rivieres,--in
consequence of the latter having treacherously murdered some of their
young men. Previous to this date, their habits had been more agricultural
than warlike; but they soon perceived the necessity of adopting a
different system. The Adirondacks drove them from their own country, and
they retreated to the borders of the lakes, where they have ever since
lived. This misfortune it was,--ostensibly at least a misfortune,--which
gave the earliest impulse to the subsequent glorious career of these
Romans of the West.
Fortunately for them, their sachems were men of a genius and spirit which
adversity served only to stimulate and renew. They, finding their
country-men discouraged by the discomfiture suffered on the banks of the
St. Lawrence, induced them to turn their arms against a less formidable
nation, called the Satanas, then dwelling with themselves near the lakes.
That people they subdued, and expelled from their territory. Encouraged by
success, and strengthened by discipline, they next ventured to defend
themselves against the inroads of their old conquerers on the north; and
at length the Adirondacks were even driven back, in their turn, as far as
the neighborhood of what is now Quebec.
But a new emergency arose. The French made common cause with the nation
just named against their enemies, and brought to the contest the important
aids of civilized science and art. The Five Nations had now to set wisdom
and wariness, as well as courage and discipline, against an alliance so
powerful. Their captains came forward again, and taught them the policy of
fighting in small parties, and of making amends for inferior force, by
surprisal and stratagem. The result was, that the Adirondacks were nearly
exterminated, while the Iroquois, proudly exalting themselves on their
overthrow, grew rapidly to be the leading tribe of the whole north, and
finally of the whole continent.
The efforts necessary to attain that ascendant, may be fairly estimated
from the character of the first vanquisher and the first victim. The
Adirondacks fought long and desperately. In the end they adopted their
adversaries' plan of sending out small parties, and of relying especially
on their captains. Five of these men, alone, are said, by their
astonishing energy and bravery to have well nigh turned the balance of the
war.
One of the number was Piskaret, in his own day the most celebrated
chieftain of the north. He and his four comrades solemnly devoted
themselves to the purpose of redeeming the sullied glory of the nation, at
a period when the prospect of conquest, and perhaps of defence, had
already become desperate. They set out for Trois Rivieres in one canoe;
each of them being provided with three muskets, which they loaded
severally with two bullets, connected by a small chain ten inches in
length. In Sorel River, they met with five boats of the Iroquois, each
having on board ten men. As the parties rapidly came together, the
Adirondacks pretended to give themselves up for lost, and began howling
the death-song. This was continued till their enemy was just at hand. They
then suddenly ceased singing, and fired simultaneously on the five canoes.
The charge was repeated with the arms which lay ready loaded, and the
slight birches of the Iroquois were torn asunder, and the frightened
occupants tumbled overboard as fast as possible. Piskaret and his
comrades, after knocking as many of them on the head as they pleased,
reserved the remainder to feed their revenge, which was soon afterwards
done by burning them alive in the most cruel tortures.
This exploit, creditable as it might be to the actors in the eyes of their
countrymen, served only to sharpen the fierce eagerness for blood which
still raged in the bosom of Piskaret. His next enterprise was far more
hazardous than the former; and so much more so, indeed, even in prospect,
that not a single warrior would bear him company. He set out alone,
therefore for the country of the Five Nations, (with which he was well
acquainted,) about that period, of the spring when the snow was beginning
to melt. Accustomed, as an Indian must be, to all emergencies of traveling
as well as warfare, he took the precaution of putting the hinder part of
his snow-shoes forward, so that if his footsteps should happen to be
observed by his vigilant enemy, it might be supposed he was gone the
contrary way. For further security he went along the ridges and high
grounds, where the snow was melted, that his track might be lost.
On coming near one of the villages of the Five Nations, he concealed
himself until night, and then entered a cabin, while the inmates were fast
asleep, murdered the whole family, and carried the scalps to his
lurking-place. The next day, the people of the village sought for the
murderer, but in vain. He came out again at midnight, and repeated his
deed of blood. The third night, a watch was kept in every house, and
Piskaret was compelled to exercise more caution. But his purpose was not
abandoned. He bundled up the scalps he had already taken to carry home
with him as a proof of his victory, and then stole warily from house to
house, until he at last discovered an Indian nodding at his post. This man
he despatched at a blow, but that blow alarmed the neighborhood, and he
was forced immediately to fly for his life. Being, however, the fleetest
Indian then alive, he was under no apprehension of danger from the chase.
He suffered his pursuers to approach him from time to time, and then
suddenly darted away from them, hoping in this manner to discourage as
well as escape them. When the evening came on, he hid himself; and his
enemies stopped to rest. Feeling no danger from a single enemy, and he a
fugitive, they even indulged themselves in sleep. Piskaret, who watched
every movement, turned about, knocked every man of them on the head, added
their scalps to his bundle, and leisurely resumed his way home.
To return to the Five Nations. The career of victory, which began with the
fall of the Adirondacks, was destined to be extended beyond all precedent
in the history of the Indian tribes. They exterminated the Eries or
Erigas, once living on the south side of the lake of their own name. They
nearly destroyed the powerful Anderstez, and the Chouanons or Showanons.
They drove back the Hurons and Ottawas among the Sioux of the Upper
Mississippi, where they separated themselves into bands, "proclaiming,
wherever they went the terror of the Iroquois." [FN-1] The Illinois on the
west also were subdued, with the Miamies and the Shawanese. The
Nipeneneans of the St Lawrence fled to Hudson's Bay, to avoid their fury.
"The borders of the Outaouis," says an historian, "which were long thickly
peopled, became almost deserted." [FN-2] The Mohawk was a name of terror
to the farthest tribes of New-England; and though but one of that
formidable people should appear for a moment on the hills of the
Connecticut or Massachusetts, the villages below would be in an uproar of
confusion and fear. Finally they conquered the tribe of Virginia, west of
the Alleghenies; and warred against the Catawbas, Cherokees, and most of
the nations of the South.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Herriot's History of Canada.
[FN-2] Ibid.
The result of this series of conquests, was, that the Five Nations finally
became entitled, or at least laid claim to all the territory not sold to
the English, from the mouth of Sorel River, on the south side of lakes
Erie and Ontario, on both sides of the Ohio, until it falls into the
Mississippi; and on the north side of these lakes, the whole tract between
the Outawas River and lake Huron. [FN] The historian, Douglas, estimates
their territory at about 1200 miles in length, from north to south, and
from 700 to 800 miles in breadth.
* * * * *
[FN] Smith's History of New-York.
The most moderate account of their population we have seen, was published
by an agent of Virginia, who held a conference at Albany with the chiefs,
in 1677. The warriors were then numbered as follows:
Mohawks, 300
Oneidas, 200
Onondagas, 350
Cayugas, 300
Senecas, 1000
____
Total, 2150
This would make the whole population about 7000. Even so late as the
Revolutionary war, the British had in their service, according to the
calculation of their own agents:
Mohawks, 300
Oneidas, 150
Onondagas, 300
Cayugas, 230
Senecas, 400
To which must be added 200 Tuscaroras--a tribe expelled from North
Carolina in 1712, and received by the five Nations, to constitute a sixth
member of the Confederacy. We must also add 220 warriors who adhered to
the United States. The whole number actually engaged in the contest would
then amount to 1800.
The Five Nations entered into a treaty of peace with the Dutch soon after
their settlement in New-York. They treated with the English subsequently
on the same terms; and this memorable engagement remained inviolate for
more than a century, during all the revolutions and machinations of the
French and English governments, on either side. With the former of these
people they were often at war.
About the year 1684, the French availed themselves of a peace with the
Five Nations to build forts at several important places on the northern
waters, and to make many arrangements for extending their dominion and
commerce among the numerous tribes of the north and west. Their only
opposition came from the Confederates. The Senecas who were the most
numerous and the nearest, were particularly troublesome in cutting off
supplies of ammunition, sent by the French among their tribes, who hunted
for them. At length, M. De la Barre, the Governor of Canada, complained of
these injuries to the English, who were known to have great influence over
their Indian allies. Meanwhile he took vigorous measures for frightening
the Five Nations into friendship. He ordered his vessels on the lakes to
be repaired; and collected at Cadaraqui fort all the forces of Canada. But
the nature of the soil at this station, where he was detained six weeks in
the heat of summer, occasioned sickness and embarrassment in his army, and
he found the prospect utterly hopeless of effecting any thing, unless it
might be by treaty. He sent messengers, therefore, to some of the Five
Nations, to induce a negotiation.
These movements the English Commander at Albany, Colonel Dungan, exerted
himself to counteract. The Mohawks and Senecas promised him that they
would not go near the French. But the remaining three tribes would not
even hear the messages he sent them, except in presence of the priests and
other deputies who had already brought an invitation from the French
Governor to meet him in Council, at Kaihohage. [FN-1] "Should we not go to
him after all this entreaty," said they in answer to the English, "when he
is come so far, and so near to us? Certainly. If we do not, we shall
deserve no favour. You say we are subjects to the King of England and the
Duke of York. _We_ say we are brethren, and take care of ourselves."
[FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] On Lake Ontario, and called by the French La-Famine.
[FN-2] Colden's History of the Five Nations.
The event justified this independence. The most distinguished of the
confederate chieftains was Garangula, the pride of the Onondaga tribe. He
was now advanced in years, but had lost nothing of his energies. Taking
thirty warriors with him, he went with La Maine, the French Deputy, to
meet the Canadian Governor at Kaihohage. At the end of two days after
reaching that place, a Council was held. The French officers formed a
semi-circle on one side, which the Indians completed on the other; and the
Governor then addressed himself to Garangula.
"The King, my master," he began, "being informed that the Five Nations
have often infringed the peace, has ordered me to come hither with a
guard, and to send Ohguesse (La Maine) to the Onondagas, to bring the
Chief Sachem to my camp." He then went on to require Garangula,--as a
condition precedent to the treaty which might be granted him,--to promise,
in the name of the Five Nations, that entire reparation should be given
the French for the past, and entire security for the future. In case of
refusal, they were threatened with war. Again, they were charged with
violence committed upon the French traders, and upon Indian nations under
French protection; and with having introduced the English to trade in the
neighborhood of the lakes. This also was cause of war. Finally, said the
Governor, with no very scrupulous regard to truth, upon one point at
least, "I shall be extremely grieved if my words do not produce the effect
I anticipate from them; for then I shall be obliged to join with the
Governor of New-York, _who is commanded by his master to assist me,_ and
burn the castles of the Five Nations, and destroy you."
This crafty speech was designed to strike a terror into the Indians; and
Garangula was undoubtedly surprised by a style of expression which
contrasted so strongly with the smooth and soft words of La Maine and the
priests. But fear never entered his bosom; and he had the additional
advantage of good information respecting the true state of the French
Army. He knew that the Governor's insolence proceeded in fact from his
impotence; bravado was his last resort. During the speech, however, he
manifested no emotion of any kind, but kept his eyes composedly fixed on
the end of his own pipe. But the moment the Governor had ceased, he rose
up, walked five or six times about the council-circle, and then returned
to his place, where he spoke standing, while La Barre remained in his
elbow-chair.
"Yonondio!" he began--addressing the Governor by the title always given to
that Canadian officer by the Five Nations--"Yonondio!--I honor you, and
the warriors that are with me all likewise honor you. Your interpreter has
finished your speech; I now begin mine. My words make haste to reach your
ears. Hearken to them.
"Yonondio!--You must have believed when you left Quebec, that the sun had
burnt up all the forests, which render our country inaccessible to the
French, or that the lakes had so far overflown the banks, that they had
surrounded our castles, and that it was impossible for us to get out of
them. Yes, surely you must have dreamed so, and the curiosity of seeing so
great a wonder, has bought you so far. _Now_ you are undeceived. I and the
warriors here present, are come to assure you, that the Senecas, Cayugas,
Onondagas, Oneidas and Mohawks are yet alive. I thank you in their name,
for bringing back into their country the calumet, which your predecessor
received from their hands. It was happy for you, that you left under
ground that murdering hatchet, so often dyed in the blood of the French.
"Hear, Yonondio!--I do not sleep. I have my eyes open. The sun, which
enlightens me, discovers to me a great captain at the head of a company of
soldiers, who speaks as if he were dreaming. He says, that he only came to
the lake to smoke on the great calumet with the Onondagas. But _Garangula_
says, that he sees the contrary; that it was to knock them on the head, if
sickness had not weakened the arms of the French. I see Yonondio raving in
a camp of sick men, whose lives the Great Spirit has saved by inflicting
this sickness on them.
"Hear Yonondio!--Our women had taken their clubs, our children and old men
had carried their bows and arrows into the heart of your camp, if our
warriors had not disarmed them, and kept them back, when your messenger
came to our castles. It is done and I have said it.
"Hear, Yonondio!--We plundered none of the French, but those that carried
guns, powder and balls to the Twightwies and Chictaghicks, because those
arms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow the example of the
Jesuits, who break all the kegs of rum brought to our castles, lest the
drunken Indians should knock them on the head. Our warriors have not
beaver enough to pay for all the arms they have taken, and our old men are
not afraid of the war. This belt preserves my words.
"We carried the English into our lakes, to trade there with the Utawawas
and Quatoghies, as the Adirondacks brought the French to our castles, to
carry on a trade, which the English say is theirs. We are born free. We
neither depend on Yonondio nor Corlear. [FN] We may go where we please,
and carry with us whom we please, and buy and sell what we please. If your
allies be your slaves, use them as such, command them to receive no other
but your people. This belt preserves my words."
* * * * *
[FN] The name they gave the Governor of New-York.
"We knock the Twightwies and Chictaghicks on the head, because they had
cut down the trees of peace, which were the limits of our country. They
have hunted beaver on our lands. They have acted contrary to the customs
of all Indians, for they left none of the beavers alive,--they killed both
male and female. They brought the Satanas into their country, to take part
with them, after they had concerted ill designs against us. We have done
less than either the English or French, that have usurped the lands of so
many Indian nations, and chased them from their own country. This belt
preserves my words.
"Hear, Yonondio!--What I say is the voice of all the Five Nations. Hear
what they answer. Open your ears to what they speak. The Senecas, Cayugas,
Onondagas, Oneidas and Mohawks say, that when they buried the hatchet at
Cadarackui, in the presence of your predecessor, in the middle of the
fort, they planted the tree of peace in the same place, to be there
carefully preserved. That in the place of a retreat for soldiers, that
fort might be a rendezvous for merchants; that in place of arms and
ammunition of war, beavers and merchandize should only enter there.
"Hear, Yonondio!--Take care for the future that so great a number of
soldiers as appear there, do not choke the tree of peace planted in so
small a fort. It will be a great loss, if, after it had so easily taken
root, you should stop its growth, and prevent its covering your country
and ours with its branches. I assure you, in the name of the Five Nations,
that our warriors shall dance to the calumet of peace under its leaves.
They shall remain quiet on their mats, and shall never dig up the hatchet,
till their brother Yonondio, or Corlear, shall either jointly or
separately endeavor to attack the country, which the Great Spirit has
given to our ancestors. This belt preserves my words, and this other the
authority which the Five Nations have given me."
Here the orator paused for a moment, and then addressed himself to
Monsieur Le Maine, who stood near him, acting as interpreter. "Take
courage, Ohguesse!" said he, "You have spirit--Speak! Explain my words.
Forget nothing. Tell all that your brethren and friends say to Yonondio,
your Governor, by the mouth of Garangula, who loves you, and desires you
to accept of this present of beaver, and take part with me in my feast, to
which I invite you. This present of beaver is sent to Yonondio, on the
part of the Five Nations."
When this harangue was explained to the Governor, he quietly left the
council, and withdrew to his tent, disappointed and much incensed.
Garangula, on the other hand, feasted the French officers, and then went
home. Nothing more was heard of the treaty; and the French troops, who had
been ordered out, soon after made the best of their way to their own
habitations.
The genuineness of the speech we have given above, seems to be past
dispute. It was recorded on the spot by that enlightened historian, Baron
La Hontan, from whom Colden and other subsequent writers have borrowed it.
Considering the circumstances under which it was delivered, and especially
the surprise practiced by the Governor, it may certainly be regarded as an
evidence of astonishing sagacity, spirit, and self-possession. Its proud
courtesy, so different from the Frenchman's boisterous parade of idle
threats, only adds to the sting of its sarcasm, as the imagery gives
weight to the argument. An illustrious statesman and scholar has placed it
in the same rank with the celebrated speech of Logan. [FN] But the fame of
Garangula must, at all events, rest upon this effort, for history makes no
mention of him subsequent to the council of Kaihohage.
* * * * *
[FN] Discourse of Gov. Clinton.
About three years after that transaction, another personage distinguished
himself as much as the Onondaga Chief, though in a very different manner.
This was Adario, Chief Sachem of the Dinondadies, a tribe generally found
among those in the French interest, and opposed both to the Five Nations
and the English. The former Government had consequently treated them with
favor. But, notwithstanding these circumstances, they had latterly shown a
strong disposition to trade with the English--and especially upon one
occasion, when the latter, guided by the Five Nations, had opened a
commerce on the frontiers of Canada. That affair, as Adario now observed,
made them obnoxious to their ancient ally, the French; and he therefore
resolved, by some notable exploit, to redeem the character of his nation.
Full of this purpose, he marched from Michilimackinac, at the head of a
hundred men; and to act with the greater security, he took Cadaraqui fort
in his way, for intelligence. The Commandant there informed him, that the
Governor was now in expectation of concluding a peace with the Five
Nations, and of receiving a visit from their ambassadors in eight or ten
days, at Montreal. He desired him to return home, without attempting any
thing which might obstruct so good a design.
But Adario had another project in view. The Commandant's information
convinced him of the danger there was that his own nation, in the new
arrangement, might be sacrificed to the French interest. Deliberating on
the means proper to prevent such a result, he took leave of the officer,
but not to return home. Knowing the route by which the Iroquois must
necessarily come, he lay wait for them, with his company, at one of the
falls of Cadaraqui river. Here he had patiently waited four or five days,
when the Deputies made their appearance, guarded by forty young soldiers.
These were suddenly set upon by the ambuscade, and all who were not killed
were taken prisoners. When the latter were secured, Adario artfully told
them, that, _having been informed of their approach by the Governor of
Canada,_ he had secured this pass with the almost certain prospect of
intercepting them.
The Deputies were of course very much surprised at the Governor's conduct;
and they finally expressed themselves with such freedom, as to declare the
whole object of their journey. Adario was, in his turn, apparently amazed
and enraged. He swore revenge upon the Governor, for having, as he said,
made a tool of _him,_ to commit his abominable treachery. Then, looking
steadfastly on the prisoners, he said to them, "Go, my brothers!--I untie
your hands. I send you home again, though our nations be at war. The
French Governor has made me commit so black an action, that I shall never
be easy after it, till the Five Nations shall have had full revenge." The
Deputies, furnished with ammunition and arms for their journey, and
completely satisfied of the truth of Adario's declarations, returned to
their own country, after having assured him that he and his nation might
make _their_ peace when they pleased.
This master-stroke of policy was seconded by an incident which occurred
soon afterwards, and which the same cunning and vigilant spirit profited
by to promote his design. In the surprisal of the Deputies, Adario had
lost one man, and had filled his place with a Satana prisoner, who had
been before adopted into the Five Nations. This man he soon afterwards
delivered to the French at Michilimackinac, probably at their request; and
they, for the purpose of keeping up the enmity between the Dinondadies and
Five Nations, ordered him to be shot. Adario called one of the latter
people, who had long been a prisoner, to be an eye-witness of his
countryman's death. He then bade him make his escape to his own country,
and there to give an account of the ferocious barbarity from which _he_
had been unable to save a captive belonging to himself.
The Five Nations had already been upon the brink of war, in consequence of
the representations of the Deputies. Their rage was now beyond all bounds.
The Governor, having obtained some information of the state of things,
sent messengers to disavow and expose the conduct of Adario; but they
would listen to no messages; their souls thirsted for revenge. The war was
undertaken immediately, and never was one more disastrous to Canada.
Twelve hundred of the Iroquois invaded the province, while the French were
still uncertain whether hostilities would commence. In July, 1688, they
landed at La Chine, on the south side of the island of Montreal; and,
keeping the Governor himself, with his troops, confined within the walls
of the town, they sacked all the plantations, and indiscriminately
massacred men, women, and children. More than one thousand of the French
were killed, and many were carried off captive, who afterwards shared the
same fate. The Indian army lost but three men during the whole expedition.
The most distinguished of the Iroquois warriors about this time, was one
whom the English called Black-Kettle. Colden speaks of him as a famous
hero; but few of his exploits have come down to these, times. It is only
known that he commanded large parties of his countrymen, who were
exceedingly troublesome to the French. In 1691, he made an irruption into
the country round Montreal, at the head of several hundred men. He overran
Canada, (say the French annalists,) as a torrent does the low lands, when
it overflows its banks, and there is no withstanding it. The troops at the
stations received orders to stand upon the defensive; and it was not until
the enemy were returning home victorious, after having desolated all
Canada, that a force of four hundred soldiers was mustered to pursue them.
Black-Kettle is said to have had but half that number with him at this
juncture, but he gave battle, and fought desperately. After losing twenty
men slain, with some prisoners, he broke through the French ranks and
marched off, leaving a considerable number of the enemy wounded and killed.
CHAPTER IV.
Five Nations _continued._ Remarks on their oratory--Circumstances
favorable to it--Account of a council of the Confederates at Onondaga,
in 1690--Anecdotes of various persons who attended it--Speeches of
Sadekanatie and other orators--Adarahta--The history and character of
Decanesora--His speeches at the Albany council of 1694--Style of his
eloquence--His personal and political character--Other speeches and
negotiations--Anecdotes of Sadekanatie.
Enough perhaps has already appeared respecting the Five Nations to justify
the observation of an eminent writer, that they were no less celebrated
for eloquence than for military skill and political wisdom. [FN-1] The
same obvious circumstances prompted them to excellence in all these
departments; but in the former, their relations with each other and with
other tribes, together with the great influence which their reputation and
power attached to the efforts of their orators abroad, gave them peculiar
inducements, facilities and almost faculties for success. Among the
Confederates, as among the Indians of all the East and South, a high
respect was cherished for the warrior's virtues; but eloquence was a
certain road to popular favour. Its services were daily required in
consultations at home and communications abroad. The council-room was
frequented like the Roman forum and the senate-house of the Greeks. Old
and young went there together; the one for discipline and distinction, and
the other "to observe the passing scenes, and to receive the lessons of
wisdom." [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Governor Clinton.
[FN-2] Ibid.
The _kind_ of oratory for which Garangula and other public speakers of his
Confederacy were distinguished, it cannot be expected of us to analyse
with much precision. Indian oratory is generally pointed, direct,
undisguised, unpolished; but forcible in expression and delivery,
brilliant in flashes of imagery, and naturally animated with graphic
touches of humor, pathos, or sententious declaration of high-toned
principle,--according in some measure to the occasion, but more
immediately to the momentary impulse of the speaker as supported by his
prevalent talent. If the orators of the Five Nations differed much from
this description, it was in qualities which they owed, independently of
genius, to their extraordinary opportunities of practice, and to the
interest taken in their efforts by the people who heard, employed and
obeyed them.
"The speakers whom I have heard," says Mr. Colden, "had all a great
_fluency of words,_ and much more _grace in their manner,_ than any man
could expect, among a people entirely ignorant of the liberal arts and
sciences." He adds, that he had understood them to be--(not knowing their
language himself)--very nice in the turn of their expressions; though it
seems but few of them were such masters of the art as never to offend
their Indian auditories by an unpolite expression. Their greatest speakers
attained to a sort of _urbanitas_ or _atticism._ [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] History of the Five Nations.
For the purpose of better illustrating some points which are barely
alluded to in these observations, as well as to introduce several new
characters, not easily appreciated without the context of circumstances in
which they appeared, we shall furnish a somewhat detailed account of a
General Council of the Confederates holden at Onondaga, in January 1690.
The object of it was to take order upon a message sent them from the Count
de Frontenac, Governor of Canada, the purport of which will appear in the
proceedings. It may be premised, that the Onondaga council-house was
commonly preferred on these occasions, on account of the central position
occupied by that tribe in regard to the other four. [FN] The English
authorities at Albany were formally invited to attend; but they contented
themselves with sending their public interpreter, to take note of what
passed, together with three Indians instructed in their name to dissuade
the Five Nations from entertaining thoughts of peace, or even consenting
to a cessation of arms.
* * * * *
[FN] It is impossible to say how much influence this, circumstance might
have on the ambition of the Onondaga orators. It will be observed, that
the tribe enjoyed rather more than its equal share of rhetorical
distinction.
The Council opened on the 22d of the month, eighty sachems being present
In the first place Sadekanatie, an Onondaga, rising in his place,
addressed himself to one of the English messengers from Albany. He
informed him, that four deputies were present from the Canadian Governor,
viz.: three Indians who had formerly been carried prisoners to France, and
a sachem of the Praying Indians in the French interest who lived near
Montreal; and that Governor Frontenac had notified them of his
appointment, and of his having brought over with him from France Tawerahet
and twelve other Indians formerly carried prisoners to that country. Then
taking in his hand the wampum-belt [FN] sent by the Count, and holding it
by the middle, he added:--
* * * * *
[FN] The practice of confirming stipulations and making proposals by
belts, so commonly adopted among the Indians, cannot be understood in any
way better than by observing the various instances mentioned in the text.
"What I have said relates only to one half of the belt. The other half is
to let us know that he intends to kindle his fire again at Cadaraqui next
spring. He therefore invites his children, and the Onondaga Captain
Decanesora, in particular, to treat there with him about the old chain."
Adarahta was Chief Sachem of the Praying Indians, a community principally
made up of members of several tribes, including the Five Nations, who had
been induced by the French to settle themselves upon _their_ territory,
and were serviceable to them in various capacities. "I advise you," said
Adarahta, holding three belts in his hand, "to meet the Governor of Canada
as he desires. Agree to this if you would live." He then gave a belt of
wampum. "Tawerahet," he proceeded, "sends you this other belt, to inform
you of the miseries which he and the rest of his countrymen have suffered
in captivity; and to advise you to hearken to Yonondio, if you desire to
live. This third belt is from Thurensera, Ohguesse, and Ertel, [FN] who say
by it to their brethren: 'We have interceded for you with your order, and
therefore advise you to meet him at Cadaraqui in the spring. It will be
well for you.'"
* * * * *
[FN] Indian names--meaning _Day-Dawn, Partridge,_ and _Rose,_ given to
Frenchmen well known to the Five Nations. The policy of sending such
messages is sufficiently obvious.
A Mohawk chief, one of those instructed by the Albany magistrates to
represent their wishes at the council, now delivered the message they had
given him. He had treasured it up word for word. The Interpreter, who had
the same message in writing, followed him while he spoke, and found him
correct to a syllable.
Cannehoot, a Seneca sachem, next proceeded to give the Council a
particular account of a treaty made during the summer previous, between
his own tribe and some Wagunha messengers, one of the Canadian nations, on
the river Uttawas. The latter had acted on the behalf of seven other
tribes; and he wished the other four members of his own Confederacy to
ratify what bad been done by the Senecas. The articles proposed by the
Wagunhas were as follows:
1. "We are come to join two bodies into one,"--delivering up at the same
time two prisoners.
2. "We are come to learn wisdom of the Senecas, and of the other Five
Nations, and of your brethren of New-York;"--giving a belt.
3. "We by this belt wipe away the tears from the eyes of your friends,
whose relations have been killed in the war. We likewise wipe the paint
from your soldier's faces;" [FN]--giving a second belt.
* * * * *
[FN] The Indians universally paint their faces on going to war, to make
their appearance more terrific to the enemy. To _wipe off the paint,_ was
to make peace.
4. "We throw aside the axe which Yonondio put into our hands by this
third belt."
5. "Let the sun, as long as he shall endure, always shine upon us in
friendship;"--giving a red marble sun, as large as a plate.
6. "Let the rain of heaven wash away all hatred, that we may again smoke
together in peace;"--giving a large pipe of red marble.
7. "Yonondio is drunk--we wash our hands clean from his actions;"--giving
a fourth belt.
8. "Now we are clean washed by the water of heaven; neither of us must
defile ourselves by hearkening to Yonondio."
9. "We have twelve of your nation prisoners; they shall be brought home in
the spring;"--giving a belt to confirm the promise.
10. "We will bring your prisoners home when the strawberries shall be in
blossom, at which time we intend to visit Corlear, [the Governor of
New-York] and see the place where the wampum is made."
When Cannehoot had done, the Wagunha presents were hung up in the
council-house, in sight of the whole assembly. They were afterwards
distributed among the several Five-Nations, and their acceptance was a
ratification of the treaty. A large belt was also given to the Albany
messengers, as their share. A wampum belt sent from Albany, was in the
same manner hung up, and afterwards divided. The New-England colonies,
called by the Confederates Kinshon, sent the wooden model of a fish, as a
token of their adhering to the general covenant. This was handed round
among the sachems, and then laid aside to be preserved.
At the end of these ceremonies, Sadekanatie rose again. "Brothers!" he
said, "we must stick to our brother Quider, and regard Yonondio as our
enemy; he is a cheat." By _Quider_ he meant _Peter,_ referring to Peter
Schuyler, Mayor of Albany; a gentleman much esteemed by the five tribes,
but whose name, having no labials in their language, they were unable to
pronounce.
After some farther proceedings, the English Interpreter was desired to
deliver his message from Albany. He told them that a new Governor had
arrived in the province, with a large number of fresh troops; that England
was at war with France; and that the people of New-England were fitting
out an expedition against Canada. He advised them not to treat with the
French, but at all events only at Albany. That people, he said, would keep
no agreement made anywhere else.
The sachems now held a consultation together for some time, the result of
which, was thus declared by a speaker chosen for the purpose, and who is
supposed to have been Sadekanatie. The different passages were addressed
respectively to the deputies of the parties referred to.
"Brothers! Our fire burns at Albany. We will not send Decanesora to
Cadaraqui. We adhere to our old chain with Corlear--We will prosecute the
war with Yonondio--We will follow your advice in drawing off our men from
Cadaraqui. Brothers! We are glad to hear the news you tell us--but tell us
no lies!"
"Brother Kinshon! We hear you design to send soldiers to the eastward
against the Indians there. [FN] But we advise you, now so many are united
against the French, to fall immediately on them. _Strike at the root; when
the trunk shall be cut down, the branches will fall of course."_
* * * * *
[FN] New-Hampshire and Maine tribes, at war with the Colonies, and known
to be instigated and assisted by the French.
"Corlear and Kinshon,--Courage! Courage! In the spring to Quebec! Take
that place--You will have your feet on the necks of the French, and all
their friends in America."
Another consultation terminated in the adoption of the following answer to
be sent to the Canadians.
1. "Yonondio! You have notified your return to us, and that you have
brought back thirteen of our people who were carried to France--We are
glad of it. You desire us to meet you at Cadaraqui next spring, to treat
of the old chain. But, Yonondio! how can we trust you, who have acted
deceitfully so often? Witness what was done at Cadaraqui--the usage our
messengers met with at Uttawas, and what was done, to the Senecas at the
same place." Here a belt was given, indicating a willingness still to
treat.
2. "Thurensera, Ohguesse and Ertel! Have you observed friendship with us?
If you have not, how came you to advise us to renew friendship with
Yonondio?" A belt also was attached to this answer.
3. "Tawerahet! The whole Council is glad to hear of your return with the
other twelve. Yonondio!--You must send home Tawerahet and the others this
present winter--before spring. We will save all the French we have
prisoners till that time."
4. "Yonondio!--You desire to speak with us at Cadaraqui;--Don't you know
that your fire there is extinguished? It is extinguished with blood. You
must send home the prisoners in the first place."
5. "We let you know that we have made peace with the Wagunhas."
6. "You are not to think that we have laid down the axe, because we return
an answer. We intend no such thing. Our Far-fighters shall continue the
war till our countrymen return."
7. "When our brother Tawerahet is returned, then we will speak to you of
peace."
Such was the result of the great exertions made at this time by the
Canadian Government to overawe the Five Nations, and to draw them away
from the English alliance. The whole proceeding, though indeed it
furnishes no extraordinary specimens of their eloquence, illustrates in
the plainest manner the very favorable circumstances under which their
orators came forward, and the inducements they had to devote their genius
to the council-house, even in preference to war.
Sadekanatie, who acted a prominent part in the Onondaga Council, and was
himself of that tribe, appeared to great advantage upon several other
occasions. The favorite orator of the Confederates, however, during most
of the period in which he flourished, was Decanesora, whose name has
already been mentioned. That Sachem was for many years almost invariably
employed as the Speaker in their negotiations with both French and
English. He was one of the deputies who fell into the hands of Adario; and
we have seen that in the message of Count Frontenac to the Onondaga
Council, he invited "his children, and Decanesora, the Onondaga Captain,
in particular," to treat with him at Cadaraqui. The Confederates, on the
other hand, signify their disposition to continue the war by saying, "we
will not send Decanesora."
Mr. Colden, who knew this orator well, and heard him speak frequently,
gives him credit for a perfect fluency, and for "a graceful elocution that
would have pleased in any part of the world." He was tall, and his person
well made; and his features are said to have borne a resemblance to the
busts of Cicero. It is much to be regretted in his case, as in many
others, that but very slight indications of his eloquence are preserved to
these times. Such as are preserved, probably do him very imperfect
justice. Some of them, however, at least indicate the sagacity, the
courtesy, the undaunted courage, and the high-minded sense of honor,
which, among the countrymen of Decanesora as among those of Quintillian,
were no less recommendations of the orator than they were virtues of the
man.
In the winter of 1693-4, after a long series of hostilities between the
Confederates and the French,--attended on both sides with alternate
suffering and injury, until both were heartily weary of the war,--certain
artful proposals, artfully set forth by Jesuit messengers, were at length
so well received by all the Confederates excepting the Mohawks, that a
council was summoned at Onondaga to act upon them. The English were
civilly invited to attend; and although both they and the Mohawks
neglected to do so, no measures were adopted in council, except with the
understanding that they should not be final without being first submitted
to the examination of both those parties. With this view, several sachems
were sent to Albany, and of these Decanesora was the principal and the
speaker. The account which he gave to Major Schuyler and the Albany
magistrates of the negotiation now pending, including its origin, is a
fine specimen, as Mr. Colden observes, of his art, not only in smoothing
over an affair undertaken against the English interest and advice, but
also in introducing and enforcing his own views of the sovereign dignity
of the Five Nations.
"Brother Cayenguirago," [FN] he began, "we are come to acquaint you, that
our children, the Oneidas, having of themselves sent a messenger to
Canada, he has brought back with him a belt of peace from the Governor."
* * * * *
[FN] An Indian appellation, signifying a _swift arrow,_ given to Governor
Fletcher in consequence of the prompt succor he had once rendered the
Five Nations, in an emergency occasioned by a French invasion. Schuyler
is addressed as representing the Governor.
"As soon as Tariha [the messenger] arrived at Canada, he was asked, where
the six hundred men were, that were to attack Canada, as they had been
informed by Cariokese, a Mohawk Deserter? He assured them there was no
such design."
"He was carried to Quebec, where he delivered his belt, with the following
proposition. 'Yonondio, if you would have peace go to Albany, and ask it
there, for the Five Nations we do nothing without Cayenguirago.' The
Governor of Canada was angry at this, and said, he had nothing to do with
the Governor of New York; he would treat only with the Five Nations; the
peace between the Christians must be made on the other side the great
lake! He added, he was sorry to see the Five Nations so far degenerated as
to take a sixth nation into their chain, to rule over them. 'If you had
desired me to come and treat in any of your castles, I would have done it;
but to tell me I must go to Albany, is to desire of me what I can by no
means do. You have done very ill, to suffer the people of New York to
govern you so far, that you dare do nothing without their consent. I
advise you to send two of each nation to me, and let Decanesora be one of
them. I have orders from the King my master to grant you peace, if you
come in your proper persons to ask it.' The Governor of Canada afterwards
said:"
* * * * *
[FN] Colden. {TN: There does not appear to be a reference to this note in
the text. It appears at about this point.}
"'Children of the Five Nations, I have compassion for your little
children, therefore come speedily and speak of peace to me, otherwise I'll
stop my ears for the future; by all means let Decanesora come; for if the
Mohawks come alone, I will not hear them; some of all the Five Nations
must come. Now, Tariha, return home, and tell the Five Nations, that I
will wait for their coming till the trees bud, and the bark can be parted
from the trees. I design for France in the spring, and I leave a gentleman
to command here, to whom I have given orders to raise soldiers, if you do
not come in that time. And then what will become of you? I am truly
grieved to see the Five Nations so debauched and deceived by Cayenguirago,
who is lately come to New-York, and by Quider. Formerly the chief men of
the Five Nations used to converse with me; but this Governor of New York
has so deluded you, that you hearken to none but him; but take care of
what will follow, if you hearken to none but him.'"
Here the orator took occasion to explain, very shrewdly, why the
deputation to which he belonged had been delayed so long, with some other
matters of the same kind. He then reported the following resolutions
agreed upon by the Council to be sent to the Governor of Canada. They were
probably his own composition, the Council having been called, and the
whole transaction in a great measure managed by himself.
1. "Yonondio!--You have sent for me often, and as often asked, why I am
afraid to come? The great kettle of war that you have hung over the fire
is the reason of it." Here Decanesora said he was to lay down a belt, and
ask the Governor's consent to the other two which he held in his hand.
2. "We now not only throw down the kettle, and thereby throw the boiling
water out of it, but likewise break it to pieces, that it may never be
hung up again,--by this second belt."
3. "Hearken Yonondio!--You are sent from the French King, your master. So
is Cayenguirago from the Great King and Queen of England. What I am now
about to speak to you, is by inspiration from the Great Spirit. You say
that you will have nothing to do with our brethren of Cayenguirago. But I
must tell you, that we are inseparable. We can have no peace with you so
long as you are at war with them;"--which, added Decanesora, is to be
confirmed by the third belt.
The noble fidelity to engagements here set forth as a sacred principle,
was far from being the result of either fear or mere affection; and this
Schuyler himself had the opportunity of testing, before the deputation
left Albany.
7. {_sic_} "The Governor of Canada's words, and the Resolutions of the
Five-Nations," said the orator in conclusion, "are now before you.
Consult, therefore, what is to be done. If it be necessary for the
Brethren to go to our castle, to advise us farther, be not unwilling."
Here he laid down a large belt, eleven rows deep, and seven fathoms of
wampum. This signified an amicable disposition; but when, on the ensuing
day, Major Schuyler replied that he would consent to no treaty with the
French, and proposed that the deputation, and Decanesora in particular,
should visit him again at the end of seventy days, the rejoinder was,
after consultation, that _they_ would visit him. "But as for myself," said
the old Sachem, "I cannot dispose of myself without their directions. If
they order me, I shall willingly return. We did not expect to hear such
positive prohibition of keeping any correspondence with the French. If any
mischief happen within the seventy days, let us not blame one another.
Consider again what is most for the public good--and let it be spoken
before we part."
This was confirmed with a large belt of fourteen deep. Major Schuyler
afterwards asked, a second time, whether they would wholly suspend
correspondence with the French, for the term last mentioned. "I have no
authority," said the orator, "to answer this question. I shall lay the
belt down in every one of the castles, and say, that by it all
correspondence is _desired_ to stop with the French. _I cannot promise
that this will be complied with._"
The conference did not end here. On the sixth day, Schuyler called the
deputation together, for the purpose of making a new and vigorous effort.
How much influence his assertions or arguments, alone, might have had,
cannot be determined, for a fortunate incident occurred which materially
altered the aspect of affairs, being just in season to enable him to
carry his point for the time. The stipulation attached to Decanesora's
final consent does him high honor. "You have at last shut up the way to
Canada," he said; "but we have one thing to ask, after mature
deliberation, which we expect will not be refused us." The Major observed,
that every thing should be granted which he thought essential to the
character or the security of the nation. He then proceeded to request,
that an English messenger might be permitted to accompany one to be sent
by himself to the Praying Indians in Canada. The objects were first, to
inform those Indians of what he had ascertained to be the true character
of the Jesuit who had been among the Five Nations; secondly, to notify
them of the meeting appointed at Albany, and of the consequent inability
of the deputies to visit _them_ at the same time, as had been proposed;
and thirdly, to agree upon a continued cessation of arms until they might
be able to visit them. Decanesora further desired, that if Schuyler should
not send a messenger, he would at all events put these propositions in
writing, as a token of his assent to them.
After all, events took place, owing in no small degree, as we shall find,
to the English themselves, which determined the chieftains to visit the
Canadian Governor in the spring. Some explanation of these events is
furnished by the following speech of Sadekanatie. He, with his fellow
deputies, visited Governor Fletcher at Albany, in May, (1694,) and in the
course of the conference which ensued, delivered his sentiments in the
following manly and forcible style:
"Brother Cayenguirago!--Some of our sachems agreed, last winter, that we
should keep no correspondence with the French. We confess we have broken
that promise. We have received a messenger from Canada. We have sent our
deputies to Canada in return, [Decanesora being one.] The belt is not yet
arrived by which we are to acknowledge our fault in the matter. The
_reason_ of our doing it is truly this,--_we are afraid of the enemy._"
"When a messenger came last year from Canada to Onondaga, our brother
Cayenguirago discharged our meeting in General Council at Onondaga, to
consult on that message, and ordered us to hold our General Council here
at Albany on that affair. The privilege of meeting in General Council when
we please, is a privilege we always have enjoyed; no former Governor, of
the name of Corlear, ever obstructed this privilege. We planted a tree of
peace in this place with them. Its roots and branches extend as far as
Virginia and New-England, and we have reposed with pleasure under its
shade. Brother, let us keep to that first tree, and let us be united and
unanimous; such prohibition of our assemblies will be of ill consequence,
and occasion differences between us.
"We acknowledge, I say, our sending agents to Canada for peace. We were
encouraged in doing this by the knowledge we have of the Governor of
Canada. He is an old man, and was formerly Governor of that place. He was
always esteemed a wise peaceable man, and therefore we trust our message
will have a good issue. We did not take it amiss that you sent to the
Dewagunhas, nor that Arnout was sent to the Satanas, both of them our
enemies; and, for the same reason, our brother Cayenguirago ought not to
be displeased with our sending to the French for peace.
"We, Onondagas, acknowledge ourselves to have been the chief promoters of
this Message. We have sent in all nine sachems with nine belts. It is true
we are now under much uneasiness in having trusted so many sachems in the
French hands, being almost half the number we have in our nation, but we
were in haste to prevent the designs the French had against our countries
and yours, by the great warlike preparations they were making in Canada."
[FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Colden.
He concluded with specifying the instructions their deputies had received,
and presented a belt in confirmation of all he had said. Colonel Fletcher
replied, that he would not discuss any other subject until he was
satisfied what reason there was for charging him with having forbidden the
Council, and made peace with the Indian tribes, as alleged by the orator.
This appears to have been a mistake; and accordingly, on the ensuing day,
it was frankly acknowledged to be such, and that in terms which left no
occasion to doubt the speaker's sincerity. "We assure you," he said, "we
will never separate from you. We still have one head, one blood, one soul,
one heart with you." This was said in reference to the alleged prohibition
of the Council. "As to the Dewagunhas and Shawanons," added the speaker,
"we are confident Cayenguirago will not admit them into his government,
till they have made peace with us. That we shall willingly grant. When our
enemies are humbled, and beg peace, why should they not have it? _Let them
come and live with us. It will strengthen our country._" [FN] He then
proceeded thus:--
* * * * *
[FN] A Roman principle, recognised in the practice as well theory of the
Five Nations. Colden says, "they encourage the people of other nations
[including captives] to incorporate with them?" Thus, for example, the
Sixth Nation was added to the Confederacy in 1712.
"Brother Cayenguirago!--When the Christians first arrived in this country,
we received them kindly. When they were but a small people, we entered
into a league with them, to guard them from all enemies whatsoever. We
were so fond of their society, that we tied the great canoe which brought
them, not with a rope made of bark to a tree, but with a strong iron chain
fastened to a great mountain. Now, before the Christians arrived, the
General Council of the Five Nations was held at Onondaga, where there has
been, from the beginning, a continual fire kept burning; it is made of two
great logs, whose flame never extinguishes. As soon as the hatchet-makers
[their general name for Christians,] arrived, the General Council at
Onondaga planted this tree at Albany, whose roots and branches have since
spread as far as New-England, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland and
Virginia; and under the shade of this tree all these English colonies have
frequently been sheltered."
Here the orator gave seven fathoms of wampum, _to renew the chain;_ and
promised, as he declared his expectation of receiving, mutual assistance
in case of an attack from any enemy.
"The only reason, to be plain with you," he continued, "of our sending to
make peace with the French, is the low condition to which we are reduced,
while none of our neighbors send us the least assistance, so that the
whole burthen of the war lies on us alone. Our brethren of New-England,
Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, of their own accord
thrust their arms into our chain; but since the war began we have received
no assistance from them. We, alone, cannot continue the war against the
French, by reason of the recruits they daily receive from the other side
the great lake.
"Brother Cayenguirago!--Speak from your heart. Are you resolved to
prosecute the war vigorously against the French; and are your neighbors of
Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, Connecticut and New-England, resolved to
assist us? If it be so, notwithstanding any treaty hitherto entered into,
we will prosecute the war as hotly as ever. But if our neighbors will not
assist, we must make peace, and we submit it to your consideration, by
giving this great belt fifteen deep.
"Brother Cayenguirago!--I have truly told you the reasons which have
induced us to offer peace to the French; we shall likewise, from the
bottom of our hearts, inform you of the design we have in this treaty.
When the Governor of Canada shall have accepted the nine belts, of which I
have just now told you, then we shall have something more to say by two
large belts, which lie still hid in our bosom. We shall lay down first one
and say, 'we have a brother Cayenguirago, with whose people we have been
united in one chain from the beginning. They must be included in this
treaty; we cannot see them involved in bloody war, while we sit in easy
peace.' If the Governor of Canada answer, that he has made a separate
peace with us, and that he cannot make any peace with Cayenguirago,
because the war is from over the great lake; then we shall lay down the
second great broad belt, and tell the Governor of Canada, 'If you will not
include Cayenguirago's people, the treaty will become thereby void, as if
it had never been made;' and if he persists, we will absolutely leave
him."
While the conference was going on at Albany, Decanesora and his fellow
deputies arrived at the castle of the Praying Indians, near the falls
above Montreal. Thence they were conducted, by the Superior of the
Jesuits, to Quebec. They had their audience of the Governor of Canada with
great solemnity, in the presence of all the ecclesiastics and officers of
distinction, and of the most considerable Indians then in the place. Every
day, while they remained, they were entertained at the Governor's table,
or at those of the principal citizens. On the other side, it is said of
the veteran Decanesora, that shrewdly accommodating his coat to his
company, he made himself still more personable than usual, by the aid of a
splendid arrangement which might have done credit to a modern ambassador.
He was clothed in scarlet, trimmed with gold; and his reverend locks were
covered with a laced beaver-hat, which had been given him by Colonel
Fletcher a few months before. Neither ceremony nor decoration, however,
nor even good dinners, mitigated the old orator's firmness.
"Father!" [FN] he said to the Governor, after mentioning the objects of
the deputation,--"If we do not conclude a peace now, it will be your
fault. We have already taken the hatchet out of the River Indians
[Hudson's river] whom we incited to the war. But we must tell you, that
you are a bad man. You are inconstant. You are not to be trusted. We have
had war together a long time. Still, though you occasioned the war, we
never hated the house of Ohguesse [the Montreal gentleman.] Let him
undertake the toilsome journey to Onondaga. If _he_ will come, he shall be
welcome."
* * * * *
[FN] "A term used in mere courtesy, and because the Governor chose to
call the Indians his children." So a Sachem explained it to one of the
New York Governors, that it "signified nothing."
"Father!"--he continued,--"We are now speaking of _peace,_ and therefore I
must speak a word to the Praying Indians, and first to those of Cahnawaga
[chiefly Mohawks.] _You_ know our customs and manners. Therefore make
Yonondio acquainted with them.--Assist in the good work of peace. As for
you," (addressing a party of praying Indians most of whom had once been
Onondagas,) "you are worse than the French themselves. You deserted from
us, and sided with our enemies to destroy us. Make some amends now by
forwarding peace." He then resumed his address to the Governor.
"You have almost eaten us up. Our best men are killed in this bloody war.
But we forget what is past. Before this we once threw the hatchet into the
river of Kaihohage, [FN] but you fished it up, and treacherously surprised
our people at Cadaraqui. After that you sent to us to have our prisoners
restored. Then the hatchet was thrown up to the sky, but you kept a string
fastened to the helve, and pulled it down, and fell upon our people again.
This we revenged to some purpose, by the destruction of your people and
houses in the island of Montreal."
* * * * *
[FN] Near Oswego, on Lake Ontario, where the treaty with M. De la Barre
was negotiated.
"Now we are come to cover the blood from our sight, which has been shed by
both sides during this long war.
"Yonondio!--We have been at war a long time. We now give you a medicine to
drive away all ill thoughts from your heart, to purge it and make it
clean, and restore it to its former state.
"Yonondio!--We will not permit any settlement at Cadaraqui. You have had
your fire, there thrice extinguished. We will not consent to your building
that fort; but the passage through the river shall be free and clear. We
make the sun clean, and drive away all clouds and darkness, that we may
see the light without interruption.
"Yonondio!--We have taken many prisoners from one another, during the war.
The prisoners we took have been delivered, according to our custom, to the
families that have lost any in the war. They no longer belong to the
public. They may give them back if they please. Your people may do the
same. We have brought back two prisoners, and restore them to you." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Colden.
In the course of his reply to this speech, the Governor observed, that he
should not make peace with Cayenguirago. But Decanesora, nobly and
fearlessly true to every engagement as to his own honor, promptly declared
that he never would agree to a peace for the Confederates, except on
condition of a truce for the English. "All the country," said he, "will
look upon me as a traitor; I can treat with you no longer." And
undoubtedly, anxious as he was to effect the object of his embassy, he
would have returned home disappointed, had not the Governor, after a
discussion of three days, finally yielded, by agreeing to undertake no
enterprise against New York during the summer. Another difficulty arose
upon the Governor's insisting on having hostages left with him, which the
Sachem would not consent to. The matter was adjusted by the voluntary
proposal of two Indians in his company to remain.
After the return of the Deputation to the country of the Five Nations, a
conference was held at Albany between a new deputation on their part, and
the Governor of New-York. The latter, well knowing how much the
neighboring colonies were interested in the result of the French
negotiation, invited several of them to send representatives, which they
accordingly did. Among those present were the Governor of New-Jersey, and
five commissioners from Massachusetts and Connecticut. On the other hand,
Decanesora and Sadekanatie both attended in the name of the Five Nations.
The former gave an exact account of every thing which passed at Quebec.
The latter,--who seems rather to have coveted opportunities of declaring
the freest sentiments in the freest manner, which his colleague indeed
never declined,--opened the conference with a long speech upon the history
of the English and Indian intercourse; how the league had begun, and had
been enlarged and strengthened; and finally,--what was the chief aim of
his argument,--how _other colonies,_ as he said, had thrust their arms
into the chain, but had given little or no assistance against the common
enemy. There was some cause for this complaint, and the orator was
resolved that he would not be misunderstood when he stated it "Our brother
Cayenguirago's arms;" he continued, "and our own are stiff, and tired with
holding fast the chain. Our neighbors sit still and smoke at their ease.
The fat is melted from our flesh, and fallen on them. They grow fat while
we grow lean."
"This chain made us the enemy of the French. If all had held as fast as
Cayenguirago, it would have been a terror to them. If we would all
heartily join, and take the hatchet in hand, our enemy would soon be
destroyed. We should forever after live in peace and ease. Do but your
parts, [probably addressing the Commissioners] and thunder itself cannot
break the chain."
Thus closely did the orators, who were in other words the statesmen of the
Five Nations, investigate the conduct alike of their enemies and their
allies, and thus freely and fearlessly did they in all cases express
themselves as they felt Characters of every description came under their
cognizance. Manoeuvres and machinations, political and personal, were
brought to bear upon them on all sides. The French emissary plied them at
one turn, and the English peddler at the next; and they talked and traded
with either or both, as the case might be, with the same indolent
imperturbable gravity. Each party went away, perhaps, chuckling over the
ease with which he had imposed upon savage simplicity, and flattering
himself that their opinion of his honesty was at least adequate to his
own opinion of his shrewdness. But the event proved otherwise.
Decanesora once said to Major Schuyler, in reply to the latter's
suggestion of fraud on the part of a Jesuit messenger of the French,--"We
know that the priest favors his own nation. But it is not in his power to
alter our affection to our brethren. We wish you would bury all the
misunderstandings you have conceived on _his_ account,--_and we likewise
wish you gave less credit to the_ rum-carriers _than you do._" This was a
palpable hit, truly, and a deserved one. And thus, generally, were the
Barbarian Orators, after all, upon the safe side. Nothing daunted their
spirit. Nothing deceived their sagacity.
CHAPTER V.
Account of the Ottawas--Their first Chief-Sachem known to the English,
Pontiac--His interview with Major Rogers--Protects that officer and his
troops--Saves Detroit from an army of Indians--Hostility of the northern
tribes to the English, after the conquest of Canada--Adventures of
Henry--Anecdotes of Minavavana--Supposed feelings of Pontiac towards the
English--His great project of combination.
Having arrived regularly, according to the order observed in this work, at
the commencement of the eighteenth century, we shall now turn our
attention to a section of the continent hitherto mostly unnoticed, but
which at that period began to be the theatre of important events, and to
be illustrated by at least one character comparable to any in the whole
compass of Indian annals. We refer to the vicinity of the Northern Lakes,
to the numerous and powerful tribes resident in that region, and
particularly to Pontiac.
It has been stated by respectable authority, that this celebrated
individual was a member of the tribe of Sacs, or Saukies; but there
appears to us no sufficient reason for disputing the almost universal
opinion which makes him an Ottawa. That tribe, when the commerce of the
early French colonists of Canada first began to extend itself to the Upper
Lakes, was found in their vicinity, in connection with two others, the
Chippewas and the Pottawatamies. All three are supposed to have been
originally a scion of the Algonquin stock,--_that_ being the general name
of the nation, which, in Champlain's time, was settled along the north
banks of the St. Lawrence, between Quebec and Lake St. Peters. According
to their own traditions, preserved to this day, the three tribes (as they
afterwards became,) in their flight or emigration, went together from the
East, as far as Lake Huron. A separation afterwards took place, the result
of which was, that the Ottawas, being most inclined to agriculture,
remained near what has since been Michilimackinac, while their companions
preferred venturing to still more distant regions of the North and West.
Detroit was founded by the French in July, 1701, and from that time the
Ottawas began to give frequent manifestations of a spirit which finally
made them, respectively, an ally or an enemy of the first importance to
the different civilized parties with whom they held intercourse. Only
three years after the French settled in their vicinity, several of their
chiefs were induced to visit the English at Albany. The almost inevitable
consequence of the interview was, that they returned home with a firm
persuasion that the French intended to subdue them. They attempted to fire
the town, therefore, in one instance; and about the same time, a
war-party, on their return from a successful expedition against the
Iroquois,--whom they were bold enough to attack in their own
country,--paraded in front of the Detroit fortress, and offered battle.
After some hard fighting, they were defeated and driven off.
But the French have always effected more among the Indians in peace than
in war, and thus it was with the Ottawas; for, from the date of the
skirmish just mentioned, they were almost uniformly among the best friends
and even protectors of the colony. "When the French arrived at these
falls," said a Chippewa Chief at a Council held but a few years since,
"they came and kissed us. They called us children, and we found them
fathers. We lived like brethren in the same lodge," &c. [FN] Such was the
impression made also upon the Ottawas; and we accordingly find them, in
conjunction with the Chippewas, aiding the French on all occasions, until
the latter surrendered the jurisdiction of the Canadas to the English.
Several hundred of their warriors distinguished themselves at the
disastrous defeat of Braddock.
* * * * *
[FN] See a Discourse delivered before the Michigan Historical Society, in
1830, by Mr. Schoolcraft. We also acknowledge our obligations, in
preparing our notice of Pontiac, to Governor Cass's Discourse of the year
previous, before the same body.
Pontiac was probably at the head of this force. Several years before, he
was known as a warrior of high standing and great success; and as early as
1746, he commanded a powerful body of Indians, mostly Ottawas, who
gallantly defended the people of Detroit against the formidable attack of
a number of combined Northern tribes. But a far more important trial, both
of his principles and his talents, was yet to come, in the transfer of
power from the French to the English, which took place at the termination
of the long war between those nations, ending with the peace of 1761. The
stations upon the Lakes were given up in 1760. The first detachment of
British troops which ever penetrated into that region, was sent, during
this year, for the purpose of taking formal possession. That force was
commanded by Major Rogers, and from the "Concise Account of North
America," written by him, [FN] we obtain our knowledge of the earliest
interview between Pontiac and the English. It is allowed to have the merit
of authenticity; and although not so definite as might be desired, it
furnishes a variety of characteristic and singular facts.
* * * * *
[FN] Published in London: 1765. We have a "Journal" of the same
expedition, from the same pen.
Major Rogers says, that "on the way,"--meaning generally the route from
Montreal to Detroit,--he was met by an embassy from Pontiac, consisting of
some of his own warriors, together with several chiefs belonging to
subordinate tribes. The object was, to inform him that Pontiac, in person,
proposed to visit him; that he was then not far distant, coming peaceably;
and that he desired the Major to halt his detachment, "till such time as
he could see him with his own eyes." The Deputies were also directed to
represent their master as the King and Lord of the country which the
English had now entered.
The Major drew up his troops as requested, and before long the Ottawa
Chieftain made his appearance. He wore, we are told, an air of majesty and
princely grandeur. After the first salutation, he sternly demanded of the
Englishman his business in _his_ territory, and how he had dared to
venture upon it without his permission. Rogers was too prudent and too
intelligent to take offence at this style of reception. Nor did he
undertake to argue any question of actual or abstract right. He said that
he had no design _against_ the Indians, but, on the contrary, wished to
remove from their country a nation who had been an obstacle to mutual
friendship and commerce between them and the English. He also made known
his commission to this effect, and concluded with a present of several
belts of wampum. Pontiac received them with the single observation,--"I
shall stand in the path you are walking till morning,"--and gave, at the
same time, a small string of wampum. This, writes the Major, was as much
as to say, "I must not march farther without his leave."
Such, undoubtedly, was the safest construction; and the sequel shows that
Pontiac considered it the most civil. On departing for the night, he asked
Rogers whether he wanted any thing which his country afforded; if so, his
warriors should bring it for him. The reply was discreet as the offer was
generous,--that whatever provisions might be brought in, should be well
paid for. Probably they were; but the English were at all events supplied,
the next morning, with several bags of parched corn and other necessaries.
Pontiac himself, at the second meeting, offered the pipe of peace, and he
and the English officer smoked it by turns. He declared that he thereby
made peace with the Englishman and his troops; and that they should pass
through his dominions, not only unmolested by his subjects, but protected
by them from all other parties who might incline to be hostile.
These were no idle promises. Pontiac remained in company with his new
friend constantly after the first interview, until he arrived at Detroit.
He employed one hundred of his warriors to protect and assist a corps of
soldiers, in driving a large number of fat cattle which had been sent on
for the use of the troops, from Pittsburgh, by the way of Presque Isle. He
also despatched messengers to the several Indian towns on the south side
and west end of Lake Erie, to inform them that Rogers had his consent to
march through the country. Under such auspices, the Major might reasonably
have felt himself safe, after reaching his destination. But the chieftain
understood his situation better than himself. He kept near him so long as
he remained at Detroit; and Rogers acknowledges that he was once at least
"the means of preserving the detachment" from the fury of a body of
Indians, who had assembled with sinister purposes at the mouth of the
Strait.
This incident leads us to remark, that almost all the tribes on the
Northern waters who had associated and traded with the French during the
term of their jurisdiction,--and but few of them there were who had
not,--sincerely lamented the change which had occurred in public affairs.
They were very generally prejudiced against the new comers, as they were
attached to the old residents. Perhaps the latter, individually, if not
otherwise, fomented the spirit of discontent. But, however this might be,
there were reasons enough in the ancient relations maintained between the
French and the Indians, independently of argument or comment, why such a
spirit should manifest itself under the circumstances we have mentioned.
The fact itself is indisputable. It is proved by facts, subsequent and
consequent. It is also proved by many, respectable authorities, only one
of which will be here referred to, for the sake of illustration.
Mr. Henry, the well known author of "Travels and Adventures in Canada and
the Indian Territories, between the years 1760 and 1766," speaks of an
affair in point, which happened at the little island of La Cloche, [FN]
in Lake Huron, on his voyage, in the spring of 1761, from Montreal to
Michilimackinac. He found a large village of Indians at this place, who
treated him in the kindest manner, until "_discovering that he was an
Englishman,_" they told his men that the Michilimackinac Indians would
certainly kill him, and that _they_ might therefore as well anticipate
their own share of the pillage. On this principle they demanded a part of
his stores, and he deemed it prudent to make no resistance. He observes,
afterwards, that his mind was "oppressed" with the repeated warnings he
received of sure destruction where he was going. Again,--"the hostility of
the Indians was exclusively against the English;" and this circumstance
suggested to Henry a prospect of security in assuming a Canadian disguise,
which fortunately enabled him to complete his expedition.
* * * * *
[FN] So named by the French, from a rock on the island which, being
struck, rings like a bell.
But the difficulty did not cease here. He was now in the neighborhood of
Pontiac, and among the tribes subject to his influence. What manner of men
they were, and how for the master-spirit may be supposed to, have filled
them with the fire of his own soul, will appear from a speech of one of
the Chippewa Chiefs, Minavavana, who, with a band of his own tribe,
visited the newly arrived trader at his house in Michilimackinac. The
courage and the eloquence of this man, blended as they are with the
highest degree of savage chivalry, almost make us suspect his identity
with the Ottawa Chieftain himself. The name is by no means conclusive
against such a conjecture, for it would be an extraordinary fact in Indian
History, if so distinguished a man as Pontiac were known only by one
appellation, and especially when he associated with a large number of
tribes, speaking as many different languages.
Henry describes his hero as a person of remarkable appearance, of
commanding stature, and with a singularly fine countenance. He entered the
room where the traveler was anxiously awaiting the result of his visit,
followed by sixty warriors, dressed and decorated in the most formal and
imposing fashion of war. Not a word was spoken as they came in, one by
one, seated themselves on the floor at a signal from the Chief, and began
composedly smoking their pipes. Minavavana, meanwhile, looking steadfastly
at Henry, made various enquiries of his head-boatman, a Canadian. He then
coolly observed, that "the English were brave men, and not afraid of
death, since they dared to come thus fearlessly among their enemies. A
solemn pause now ensued for some time, until the Indians having finished
their pipes, the Chieftain took a few wampum-strings in his hand, and
commenced the following harangue:
"Englishman!--It is to you that I speak, and I demand your attention!
"Englishman!--You know that the French King is our father. He promised to
be such; and we, in return, promised to be his children. This promise we
have kept.
"Englishman!--It is you that have made war with this our father. You are
his enemy; and how then could you have the boldness to venture among us,
his children? You know that his enemies are ours.
"Englishman!--We are informed that our father, the king of France, is old
and infirm; and that being fatigued with making war upon your nation, he
is fallen asleep. During his sleep, you have taken advantage of him, and
possessed yourselves of Canada. But his nap is almost at an end. I think I
hear him already stirring, and inquiring for his children the
Indians;--and, when he does awake, what must become of you? He will
destroy you utterly!
"Englishman!--Although you have conquered the French, you have not yet
conquered us! We are not your slaves. These lakes, these woods and
mountains, were left to us by our ancestors. They are our inheritance, and
we will part with them to none. Your nation supposes that we, like the
white people, cannot live without bread, and pork, and beef! But, you
ought to know, that He,--the Great Spirit and Master of Life,--has
provided food for us, in these broad lakes, and upon these mountains.
"Englishman!---Our father, the king of France, employed our young men to
make war upon your nation. In this warfare, many of them have been killed;
and it is our custom to retaliate, until such time as the spirits of the
slain are satisfied. Now the spirits of the slain are to be satisfied in
either of two ways. The first is by the spilling of the blood of the
nation by which they fell; the other, by _covering the bodies of the
dead,_ and thus allaying the resentment of their relations. This is done
by making presents.
"Englishman!--Your king has never sent us any presents, nor entered into
any treaty with us. Wherefore he and we are still at war; and, until he
does these things, we must consider that we have no other father, nor
friend, among the white men, than the king of France. But, for you, we
have taken into consideration, that you have ventured your life among us,
in the expectation that we should not molest you. You do not come armed,
with an intention to make war. You come in peace, to trade with us, and
supply us with necessaries, of which we are much in want. We shall regard
you, therefore, as a brother; and you may sleep tranquilly, without fear
of the Chippewas. As a token of our friendship, we present you with this
pipe, to smoke."
The interview terminated in a manner which reminds us of Pontiac's meeting
with Rogers. Minavavana gave the Englishman his hand--his companions
followed his example--the pipe went round in due order--and, after being
politely entertained, all quietly departed. If this was not the Ottawa
himself; he was certainly a kindred spirit; and if the former exercised
authority over many such characters,--as he probably did,--it is not
difficult to account far the confidence which dictated the design, or for
the measure of success which attended the prosecution of one of the
mightiest projects ever conceived in the brain of an American savage.
This project was a combination of all the tribes on and about the Northern
waters, perhaps partially with an ultimate view to the restoration of the
French Government, but directly and distinctly to the complete extirpation
of the English.
It has been observed by a writer who has done signal justice to the genius
of Pontiac, "that we are nowhere told the causes of disaffection which
_separated him from the British interest._" [FN-1] There is an allusion
here to the information furnished by Rogers, who indeed states that
Pontiac "often intimated to him that he should be content to reign in his
country, in subordination to the king of Great Britain, and was willing
_to pay him such annual acknowledgment as he was able, in furs, and to
call him his Uncle._" [FN-2] But, without in the least disparaging the
honesty of Rogers, we are inclined to dispute the propriety of what we
suppose to have been rather his own inference than the Chieftain's
declaration. A disregard to niceties of expression, on the part of both
speaker and hearer, was no uncommon thing at interviews of this kind,--one
party being always eager, and both frequently ignorant enough, had they
even tolerable means of communicating together in language at all.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Discourse of Governor Cass.
[FN-2] Rogers' Accounts, 242; London Edition.
The context confirms this opinion. It appears singular, at first glance,
that Pontiac should propose calling the British king his _Uncle._ An
appellation, indeed,--as the Iroquois orators told the English at
Albany,--"signified nothing," in itself; and yet, as referring to the term
_Father,_ applied by Minavavana and the Northern Indians generally, to his
Christian Majesty, it did signify, at least, that Pontiac meant to pay a
slighter deference to the British king than to the French. No _allegiance_
was acknowledged to either. As Minavavana said, "the Indians had no
_Father_ among the white men"--passing that courtesy for what is was
worth--"but the king of France." That, however, did not prevent them from
owning and claiming their own woods and mountains. It did not entitle the
French king to command the services, instead of "employing" the assistance
of their young men. It did not blind them to the fact, that although the
English had conquered the French, they had not conquered _them._ [FN-1] It
makes the matter still more dear, in regard to what was the understanding
of Pontiac, and what ought to have been that of Rogers, that, according to
his own statement, the Chieftain "assured him [on the same occasion when
the language last referred to is said to have been uttered.] that _he was
inclined to live peaceably with the English, while they used him as he
deserved, and to encourage their settling in his country, but intimated
that if they treated him with neglect, he should shut up the way, and
exclude them from it._" In short, concludes the same writer, "his whole
conversation sufficiently indicated that he was far from considering
himself a conquered Prince, and that he expected to be treated with the
respect and honor due to a King or Emperor, by all who came into his
country or treated with him." [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Speech of of Minavavana.
[FN-2] Rogers' Account, p. 242.
On the whole, we have seen no evidence, and we know of no reason for
presuming, that he was ever any farther attached to "the British
interest," or rather any otherwise affected towards the idea of becoming
attached, than is indicated by the very independent declaration made as
above stated. In regard to the question why he never did become attached
to the British interest,--taking that for the correct representation of
the fact,--history is silent, as unfortunately it is in regard to most of
the remarkable occurrences on the frontiers which accompanied and followed
his enterprise. The conjectures of any one man, who has intelligently
investigated and reflected upon such history as there is, may be worth as
much as those of any other. It seems to be probable, however, that
although hostilities might have been prevented by a system of good
management on the part of the English, (in which their predecessors could
have given them a lesson,) they did not arise from any particular acts of
aggression.
Pontiac _reasoned_ as well as felt. He reasoned as Philip had done before
him, and as Tecumseh will be found to have done since. He had begun to
apprehend danger from this new government and people; danger to his own
dominion and to the Indian interest at large; danger from their
superiority in arms, their ambition, their eagerness in possessing
themselves of every military position on the Northern waters;--and we may
add also, their want of that ostensible cordiality towards the Indians,
personally, to which the latter had been so much accustomed and attached
in the golden days of the French, and which they were apt to regard as a
necessary indication of good faith as of good will. In the language of the
Chippewa orator, the French had lived in the same lodge with them. They
had sent them missionaries; and invited them to councils, and made them
presents, and talked and traded with them, and manifested an interest in
their affairs, [FN] always suspected by the Indians less, and yet always
effecting their own purposes better and farther, than any other people.
* * * * *
[FN] Discourse of Schoolcraft.
The English, on the other hand, if they committed no aggressions,--(the
expedition of Rogers was perhaps considered one; but _that_ Pontiac
forgave,)--yet manifested but a slight disposition for national courtesy,
or for individual intercourse, or for a beneficial commerce of any
description. In other words, they "neglected"--to use Pontiac's
phrase,--all those circumstances which made the neighborhood of the French
agreeable, and which might have made their own at least tolerable. The
conduct of the latter never gave rise to suspicion. _Theirs_ never gave
rest to it.
Thus, we suppose, the case might present itself to the mind of the Ottawa
Chieftain. And while such was the apparent disposition, or indifference to
any disposition in particular, of the English towards the Indians,--and
such the consequent liability, if not the reasonable prospect on the part
of the latter, if the former should occupy Canada,--Pontiac was not likely
to forget that they had conquered the French. He saw too that they were
rapidly and firmly establishing their new dominion, by movements which, at
all events, did not purport to promote the interest of the Indians. And he
knew, no doubt,---certainly he soon ascertained,--that whereas the French
of Canada and the Colonies of New-England had hitherto, by their action
upon each other, left the third party in a good measure disengaged,--the
new comers were themselves from Old England, if not New;--speaking the
same language (and that a strange one to the natives;) subject to the same
government; and ready at all times to be very conveniently supplied and
supported, to an indefinite extent, by those powerful Southern Colonies
which had long before destroyed or driven off the Indians from their own
borders.
So Pontiac reasoned; and he looked into futurity far enough to foresee
that ultimate fatal result to his race, which now was the only time, if
indeed there was yet time, to prevent. Immediate occasions of hostility
there might be besides; but these must be the subject of mere speculation.
Affections which do him honor, predisposed him to believe that the English
had done injustice to his old friends the French; and the French might
further endeavor to persuade him that they had also done injustice to
himself. But, it was certain, "they bad treated him with neglect." And
_therefore,_ following his own principle, as well as the impulse of
pride, he resolved to "shut up the way." How far he succeeded, and by what
means, will be our next subjects of consideration.
CHAPTER VI.
Pontiac's plan of campaign--He commences active preparations--Council of
the Ottawas--Grand Council of the Northern tribes--Dream of the
Delaware--Maxims promulgated by Pontiac--Estimate of the number and
force of his allies--Commencement of the war--Surprisal of nine English
posts--Mode of surprisal--Artifice adopted at Michilimackinac, and
result--Reduction of Detroit undertaken by Pontiac in person--His
interview with the commandant--His plan discovered, and the surprise
prevented--Letter from Detroit.
The plan of operations adopted by Pontiac, for effecting the extinction of
the English power, evinces an extraordinary genius, as well as a courage
and energy of the highest order. This was a sudden and contemporaneous
attack upon all the British posts on the Lakes--at St. Joseph, Ouiatenon,
Green Bay, Michilimackinac, Detroit, the Maumee, and the Sandusky--and
also upon the forts at Niagara, Presque Isle, Le Boeuf, Verango and
Pittsburg. Most of the fortifications at these places were slight, being
rather commercial depots, than military establishments. Still, against the
Indians they were strong-holds; and the positions had been so judiciously
selected by the French, that to this day they command the great avenues of
communication to the world of woods and waters in the remote north and
west. It was manifest to Pontiac, familiar as he was with the geography of
this vast tract of country, and with the practical, if not technical
maxims of war, that the possession or the destruction of these
posts,--saying nothing of their garrisons,--would be emphatically
"shutting up the way." If the surprise could be simultaneous, so that
every English banner which waved upon a line of thousands of miles should
be prostrated at the same moment, the garrisons would be unable to
exchange assistance, while, on the other hand, the failure of one Indian
detachment would have no effect to discourage another. Certainly, some
might succeed. Probably, the war might begin and be terminated with the
same single blow; and then Pontiac would again be the Lord and King of the
broad land of his ancestors.
The measures taken in pursuance of these calculations, were worthy of the
magnificent scheme. The chieftain felt confident that _success_ would
multiply friends and allies to his cause. But he knew equally well, that
friends and allies to his cause were as necessary to obtain success. Some
preliminary principles must be set forth, to show what his cause was; and
however plausible it might appear in theory, exertions must also be made
to give assurance of its feasibility in practice. A belligerent
combination of some kind must be formed in the outset; and the more
extensive, the better.
Pontiac commenced operations with his own tribe; the Ottawas being, for
several reasons, peculiarly under his control, at the same time that their
influence over other tribes was hardly inferior to his own influence over
themselves. Some of these tribes had fought with them against the English,
not many years before; and the connection between them was so apparent in
the time of Major Rogers, that he considered them as "formed into a sort
of empire." He expressly states, also, that the Emperor, as he supposed
Pontiac then to be, was "elected from the eldest tribe--which is the
Ottawawas, some of whom inhabit near our fort at Detroit, but are mostly
further westward, towards the Mississippi." He might well add, that
Pontiac "had the largest empire and greatest authority of any Indian chief
that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it." [FN]
The truth probably was, that the tribes here described as confederates,
were most of them related to each other by descent, more or less remotely.
Some were intimately associated. All would be rather disposed to act
together in any great project, as they already had done, (and as most of
them have since, during the American Revolution, and during the last war
with Great Britain.) Still such was and is the nature of Indian
government, that it was necessary for Pontiac to obtain the separate
concurrence and confidence of each. To gain over the Ottawas first, was
not to strengthen his authority, indeed, but it was adding much to his
influence.
* * * * *
[FN] Roger's Account, p. 240.
The Ottawas, then, were called together, and the plan was disclosed,
explained and enforced, with all the eloquence and cunning which Pontiac
could bring to his task. He appealed to the fears, the hopes, the
ambition, the cupidity of his hearers--their regard for the common
interest of the race, their hatred of the English, and their gratitude and
love for the French. We are told by a modern historian, that some of the
Ottawas had been disgraced by blows. [FN] Such a suggestion, whether well
rounded or not, might probably be made, and would of course have its
effect. So would the display of a _belt,_ which the chieftain exhibited,
and which he professed to have received from the King of France, urging
him to drive the British from the country, and to open the paths for the
return of the French.
* * * * *
[FN] Discourse of Governor Cass.
These topics having been skilfully managed, and the Ottawas warmly engaged
in the cause, a grand council of the neighbouring tribes was convened at
the river Aux Ecorces. Here Pontiac again exerted his talents with
distinguished effect. With a profound knowledge of the Indian character,
and especially aware of the great power of superstition upon their minds,
he related, among other things, a dream, in which the Great Spirit, (the
orator said,) had secretly disclosed to a Delaware Indian the conduct he
expected his red children to pursue. Minute instructions had been
graciously given, suitable to the existing crisis in their fortunes, and
remarkably coincident, it will be observed, with the principles and
projects of the chieftain himself. They were to abstain from the use of
ardent spirits. They were also to abandon the use of all English
manufactures, and to resume their bows and arrows, and the skins of the
animals for clothing. It is needless to eulogize the sagacity which
dictated both these proposals: "and why," the orator concluded, "why, said
the Great Spirit indignantly to the Delaware,--do you suffer these dogs in
red clothing to enter your country, and take the land I have given you?
Drive them from it!--Drive them!--When you are in distress I will help
you!" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Discourse of Governor Cass.
It is not difficult to imagine the effect which this artful appeal to
prejudice and passion might have on the inflammable temperaments of a
multitude of credulous and excited savages. The name of Pontiac alone was
a host; but the Great Spirit was for them,--it was impossible to fail. A
plan of campaign was conceited on the spot, and belts and speeches were
sent to secure the co-operation of the Indians along the whole line of the
frontier.
Neither the precise number nor power of those who actually joined the
combination can now be determined. The Ottawas, the Chippewas, and the
Pottawatamies were among the most active. The two former of these had sent
six hundred warriors in one body to the defence of Fort Du Quesne. The
Ottawas of L'Arbre Croche, alone, mustered two hundred and fifty fighting
men. The Miamies were engaged. [FN] So were the Sacs, the Ottagamies (or
Foxes,) the Menominies, the Wyandots, the Mississagas, the Shawanees; and,
what was still more to the purpose, a large number of the Pennsylvania and
Ohio Delawares, and of the Six Nations of New York. The alliance of the
two last-named parties,--in itself the result of a master-piece of policy,
was necessary to complete that vast system of attack which comprehended
all the British positions from Niagara to Green Bay and the Potomac.
* * * * *
[FN] Ibid.
The plan was at length thoroughly matured. The work of extirpation
commenced on or about the same day, from north to south, and from east to
west. Nine of the British forts were captured. Some of the garrisons were
completely surprised, and massacred on the spot; a few individuals, in
other cases, escaped. The officer who commanded at Presque Isle, defended
himself two days, during which time, the savages are said to have fired
his block-house about fifty times, but the soldiers extinguished the
flames as often. It was then undermined, and a train was laid for an
explosion, when a capitulation was proposed and agreed upon, under which a
part of the garrison was carried captive to the north-west. The officer
was afterwards given up at Detroit.
A great number of English traders were taken, on their way, from all
quarters of the country, to the different forts; and their goods, as well
those of the residents at such places, and the stores at the depots
themselves, of course became prize to the conquerors. Pittsburgh, with the
smaller forts, Ligonier, Bedford, and others in that neighbourhood, were
closely beset, but successfully defended, until the arrival of large
reinforcements. The savages made amends for these failures by a series of
the most horrible devastations in detail, particularly in New York,
Pennsylvania, and even in Northern Virginia, which have ever been
committed upon the continent.
In case of most, if not all of the nine surprisals first mentioned, quite
as much was effected by stratagem as by force, and that apparently by a
preconcerted system which indicates the far-seeing superintendence of
Pontiac himself. Generally, the commanders were secured in the first
instance, by parties admitted within the forts under the pretence of
business or friendship. At Maumee, or the Miamies, (as the station among
that tribe was commonly designated,) the officer was betrayed by a squaw,
who by piteous entreaties persuaded him to go out with her some two
hundred yards, to the succor, as she said, of a wounded man who was dying;
the Indians waylaid and shot him.
A more subtle policy was adopted at Michilimackinac, and surer means were
taken to effect it. That fort, standing on the south side of the strait,
between Lakes Huron and Michigan, was one of the most important positions
on the frontier. It was the place of deposit, and the point of departure,
between the upper and lower countries; the traders always assembling
there, on their voyages to and from Montreal. Connected with it, was an
area of two acres, enclosed with cedar-wood pickets, and extending on one
side so near to the water's edge, that a western wind always drove the
waves against the foot of the stockade. There were about thirty houses
within the limits, inhabited by about the same number of families. The
only ordnance on the bastions were two small brass pieces. The garrison
numbered between ninety and one hundred.
The capture of this indispensable station was entrusted to the Chippewas,
assisted by the Sacs, and those two tribes in concert adopted the
following plan. The _King's birth-day_ having arrived, a game of
_baggatiway_ was proposed by the Indians. This is played with a bat and
ball; the former being about four feet long, curved, and terminating in a
sort of racket. Two posts are placed in the ground, at the distance of
half a mile or a mile from each other. Each party has its post, and the
game consists in throwing up to the adversary's post the ball which at the
beginning is placed in the middle of the course.
The policy of this expedient for surprising the garrison will clearly
appear, when it is understood, that the game is necessarily attended with
much violence and noise; that, in the ardor of contest the ball, if it
cannot be thrown to the goal desired, is struck in any direction by which
it can be diverted from that desired by the adversary; that, at such a
moment, nothing could be less likely to excite premature alarm among the
spectators of the amusement, than that the ball should be tossed over the
pickets of the fort; or that having fallen there, it should be instantly
followed by all engaged in the game,--struggling and shouting, in the
unrestrained pursuit of a rude athletic exercise.
Such was precisely the artifice employed; and to be still more sure of
success, the Indians had persuaded as many as they could of the garrison
and settlers, to come voluntarily without the pickets, for the purpose of
witnessing the game, which was said to be played for a high wager. Not
fewer than four hundred were engaged on both sides, and consequently,
possession of the fort being once gained, the situation of the English
must be desperate indeed. The particulars of the sequel of this horrid
transaction, furnished by Henry, are too interesting to be wholly omitted.
The match commenced with great animation, without the fort, Henry,
however, did not go to witness it, being engaged in writing letters to his
Montreal friends, by a canoe which was just upon the eve of departure. He
had been thus occupied something like half an hour, when he suddenly heard
a loud Indian war-cry, and a noise of general confusion. Going instantly
to his window, he saw a crowd of Indians within the fort, furiously
cutting down and scalping every Englishman they found; and he could
plainly witness the last struggles of some of his particular
acquaintances.
He had, in the room where he was, a fowling-piece loaded with swan-shot.
This he immediately seized, and held it for a few minutes, expecting to
hear the fort-drum beat to arms. In this dreadful interval, he saw several
of his countrymen fall; and more than one struggling between the knees of
the savages, who, holding them in this manner, scalped them while yet
alive. At length, disappointed in the hope of seeing any resistance made
on the part of the garrison, and sensible, of course, that no effort of
his single arm could avail against four hundred Indians, he turned his
attention to his own safety. Seeing several of the Canadian villagers
looking out composedly upon the scene of blood--neither opposing the
Indians nor molested by them--he conceived a hope of finding security in
one of their houses.
He immediately climbed over a low fence, which was the only separation
between the yard-door of his house, and that of his next neighbour,
Monsieur Langlade. He entered the house of the latter precipitately, and
found the whole family gazing at the horrible spectacle before them. He
addressed himself to M. Langlade, and begged that he would put him in some
place of safety, until the heat of the affair should be over--an act of
charity which might preserve him from the general massacre. Langlade
looked for a moment at him while he spoke, and then turned again to the
window, shrugging his shoulders, and intimating that he could do nothing
for him--"_Que voudriez-vous que J'en ferais?_"
Henry was now ready to despair; but at this moment, a Pani woman, [FN] a
slave of M. Langlade, beckoned to him to follow her. She guided him to a
door, which she opened, desiring him to enter, and telling him that it led
to the garret, where he must go and conceal himself. He joyfully obeyed
her directions; and she, having followed him up to the garret-door, locked
it after him, and with great presence of mind took away the key. Scarcely
yet lodged in this shelter, such as it was, Henry felt an eager anxiety to
know what was passing without. His desire was more than satisfied by his
finding an aperture in the loose board wails of the house, which afforded
him a full view of the area of the fort. Here he beheld with horror, in
shapes the foulest and most terrible, the ferocious triumphs of the
savages. The dead were scalped and mangled; the dying were writhing and
shrieking under the unsatiated knife and the reeking tomahawk; and from
the bodies of some, ripped open, their butchers were drinking the blood
scooped up in the hollow of joined hands, and quaffed amid shouts of rage
and victory. In a few minutes, which to Henry seemed scarcely one, every
victim who could be found being destroyed, there was a general cry of,
"all is finished"--and at this moment Henry heard some of the savages
enter Langlade's house. He trembled and grew faint with fear.
* * * * *
[FN] Said to belong to an Indian nation of the South--no doubt the same
now generally called Pawnees.
As the flooring of his room and the ceiling of the room beneath consisted
only of a layer of boards, he noticed every thing that passed; and he
heard the Indians inquire, at their entrance, whether there was any
Englishman about M. Langlade replied, that "He could not say---he did not
know of any"--as in fact he did not--"they could search for themselves (he
added) and would soon be satisfied." The state of Henry's mind may be
imagined, when, immediately upon this reply, the Indians were brought to
the garret door. Luckily some delay was occasioned--through the management
of the Pani woman--perhaps by the absence of the key. Henry had sufficient
presence of mind to improve these few moments in looking for a hiding
place. This he found in the corner of the garret, among a heap of such
birch bark vessels as are used in making maple-sugar; and he had not
completely concealed himself when the door opened, and four Indians
entered, all armed with tomahawks, and all besmeared with blood from head
to foot.
The die appeared to be cast. Henry could scarcely breathe, and he thought
that the throbbing of his heart occasioned a noise loud enough to betray
him. The Indians walked about the garret in every direction; and one of
them approached him so closely that, at a particular moment, had he put
forth his hand, he must have touched him. Favored, however, by the dark
colour of his clothes, and the want of light in a room which had no
window, he still remained unseen. The Indians took several turns about the
room--entertaining M. Langlade all the while with a minute account of the
proceedings of the day---and at last returned down stairs.
Such is the traveler's account of the fall of Michilimackinac. The fate of
Detroit remains to be told, a more important position than even
Michilimackinac. An immense quantity of valuable goods,--one account says,
to the amount of five hundred thousand pounds,--was known to be there
stored. What was of more moment, its capture would release the French
inhabitants of the Strait from their temporary allegiance to the English,
and would consequently unite the hitherto separate lines of operation
pursued by the Indian tribes above and below. Under these circumstances,
its reduction was in person undertaken by Pontiac.
The town is supposed at this period to have been enclosed by a single row
of pickets, forming nearly four sides of a square; there being
block-houses at the corners and over the gates. An open space intervened
between the houses and the pickets, which formed a place of arms and
encircled the village. The fortifications did not extend to the river, but
a gate opened in the direction of the stream, and not far from it, where,
at the date in question, two armed vessels, fortunately for the
inhabitants, happened to lie at anchor. The ordnance of the fort consisted
of two six-pounders, one three-pounder, and three mortars; all of an
indifferent quality. The garrison numbered one hundred and thirty,
including officers, besides whom there were in the village something like
forty individuals who were habitually engaged in the fur-trade. The
inadequate proportion of this force, even to the size of the place, may be
inferred from the fact, that the stockade which formed its periphery was
more than one thousand feet long.
Such was the situation of Detroit, when the Ottawa chieftain, having
completed his arrangements, on the 8th of May presented himself at the
gates of the town, with a force of about three hundred Indians, chiefly
Ottawas and Chippewas, and requested a council with Major Gladwyn, the
Commandant. He expected, under this pretext, to gain admission for himself
and a considerable number of attendants, who accordingly were provided
with rifles, sawed off so short as to be concealed under their blankets.
At a given signal,--which was to be the presentation of a wampum-belt in a
particular manner by Pontiac to the Commandant, during the
conference,---the armed Indians were to massacre all the officers; and
then, opening the gates, to admit a much larger body of warriors, who
should be waiting without, for the completion of the slaughter and the
destruction of the fort.
Fortunately, Major Gladwyn obtained a knowledge of the scheme, before an
opportunity occurred for its execution. One of the French residents in the
vicinity, returning home on the morning of the day last mentioned, is said
to have met Pontiac and his party upon Bloody Bridge. This place, which
still retains its name, is between one and two miles from the village. The
last warrior in the file, being a particular friend of the white man,
threw aside his blanket, and significantly exhibited the shortened rifle
beneath. Whether his disclosure was communicated to Major Gladwyn, cannot
be determined.
Carver states,--and his account is substantially confirmed by tradition,
as well as by other authorities,--that an Indian woman betrayed the
secret. She had been employed by the Commandant to make him a pair of
moccasins out of elk-skin; and having completed them, she brought them
into the fort, on the evening of the day when Pontiac made his appearance,
and his application for a council. The Major was pleased with them,
directed her to convert the residue of the skin into articles of the same
description, and having made a generous payment, dismissed her. She went
to the outer door, but there stopped, and for some time loitered about as
if her errand was still unperformed. A servant asked her what she wanted,
but she made no answer.--The Major himself observed her, and ordered her
to be called in, when, after some hesitation, she replied to his
enquiries, that as he had always treated her kindly, she did not like to
take away the elk-skin, which he valued so highly;--she could _never bring
it back._ The Commandants curiosity was of course excited, and he pressed
the examination, until the woman at length disclosed every thing which had
come to her knowledge.
Her information was not received with implicit credulity, but the Major
thought it prudent to employ the night in taking active measures for
defence. His arms and ammunition were examined and arranged; and the
traders and their dependents, as well as the garrison, were directed to be
ready for instant service. A guard kept watch on the ramparts during the
night, it being apprehended that the Indians might anticipate the
preparations now known to have been made for the next day. Nothing,
however, was heard after dark, except the sound of singing and dancing,
in the Indian camp, which they always indulge in upon the eve of any great
enterprise. The particulars of the council of the next day, we shall
furnish on the authority of a writer already cited.
In the morning, Pontiac and his warriors sang their war-song, danced their
war-dance, and repaired to the fort. They were admitted without
hesitation, and were conducted to the council house, where Major Gladwyn
and his officers were prepared to receive them. They perceived at the
gate, and as they passed through the streets, an unusual activity and
movement among the troops. The garrison was under arms, the guards were
doubled, and the officers were armed with swords and pistols. Pontiac
enquired of the British commander, what was the cause of this unusual
appearance. He was answered, that it was proper to keep the young men to
their duty, lest they should become idle and ignorant. The business of the
council then commenced, and Pontiac proceeded to address Major Gladwyn.
His speech was bold and menacing, and his manner and gesticulations
vehement, and they became still more so, as he approached the critical
moment. When he was upon the point of presenting the belt to Major
Gladwyn, and all was breathless expectation, the drums at the door of the
council house, suddenly rolled the charge, the guards leveled their
pieces, and the British officers drew their swords from their scabbards.
Pontiac was a brave man, constitutionally and habitually. He had fought in
many a battle, and often led his warriors to victory. But this unexpected
and decisive proof, that his treachery was discovered and prevented,
entirely disconcerted him. Tradition says he trembled. At all events, he
delivered his belt in the usual manner, and thus failed to give his party
the concerted signal of attack. Major Gladwyn immediately approached the
chief, and drawing aside his blanket, discovered the shortened rifle, and
then, after stating his knowledge of the plan, and reproaching him for his
treachery, ordered him from the fort. The Indians immediately retired, and
as soon as they had passed the gate, they gave the yell, and fired upon
the garrison. They then proceeded to the commons, where was lying an aged
English woman with her two sons. These they murdered, and afterwards
repaired to Hog Island, where a discharged Serjeant resided with his
family, who were all but one immediately massacred. Thus was the war
commenced. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Discourse of Gov. Cass.
As to leading facts, this account is without doubt correct. Perhaps it is
in all the minutiae. We have however seen a somewhat different version,
which, as the affair is one of great interest, we shall here annex without
comment. It was originally furnished in a letter from a gentleman residing
in Detroit at the time of the attack, addressed to a friend in New-York,
and dated July 9, 1763. It may be seen in the most respectable papers of
that period, and is believed to be unquestionably authentic. As to many
circumstances the writer's statement agrees with that just given, although
the conference (perhaps another one) is said to nave taken place on the
7th of the month. The sequel is thus:
At the close of the interview, the Indians returned disconcerted, and
encamped on the farther side of the river. Pontiac was reproached by some
of the young warriors for not having given the signal (the appearance of
the garrison having surprised him.) He told them, that he did not suppose
they were willing to lose any of their men, as they must have done in that
case; if they were, he would still give them an opportunity, whether the
garrison should be under arms or not. All were satisfied with this
proposition--"in consequence of which,"--proceeds our
informant,--"Pondiac, with some others of the chiefs, came the next day,
being Sunday, to smoak the Pipe of Peace with the Major, who despised them
so much in consequence of their treachery, that he would not go nigh them,
but told Captain Campbell [FN] if _he_ had a mind he might speak with
them. The Captain went, and smoaked with them, when Pondiac told him he
would come the next day and hold a conference with the Major, and _to wipe
away all cause of suspicion he would bring ail his old and young men,_ to
take him by the hand in a friendly manner."
* * * * *
[FN] The immediate predecessor of Gladwyn in the command of the post.
This certainly looks much like a genuine Indian artifice. The writer then
says, that "after repeating several pieces of such stuff, he withdrew with
his gang to his camp." The next morning, (Monday, the 9th,) as many as
sixty-four canoes were discovered, all or them full of Indians, crossing
the river above the fort. A few of them came to the gates and demanded
permission for the whole company to be admitted "for a council." The
Commandant refused this request, but expressed his willingness that some
forty or fifty should come in, that being quite as many as was usual in
such cases. The messengers returned to their comrades, who were lying and
standing all around the fort, at the distance of two hundred yards. A
consultation now took place, and then, we are told, "they all got up and
fled off yelping like so many Devils.--They instantly fell upon Mrs.
Turnbell, (an English woman to whom Major Gladwyn had given a small
Plantation, about a Mile from the Fort,) and murdered and scalped her and
her two sons; from thence they went to Hogs Island, about a league up the
River from the Fort, and there murdered James Fisher and his wife, also
four Soldiers who were with them, and carried off his Children and Servant
Maid prisoners; the same evening, being the 9th, had an account, by a
Frenchman, of the defeat of Sir Robert Davers and, Capt. Robertson." The
sequel of the war, and of the history of Pontiac, will form the subject of
our next chapter.
CHAPTER VII.
Siege of Detroit maintained by Pontiac--The Commandant meditates a
retreat--The French propose a conference with Pontiac, which takes
place--The latter demands the surrender of the fort, which the
Commandant refuses--Vigorous renewal of hostilities--Advantages gained
by the Indian army--Arrival of succor to the English--Battle of Bloody
Bridge--Pontiac at length raises the siege,--Causes of it--The Indians
make peace--His subsequent career until his death--Anecdotes
illustrating his influence, energy, magnanimity, integrity and
genius--His authority as chieftain--His talents as an orator--His
traditionary fame.
We have now to furnish the details of one of the most singular
transactions which has ever distinguished the multifarious warfare of the
red men with the whites--the protracted siege of a fortified civilized
garrison by an army of savages. We shall still avail ourselves of the
diary contained in the letters already cited, and of other information
from the same source.
"The 10th, in the Morning, (Tuesday) they attacked the Fort very
resolutely. There continued a very hot Fire on both Sides until the
Evening, when they ceased firing, having had several killed and wounded.
They posted themselves behind the Garden-Fences and Houses in the Suburbs,
and some Barns and Out-houses that were on the Side of the Fort next the
Woods, to which we immediately set Fire by red-hot Spikes &c. from the
Cannon." In this manner, and by occasional sorties, the enemy was
dislodged and driven back, until they could only annoy the fort by
approaching the summit of the low ridge which overlooked the pickets, and
there, at intervals, they continued their fire.
Little damage was done in this way, nor did the Indians at any time
undertake a close assault. The Commandant, however, ignorant of their
style of warfare, apprehended that movement; and he believed that in such
a case,--their numbers being now, according to some estimates, six or
seven hundred, and according to others, about twice as many,--the
situation of the garrison would be hopeless. Besides, he had but three
weeks' provision in the fort, "at a pound of bread and two ounces of pork
a man per day." Under these circumstances he immediately commenced
preparations for an embarkation on board the two vessels which still lay
in the stream, with the intention of retreating to Niagara.
He was dissuaded from this course by the French residents, who positively
assured him that the enemy would never think of taking the fort by storm.
A truce or treaty was then suggested. Some of the French, (who were the
chief medium of communication between the belligerent parties,) mentioned
the circumstance to Pontiac; and the latter, it is said, soon after sent
in five messengers to the fort, proposing that two of the officers should
go out and confer with him at his camp. He also requested, that Major
Campbell might be one of them. That gentleman accordingly went, with the
permission though not by the command of Major Gladwyn, in the afternoon of
Wednesday, the 11th. Campbell took Lieutenant McDougall with him and both
were attended by five or six of the French.
Whether the latter had meditated a treachery or not, does not appear. The
French residents generally, at all events, cannot be fairly charged with
improper conduct between the contending parties during the siege. They
were naturally enough suspected and accused, but we have seen nothing
proved against them. The two officers were, however, detained by the
Indians; and Pontiac, who is generally supposed to have conceived this
scheme for obtaining an advantage over the garrison, now sent in terms of
capitulation. These were to the effect, that the troops should immediately
surrender, "lay down their arms, as their fathers, the French, had been
obliged to do--leave the cannon, magazines, and merchants' goods, and the
two vessels--and be escorted in batteaux by Indians to Niagara." The Major
promptly made answer, that "his commanding officer had not sent him there
to deliver up the fort to Indians or anybody else, and he would therefore
defend it so long as a single man could stand at his side."
Hostilities now recommenced, and were so vigorously sustained on the part
of Pontiac, that for some months, (says the diary,) "the whole Garrison,
Officers, Soldiers, Merchants and Servants, were upon the Ramparts every
Night, not one having slept in a House, except the sick and wounded in the
Hospital."
Three weeks after the commencement of the siege,--on the 30th of May,--the
English sentinel on duty announced, that a fleet of boats, supposed to
contain a supply of provisions and a reinforcement of troops from Niagara,
was coming round "the point," at a place called the Huron Church. The
garrison flocked to the bastions, and for a moment at least hope shone
upon every countenance. But presently the death-cry of the Indians was
heard, and the fate of the detachment was at once known. Their approach
having been ascertained, Pontiac had stationed a body of warriors at Point
Pelee. Twenty small batteaux, manned by a considerable number of troops,
and laden with stores, landed there in the evening. The Indians watched
their movements, and fell upon them about day-light. One officer, with
thirty men, escaped across the lake; but the others were either killed or
captured; and the line of barges ascended the river near the opposite
shore, escorted by the Indians on the banks and guarded by detachments in
each boat, in full view of the garrison and of the whole French
settlement.
The prisoners were compelled to navigate the boats. As the first batteaux
arrived opposite to the town, four British soldiers determined to effect
their liberation, or to perish in the attempt. They suddenly changed the
course of the boat, and by loud cries made known their intention to the
crew of the vessel. The Indians in the other boats, and the escort on the
bank, fired upon the fugitives, but they were soon driven from their
positions by a cannonade from the armed schooner. The guard on board this
boat leaped overboard, and one them dragged a soldier with him into the
water, where both were drowned. The others escaped to the shore, and the
boat reached the vessel, with but one soldier wounded. Lest the other
prisoners might escape, they were immediately landed, and marched up the
shore, to the lower point of Hog Island, where they crossed the river, and
were immediately put to death, with all the horrible accompaniments of
savage cruelty.
During the month of June, an attempt to relieve the garrison proved more
successful. A vessel which had been sent to Niagara, arrived at the mouth
of the river, with about fifty troops on board, and a supply of stores.
The Indians generally left the siege, and repaired to Fighting Island, for
the purpose of intercepting her. They annoyed the English very much in
their canoes, till the latter reached the point of the Island, where, on
account of the wind failing, they were compelled to anchor.
The captain had concealed his men in the hold, so that the Indians were
not aware of the strength of the crew. Soon after dark, they embarked in
their canoes, and proceeded to board the vessel. The men were silently
ordered up, and took their stations at the guns. The Indians were suffered
to approach close to the vessel, when the captain, by the stroke of a
hammer upon the mast, which had been previously concerted, gave the signal
for action. An immediate discharge took place, and the Indians
precipitately fled, with many killed and wounded. The next morning, the
vessel dropped down to the mouth of the river, where she remained six
days, waiting for a wind. On the thirteenth, she succeeded in ascending
the river, and reaching the fort in safety.
Pontiac felt the necessity of destroying these vessels, and he therefore
constructed rafts for that purpose. The barns of some of the inhabitants
were demolished, and the materials employed in this work. Pitch and other
combustibles were added, and the whole so formed, as to burn with rapidity
and intensity. They were of considerable length, and were towed to a
proper position, above the vessels, when fire was applied, and they were
left to the stream, in the expectation that they would be carried into
contact with the vessels, and immediately set fire to them. Twice the
attempt was made, without success. The British were aware of the design,
and took their measures accordingly. Boats were constructed, and anchored
with chains above the vessels, and every precaution was used to ward off
the blow. The blazing rafts passed harmlessly by, and other incidents soon
occurred to engage the attention of the Indians. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Discourse of Gov. Cass.
A week subsequent to this date, we find various letters from Detroit
published, in Atlantic papers, of which the following passages are
extracts. They will furnish the reader with an idea of the true situation
of the garrison at this time, much better than could be derived from any
description of our own.
"Detroit, July 6, 1763.
"We have been besieged here two Months, by Six Hundred Indians. We have
been upon the Watch Night and Day, from the Commanding Officer to the
lowest Soldier, from the 8th of May, and have not had our Cloaths off, nor
slept all Night since it began; and shall continue so till we have a
Reinforcement up. We then hope soon to give a good Account of the Savages.
Their Camp lies about a Mile and a half from the Fort; and that's the
nearest they choose to come now. For the first two or three Days we were
attacked by three or four Hundred of them, but we gave them so warm a
Reception that they don't care for coming to see us, tho' they now and
then get behind a House or Garden, and fire at us about three or four
Hundred Yards' distance. The Day before Yesterday, we killed a Chief and
three others, and wounded some more; yesterday went up with our Sloop, and
battered their Cabins in such a Manner that they are glad to keep farther
off."
The next letter is under date of the 9th.
"You have long ago heard of our pleasant Situation; but the Storm is blown
over. Was it not very agreeable to hear every day, of their cutting,
carving, boiling and eating our Companions? To see every Day dead Bodies
floating down the River, mangled and disfigured. But Britons, you know,
never shrink; we always appeared gay, to spite the Rascals. They boiled
and eat Sir Robert Devers; and we are informed by Mr. Pauly, who escaped
the other Day from one of the Stations surprised at the breaking out of
the War, and commanded by himself, that he had seen an Indian have the
Skin of Captain Robertson's Arm for a Tobacco-Pouch!"
"Three Days ago, a Party of us went to demolish a Breast-work they had
made. We finished _our_ Work, and were returning Home; but the Fort
espying a Party of Indians coming up, as if they intended to fight, we
were ordered back, made our Dispositions, and advanced briskly. Our Front
was fired upon warmly, and returned the Fire for about five Minutes. In
the mean time, Captain Hopkins, with about twenty Men, filed off to the
left, and about twenty French volunteers filed off to the Right, and got
between them and their Fires. The Villains immediately fled, and we
returned, as was prudent, for a Centry whom I had placed, informed me he
saw a Body of them coming down from the Woods, and our Party being but
about eighty, was not able to cope with their united bands. In short, we
beat them handsomely, and yet did not much Hurt to them, for they ran
extremely well. We only killed their Leader, and wounded three others. One
of them fired at me at the Distance of fifteen or twenty Paces, but I
suppose my terrible Visage made him tremble. I think I shot him."
This "leader" was, according to some accounts, an Ottawa Chief; according
to others, the son of a Chief. At all events, he was a popular if not an
important man; and his death was severely revenged by one of his
relatives, in the massacre of Captain Campbell. That gentleman had been
detained a prisoner ever since the proposal of a capitulation, together
with his friend McDougall. The latter escaped a day or two before the
skirmish; but his unfortunate comrade was tomahawked by the infuriated
savage. One account says, "they boiled his heart and ate it, and made a
pouch of the skin of his arms!" The brutal assassin fled to Saginaw,
apprehensive of the vengeance of Pontiac; and it is but justice to the
memory of that Chieftain to say, that he was indignant at the atrocious
act, and used every possible exertion to apprehend the murderer.
The reinforcement mentioned above as expected, arrived on the 26th of
July. It was a detachment of three hundred regular troops. Arrangements
were made the same evening, for an attack on the Indian camp. But by some
unknown means, Pontiac obtained information of the design; and he not only
removed the women and children from his camp, but seasonably stationed two
strong parties in ambuscades, where they were protected by pickets and
cord-wood, and concealed by the high grass. Three hundred men left the
fort, about an hour before day, and marched rapidly up the bank. They were
suffered to reach the bridge over Bloody-Run, and to proceed about half
way across it, before the slightest movement indicated that the enemy was
aware of their approach. Suddenly a volume of musketry was poured in upon
the troops; the commander fell at the first discharge, and they were
thrown into instant confusion. A retreat was with some difficulty effected
by driving the Indians from all their positions at the bayonet's point,
but the English lost seventy men killed, and forty wounded.
This was the last important event attending the prosecution of the siege.
A modern author observes, that Pontiac relaxed in his efforts, that the
Indians soon began to depart for their wintering-grounds, and that the
various bands, _as they arrived in the spring, professed their desire for
peace._ Such seems to have been the case at a much earlier date; for we
find it stated under date of the 18th of August (1763,) that "the Hurons,
who begin to be wearied of the war," had brought in and given up eight
prisoners. The writer adds, that "the Hurons and Pouteouatamies, who were
partly forced into the war by the menaces of the Ottawas, begin to
withdraw." Pontiac had been so confident of success as to have made some
arrangements, it is said, for dividing the conquered territory with the
French; and several Indians planted fields of corn. But his warriors grew
weary of the siege, and his army was at this time reduced to about five
hundred.
Where or how he passed the winter, we are not told. But his movements were
still watched with anxiety, and the garrison at Detroit, especially, seem
not to have thought themselves safe from his operations, from day to day.
"We have lately been very busy," says a respectable writer, under date of
December 3, 1763,--"in providing Abundance of Wheat, Flour, Indian Corn
and Pease, from the Country, in which we have so far succeeded as not to
be in Danger of being starved out." It further appears, that detachments
of the enemy were still in the neighborhood; "The Approach of Major
Wilkins' Party had a very good effect; the Enemy moved farther off. _'Tis
said that_ Pondiac _and his tribe have gone to the Mississippi, but we
don't believe it._" Again,---"The Wyandots, of Sandusky, are much animated
against us; they have been reinforced lately by many villains from all the
nations concerned in the war." So late as March 25th, we are told that
"about twelve Days ago, several scalping-Parties of the Potewatamies came
to the Settlement, &c. _We now sleep in our Clothes, expecting an Alarm
every Night._"
But the reign of terror maintained by the movements of Pontiac was drawing
to its close. The power of the civilized party was too much for a
combination like his. General Bradstreet, with a force of three thousand
men, proceeded to Niagara early in the summer of 1764, on his way to the
north-west. Here a grand council was held, at which nearly two thousand
Indians attended. One account says there were representatives present from
twenty-two different tribes, including eleven of the western,--a fact
strikingly indicating the immense train of operations managed by the
influence of Pontiac. Many of his best allies had now deserted the
chieftain. The traveler, Henry, who was under Bradstreet's command,
mentions that he was himself appointed leader of ninety six _Chippewas_ of
the Sault de Sainte-Marie, and other savages, under the name of the Indian
Battalion;--"Me," he adds, "whose best hope it had very lately been, to
live through their forbearance." It ought to be observed, however, in
justice to the men who were thus led against their own countrymen and
kinsmen, that by the time the army reached Fort Erie, their number was
reduced to fourteen by desertion.
On the arrival of the army at Detroit, which they reached without
opposition, all the tribes in that region came in and concluded a peace,
with the exception of the Delawares and Shawanees. But Pontiac was no more
seen. He not only took no part in the pending negotiation, but abandoned
the country, and repaired to the Illinois.
We find no authority for the assertion of Carver, that henceforward he
laid aside his animosity for the English; and still less, that "to reward
_this new attachment,_ Government allowed him a handsome pension." Even
this writer admits that his conduct "at length grew suspicious." Rogers,
on the other hand, who had good opportunities of knowing the facts, says,
that while "some of the Indians left him, and by his consent made a
separate peace, _he would not be personally concerned in it,_ saying, that
when he made a peace, it should be such a one as would be useful and
honorable to himself, and to the King of Great Britain. _But he has not as
yet proposed his terms._" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Rogers' Account, p. 244.
This account bears manifest marks of correctness. It agrees with many
other illustrations of a magnanimity which might have made Pontiac a fit
comrade for the Knights of the middle ages. But confirmations of it may be
found elsewhere. It was the common belief of the times, that he had gone
among the Illinois, with a view of there holding himself in readiness for
whatever might happen to the benefit of the great cause for which he was
resolved to live and die; and probably, also, to use active measures as
fast and as far as might be advisable. The following passage occurs in an
authentic letter from Detroit, dated May 19, 1765.
"Pondiac is now raising the St Joseph Indians, the Miamies, the
Mascontins, the Ouiattenons, the Pians and the Illinois, to come to this
place the beginning of next month, to make what effect they can against
us; for which purpose he has procured a large belt for each nation, and
one larger than the rest for a '_hatchet_' for the whole. They are to be
joined by some of the northern Indians, as is reported. This, they say, is
to be an undertaking of their own, as they are not to have any assistance
from the French. . . . When Pondiac left the Miamies, he told them to
remain quiet till he came back; it should then be 'all war, or all peace.'
. . . I make no doubt of their intention to perform what we have heard of,
though I don't think it will come to any head. I am likewise well
convinced, _if Pondiac be made to believe he would be well received at
this place, he would desist from any intention he may have;_ but it will
be impossible to convince him of that, while there are such a number of
traitorous villains about him. You can't imagine what most infamous lies
they tell," &c.
It appears from this testimony, that Pontiac had at this period re-engaged
in his plan of combination. It would also appear, that he was instigated
by some of the French; for it is believed that only _individuals_ among
them were guilty of the practices alleged. Those at Detroit conducted
themselves amicably, even during the war; and some of them, we have seen,
volunteered to fight against the Indians. Still, where Pontiac now was,
there would be the best possible opportunity of exerting a sinister
influence over him, there being many Frenchmen among the Illinois, and
they not of the most exemplary character in all cases. On the whole, it
seems to us probable, that while the last mentioned combination was really
"an undertaking of his own," it might have been checked at any moment, and
perhaps never would have been commenced, had not Pontiac been renewedly
and repeatedly prejudiced against the English interest by the artifice of
some of the French, and perhaps some of the Indians. However his
principles in regard to that subject might remain unchanged, no abstract
inducement, we think, would have urged him to his present measures under
the circumstances to which he was now reduced. But, be that as it may, the
principles themselves need not be doubted; nor can we forbear admiring the
energy of the man in pursuing the exemplification and vindication of them
in practice. His exertions grew only the more daring, as his prospects
became more desperate.
But his death at length ended at once his disappointments and hopes,
together with the fears of his enemies. This event is supposed to have
taken place in 1767. He was assassinated, at a council held among the
Illinois, by an Indian of the Peoria tribe. Carver says, that "either
commissioned by one of the English Governors, or instigated by the love he
bore the English nation, the savage attended him as a spy, and being
convinced from the speech Pontiac made in the council, that he still
retained his former prejudices against _those for whom he now professed
a friendship,_ he plunged his knife into his heart, as soon as he had done
speaking, and laid him dead on the spot."
As to what is here said of professed friendship, the writer evidently
alludes to his own previous assertion, which we have shown to be
unfounded, and for which we are still unable to perceive the slightest
grounds. Still several of these suppositions, though only to be received
as such, are probably true. There is little doubt that Pontiac continued
firm in his original principles and purpose; that he expressed himself
without disguise; that he endeavored to influence, and did influence, a
large number of his countrymen; and that the Peoria savage, whether a
personal enemy or a "spy"--or what is most probable, _both_, (a spy
_because_ an enemy,)--did assassinate him with the expectation, to say the
least, of doing an acceptable service to some foreign party, and a
lucrative one for himself. We need not assert that he was "commissioned by
an English _Governor._" Pontiac was an indefatigable and powerful man, and
a dangerous foe to the English. He was in a situation to make enemies
among his countrymen, and the English were generally in a situation and
disposition to avail themselves of that circumstance.
From the manner of life adopted by the chieftain subsequent to the treaty
at Detroit, it might be inferred, perhaps, that he became alienated from
the Northern tribes, including his own, who had been his best friends, or
that they became alienated from him. We are inclined to believe, on the
contrary, that their negotiations took place "by his consent," as has been
stated heretofore; and that he removed southward, as well with a view to
their good (as regarded the friendship of the English,) as at the same
time for the purpose of recommencing his own operations upon a new
theatre, and with fresh actors. He would thereby gain new influence, while
he would lose little or none of the old.
This supposition is confirmed by the well-authenticated fact that the
Ottawas, the Chippewas, and the Pottawatamies--some writers add the Sacs
and Foxes--made common cause in the revenge of his death. Following that
principle with the customary Indian latitude of application, they made war
upon the Peoria tribe. The latter associated with themselves, in defence,
the Kaskaskias, the Cahokias, and the Illinois; but to no purpose. The two
latter tribes are believed to have been wholly exterminated, and of the
former only a few families remain. "The memory of the great Ottawa Chief,"
says a distinguished historian of that section, "is _yet_ held in
reverence among his countrymen; and whatever is the fate which may await
them, his name and deeds will live in their traditionary narratives,
increasing in interest as they increase in years."
The astonishing influence exerted by this remarkable man so long as he
lived, may be inferred from the period of peace which succeeded his death
and the punishment of his murderer, still more forcibly than from any
circumstances we have noticed. It has been seen, that more than twenty
tribes, who had engaged in his combination, appeared at the Niagara
Council. His movements are believed to have been felt as far east as among
the Micmacks of Nova-Scotia. As far south as Virginia, they were not only
perceptible, but formidable in the highest degree. The agitation produced
among the inhabitants of a part of our Western territory, within a few
months, by Black-Hawk and his associates, scarcely illustrates the similar
excitement which, in 1763, prevailed over a much larger portion of the
continent A few passages from periodical publications of that date will
give a better conception of the truth.
"New York, June 13th, 1763.
"We hear that on Monday last arrived an Express from Pittsburgh, advising
that a Party of Indians had murdered Col. Clapham and all his Family."
. . .
"Fort Pitt, May 31st.
"There is most melancholy News here. The Indians have broken out in divers
Places, and have murdered Col. C. and his Family. An Indian has brought a
War belt to Tusquerora, who says Detroit was invested, and St. Dusky cut
off. All Levy's goods are stopped at Tusquerora by the Indians; and last
Night eight or ten Men were killed at Beaver Creek. We hear of scalping
every Hour. Messrs. Cray and Allison's Horses, twenty-five, loaded with
Skins, are all taken." . . .
Fort Pitt, June 16th.
"We have destroyed the Upper and Lower Towns, and by Tomorrow Night shall
be in a good Posture of Defence. Every Morning, an Hour before Day, the
whole Garrison are at their Alarm-posts. Ten Days ago, _they_ killed one
Patrick Dunn, and a man of Major Smallman's; also two other men. Capt.
Callender's people are all killed, and the goods taken. There is no
account of Mr. Welch, &c. Mr. Crawford is made prisoner, and his people
all murdered. Our small posts, I am afraid, are gone." . . .
"Fort Bedford, June 8th.
"On Tuesday, one Smith was attacked, and by an Indian without arms, at
Beaver Creek, who endeavored to put him under water; but Smith proving too
strong for him, put the Indian under water, and brought off a piece of his
ear, and left him. . . . We have a numerous militia who are under arms
almost continually. Regular piquets, town-guards, fort-guards, centinels,
&c. are observed." . . .
"Albany, June 16th.
"You must have heard of the many murders committed on the English, by
different tribes of Indians, at different places, which makes many fear
the rupture is or will become _general among the southern tribes._ We have
accounts, &c. . . . Lieut. Cuyler, with a party of Green's rangers,
consisting of ninety-seven men, set out from Niagara, with provisions for
Detroit. On the evening of the 4th, they went on shore to encamp, within
fifty miles of Detroit. Cuyler sent his servant to gather greens, and the
lad being gone so long, a party was sent for him, who found him scalped;
He put his men in the best position for a sudden attack. The Indians fell
upon them, and killed and took all but the Lieutenant and thirty of his
men, who retreated back to Niagara, leaving near two hundred barrels of
provision with the enemy. . . .
"Philadelphia, June 23d.
"By an express just now from Fort Pitt, we learn that the Indians are
continually about that place; that out of one hundred and twenty traders
but two or three escaped," &c. . . . "It is now out of doubt it is a
general insurrection among all the Indians." . . .
"Winchester, (Virginia,) June 22d.
"Last night I reached this place. I have been at Fort Cumberland several
days, but fine Indians having killed nine people there, made me think it
prudent to remove from those parts, _from which I suppose near five hundred
families have run away within this week._ It was a most melancholy sight
to see such numbers of poor people, who had abandoned their settlement in
such consternation and hurry, that they had scarcely anything with them
but their children." . . .
"Carlisle, July 3d.
"Ligonier was attacked on the 23d, by the Savages, for a day and a night,
but they were beat off; this we had from an Indian. We killed one of the
Scoundrel's from the Fort, who had trusted himself a little too
near." . . .
"Philadelphia, July 27th.
"I returned home last night. . . . There has been a good deal said in the
papers, but not more than is strictly true. Shippersburgh and Carlisle are
now become our frontiers, none living at their plantations but such as
have their houses stockaded. Upwards of two hundred women and children are
now living in Fort Loudoun, a spot not more than one hundred feet square.
I saw a letter from Col. S. late of the Virginia Regiment, to Col. A.
wherein he mentions that Great-Brier and Jackson's River are
depopulated--upwards of three hundred persons killed or taken prisoners;
that for one hundred miles in breadth and three hundred in length, not one
family is to be found in their plantations; by which means there are near
twenty thousand people left destitute of their habitations. The seven
hundred men voted by the assembly, recruit but very slowly, &c. . . .
"Goshen, N. Y. August 5th.
"Last week the following accident happened in this place. Several men
having been out upon the hills hunting for deer, in their return they met
with a flock of partridges, at which four guns were discharged, three of
them pretty quick after each other. This, being an uncommon accident in
the Place, was mistaken by some of the inhabitants of the Wall-Kill for
firing of Indians. Immediately alarm-guns were fired and spread over the
whole Place, which produced an amazing panic and confusion among the
people, near five hundred families. Some for haste cut the harnesses of
their horses from their ploughs and carts, and rode off with what they
were most concerned to preserve. Others, who had no vessel to cross the
river, plunged through, carrying their wives and children on their backs.
Some, we have already heard, proceeded as far as New-England, spreading
the alarm as they went, and how far they may go is uncertain." . . .
"Bethlehem, (Penn.) Oct 9th.
"I cannot describe the deplorable condition this poor country is in. Most
of the inhabitants of Allen's town, and other places, are fled from their
habitations. I cannot ascertain the number killed, but think it exceeds
twenty. The people at Nazareth, and the other places belonging to the
[United] Brethren, have put themselves in the best posture of defence they
can; they keep a strong watch every night, and hope, by the blessing of
God, if they are attacked, to make a stand."
Nothing can be added, to enforce the impression which these various
descriptions must make upon the mind of the reader. They shew that the
apprehension excited by the movements of Pontiac, though the Chieftain
himself was not yet thoroughly appreciated, exceeded every thing of the
kind which has occurred on the continent since the days of King Philip.
It is mainly from his actions, of necessity, that the character of such a
man, in such a situation, must be judged. There are, however, some items
of personal information respecting him, and these all go to confirm the
opinion we have already expressed. His anxiety to learn the English
methods or manufacturing cloth, iron and some other articles, was such
that he offered Major Rogers a part of his territory, if he would take him
to England for that purpose. He also endeavored to inform himself of the
tactics and discipline of the English troops. Probably it was in
consequence of suggestions made by Rogers at some of the conversations he
had with that officer, (and at which the latter allows that "he discovered
great strength of judgment, and a thirst after knowledge,") that
afterwards, in the course of the war, he appointed an Indian Commissary,
and began to issue bills of credit. These, which are said to have been
punctually redeemed, are described as having the figure of whatever he
wanted in exchange for them, drawn upon them, with the addition of his own
stamp in the shape of an otter. The system was set in operation partly
for the benefit of the French. They had been subjected, occasionally, to
indiscriminate pillage, but Pontiac become satisfied that such a process
would soon put an end to itself, besides doing no honor to his cause. The
supplies which they subsequently furnished, were regularly levied through
the medium of his commissariat department.
The authority Pontiac exercised over the combined tribes, seems to have
been little less than that of a complete Dictator. In the Detroit diary,
heretofore cited, we are informed that about the commencement of the
siege, a Mr. Rutherford "fell into the hands of the savages. One of the
garrison afterwards employed a Frenchman to redeem him from his Indian
master, and furnished eighty pounds worth of goods for that purpose. The
bargain was effected, but the gentleman had been liberated but one day and
one night, when Pontiac, whose notice nothing escaped, sent a band of
fifty Indians to take him away by force. '_No nation,_' he said, '_should
have liberty to sell their prisoners till the war was over._'"
As the notice we have given of the fate of Campbell may leave an
unfavorable impression in regard to the Chieftain's good faith, it should
be observed, that the Indian maxims on the use of artifice in war are
universally different from those of most civilized nations. Nor can we
expect to know what circumstances might have occurred, subsequent to the
visit of Campbell to the Indian camp, which would justify his detention,
though contrary to the expectation of all parties. It appears, however,
from the Diary, that he was first induced to go out, not by Pontiac, (as
we have seen it stated,) but by some of the French, who "told him there
was no Risque in going out; they would answer Life for Life, that he
should return safe into the Fort."
It is well settled that the _detention_--whether in pursuance of a scheme
of Pontiac, thereby to induce a capitulation, or for other reasons
unknown--was by no means intended to result as it unfortunately did. The
same writer who states that Pontiac solemnly pledged his word for the
Captain's safety, states that the assassin fled to Saginaw, apprehensive
of his vengeance; and that _he_ used every exertion to apprehend the
murderer, who would no doubt have paid for his temerity with his life.
[FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Governor Cass.
No act has ever been ascribed to Pontiac which would lead us to doubt this
conclusion. Nothing like sanguinary disposition, or a disposition to
tolerate cruelty in others, belonged to his character. We have observed
his treatment of Rogers, at a time when he had no doubt resolved upon war,
and when he already felt himself to have been ill-treated by the English.
That gentleman relates an anecdote of him which occurred during the war,
still more honorable to the chieftain. As a compliment, Rogers sent him a
bottle of brandy, by the hands of a Frenchman. His Councilors advised him
not to taste it; it must be poisoned, said they, and sent with a design to
kill him. But Pontiac laughed at their suspicions. "He cannot," he
replied, "_he cannot take my life, I have saved his!_"
In 1765, an English officer, Lieutenant Frazer, with a company of
soldiers, went among the Illinois, where was a French station, at which
Pontiac then was,--probably with a view of observing the chieftain's
movements. _He_ considered it an aggression, and called upon the French
Commandant to deliver his visitors into his bands. The Officer attempted
to pacify him, in vain. "You," [the French,] said he, "were the first
cause of my striking the English. This is your tomahawk which I hold in my
hand." He then ordered his Indians, whom by this time he had mustered in
large numbers from the neighborhood, to seize upon the English at once.
The order was generally obeyed, but Frazer escaped. The Indians threatened
to massacre all the rest, unless he should be given up, upon which, he
gallantly came forward, and surrendered to Pontiac.
The sequel is worthy of notice. "_With the interest of Pontiac,_" say the
papers of the day, "he [Frazer] got himself and his men back again." On
the arrival of another Indian chief; with a white woman for a wife, who
did all in their power to exasperate the savages, they seized upon the
English again, "But Pontiac ordered them to give the men back," and the
order was again obeyed. Frazer wished to stay longer, and Pontiac promised
to protect him. He however advised him, considering the disposition of the
Indians, to leave the country, and he accordingly went down the river in a
batteau, and at length made his way to New-Orleans. "He says, _Pontiac is
a clever fellow, and had it not been for him, he should never have got
away alive._"
Of the oratory of the Ottawa Chieftain there remain but few and scanty
memorials. Like Philip, he has derived his distinction more from actions
than words, and that (as also in Philip's case,) without the aid of any
very signal renown as a mere warrior. The only speech of his we have met
with, was made on the occasion of a conference with the French at Detroit,
held upon the 23d of May, 1763, in the hope of inducing them to join him
in the reduction of the fort. The style of delivery cannot now be
ascertained; but the reasoning is close and ingenious.
"My Brothers!" he said, "I have no doubt but this war is very troublesome
to you, and that my warriors, who are continually passing and re-passing
through your settlements, frequently kill your cattle, and injure your
property. I am sorry for it, and hope you do not think I am pleased with
this conduct of my young men. And as a proof of my friendship, recollect
the war you had seventeen years ago, [1746] and the part I took in it. The
Northern nations combined together, and came to destroy yon. Who defended
you? Was it not myself and my young men? The great Chief Mackinac, [the
Turtle] said in Council, that he would carry to his native village the
head of your chief warrior, and that he would eat his heart and drink his
blood. Did I not then join you, and go to his camp and say to him, if he
wished to kill the French, he must pass over my body, and the bodies of my
young men? Did I not take hold of the tomahawk with you, and aid you in
fighting your battles with Mackinac, and driving him home to his country?
Why do you think I would turn my arms against you? Am I not the same
French Pontiac, who assisted you seventeen years ago? I am a Frenchman,
and I wish to die a Frenchman."
After throwing a war-belt into the midst of the council, he concluded in
the following strain:
"My Brothers! I begin to grow tired of this _bad meat,_ which is upon our
lands. I begin to see that this is not your case, for instead of assisting
us in our war with the English, you are actually assisting them. I have
already told you, and I now tell you again, that when I undertook this
war, it was only your interest I sought, and that I knew what I was about.
I yet know what I am about. This year they must all perish. The Master of
Life so orders it. His will is known to us, and we must do as he says. And
you, my brothers, who know him better than we do, wish to oppose his will!
Until now, I have avoided urging you upon this subject, in the hope, that
if you could not aid, you would not injure us. I did not wish to ask you
to fight with us against the English, and I did not believe you would take
part with them. You will say you are not with them. I know it, but your
conduct amounts to the same thing. You will tell them all we do and say.
You carry our counsels and plans to them. Now take your choice. You must
be entirely French, like ourselves, or entirely English. If you are
French, take this belt for yourselves and your young men, and join us. If
you are English, we declare war against you." . . .
The man who had the ability and the intrepidity to express himself in this
manner, hardly needed either the graces of rhetoric or the powers of the
warrior, to enforce that mighty influence which, among every people and
under all circumstances, is attached, as closely as shadow to substance,
to the energies of a mighty mind. Those energies he exerted, and that
influence he possessed, probably beyond all precedent in the history of
his race. Hence it is that his memory is still cherished among the tribes
of the north. History itself, instead of adding to his character in their
eyes, has only reduced him to his true proportions in our own. Tradition
still looks upon him as it looked upon the Hercules of the Greeks.
CHAPTER VIII.
Account of the Delawares--Their ancient great men, including
Tamenend--History daring the Revolutionary War--Two Parties among
them--White-Eyes, leader of one, and Captain Pipe, of the
other--Manoeuvres, speeches, plots and counter-plots of these men, their
parties, and foreigners connected with both--Anecdotes--Death of
White-Eyes in 1780--Tribute of respect paid to his memory.
The most formidable antagonist the Five Nations ever had to contend with,
were the Delawares, as the English have named them (from Lord de la War)
but generally styled by their Indian neighbors, Wapanachi, and by
themselves Lenni Lenape, or the Original People. The tradition is, that
they and the Five Nations both emigrated from beyond the Mississippi, and,
by uniting their forces, drove off or destroyed the primitive residents of
the country on this side. Afterwards, the Delawares divided themselves
into three tribes, called the Turtle, the Turkey, and the Wolf or Monsey.
Their settlements extended from the Hudson to the Potomac; and their
descendants finally became so numerous, that nearly forty tribes honored
them with the title of _Grand-father,_ which some of them continue to
apply at the present day.
The Delawares were the principal inhabitants of Pennsylvania, when William
Penn commenced his labors in that region; and the memory of Miquon, their
Elder Brother, as they called him, is still cherished in the legends of
all that remains of the nation. That remnant exists chiefly on the western
banks of the Mississippi, to which ancient starting-place they have been
gradually approximating, stage by stage, ever since the arrival of the
Europeans on the coast. Their principal intermediate settlements have been
in Ohio, on the banks of the Muskingum, and other small rivers, whither a
great number of the tribe removed about the year 1760.
The Delawares have never been without their great men, though
unfortunately many of them have lived at such periods and such places, as
to make it impossible for history to do them justice. It is only within
about a century last past, during which they have been rapidly declining
in power and diminishing in numbers, that a series of extraordinary
events, impelling them into close contact with the whites, as well as with
other Indians, has had the effect of bringing forward their extraordinary
men.
Among the ancient Delaware worthies, whose career is too imperfectly known
to us to be the subject of distinct sketches, we shall mention only the
name of the illustrious Tamenend. This individual stands foremost in the
list of all the great men of his nation in any age. He was a mighty
warrior, an accomplished statesman, and a pure and high-minded patriot. In
private life he was still more distinguished for his virtues, than in
public for his talents. His countrymen could only account for the
perfections they ascribed to him, by supposing him to be favored with the
special communications of the Great Spirit. Ages have elapsed since his
death, but his memory was so fresh among the Delawares of the last
century, that when Colonel Morgan, of New-Jersey, was sent as an agent
among them by Congress, during the Revolution, they conferred on him the
title of Tamenend, as the greatest mark of respect they could show for the
manners and character of that gentleman; and he was known by his Indian
appellation ever afterwards.
About this time, the old chieftain had so many admirers among the whites
also, that they made him a saint, inserted his name in calendars, and
celebrated his festival on the first day of May, yearly. On that day a
numerous society of his votaries walked in procession through the streets
of Philadelphia, their hats decorated with bucks'-tails, and proceeded to
a sylvan rendezvous out of town, which they called the _Wigwam,_ where,
after a long talk or speech had been delivered, and the _Calumet_ of
friendship passed around, the remainder of the day was spent in high
festivity. A dinner was prepared, and Indian dances performed on the
green. The custom ceased a few years after the conclusion of peace, and
though other "Tammany" associations have since existed, they retain little
of the model they were formed upon but the name.
The commencement of the Revolutionary war was among the Delawares, as
among their more civilized neighbors, a period of great excitement. Strong
efforts were made by the British authorities on the northern frontier, and
yet stronger ones by individual refugees and vagabonds in the British
interest, to prejudice them against the American people, and to induce
them to make common cause with their "Father" over the "Big Water," in
correcting the sins of his disobedient children. Congress, on the other
hand, contented itself with keeping them, as far and as long as possible,
in a state of neutrality. In consequence of these opposite influences, and
of old prepossessions entertained by various parties and persons in the
nation, a violent struggle ensued,--for war on one side, and for peace on
the other--in the course of which were developed some of the most
remarkable individual traits and diplomatic manoeuvres which we have yet
had occasion to notice.
The leader of the peace-party was Koguethagechton, called by the Americans
Captain White-Eyes. He was the Head-Chief of the Turtle tribe in Ohio;
while Captain Pipe, of the Wolf tribe, living and having his council-fire
at the distance of fifteen miles northward from the former, devoted his
talents to promoting the plan of a belligerent union with the British.
Accidental circumstances,--such as old wrongs, or at least imagined ones,
from the Americans, on one side, and old favors on the other,--no doubt
had their effect in producing this diversity of feeling; but the ambition
and jealousy of Pipe,--whose spirit, otherwise noble, was of that haughty
order, that he would not "have served in heaven" when he might "reign"
elsewhere in the universe--are believed to have gone farther than any
other cause, both to create and keep up dissensions among the Delawares,
and disturbances between them and the whites. Pipe, as even the good
Heckewelder allows, was certainly a great man, but White-Eyes was still
both his superior and his senior, besides having the advantage of a clean
cause and a clear conscience.
Pipe, like other politicians, uniformly professed his readiness, from time
to time, to join in any measures proper to "save the nation;" but the
difficulty as uniformly occurred, that these were precisely the same
measures which White-Eyes thought would destroy it. The former, like most
of the Wolf tribe, whose temperament he had studied, was warlike,
energetic, and restless. He brooded over old resentments,--he panted for
revenge,--he longed for the coming of an era which should turn "rogues"
out of office, and bring "honest men" in. With these feelings, his
ingenuity could not be long without adequate arguments and artifices to
operate on the minds of his countrymen. Their most remarkable effect,
however, it soon became manifest, was to attach them to himself rather
than to any particular principles. They were as ready to fight as men need
be; but Pipe was expected to monopolize the thinking and talking.
For the better understanding of the principles of the Peace-party, we
shall here introduce the exposition made by White-Eyes and others, of the
character of the contest between the English and the Americans. Its effect
was to convince the Indians, that they had no concern with either, while
their welfare clearly suggested the policy, as well as propriety, of
maintaining amicable terms with both.
"Suppose a father," it was said, "had a little son whom he loved and
indulged while young, but growing up to be a youth, began to think of
having some help from him; and making up a small pack, bade him carry it
for him. The boy cheerfully takes this pack, following his father with it.
The rather, finding the boy willing and obedient, continues in this way;
and as the boy grows stronger, so the father makes the pack in proportion
larger--yet as long as the boy is able to carry the pack, he does so
without grumbling. At length, however, the boy having arrived at manhood,
while the father is making up the pack for him, in comes a person of an
evil disposition, and learning who was the carrier of the pack, advises
the father to make it heavier, for surely the son is able to carry a large
pack. The father, listening rather to the bad adviser, than consulting his
own judgment and the feelings of tenderness, follows the advice of the
hardhearted adviser, and makes up a heavy load for his son to carry. The
son, now grown up, examining the weight of the load he is to carry,
addresses the parent in these words: 'Dear father, this pack is too heavy
for me to carry, do pray lighten it; I am willing to do what I can, but am
unable to carry this load.' The father's heart having by this time become
hardened--and the bad adviser calling to him, 'whip him if he disobeys and
refuses to carry the pack,' now in a peremptory tone orders his son to
take up the pack and carry it off, or he will whip him, and already takes
up a stick to beat him. 'So!' says the son, 'am I to be served thus, for
not doing what I am unable to do! Well if entreaties avail nothing with
you, father--and it is to be decided by blows, whether or not I am able to
carry a pack so heavy---then I have no other choice left me, but that of
resisting your unreasonable demand, by my strength; and so, by striking
each other, we may see who is the strongest.'"
But this doctrine, however sound, did not prove wholly effectual against
the exertions of Pipe, who was continually either making movements, or
taking advantage of such as occurred, to disparage the influence of his
rival, and, of course, to extend and establish his own. He contradicted
whatever was said, and counteracted whatever was done by White-Eyes; until
the whole system of intercourse of the Delawares with each other and with
other nations, became a labrynth of inconsistencies and counter-plots.
About the commencement of the war, White-Eyes; with some of his tribe,
visited the Americans at Pittsburg, where they met in conference with a
number of the Seneca tribe, a people particularly attached to the British
interest at that time. The object of their visit probably was to ascertain
and perhaps influence the politics of the Delawares; and they relied much
on the power of the great confederacy to which they belonged. Not only,
however, did they fail to overawe White-Eyes, politically or personally;
but they could not prevent him from publicly advocating the principles he
avowed. So angry were they at a speech he addressed to the meeting at
Pittsburg, that they undertook to check him by hinting, in an insolent and
sullen manner, that it ill became him to express himself thus
independently, whose tribe were but women, and had been made such by the
Five Nations--alluding to an old reproach which had often before this been
used to humiliate the Delawares.
Frequently it had that effect. But White-Eyes was not of a temper to brook
an insult, under any circumstances. With an air of the most haughty
disdain, he sat patiently until the Senecas had done, and then rose and
replied:
"I know," said he gravely, "I know well, that you consider us a conquered
nation--as women--as your inferiors. You have, say you, shortened our
legs, and put petticoats on us! You say you have given us a hoe and a
corn-pounder, and told us to plant and pound for you--you men--you
_warriors!_ But look at me. Am I not full-grown, and have I not a
warrior's dress? Aye, I am a man, and these are the arms of a man,
[showing his musket]--and all that country, [waving hand proudly in the
direction of the Allegheny river] all that country, on the other side of
that water, is _mine,_" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Speaking, according to common custom, in the name of the nation.
A more courageous address was perhaps never made to any Council of
Indians. Indeed, it went so beyond the spirit of his tribe, apprehensive
as they were of the indignation of the powerful people he had thus
bearded, that, although many were gratified, many others were
frightened,--or, perhaps, at Pipe's instigation, pretended to be
frightened,--out of the ranks of the Peace-party into those of the War.
The Monseys took the lead in that movement, and they even humiliated
themselves so much as to send word to the Five Nations that they
disapproved of what White-Eyes had said. Pipe, about the same time, left
off attending the councils of the Turtle tribe, which he had hitherto done
regularly,--probably from a conviction that his intrigues were becoming
daily more manifest,--and he also endeavored to circulate an impression
that White-Eyes had made secret engagements with the Americans, with the
view of aggrandizing himself at the expense of his countrymen.
The latter, meanwhile, was laboring, night and day, to preserve peace
among the tribes, by sending embassies, and by other energetic measures.
In some places, he succeeded, but in others the manoeuvres of his adversary
prevailed. A message sent to the Sandusky Wyandots, in 1776, was
insolently answered by a hint to the Delawares, "to keep good shoes in
readiness for joining the warriors." White-Eyes himself headed a
deputation to a settlement of the same people near Detroit. They however
refused to receive his peace-belts, except in presence of the British
Governor at that station; and he, when they were tendered in his presence,
seized them violently, cut them in pieces, threw them at the feet of the
Deputies, and then told White-Eyes, that "if he set any value on his head,
he must be gone within half an hour."
Such indefatigable efforts were made by the war-party, and by those
foreigners who co-operated with them, especially in circulating reports
unfavorable to the American character and cause, that White-Eyes was very
near being sacrificed to the hot-headed rashness of his own followers. In
March, 1778, a number of tones of infamous character, having escaped from
Pittsburg, told the Indians, wherever they went, that the Americans were
coming upon them from all quarters; and that now was the time, and the
only time, for saving themselves, by commencing active hostilities. The
Delawares were filled with consternation, and, for a day or two,
White-Eyes was unable to stem the torrent of popular feeling. But he
recovered his influence as they recovered their composure; and well
knowing that his conduct in this affair would be closely watched by his
rival, he called a general council of the nation, in which he proposed to
delay committing hostilities against the American people for ten days,
during which time they might obtain more certain information as to the
truth of the assertions of these men. Pipe, considering this a proper time
for placing White-Eyes in the back-ground, construed his wise and prudent
advice as though _he_ was in the secret, and now proposed to his own
council, "to declare every man an enemy to the nation, that should throw
an obstacle in the way, that might tend to prevent the taking up arms
instantly against the American people."
White-Eyes perceived that the blow was aimed at himself; but he parried it
by immediately assembling and addressing his party by themselves; "If you
_will_ go out in this war," said he, observing the preparations of some of
them, "you shall not go without me. I have taken peace measures, it is
true, with the view of saving my tribe from destruction. But if you think
me in the wrong, if you give more credit to runaway vagabonds than to your
own friends, to a man, to a warrior, to a Delaware,--if you insist upon
fighting the Americans,--go! and I will go with you. And I will not go
_like the bear-hunter, who sets his dogs upon the animal to be beaten
about with his paws, while he keeps himself at a safe distance._ No! I
will lead you on. I will place myself in the front I will fall with the
first of you! You can do as you choose, but as for me I will not survive
my nation. I will not live to bewail the miserable destruction of a brave
people, who deserved, as you do, a better fate."
This spirited harangue had the desired effect. The assembly declared, with
all the enthusiasm which a grave Indian council are ever willing to
manifest, that they would at least wait the ten days, as he wished. Some
added that they would never fight the Americans, but with him for a
leader.
But Pipe and his party redoubled their efforts, and before the appointed
term had expired, many of the Delawares had shaved their heads in
readiness for the war-plume; and White-Eyes, though his request for delay
was still attended to, was threatened with a violent death if he should
say one word for the American interest. On the ninth day, vigorous
preparations were made for sending out war-parties, and no news had yet
arrived to abate the excitement.
At this critical juncture it happened that the German missionary, Mr.
Heckewelder, with some attendants, had arrived among the Christian
Delawares in the neighborhood of Goschocking, the settlement of
White-Eyes, from Pittsburg. He became an eye and ear witness of the sequel
of the affair, and we shall therefore avail ourselves of his narrative.
"Finding the matter so very pressing, and even not admitting of a day's
delay, I consented, that after a few hours' rest and sleep, and furnished
with a trusty companion and a fresh horse, I would proceed on, when
between three and four o'clock in the morning, the national assistant,
John Martin, having called on me for the purpose, we set out, swimming our
horses across the Muskingum river, and taking a circuit through the woods
in order to avoid the encampment of the war-party, which was close to our
path. Arriving by ten o'clock in the forenoon within sight of the town, a
few yells were given by a person who had discovered us, intended to notify
the inhabitants that a white man was coming, and which immediately drew
the whole body of Indians into the streets; but although I saluted them in
passing them, not a single person returned the compliment, which, as my
conductor observed, was no good omen. Even Captain White-Eyes, and the
other chiefs who always had befriended me, now stepped back when I reached
out my hand to them, which strange conduct however did not dismay me, as I
observed among the crowd some men well known to me as spies of Captain
Pipe's, watching the actions of these peace-chiefs, wherefore I was
satisfied that the act of refusing me the hand, had been done from policy,
and not from any ill will towards my person. Indeed, in looking around, I
thought I could read joy in the countenances of many of them, in seeing me
among them at so critical a juncture, when they, but a few days before,
had been told by those deserters, that nothing short of their total
destruction had been resolved upon by the 'long knives' (the Virginians,
or _new_ American people.) Yet as no one would reach out his hand to me, I
inquired into the cause, when Captain White-Eyes boldly stepping forward,
replied; 'that by what had been told them by those men, (McKee and party,)
they no longer had a single friend among the American people; if therefore
this be so, they must consider every white man who came to them from that
side, as an enemy, who only came to them to deceive them, and put them off
their guard, for the purpose of giving the enemy an opportunity of taking
men by surprise.' I replied, that the imputation was unfounded, and that,
were I not their friend, they never would have seen me here. 'Then,
(continued Captain White-Eyes,) you will tell us the truth with regard to
what I state to you!'--Assuring him of this, he, in a strong tone, asked
me: 'Are the American armies all cut to pieces by the English troops? Is
General Washington killed? Is there no more a Congress, and have the
English hung some of them, and taken the remainder to England, to hang
them there? Is the whole country beyond the mountains in the possession of
the English; and are the few thousand Americans who have escaped them, now
embodying themselves on this side of the mountains, for the purpose of
killing all the Indians in this country, even our women and children? Now
do not deceive us, but speak the truth' (added he;) 'is this all true,
what I have said to you?' I declared before the whole assembly, that not
one word of what he had just now told me was true, and holding out to him,
as I had done before, the friendly speeches sent by me for them, which he
however as yet refused to accept, I thought by the countenances of most of
the by-standers, that I could perceive that the moment bid fair for their
listening at least to the contents of those speeches, and accidentally
catching the eye of the drummer, I called to him to beat the drum for the
Assembly to meet for the purpose of hearing what their American Brethren
had to say to them! A general smile having taken place, White-Eyes thought
the favorable moment arrived to put the question, and having addressed the
assembly in these words: 'Shall we, my friends and relatives, listen once
more to those who call us their brethren?' Which question, being loudly
and as with one voice answered in the affirmative, the drum was beat, and
the whole body quickly repairing to the spacious council-house, the
speeches, all of which were of the most pacific nature, were read and
interpreted to them, when Captain White-Eyes rose, and in an elaborate
address to the Assembly, took particular notice of the good disposition of
the American people towards the Indians, observing, that they had never as
yet, called on them to fight the English, knowing that wars were
destructive to nations, and they had from the beginning of the war to the
present time, always advised them (the Indians) to remain quiet, and not
take up the hatchet against either side. A newspaper, containing the
capitulation of General Burgoyne's army, being found enclosed in the
packet, Captain White-Eyes once more rose up, and holding this paper
unfolded, with both his hands, so that all could have a view of it, said,
'See, my friends and relatives, this document containeth great events, not
the song of a bird, but the truth!'--then, stepping up to me, he gave me
his hand, saying, 'you are welcome with us, brother;' when every one
present followed his example."
Thus White-Eyes again triumphed over his rival; and the chagrin of the
latter was the more keen, because, relying on the improved prospects of
his party, he had recently committed himself more openly than ever before.
But the spies whom he kept constantly at Goschocking, now brought him the
doleful news that the predictions of White-Eyes were all verified. That
Chieftain himself completed his success by sending runners, immediately
after the Council broke up, to the Shawanese towns on the Scioto, where
the Tories had already gone for the purpose of trying their game upon that
tribe. "Grand-children!" was the laconic message, "ye Shawanese! Some days
ago a flock of birds from the East lit at Goschocking, singing a song here
which had well nigh proved our ruin. Should these birds, which, on leaving
us, took their flight towards Scioto, endeavor to impose their song on
you, do not listen to them, _for they lie!_"
But White-Eyes was not destined to enjoy the result of his labors. In the
winter of 1779-80, he visited Pittsburg, for the purpose of consulting
with the Indian Agent on the means suitable for preserving peace. He
accompanied General McIntosh and his army to Tuscarowas, (where a fort was
to be built for the protection of the neutral Indians,) took the small-pox
at that place, and soon died.
The event produced a sensation almost unprecedented in the Delaware tribe,
and throughout a wide region in their vicinity. The intelligence was sent
to various confederate or relative tribes, at the distance of hundreds of
miles, and counter deputations of condolence soon came in from all
quarters. We shall close this chapter with Mr. Heckewelder's account of
the embassy of the Cherokees, which strikingly indicates the reputation
acquired by White-Eyes during his life, as well as the great respect
subsequently paid to his memory.
The deputation, consisting of fourteen men, of whom two were principal
chiefs, were accompanied from their country to Goschocking, by a nephew of
the late Captain White-Eyes, who, soon after the commencement of the
American revolution, had been despatched thither by the Delaware Chiefs,
for the purpose of using his endeavors in keeping that nation at peace.
When this deputation had arrived within three miles of Goschocking, and
within one of Lichtenau, they made a halt for the purpose of having the
customary ceremony performed on them. This was done by one of the
councilors from the village, who, by an address and with a string of
wampum, drew the thorns and briars out of their legs and feet; healed the
sores and bruises they had received by hitting against logs; wiped the
dust and sweat off their bodies; and cleansed their eyes and ears, so that
they might both see and hear well; and finally anointed all their joints,
that their limbs might again become supple. [FN] They were then served
with victuals brought from Lichtenau, and they continued there the
remainder of that day.
* * * * *
[FN] All which ceremonies are performed figuratively.
On the next morning, two of the councilors from Goschocking, deputed for
the purpose, informed the missionary and national assistants at Lichtenau,
that, by order of their Chiefs, they were to conduct the Cherokee
deputation into their village, from whence they were expected to join in
the procession to Goschocking, and there attend the condoling ceremonies;
all which being agreed to, these soon brought them on, one leading them in
front, and the other bringing up the rear.
Arriving within about two hundred yards of the town, and in sight of it,
(all marching Indian file), they fired off their pieces, which compliment
was instantly returned by the young men or the town, drawn up for the
purpose; then raising a melancholy song, they continued singing, until
they had reached the long house, purposely built for their reception; yet
not without first having lodged their arms against some trees they had
passed, at a small distance from the town. Being seated on benches
prepared for the purpose--(the deputies on the opposite side,)--a dead
silence prevailed for about half an hour, and all present cast their eyes
on the ground. At length one of these Chiefs, named the Crow, rose, and
with an air of sorrow, and in a low voice, with his eyes cast up to
heaven, spoke to the following effect:
"One morning, after having arisen from my sleep, and according to my
custom, I stepped out at the door to see what weather we had. I observed
at one place in the horizon a dark cloud projecting above the trees; and
looking steadfastly for its movement or disappearance, found myself
mistaken, since it neither disappeared nor moved from the spot, as other
clouds do. Seeing the same cloud successively every morning, and that
always in the same place, I began to think what could be the cause of this
singular phenomenon; at length it struck me, that as the cloud was lying
in the direction that my grandfather dwelt, something might be the matter
with him, which caused him grief. Anxious to satisfy myself, I resolved to
goto my grandfather, and see if any thing was the matter with him. I
accordingly went, steering a course in the direction I had observed the
cloud to be. I arrived at my grandfather's, whom I found quite
disconsolate, hanging his head and the tears running down his cheeks!
Casting my eyes around in the hopes of discovering the cause of his grief,
I observed yonder a dwelling closed up, and from which no smoke [FN-1]
appeared to ascend! Looking in another direction, I discovered an elevated
spot of fresh earth, [FN-2] on which nothing was seen growing; and here I
found the cause of my grandfather's grief. No wonder he is so grieved! No
wonder he is weeping and sobbing, with his eyes cast towards the
ground!--Even I cannot help weeping with my grandfather, seeing in what a
situation he is! I cannot proceed for grief!"
* * * * *
[FN-1] Meaning no person occupying the house.
[FN-2] The grave.
Here, after having seated himself for about twenty minutes, as though
deeply afflicted, he again arose, and receiving from the principal chief,
who was seated by his side, a large string of wampum, said: "Grandfather!
Lift up your head and hear what your grand-children have to say to you!
These having discovered the cause of your grief, it shall be done away!
See, grandfather! I level the ground on yonder spot of yellow earth,
[FN-1] and put leaves and brush thereon to make it invisible! I also sow
seeds on that spot, so that both grass and trees may grow thereon!" (Here
handing the string to the Delaware Chiefs in succession, and taking up
another, he continued:) "Grandfather!--The seed which I had sown has
already taken root; nay, the grass has already covered the ground, and the
trees are growing!" (Handing this string, likewise to the Delaware Chief,
and taking up a third string of wampum, he added:) "Now, my grandfather,
the cause of your grief being removed, let me dry up your tears! I wipe
them from your eyes! I place your body, which, by the weight of grief and
a heavy heart, is leaning to one side, in its proper posture! Your eyes
shall be henceforth clear, and your ears open as formerly! The work is now
finished!" Handing this string likewise to the Delaware Chief, he now
stepped forward to where the Chief and his Councilors were seated, and
having first shaken hands with these, he next did the same with all
present, the whole embassy following his example. This being done, and all
again seated as before, the Delaware Chief, Gelelemend, [FN-2] replied:
* * * * *
[FN-1] The grave.
[FN-2] Commonly called Kill-Buck.
"Grand-children!--You did not come here in vain! You have performed a good
work, in which the Great Spirit assisted you! Your Grandfather makes you
welcome with him."
The meeting, having continued nearly three hours, then broke up. On the
day following, the Chiefs of both nations entered on business relating to
their national concerns, and finally made a mutual covenant for the
continued maintenance of the party and principles of White-Eyes.
It is honorable to the American Congress that after the decease of their
best friend among the Indians, they took measures for the maintenance and
education of his son. On the journals of that body, under date of June
20th, 1785, is the following passage:
"_Resolved,_ That Mr. Morgan [Tamenend, probably,] be empowered and
requested to continue the care and direction of George White-Eyes for one
year, and that the Board of Treasury take order for the payment of the
expenses necessary to carry into execution the views of Congress in this
respect."
The journal of December, 1775, records an interview of Congress with the
father.
CHAPTER IX.
Observations on the character of White-Eyes--Pipe's comment on his
death--The latter gains and sustains an ascendancy in the Delaware
nation--Glickkican, Netawatwees and Wingemund--Subsequent career of
Pipe--Joins the British and fights against the Americans--Grand Indian
council at Detroit--Pipe's spirited speech on that occasion--Makes
charges against the Missionaries, but fails to prove them--Remarks on
his habits, principles and talents.
The feet that Captain Pipe and his associates began to gain the ascendancy
in the Delaware nation immediately on the death of his great antagonist,
and that they afterwards supported it with almost uninterrupted success,
is alone sufficient to indicate the influence and character of White-Eyes.
Indeed, Pipe himself paid to his memory the compliment of declaring, with
a solemn air, that "_the Great Spirit had probably put him out of the way,
that the nation might be saved._" That sagacious personage was well aware
that neither Kill-Buck, nor Big-Cat, nor Glickkican, [FN] nor even all
together, would adequately occupy the station of the deceased Chieftain.
* * * * *
[FN] "_The sight of a gun-barrel,_" and afterwards baptised by the
Moravians, and named Isaac. He was Chief Councilor and Speaker of the old
Sachem, Pakanke, who ruled over the Delawares at Kaskaskunk (in Ohio,)
and was a man of uncommon military and oratorical talent. After his own
christianization, he was a highly efficient advocate and patron of the
Christian party. Having thereby, as well as by his spirit and influence,
become obnoxious to _their_ enemies during the Revolution, several
attempts were made to overawe, bribe and destroy him; but they all
failed. At length a considerable party was fitted out, in 1781, for the
express purpose of taking him prisoner. They found him at Salem, but
doubting whether the old warrior's pacific principles would assure their
safety, they dared not enter his hut. He saw some of them before long
from a window, and instantly stepped out, and called to them. "Friends!"
said he, "by your manoeuvres I conclude you are come for me. If so, why
do you hesitate;--Obey your orders; I am ready to submit. You seem to
fear old Glickkican. Ah! there was a time when I would have scorned to
submit to such cowardly slaves. But I am no more Glickkican, I am Isaac,
a believer in the true God, and for his sake I will suffer anything, even
death." Seeing them still hesitate, he stepped up to them with his hands
placed upon his back. "There!" he continued, "you would tie me if you
dared--tie me, then, and take me with you--I am ready." They now mustered
courage to do as he directed. Soon after, Glickkican was murdered, with a
large number of his Christian countrymen, by a banditti of American
ruffians who suspected, or pretended to suspect them, of hostile designs.
Probably the result was brought about by the machinations of his Indian
enemies.
White-Eyes was distinguished as much for his milder virtues as for his
courage and energy; and as to his friendly disposition towards the
Americans, particularly, on which some imputations were industriously
thrown by his enemies, we could desire no better evidence of its sincerity
than are still extant In that curious document, the Journal of Frederic
Post, [FN] who, as early as 1758, was sent among the Ohio Delawares by the
Governor of one of the States, for the purpose of inducing them to
renounce the French alliance, is recorded, the "speech" which Post carried
back, and the closing paragraphs of which were as follows:--
* * * * *
[FN] In Prond's History of Pennsylvania.
"Brethren, when you have settled this peace and friendship, and finished
it well, and you send the great peace-belt to me, I will send it to all
the nations of my colour; they will all join to it, and we all will hold
it fast.
"Brethren, when all the nations join to this friendship, then the day will
begin to shine clear over us. When we hear once more of you, and we join
together, then the day will be still, and no wind, or storm, will come
over us, to disturb us.
"Now, Brethren, you know our hearts, and what we have to say; be strong,
if you do what we have now told you, and in this peace all the nations
agree to join. Now, Brethren, let the king of England know what our mind
is as soon as possibly you can."
Among the subscribers to this speech appears the name of White-Eyes, under
the form of the Indian term Cochguacawkeghton; nor have we met with any
proof that he ever from that time wavered for a moment in his attachment
to the American interest, as opposed first to the French, and afterwards
to the English. Post himself, in 1762, was permitted to build a house on
the banks of the Muskingum, where he had a lot of land given him, about a
mile distant from the village of White-Eyes; and so, when Heckewelder
first visited that country, during the same season, he informs us that,
"the War-Chief Koguethagechtan," kindly entertained and supplied him and
his party.
About the beginning of the Revolutionary war, when some of the Indians
were much exasperated by murders and trespasses which certain civilized
ruffians committed on the frontiers, an Ohio trader was met and massacred
in the woods by a party of Senecas, who, having in their rage cut up the
body and garnished the bushes with the remains, raised the scalp-yell and
marched off in triumph. White-Eyes being in the vicinity and hearing the
yell, instantly commenced a search for the body, the remnants of which he
collected and buried. The party returned on the following day, and
observing what had been done, privately opened the grave, and scattered
the contents more widely than before. But White-Eyes was this time on the
watch for them. He repaired to the spot again the moment they left it,
succeeded in finding every part of the mangled body, and then carefully
interred it in a grave dug with his own hands, where it was at length
suffered to repose unmolested.
It was about the same time when this affair happened, that the Chieftain
saved the life of one Duncan, an American peace-messenger, whom he had
undertaken to escort through a section of the wilderness. A hostile
Shawanee was upon the point of discharging his musket at Duncan from
behind a tree, when White-Eyes rushed forward, regardless of his own
peril. And compelled the savage to desist. In 1777, Heckewelder had
occasion to avail himself of a similar kindness. Rather rashly, as he
acknowledges, he that year undertook to traverse the forests from the
Muskingum to Pittsburg, wishing to visit his English friends in that
quarter. White-Eves resided at a distance of seventeen miles, but hearing
of his intended journey, he immediately came to see him, accompanied by
another Chief named Wingemund, [FN] and by several of his young men.
* * * * *
[FN] A noted religious impostor.
These, he said, his good friend, the Missionary, should have as an escort.
And moreover he must needs go himself: "He could not suffer me to go,"
says that gentlemen, "while the Sandusky warriors were out on
war-excursions, without a proper escort and _himself_ at my side." And it
should be observed, that besides the Sandusky savages, there were several
other tribes who had already engaged on the British side, and were
spreading death and desolation along the whole of the American frontier.
The party set out together, and reached their destination in safety. An
alarm occurred only on one occasion, when the scouts discovered a
suspicious track, and report was made accordingly. White-Eyes, who was
riding before his friend, while Wingemund brought up the rear, turned
about and asked if he felt afraid? "No!" said the Missionary, "not while
you are with me." "You are right," quickly rejoined White-Eyes. "You are
right; no man shall harm you, till I am laid prostrate." "Nor even then,"
added Wingemund, "for they must conquer me also--they must lay us side by
side." Mr. Heckewelder certainly did them but justice in believing that
both would have redeemed their promises.
The other Moravians, and the Indian Congregation under their charge in
Ohio, were still more indebted to the good Chieftain. Loskiel states [FN]
that in 1774, the Christian party had become obnoxious to a majority of
the Pagan Delaware chiefs, and it was several times proposed to expel them
by force. But God brought their counsel to nought, he adds, "and appointed
for this purpose _the first Captain among the Delawares, called
White-Eyes,_" who kept the chiefs and council in awe, and would not suffer
them to injure the Missionaries. Finding his efforts still unavailing,
he at length went so far as to separate himself wholly from his opponents,
resolved to renounce power, country and kindred for the sake of these just
and benevolent men whom he could not bear to see persecuted.
* * * * *
[FN] History of the Missions of the United Brethren, &c. London, 1794.
His firmness met with a deserved success. Even the old Chief Netawatwees,
who had opposed him most fiercely, acknowledged the injustice which had
been done him; and not only changed his views in regard to the Christians,
but published his recantation in presence of the whole council. White-Eyes
then again came forward, and repeated a proposal for a national regulation
to be made--whereby the Christians should be specially put under the
Delaware protection--which had formerly been rejected. It was promptly
agreed to, and the act was passed. The old Chieftain expressed great joy
on that occasion;--"I am an old man," said he, "and know not how long I
may live. I therefore rejoice, that I have been able to make this act. Our
children and grand-children will reap the benefit of it,--and now I am
ready to die whenever God pleases." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] He died at Pittsburg in 1776, much lamented by the Delawares and
many neighboring nations. "This wise man," says Loskiel, "spared no pains
to conciliate the affection of all his neighbors. He sent frequent
embassies to his _Grand-Children,_ admonishing them to keep peace, and
proved in truth a wise Grandfather to them," Being the Senior Chief of
the nation, his opinion was of great weight, and he declared himself
warmly in favor of the Christians, and first invited them to settle on
the Muskingum. His grandson, nephew, and son and family, also joined
them.
Loskiel states, that White-Eyes was in his own heart convinced of the
truth of the gospel; that this was evident in all his speeches in behalf
of the Christians, during which he was frequently so moved that tears
prevented his words; and that he likewise declared with confidence, that
no prosperity would attend the Indian affairs, unless they received and
believed the saving gospel sent them from God, by means of the Brethren.
Not long before his death he took public occasion to repeat the last will
and testament of Netawatwees,--"That the Delawares should hear the word of
God." He held the bible and some spelling-books in his hand, and addressed
the Council in a strain of the most animated and moving eloquence. "My
friends!" he concluded, "You have now heard the dying wish of our departed
Chief. I will therefore gather together my young men, and their
children--I will kneel down before that Great Spirit who created them and
me--I will pray unto him, that he may have mercy upon us, and reveal his
will unto us,--And as we cannot declare it to those who are yet unborn, we
will pray unto the Lord our God, to make it known to our children and our
children's children."
Still, White-Eyes regarded Christianity more as a civil than a religious
system. He was a man of enlarged political views, and no less a patriot
than a statesman. The ends he aimed at were far more his country's than
his own. He observed the superiority of the white men to the red; and
nearer home, the prosperity and happiness of the Christian Delawares; and
he convinced himself thoroughly of the true causes of both. He therefore
earnestly desired, that his whole nation might be civilized, to which
result he considered Christianity, as he had seen it taught by the good
Moravians, the best possible promotive, as undoubtedly it was.
But in this noble solicitude for his countrymen, he forgot _himself._
Hence even Loskiel, on mentioning his decease, states, with an almost
reluctant honesty, that "Captain White-Eyes, who had so often advised
other Indians, with great earnestness, to believe in the Gospel of Jesus
Christ, _but had always postponed joining the believers himself on account
of being yet entangled in political concerns,_ was unexpectedly called
into eternity;" adding, affectionately, that the "Indian Congregation to
whom he had rendered very essential services, was much affected at the
news of his death, and could not but hope, that God our Saviour had
received his soul in mercy." Mr. Heckewelder sums up the matter by
saying--"His ideas were that unless the Indians changed their mode of
living, they would in time come to nothing; and to encourage them towards
such a change, he told them to take the example of the Christian Indians,
who by their industry had every thing they could wish for." In a word,
there was more philanthropy and more philosophy in the religion of
White-Eyes, than there was piety. Hence his eloquence, his energy, his
strong affection for the Missionaries, and his sacrifices and services for
them and for his countrymen. He was a good man, we believe, by the force
of native conscience, as he was a great man by the force of native sense;
and though to have learned Christianity, in addition to loving some of
those who professed it, might have made him both better and greater than
he was, we cannot but hope, as it is, with the Christian Delawares, "that
God our Saviour has received his soul in mercy."
It would give us very sincere pleasure to be able to say as much for the
Paganism of Captain Pipe, who, on the contrary, was opposed to the
religion of the whites as inveterately as any of the New-England Sachems
of the seventeenth century, and apparently for similar reasons. "The
Sachems of the country were generally set against us," wrote Mr. Elliot in
1650,[FN-1]--"and counter-work the Lord by keeping off their men from
praying to God as much as they can; and the reason of it is this; they
plainly see that religion will make a great change among them, and cut
them off from their former tyranny, &c." Pipe, too, with all his talent,
was obnoxious to some very plain strictures regarding his own morality,
and of course had no theoretical partiality for lectures upon that
subject. [FN-2] He was inimical to White-Eyes, especially, because the
latter supported the cause of reform; and rather than stand second to him,
and at the same time surrender his own bad habits, he determined at all
hazards to array a party in opposition. It was both a personal and a
political movement, the objects being self-defence, in the first place,
and in the second, distinction.
* * * * *
[FN-1] The light appearing, &c. London, 1651.
[FN-2] Narrative, p. 286 and _passim:_ "We were obliged to wait for
Pipe's becoming sufficiently sober,"--&c.
Such being the character of the scheme, it must still be admitted that he
exhibited great energy and great ingenuity in promoting it. Some of his
manoeuvres have been noticed; and after his rival's decease, his own
declarations, particularly, were much more frequent and fearless, and
therefore more effectual than they had been before. "Thus," says
Heckewelder, "when a young man of his tribe, who had received his
education in Virginia, under the influence of Dr. Walker, on his return
into the Indian country in 1779, spread unfavorable reports of the
Virginian people; representing them as exceeding the Indians in vicious
acts--their beating the Negroes so unmercifully, &c. &c. Pipe would
mockingly enumerate such vicious and cruel acts, as the benefits of
civilization." He could at the same time, with truth, set forth the
poverty of the United States, in not having even a blanket, a shirt, or
other article of Indian clothing, to give them in exchange for their
peltry; whereas, (said he) were it not for the English, we should have to
suffer, and perhaps many of us perish for want. Pipe and the Monseys, we
are told elsewhere, were those who were most dreaded, and the effect of
his operations was such, but one year after the decease of White-Eyes in
the midst of his triumphs, that in 1781, the Peace-Chiefs had for their
own safety to withdraw themselves from their several nations, and take
refuge at Pittsburg.
In regard to the personal habits of Pipe, it may be doing him, as well as
several other Indians of some distinction, no more than justice, to allude
in extenuation to the well known nature of the temptations to which they
have sometimes been exposed, and especially on the frontiers, during war,
and the excitement of an attempt by one civilized party to engage their
services against another. The peculiar physical circumstances which,
together with the character of their education, go to diminish their power
of self-control, need not be enlarged on. It is sufficient to say, that it
would be a task more easy than gratifying to prove, that their misfortune
in this particular has only followed after the fault of their civilized
neighbors. "Who are you, my friend?" said a gentleman in Pipe's time to an
Indian at Pittsburg, who was not so much intoxicated as not to be ashamed
of his situation. "My name is Black-fish," he replied; "At home I am a
clever fellow--_Here,_ I am a hog." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Mr. Heckewelder's anecdote of the Indian who came into Bethlehem
(Penn.) to dispose of his peltry, throws light on a great source of the
evil not alluded to in the text, and the effects of which, among the
Western tribes to this day are beyond calculation. "Well Thomas," said a
trader to him, "I believe you have turned Moravian." "Moravian!" answered
the Indian, "what makes you think so?"--"Because," replied the other,
"you used to come to us, to sell your skins and peltry, and now you trade
them away to the Moravians." "So!" rejoined the Indian, "now I understand
you well, and I know what you mean to say. Now hear me.--See, my friend!
when I come to this place with my skins and peltry to trade, the people
are kind; they give me plenty of good victuals to eat, and pay me in
money, or whatever I want, and no one says a word to me about drinking
rum--neither do I ask for it! When I come to your place with my peltry,
all call to me: 'Come, Thomas! here's rum, drink heartily, drink! it will
not hurt yon.' All this is done for the purpose of cheating me. When you
have obtained from me all you want, you call me a drunken dog, and kick
me out of the room."
But we are not under the disagreeable necessity of apologising for every
thing we relate of Captain Pipe. He gave many evidences of a natural honor
and humanity, even amid the bloodiest scenes of the Revolution, and
contrary to the dictation of those who were qualified, by every thing but
feelings, to understand his duty better than himself. Under strong
excitement he attached himself to the British interest, and towards the
close of the war scalping-parties went out from his settlement. He was
also prejudiced against the Christian Indians, and molested them much. But
none of these things were done in his cooler moments; and what is more
creditable to him, there is good reason to believe that he repented of
all. The evidence of this fact appears in a transaction which took place
at Detroit in November, 1781, with the particulars of which, as furnished
by Loskiel and others, we shall conclude this narrative.
On the occasion referred to, a grand Indian Council was convened at
Detroit, at which were present large numbers of various tribes, including
Captain Pipe's Wolf warriors, who had just returned from a scalping
expedition. Four of the Moravian Missionaries were also there, having been
summoned to attend, at the suggestion of Pipe and others, for the purpose
of deciding upon several charges alleged against them. The hall was filled
with the concourse, the tribes being separately seated all around it, on
the right and left hand of the Commandant, while the Delawares, with Pipe
and his Councilors at their head, were directly in front. A war-chief of
each of the two divisions of Indians, held a stick in his hand, of three
or four feet in length, strung with scalps which they had taken in their
last foray on the American frontier.
The Council was opened by the Commandant's signifying to Captain Pipe,
that he might make his report, when the latter rose from his seat, holding
a stick in his left hand:
"Father!"--he began; and here he paused, turned round to the audience with
a most sarcastic look, and then proceeded in a lower tone, as addressing
them,--"I have said _father,_ though indeed I do not know why I should
call _him_ so--I have never known any father but the French--I have
considered the English only as brothers. But as this name is imposed upon
us, I shall make use of it and say--
"Father"--fixing his eyes again on the Commandant--"Some time ago you put
a war-hatchet into my hands, saying, 'take this weapon and try it on the
heads of my enemies, the Long-Knives, and let me know afterwards if it was
sharp and good.'
"Father!--At the time when you gave me this weapon, I had neither cause
nor wish to go to war against a foe who had done me no injury. But you say
you are my father--and call me your child--and in obedience to you I
received the hatchet. I knew that if I did not obey you, you would
withhold from me [FN] the necessaries of life, which I could procure
nowhere but here."
* * * * *
[FN] Meaning his tribe.
"Father! You may perhaps think me a fool, for risking my life at your
bidding--and that in a cause in which I have no prospect of gaining any
thing. For it is your cause, and not mine--you have raised a quarrel among
yourselves--and you ought to fight it out--It is your concern to fight the
Long-Knives--You should not compel your children, the Indians, to expose
themselves to danger for your sake.
"Father!--Many lives have already been lost on _your account_--The tribes
have suffered, and been weakened--Children have lost parents and
brothers--Wives have lost husbands--It is not known how many more may
perish before _your war_ will be at an end.
"Father!--I have said, you may perhaps think me a fool, for thus
thoughtlessly rushing on your enemy! Do not believe this, Father. Think
not that I want sense to convince me, that although you now pretend to
keep up a perpetual enmity to the Long-Knives, you may, before long,
conclude a peace with them.
"Father! You say you love your children, the Indians.--This you have often
told them; and indeed it is your interest to say so to them, that you may
have them at your service.
"But, Father! Who of us can believe that you can love a people of a
different colour from your own, better than those who have a white skin,
like yourselves?
"Father! Pay attention to what I am going to say. While you, Father, are
setting me [FN] on your enemy, much in the same manner as a hunter sets
his dog on the game; while I am in the act of rushing on that enemy of
yours, with the bloody destructive weapon you gave me, I may, perchance,
happen to look back to the place from whence you started me, and what
shall I see? Perhaps, I may see my father shaking hands with the
Long-Knives; yes, with those very people he now calls his enemies. I may
then see him laugh at my folly for having obeyed his orders; and yet I am
now risking my life at his command!--Father! keep what I have said in
remembrance."
* * * * *
[FN] Meaning his nation.
"Now, Father! here is what has been done with the hatchet you gave me,"
[handing the stick with the scalps on it] "I have done with the hatchet
what you ordered me to do, and found it sharp. Nevertheless, I did not do
all that I might have done. No, I did not. My heart failed within me. I
felt compassion for your enemy. Innocence [FN] had no part in your
quarrels; therefore I distinguished--I spared. I took some live flesh,
[FN-2] which, while I was bringing to you, I spied one of your large
canoes, on which I put it for you. In a few days you will receive this
flesh, and find that the skin is of the same color with your own."
* * * * *
[FN-1] Meaning women and children.
[FN-2] Prisoners.
"Father! I hope you will not destroy what I have saved. You, Father, have
the means of preserving that which would perish with us from want. The
warrior is poor, and his cabin is always empty; but your house, Father, is
always full."
During the delivery of this harangue, which is said to have produced a
great effect on all present, and especially on those who understood the
language in which it was spoken, the Orator two or three times advanced so
far towards the Commandant, in the heat of his excitement, that one of the
officers present thought proper to interfere and request him to move back.
The other war-chiefs now made their speeches, and then the Commandant (an
honorable and humane man, notwithstanding the Orator's strictures on his
_Father,_)--called upon him to substantiate his charges against the
Missionaries. Pipe, who was still standing, was unwilling to make the
attempt, but felt embarrassed. He began to shift and shuffle, (says
Loskiel,) and bending towards his Councilors, asked them what he should
say. They all hung their heads, and were silent. Suddenly, recollecting
himself and rising up, he addressed the Commandant "I said before that
some such thing might have happened, but now I will tell you the plain
truth. The Missionaries are innocent. What they have done, they were
compelled to do." [alluding to their having interpreted letters which the
Delaware Chief received from Pittsburg, &c] "We were to blame--We forced
them to it, when they refused." After some farther conversation the
Commandant declared the Missionaries to be acquitted of all the
accusations brought against them.
Pipe expressed his satisfaction at the result, and on returning from the
council-house, he asked some of the Delaware Chieftains who were present
how they liked what he said. He observed, that he knew it was true, and
added; "I never wished your teachers any harm, knowing that they love the
Indians; but, I have all along been imposed on, and importuned to do what
I did by those who do not love them; and now, when these were to speak,
they hung their heads, leaving me to extricate myself, after telling our
Father things they had dictated and persuaded me to tell him." This
declaration has decidedly the air of candor and truth; and the Captain's
subsequent conduct was much more in accordance with the spirit of it than
it had been before. He did not however distinguish himself particularly
after the close of the war, and even the time of his death has not come
within our knowledge, although we have reason to believe that he was
living, and able to visit the City of Washington, as late as 1817.
CHAPTER X.
State of several Southern tribes during the last century--The English
send deputies to the Cherokees, in 1756--Their lives threatened, and
saved by Attakullakulla--Account of that Chieftain and his
principles--The party opposed to him headed by Occonostota--War with the
Colonies in 1759 and two years following--Anecdotes of both these
Chiefs--Saloueh, Fiftoe, and others--Several battles--Peace
concluded--Attakullakulla visits Charleston--His subsequent Career, and
that of Occonostota--Remarks on their character.
Contemporary with the individuals who have just been mentioned, were a
number of noted chieftains among the more Southern tribes. Of them we may
take this occasion to say, that the Chickasaws generally affected the
English interest; and the Creeks, the French;--so that the friendship or
the hostility of Great-Mortar, the Standing-Turkey, the Wolf-King, and the
other leading men among the latter tribe was nearly neutralized, as
regarded the several civilized parties, by the counteraction of the
former.
The Cherokees had been friendly to the English ever since the treaty of
1730; but, owing partly to the influence of the Mortar, and partly to the
direct exertions of the French, they had now become wavering and divided
in sentiment. In 1756, deputies were sent among them, to secure their aid
against the French. A council was convened, and was likely to terminate
favorably, when tidings suddenly came that a party of Cherokees, who had
visited the French on the Ohio, were massacred by some of the Virginians
on their return home. The Council was in an uproar, as much as an Indian
Council could be,--the gravest political assembly on earth,--at once. Many
cried aloud that vengeance should be taken on the persons of the Deputies;
and it was not without a great exertion of influence, that they were at
length rescued by Attakullakulla, or the Little-Carpenter.
This is the earliest appearance of that renowned Chieftain in history,
though he is said to have been already famous both among the Cherokees and
the English, especially for his magnanimity, wisdom, and moderation. Nor
has there ever been, upon the continent, a more faithful or useful friend
to the English cause. We cannot better illustrate his career or his
character than by comparing both with those of White-Eyes; and indeed,
some of the incidents related of _that_ chief, independently of other
circumstances, make it highly probable, that a diplomatic and personal
good understanding was constantly maintained between them.
Like White-Eyes, too, Attakullakulla was opposed by a war-party, the chief
difference being that it was less formally organized, and that it
generally operated in favor of the French. At the head of it was
Occonostota, or the Great-Warrior, a man whose extraordinary prowess
procured him his title, and whose memory is to this day warmly cherished
among his countrymen. Pursuing our comparison, he should remind us of
Pipe; but the suggestion does him injustice. He was not only _for_ war,
but a warrior--in truth, a "_great_ warrior." He fought, and bled, and
led on, where the other appeared only in that capacity of bear-hunter with
dogs, which White-Eyes imputed to him. He was sincere to enthusiasm in his
principles, and frank and fearless almost to fool-hardiness in professing
and pursuing them. He had as much talent as Pipe, and far more virtue.
"Occonostota," says a respectable authority of a date a little subsequent
to that just mentioned, "is returned again from the French fort with
powder and ball, accompanied with some Frenchmen--how many I cannot
learn." And again, soon afterwards,--"Since Occonostota returned from the
French with the goods and ammunition, and has had those assurances from
the Creeks, he says, 'What nation, or what people am I afraid of? I do not
fear all the forces which the great King George can send against me among
these mountains.'" [FN] And yet the Great-Warrior was not rash, as we
shall soon learn from the sequel.
* * * * *
[FN] We refer to Charleston, (S. C.) papers.
A strong excitement followed the provocation already mentioned; and
although the elder part of the nation remained calm, and Attakullakulla
and Occonostota were both against instant war, the French emissaries
wrought so effectually on the younger warriors, that parties of them took
the field, and the English frontiers became the scene of a horrid series
of devastation and massacre. The Governor of South Carolina prepared for
active hostilities, and the militia of the whole Province were summoned to
meet at Congarees.
But no sooner did the Cherokees hear of this movement than they sent
thirty-two of their chief men, among whom was the Great-Warrior, to settle
all differences at Charleston. A conference ensued, the burthen of which
however was assumed by the Governor alone; for when,--after he had made a
long speech of accusations, and concluded with saying that the Deputies
must follow his troops, or he would not be answerable for their
safety,--Occonostota gravely rose to reply, the Governor interrupted him
and forbade him to proceed. He was determined that nothing should prevent
his military expedition; and at all events "he would hear no talk in
vindication of the Orator's countrymen, nor any proposals with regard to
peace." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Ramsay's History of South Carolina.
The Great-Warrior was indignant, and his companions were still more so
than himself. It must be allowed, that the Governor's deportment on this
occasion, independently of his treatment of the Deputies out of Council,
was in the highest degree insulting. The Warrior felt it the more keenly,
because he had been appointed to speak, and had prepared himself. The
Cherokees were conscious, too, that the English had originally occasioned
the war. The sacred respect attached in their view,--as it is in that of
the Indians quite generally even now,--to the dignity of their orators,
may be gathered from the well-authenticated anecdote of the Virginian
Chieftain who was rashly interrupted in a Conference with the English by
one of his own subjects. He split the offender's head with a tomahawk at a
single blow, and then calmly proceeded with his speech. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Beverly.
The Deputies were detained several days, at the end of which they
accompanied the Governor and his troops to Congarees, where were collected
fourteen hundred men. Accompanied, we say,--but not freely; they were even
made prisoners, to prevent their escaping, (as two had already done,) and
a Captain's guard was set over them. No longer, says the historian, could
they conceal their resentment; sullen and gloomy countenances showed that
they were stung to the heart. To make the matter worse, on reaching Fort
Prince-George, on the borders of their own territory, they were all
confined in a miserable hut scarcely sufficient to accommodate a tenth
part of their number.
But the troops becoming discontented and mutinous, the Governor dared not
advance any farther against the enemy. He therefore sent for
Attakullakulla, as being "esteemed the wisest man in the nation, and the
most steady friend to the English." [FN] The summons was promptly obeyed,
and a conference took place on the 17th of December, (1759.) The Governor
made a long speech as before, to the effect that the Great King would not
suffer his people to be destroyed without satisfaction; that he was
determined to have it; and that twenty-four Cherokee murderers, whom he
named, must be given up in the outset, for which he would graciously allow
the term of twenty-four hours.
* * * * *
[FN] Ramsay.
The Little-Carpenter very calmly replied;--He remembered the treaties
alluded to by the Governor, because he had helped to make them. He owned
the good conduct of South Carolina, as also alleged, but complained of
Virginia, as having caused the present misunderstanding. He could not
forbear adding, that the Governor did not treat all the tribes alike, any
more than all the whites treated the Cherokees alike; he remembered that,
when several Carolinians were killed a few years before by the Choctaws,
satisfaction was neither demanded nor given. Finally, he desired the
release of some of the Deputies, that they might assist him in endeavoring
to procure the performance of the Governor's terms, though he was by no
means confident that they either would or could be complied with.
Agreeably to this suggestion, the Governor released the Great-Warrior,
together with Fiftoe and Saloueh, the Chief-Men of the towns of Keowee and
Estatoe. The latter, on the day ensuing, surrendered two Indians, who were
immediately put in irons. But all the Cherokees in the vicinity now fled,
through fear of the same fate, and it became impossible to complete the
required number. Attakullakulla abruptly commenced his return home in
despair; but the moment the Governor ascertained his departure, messengers
were sent to induce him to turn back. The good Chief again obeyed the
summons. A treaty was negotiated, the result of which was that twenty-six
of the deputies were detained "until as many of the murderers should be
given up," nominally by their free consent, but in fact by force. One more
Indian was surrendered, making three in all, and all three soon after died
in confinement at Charleston. The small-pox breaking out in the army about
the same time, the troops dispersed in disorder,--the expedition having
already cost the province 25,000 pounds,--and the Governor returned "in
triumph" to his capital.
But the rejoicings on account of the peace were scarcely over, when news
arrived that the Cherokees had killed fourteen whites within a mile of
Fort George. The Commandant at that station, Captain Coytmore, had become
peculiarly odious to the Indians, and the continued imprisonment of the
Deputies, above all, incensed them beyond endurance. From this moment,
indeed, Occonostota was the fierce enemy of the Province; and he
resolved, much as he despised treachery, to avail himself of the first
opportunity of revenge. With a strong party, he surrounded Fort George,
and kept the garrison confined; but finding that no impression could be
made on the works, he resorted to stratagem.
He placed a party of savages in a dark thicket by the river-side, and then
sent an Indian woman, whom he knew to be always welcome at the fort, to
inform the Commander that he had something of consequence to communicate
and would be glad to speak with him near the water. Coytmore imprudently
consented, and without any suspicions of danger walked down towards the
river, accompanied by Lieutenants Bell and Foster. Occonostota, appearing
upon the opposite side, told him he was going to Charleston, to procure a
release of the prisoners, and would be glad to have white men accompany
him as a safeguard. To cover his dark design he had a bridle in his hand,
and added he would go and hunt for a horse. Coytmore replied that he
should have a guard, and wished he might find a horse, as the journey was
very long. Upon this, the Indian, turning about, swung the bridle thrice
round his head as a signal to the savages placed in ambush, who instantly
fired on the officers, shot the Captain dead, and wounded his two
companions. Orders were riven to put the hostages in irons, to prevent any
further danger from them, which, while the soldiers were attempting to
execute, the Indians stabbed one and wounded two more of them. The
garrison then fell on the unfortunate hostages, and butchered all of them
in a manner too shocking to relate.
There were few men in the Cherokee nation that did not lose a friend or
relative by this massacre, and therefore with one voice all immediately
declared for war. The leaders in every town seized the hatchet; "the
spirits of their murdered brothers were hovering around them and calling
out for vengeance on, their enemies." Large parties of warriors took the
field. Burning with impatience to imbue their hands in the blood of their
enemies, they rushed down among innocent and defenceless families on the
frontiers of Carolina; and there men, women and children, without
distinction, fell a sacrifice to their merciless fury. Such as fled to the
woods and escaped the scalping-knife, perished with hunger; and those whom
they made prisoners were carried into the wilderness, where they suffered
inexpressible hardships. Every day brought fresh accounts of their ravages
and murders.
Great alarm prevailed throughout the Province, and corresponding efforts
were made for defence. Seven troops of rangers were raised to protect the
frontiers. Application was made to Virginia and North Carolina for aid; as
also to General Amherst, Commander-in-Chief of the British forces in
America, who immediately despatched twelve companies to the theatre of
hostilities. The various detachments mustered at Congarees in May, 1760,
and the campaign began with a rapid invasion of the Cherokee territory.
Considerable ravages were speedily made, including the destruction of
Estatoe and Keowee, (the latter of which contained two hundred houses,)
and the army then marched to relieve Fort George.
And now the war grew fervid. Saloueh and Fiftoe had sworn vengeance over
the ashes of their homes, and the soul of the Great-Warrior was hot within
him. The invaders were suffered to pursue their hazardous and difficult
march, through dark thickets and deep defiles, and over mountains, rivers
and swamps, till they came within five miles of Etchoe. Here was a low
valley, covered so thick with bushes that the soldiers could scarcely see
three yards before them. The army was obliged to pass through it, and that
in such a manner as to permit but few of the troops to act together. An
officer was ordered to advance, and scour the thicket with a company of
rangers. He obeyed, but a sudden discharge from unseen fire-arms laid him
dead on the spot, with several of his soldiers. The light-infantry and
grenadiers now charged their enemy,--a heavy fire commenced on both
sides,--and the woods around rang with the warrior's whoop, the shouts of
the soldiery, and the cries of the dying. The action lasted more than an
hour,--the English losing about twenty men killed and eighty
wounded,--when, the Indians slowly retreated and disappeared, carrying off
the bodies of their slain. "Upon viewing the ground," (says our
historian,) "all were astonished to see with what judgment they had chosen
it. Scarcely could the most experienced officer have fixed upon a spot
more advantageous for attacking an enemy." Orders were immediately given
for an expeditious retreat.
Thus Occonostota succeeded in the field. But his heart still thirsted for
blood, and he found means to gratify his revenge in another quarter. Fort
Loudon, (built, like Fort George, on the frontier,) with a garrison of
twenty men, was surrounded by the enraged enemy, and reduced to the
extremities of famine. Under these circumstances Captain Stuart, a
gentleman well known to the Cherokees during a long official and private
intercourse with them, obtained leave to go to Choteh, the town of the
Great-Warrior,--who was sometimes called "_Prince_ of Choteh." A
capitulation was agreed upon with him. The arms of the garrison were
surrendered on the faith of it; and they marched out, on their way towards
Fort George, under the escort of an Indian detachment headed by the Prince
himself. Having gone fifteen miles, they encamped at night near an Indian
town. All the escort left them, but still they remained unmolested. At
length, about day-break, a guard came running in with intelligence that
the woods and bushes around them were full of hideously painted savages,
who had already enclosed them. In a moment after, the enemy rushed upon
them, and fired, and thirty of their number fell dead. The residue either
fled or were captured; and the latter, including Stuart, were pinioned and
sent back to Fort Loudon.
And now Attakullakulla came forward. He had taken no part in the war, on
either side, but Stuart had been his best friend in former times, and he
could not think of seeing him a prisoner and in peril of his life. He
hastened to the fort, and purchased him of his Indian master, giving his
rifle, clothes, and all he could command as a ransom; and then took him
into his own family, and shared with him the provisions which his table
afforded.
Occonostota, meanwhile, had formed the design of attacking Fort George,
and sent messengers throughout the Cherokee country to collect his
warriors for that purpose. At this juncture, a quantity of ammunition was
found in Fort Loudon (where the English captives were still confined)
which the garrison had buried before leaving it, The discovery had nearly
cost Stuart his life, but his protector again rescued him. The Indians,
indeed, found occasion for his services. At a great Council held at
Choteh, whither he was carried, the warrior told him they had resolved to
march against Fort George with a quantity of English cannon, to be managed
by men under his (Stuart's) command, and they wished him previously to
write letters for them to the Commandant, demanding a surrender. If he
refused, they intended to burn his companions, one by one, before his
face.
Captain Stuart was now really uneasy in his situation, and he determined
from this moment to make his escape or perish in the attempt. He privately
communicated his feelings to Attakullakulla, and appealed to his
magnanimity. The old Warrior took him by the hand. "Be calm," said he, "be
calm, my son; I am your friend--trust me." He went forward, and claimed
the Englishman for _his_ prisoner; and then gave out word among his
countrymen, that he intended to "go a-hunting" for a few days, and to take
his Englishman with him.
They set out together, accompanied by the warrior's wife, his brother, and
two others. For provisions they depended on what they might kill by the
way. The distance to the frontier settlements was great, and the utmost
expedition necessary to prevent any surprise from Indians pursuing them.
They traveled nine days and nights through a dreary wilderness, shaping
their course for Virginia, by the light and guidance of the heavenly
bodies. On the tenth they arrived at the banks of Holstein river; where
they fortunately fell in with a party of three thousand men, sent out by
Colonel Bird for the relief of such soldiers as might make their escape
that way from Fort Loudon.
Here the Chieftain was content to relinquish his charge. He bade his
friend farewell, and, as composedly as if the whole transaction were a
matter of course, turned back into the wilderness, and retraced his long
and wearisome journey.
Such was the issue of the first campaign. The spring of 1761 opened with
new efforts on the part of Carolina. A new provincial regiment was raised;
fresh reinforcements of regulars arrived from the north; and numbers of
the Chickasaw and Catawba Indians were induced to give their
assistance--so that, on the 27th of May, an army of two thousand six
hundred men mustered at Fort George.
Latinac, a French officer, was at this time among the Cherokees, and he
proved an indefatigable instigator to mischief. He persuaded them, that
the English would be satisfied with nothing less than to exterminate them,
man, woman, and child, from the face of the earth. He gave them arms, too,
and urged them to war. At a grand meeting of the nation, he brandished his
hatchet, and, striking it furiously into a log of wood, cried out--"Who is
the man that will take this up for the King of France? Where is he? Let
him come forth!" Saloueh, the young Warrior of Estatoe, instantly leaped
forward, laid hold of it, and cried out--"I will take it up. I am for war.
The spirits of the slain call upon us; I will avenge them; and who will
not? He is no better than a woman that refuses to follow me." Many a
fierce look, and many a lifted tomahawk answered the appeal of the Orator,
and again did the war-torrent rush down upon the frontiers.
The Great-Warrior too, more a general, and not less a soldier, was again
ready for his enemy. They commenced their march into the interior on the
7th of June, and advanced unmolested as far as the well remembered
battle-ground of the year previous; but there, the Indian scouts in front
observed a large body of Cherokees posted upon a hill on the right flank
of the army. Immediately the savages, rushing down, began to fire on the
advanced guard, which being supported repulsed them; but they recovered
their heights. Colonel Grant ordered a party to march up the hills, and
drive the enemy from them. The engagement became general, and was fought
on both sides with great bravery. The situation of the troops was in
several respects deplorable--fatigued in a tedious march in rainy
weather--surrounded with woods so that they could not discern the
enemy--galled by the scattering fire of savages who when pressed always
fell back, but rallied again and again. No sooner was any advantage gained
over them in one quarter than they appeared in another. While the
attention of the Commander was occupied in driving the enemy from their
lurking-place on the river's side, his rear was attacked, and so vigorous
an effort made for the flour and cattle, that he was obliged to order a
party back to the relief of the rear-guard. From eight o'clock in the
morning until eleven, the savages continued to keep up an irregular and
incessant fire, sometimes from one place and sometimes from another, while
the woods resounded with hideous war-whoops frequently repeated, but in
different directions. At length the Cherokees gave way and were pursued.
Such is the account of this famous engagement given by history. The
English lost between fifty and sixty killed and wounded. The loss of the
Cherokees was uncertain, as that of an Indian army always is,--they
carried off the slain.
And now commenced a scene of devastation scarcely paralleled in the annals
of the continent. For thirty days, the English army employed themselves in
burning and ravaging the country and settlements of the enemy. "_Heaven
has blest us,_" says a letter-writer from the camp, under date of July
10th, "with the greatest success; we have finished our business as
completely as the most sanguine of us could have wished. All their towns,
fifteen in number, beside many little villages and scattered houses, have
been burnt; upwards of fourteen hundred acres of corn, according to a
moderate computation, entirely destroyed; and near five thousand
Cherokees, men, women and children, driven to the mountains to
starve--their only sustenance for some time past being horseflesh." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Charleston Paper of 1761.
The result of these measures was decisive. A great part of the Cherokee
nation became desirous of procuring peace upon any terms; and the army had
no sooner reached Fort George, than a deputation of about twenty chiefs
visited the camp. Neither the Great-Warrior nor his staunch aid-de-camp,
Saloueh, was among them; but the Man-Killer, came, and the Raven, and Old
Cesar of Hywassih, and at the head of all the Little Carpenter himself.
On the 28th of August they waited upon Colonel Grant, who had prepared a
bower for their reception. Having seated themselves in grave array, the
Little Carpenter was asked, if he had come to sue for peace. He answered
in the affirmative. "Have you authority from the whole nation?" demanded
the Colonel; to which all the chiefs replied that they would confirm
whatever the Carpenter should agree to. The latter then delivered his
talk.--
"_You_ live at the water-side," said he, "and are in light. We are in
darkness; but hope all will yet be clear. I have been constantly going
about doing good, and though I am tired, yet I am come to see what can be
done for my people, who are in great distress." Here he produced the
strings of wampum he had received from the different towns, denoting their
earnest desire of peace, and added,--"As to what has happened, I believe
it has been ordered by our Father above. We are of a different color from
the white people. They are superior to us. But one God is father of us
all, and we hope what is past will be forgotten. God Almighty made all
people. There is not a day but some are coming into, and others going out
of the world. The Great King told me the path should never be crooked, but
open for every one to pass and repass. As we all live in one land, I hope
we shall all love as one people."
This account is taken partly from news-papers of the period under
consideration. Ramsay only adds, that peace was formally ratified; and
that the ancient friendship of the parties being renewed, both expressed
their hope that it would last as long as the sun might shine and the
rivers run. Some little difficulty appears to have occurred in the
adjustment, which should mentioned to the credit of Little-Carpenter. He
consented to every requisition excepting that which demanded the surrender
of four Cherokees, to be put to death in front of the camp. This he would
not promise. The Colonel gave him a day to think of it, but he still
refused. Finally, it was thought advisable to refer him to the Governor,
and he undertook a journey to Charleston, several hundred miles distant,
for the express purpose of procuring a mitigation of the treaty of peace
in regard to the single obnoxious provision.
His perseverance and firmness were rewarded as they deserved. "This day,"
says a Charleston paper of September 23d, "Attakullakulla had his last
public audience, when he signed the treaty of peace, and received an
authenticated copy under the great seal. . . . _He earnestly requested
that Captain John Stuart might be made Chief White-Man_ [Indian Agent] _in
their nation._ He said, 'all the Indians love him; and there would never
be any uneasiness if he were there.' This faithful Indian afterwards dined
with his Honor the Governor, and tomorrow sets out for his own country. He
has received several presents as a mark of the regard this government has
for him."
Thus ended the Cherokee war. That its conduct did no discredit to the
talents of the Great-Warrior, we need not argue. As to the principles upon
which it was fought, we may content ourselves with the comment of an
impartial historian. "In the review of the whole," says Ramsay, "there is
much to blame, and more to regret. The Cherokees were the first aggressors
by taking horses from the Virginians; but by killing them for that offence
the balance of injury was on their side. Then treachery begat treachery,
and murder produced murder. The lives of those men who came originally as
messengers of peace, though afterwards retained as hostages, were
barbarously taken away without any fault of theirs, other than their
obeying the laws of nature in resisting a military order for putting their
persons in irons. A deadly hatred and a desolating war was the
consequence."
We do not meet with frequent mention of either of the Chieftains named in
this chapter, after the campaign of 1761. They fought against the
neighboring tribes occasionally, but with the English they preserved a
firm peace of at least fifteen years. The character of the contest between
England and the Colonies appears to have confused them, and their
embarrassment was not at all relieved by the unsparing efforts made to
instigate them to hostilities against the latter. The result was a
division of opinion, and a diversity of practice, as in the case of their
Northern neighbors. A part of the nation took up arms for the
English,--probably the younger warriors;--but the whole were compelled to
suffer in consequence. A powerful army from South Carolina invaded their
territory, and after a severe struggle, peace was once more enforced at
the point of the bayonet.
It is doubtful whether the Great-Warrior was living at this period, for
his name does not appear in the history of the conflict or the treaty.
Little-Carpenter still survived, but, as usual, took no part in the war.
Indeed he must now have been nearly disabled from very active service by
his advanced age,--as well as disinclined for better reasons,--for he is
believed to have been one of the seven Cherokees who visited England and
were introduced to George II, as early as 1730. But this cannot be
affirmed with certainty.
We shall close our imperfect sketch of this wise and worthy Chieftain,
with the characteristic account of an interview with him, given by
Bertram, author of the well-known Southern Travels. It occurred early in
the Revolution:--
"Soon after crossing this large branch of the Tanase, [in Upper Georgia,]
I observed, descending the heights at a distance, a company of seven
Indians, all well mounted on horseback. They came rapidly forward. On
their nearer approach I observed a Chief at the head of the caravan, and
apprehending him to be the Little Carpenter, Emperor or Grand Chief of the
Cherokees, as they came up I turned off from the path to make way, in
token of respect. The compliment was accepted, and returned, for his
Highness, with a gracious and cheerful smile, came up to me, and clapping
his hand on his breast, offered it to me, saying, '_I am
Attakullaculla,_' and heartily shook hands with me, and asked me '_If I
knew it._' I answered, that the Good Spirit who goes before me, spoke to
me and said, 'That is the great Attakullaculla,' and added that I was of
the tribe of the white men of Pennsylvania, who esteem themselves brothers
and friends to the Red Men, but particularly to the Cherokees, and that
the name of Attakullaculla was dear to his white brethren. After this
compliment, which seemed to be acceptable, he inquired 'if I came lately
from Charleston, and if _John Stuart was well,_' [the agent,] saying that
he was going to see him. I replied that I had come lately from Charleston,
on a friendly visit to the Cherokees; that I had seen the Superintendent,
the Beloved Man, &c. The Great Chief was pleased to answer, that I was
welcome in their country, as a friend and brother, and then shaking hands
heartily he bade me farewell, and his retinue confirmed it by a united
voice of assent."
CHAPTER XI.
The Cayuga Chief, Logan--Some account of his father,
Shikellimus--Residence of Logan--His friendship for the whites
interrupted by their provocations--His family misfortunes--The Shawanee
Silver-Heels--Logan joins in a war of revenge against the
"Long-Knives"--Battle of the Kenhawa--Treaty of Peace with Governor
Dunmore--Logan's celebrated speech--His history
completed--Buckongahelas, the Delaware head War-Chief--His intercourse
with the Christian Indians--Part which he takes in the
Revolution--Defeated by Wayne, in 1794--Anecdotes of him--Death and
character.
Few Indians names have been oftener repeated than that of Logan, and yet
of scarcely any individual of his race is the history which has reached us
less complete. He was a chief of the Six-Nations--a Cayuga--but resided
during most of his life in a western settlement, either at Sandusky or
upon a branch of the Scioto--there being at the former location, a few
years before the Revolution, about three hundred warriors, and about sixty
at the latter.
Logan was the second son of _Shikellimus;_ and this is the same person
whom Heckewelder describes as "a respectable chief of the Six Nations, who
resided at Shamokin (Pennsylvania,) as an agent, to transact business
between them and the Government of the State." In 1747, at a time when the
Moravian Missionaries were the object of much groundless hatred and
accusation, _Shikellimus_ invited some of them to settle at Shamokin, and
they did so. When Count Zinzendorff and Conrad Weiser visited that place,
several years before, they were very hospitably entertained by the Chief,
who came out to meet them (says Loskiel,) with a large fine melon, for
which the Count politely gave him his fur cap in exchange; and thus
commenced an intimate acquaintance. He was a shrewd and sober man,--not
addicted to drinking, like most of his countrymen, because "he never
wished to become a fool." Indeed, he built his house on pillars for
security against the drunken Indians, and used to ensconce himself within
it on all occasions of riot and outrage. He died in 1749, attended in his
last moments by the good Moravian Bishop Zeisberger, in whose presence,
says Loskiel, "he fell happily asleep in the Lord."
Logan inherited the talents of his father, but not his prosperity. Nor was
this altogether his own fault. He took no part except that of peace-making
in the French and English war of 1760, and was ever before and afterwards
looked upon as emphatically the friend of the white man. But never was
kindness rewarded like his.
In the spring of 1774, a robbery and murder occurred in some of the white
settlements on the Ohio, which were charged to the Indians, though perhaps
not justly, for it is well known that a large number of civilized
adventurers were traversing the frontiers at this time, who sometimes
disguised themselves as Indians, and who thought little more of killing
one of that people than of shooting a buffalo. A party of these men,
land-jobbers and others, undertook to punish the outrage in this case,
according to their custom, as Mr. Jefferson expresses it, in a summary
way. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Notes on Virginia.
Colonel Cresap, a man infamous for the many murders he had committed on
those much injured people, collected a party, and proceeded down the
Kenhawa in quest of vengeance. Unfortunately, a canoe of women and
children, with one man only, was seen coming from the opposite shore,
unarmed, and not at all suspecting an attack from the whites. Cresap and
his party concealed themselves on the bank of the river, and the moment
the canoe reached the shore, singled out their objects, and, at one fire,
killed every person in it This happened to be the family of Logan. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Jefferson.
It was not long after this that another massacre took place, under still
more aggravated circumstances, not far from the present site of Wheeling,
Virginia,--a considerable party of the Indians being decoyed by the
whites, and all murdered, with the exception of a little girl. Among
these, too, was both a brother of Logan, and a sister, and the delicate
situation of the latter increased a thousand fold both the barbarity of
the crime and the race of the survivors of the family.
The vengeance of the Chieftain was indeed provoked beyond endurance; and
he accordingly distinguished himself by his daring and bloody exploits in
the war which now ensued, between the Virginians on the one side, and a
combination mainly of Shawanees, Mingoes and Delawares on the other. The
former of these tribes were particularly exasperated by the unprovoked
murder of one of their favorite chiefs, Silver-Heels, who had in the
kindest manner undertaken to escort several white traders across the woods
from the Ohio to Albany, a distance of nearly two hundred miles. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Heckewelder's History.
The civilized party prevailed, as usual. A decisive battle was fought upon
the 10th of October, of the year last named, on Point Pleasant at the
mouth of the Great Kenhawa in West-Virginia, between the Confederates,
commanded by Logan, and one thousand Virginian riflemen constituting the
left wing of an army led by Governor Dunmore against the Indians of the
North-West. This engagement has by some annalists,--who however have
rarely given the particulars of it--been called the most obstinate ever
contested with the natives, and we therefore annex an official account of
it which has fortunately been brought to light within a few years.
"Monday morning, [the 10th,] about half an hour before sun-rise, two of
Capt. Russell's company discovered a large party of Indians about a mile
from camp; one of which was shot down by the Indians. The other made his
escape and brought in the intelligence; two or three minutes after, two of
Capt. Shelby's men came in and confirmed the account.
"Col. Andrew Lewis being informed thereof, immediately ordered out Col.
Charles Lewis to take the command of one hundred and fifty men, of the
Augusta troops; and with him went Capt. Dickinson, Capt. Harrison, Capt.
Wilson, Capt. John Lewis of Augusta, and Capt. Lockridge, which made the
first division; Col. Fleming was ordered to take command of one hundred
and fifty more, consisting of Botetrout, Bedford and Fincastle
troops--viz: Capt. Bufort of Bedford, Capt. Love of Botetrout, and Capt.
Shelby and Capt. Russell of Fincastle, which made the second division.
Col. Charles Lewis's division marched to the right some distance from the
Ohio; Col. Fleming, with his division, up the bank of the Ohio, to the
left. Col. Lewis's division had not marched quite half a mile from camp,
when about sun-rise, an attack was made on the front of his division, in a
most vigorous manner, by the united tribes of Indians, Shawanees,
Delawares, Mingoes, Iaways, and of several other nations, in number not
less than eight hundred, and by many thought to be a thousand. In this
heavy attack Col. Lewis received a wound which in a few hours occasioned
his death, and several of his men fell on the spot; in fact the Augusta
division was forced to give way to the heavy fire of the enemy. In about a
minute after the attack on Col. Lewis's division, the enemy engaged the
front of Col. Fleming's division, on the Ohio; and in a short time the
Colonel received two balls through his left arm, and one through his
breast, and after animating the officers and soldiers, in a spirited
manner, to the pursuit of victory, retired to camp.
"The loss of the brave Colonels from the field was sensibly felt by the
officers in particular; but the Augusta troops being shortly after
reinforced from camp by Col. Fields with his company, together with Capt.
McDowel, Capt. Mathews and Capt. Stuart, from Augusta, and Capt. Arbuckle
and Capt McClenahan, from Botetrout, the enemy, no longer able to maintain
their ground, was forced to give way till they were in a line with the
troops of Col. Fleming, left in action on the bank of Ohio. In this
precipitate retreat Col. Field was killed. Capt. Shelby was then ordered
to take the command. During this time, it being now twelve o'clock, the
action continued extremely hot. The close underwood, and many steep banks
and logs, greatly favored their retreat, and the bravest of their men made
the best use of them, whilst others were throwing their dead into the Ohio
and carrying off their wounded.
"After twelve o'clock the action, in a small degree, abated; but continued,
except at short intervals, sharp enough till after one o'clock. Their long
retreat gave them a most advantageous spot of ground, from whence it
appeared to the officers so difficult to dislodge them that it was thought
most advisable to stand as the line was then formed, which was about a
mile and a quarter in length, and had till then sustained a constant and
equal weight of the action, from wing to wing. It was till about half an
hour of sunset they continued firing on us scattering shots, which we
returned to their disadvantage; at length night coming on, they found a
safe retreat. They had not the satisfaction of carrying off any of our
men's scalps, save one or two stragglers, whom they killed before the
engagement. Many of their dead they scalped rather than we should have
them; but our troops scalped upwards of twenty of those who were first
killed. It is beyond a doubt their loss in number far exceeds ours, which
is considerable." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Niles's Register, Vol. XII.
The Virginians lost in this action two of their Colonels, four Captains,
many subordinate officers, and about fifty privates killed, besides a much
larger number wounded. The Governor himself was not engaged in the battle,
being at the head of the right wing of the same army, a force of fifteen
hundred men, who were at this time on their expedition against the towns
of some of the hostile tribes in the North-West.
It was at the treaty ensuing upon this battle that the following speech
was delivered,--sufficient to render the name of Logan famous for many a
century. It came by the hand of a messenger, sent, (as Mr. Jefferson
states,) that the sincerity of the negotiation might not be distrusted on
account of the absence of so distinguished a warrior as himself.
"I appeal to any white man to say, if he ever entered Logan's cabin
hungry, and he gave him not meat; if he ever came cold and naked, and he
clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody war, Logan
remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for
the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, 'Logan is
the friend of white men.' I had even thought to have lived with you, but
for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold
blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not sparing
even my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins
of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it; I
have killed many; I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I
rejoice at the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought that mine is
the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to
save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan?--Not one."
Of this powerful address, Mr. Jefferson says, "I may challenge the whole
orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more eminent orator, if
Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a single passage, superior
to the speech of Logan;" and an American statesman and scholar, scarcely
less illustrious than the author of this noble eulogium, has expressed his
readiness to subscribe to it. [FN] It is of course unnecessary for any
humbler authority to enlarge upon its merits. Indeed, they require no
exposition; they strike home to the soul.
* * * * *
[FN] Clinton's Historical Discourse: 1811.
The melancholy history of Logan must be dismissed with no relief to its
gloomy colors. He was himself a victim to the same ferocious cruelty which
had already rendered him a desolate man. [FN] Not long after the treaty a
party of whites murdered him, as he was returning from Detroit to his own
country. It grieves us to add, that towards the close of his life, misery
had made him intemperate. No security and no solace to Logan, was the
orator's genius or the warriors glory.
* * * * *
[FN] Drake's Biography.
Campbell, in his _Gertrude of Wyoming,_ has appropriated the affecting
sentiment of Logan to an Indian hero of his own, but the sin of the
transfer may be excused for its skill.
. . . "He left of all my tribe
Nor man nor child, nor thing of living birth;
No! not the dog, that watched my household hearth,
Escaped, that night of blood, upon our plains!
All perished! I alone am left on Earth!
To whom nor relative nor blood remains,
No!--not a kindred drop that runs in human veins!"
A more noted personage in his own time than even Logan, was the Delaware
Buckongahelas, who rose from the station of a private warrior to be, as
Heckewelder calls him, the head war-chief of his nation. That writer
speaks of meeting him at Tuscaroras as early as 1762: and the Chieftain
accordingly reminded him of the fact when, in 1781, he visited the
settlement of the Christian Indians in Ohio. His deportment on that
occasion was singularly characteristic of the man; for all writers agree
in representing him as fearless, frank and magnanimous. It should be
premised, that he lived on the Miami, and being rather in the British
interest, was disposed to watch quite closely the movements of the
peace-party. What he _did,_ however, he did openly, and he never hesitated
to explain himself with the same freedom.
One morning, late in the season last named, two Christian Indians of
Gnadenhutten having gone out to look in the woods for strayed horses, were
met by a chieftain at the head of eighty warriors, who without ceremony
made them both captives. "Then," says Heckewelder, "taking a course
through the woods, until they had come within a short distance of
Gnadenhutten, they rested until nearly break of day, guarding the
Brethren, that they might not escape and give information of them. The day
approaching, they moved on, and having surrounded the town completely,
hailed the inhabitants, to deliver into their hands the chief, Gelelemend,
(Kill-Buck) with the other chiefs and councilors; whom they must have
either alive or dead." [FN] The party being informed, that not one of
those they were in search of, was here at the time, but had all gone to
Pittsburg some time past, they then searched every house, stable and
cellar; and being finally satisfied that they had been told the truth,
they demanded that deputies, consisting of the principal men of the three
towns, should be called together, to hear what they had to say to them.
The principal men assembled from Salem and Shonbrun; and Buckongahelas,
for such they discovered him to be, addressed them as follows:
* * * * *
[FN] Their object was, to take these off to a place where they would have
them under _their_ control, and prevent them from governing the nation
while the war lasted; it being a custom with the Indians, that as soon as
the peace-chief has gave his consent to war measures, his office ceases,
and the power is vested in the head captains of the nation, until his
services, in making peace are again wanted.
"Friends!--Listen to what I say to you! You see a great and powerful
nation divided! You see the father fighting against the son, and the son
against the father!--The father has called on his Indian children, to
assist him in punishing his children, the Americans, who have become
refractory!--I took time to consider what I should do--whether or not I
should receive the hatchet of my father, to assist him!--At first I looked
upon it as a family quarrel, in which I was not interested--However, at
length it appeared to me, that the father was in the right; and his
children deserved to be punished a little!--That this must be the case, I
concluded from the many cruel acts his off-spring had committed from time
to time, on his Indian children; in encroaching on their land, stealing
their property, shooting at, and murdering without cause, men, women and
children--Yes! even murdering those, who at all times had been friendly to
them, and were placed for protection under the roof of their father's
house--The father himself standing centry at the door, at the time."
The writer here referred to a number of Pennsylvanian Indians, murdered in
a _jail,_ where they were placed for security against the whites. The
sentry was the jailer. He continued thus:
"Friends! Often has the father been obliged to settle, and make amends for
the wrongs and mischiefs done to us, by his refractory children, yet these
do not grow better! No! they remain the same, and will continue to be so,
as long as we have any land left us! Look back at the murders committed by
the Long-Knives on many of our relations, who lived peaceable neighbors to
them on the Ohio! Did they not kill them without the least
provocation?--Are they, do you think, better now than they were then?--No,
indeed not; and many days are not elapsed since you had a number of these
very men at your doors, who panted to kill you, but fortunately were
prevented from so doing by the _Great Sun,_ [FN] who, at that time, had
been ordained by the Great Spirit to protect you!"
* * * * *
[FN] The name the Indians had given to Col. Daniel Broadhead.
"Friends and relatives!--Now listen to me, and hear what I have to say to
you.--I am myself come to bid you rise and go with me to a secure place!
Do not, my friends, covet the land you now hold under cultivation. I will
conduct you to a country [FN] equally good, where your fields shall yield
you abundant crops, and where your cattle shall find sufficient pasture;
where there is plenty of game; where your women and children, together
with yourselves, will live in peace and safety; where no Long Knife shall
ever molest you!--Nay! I will live between you and them, and not even
suffer them to frighten you!--There, you can worship your God without
fear!--Here, where you are, you cannot do this!--Think on what I have now
said to you, and believe, that if you stay where you now are, one day or
another the Long-Knives will, in their usual way, speak fine words to you,
and at the same time murder you!"
* * * * *
[FN] The Miami country.
To this speech the Brethren replied by civilly declining the proposition
of the Orator; and he then offered a new one,--that they should permit all
who wished to leave them, to do so. Thus the matter was settled.
Buckongahelas then proceeded to another village of the Christian
Delawares, Salem, before entering which place he cautioned his warriors to
leave their arms behind them, "lest the women and children should be
frightened." "And destroy nothing," he added, "which belongs to our
friends; no, not even one of their _chickens._" The conference which
ensued with the Salem authorities is thus stated by Mr. Heckewelder, who
was present.
"The Christian Indians," said the Chieftain, "were a happy people; and he
would never trouble them on account of their not joining in the
war.--Indeed, they could not with propriety join in wars, without first
renouncing praying, [meaning Christianity].--And every Indian, or body of
Indians, had a right to choose for themselves, whom they would serve!--For
him, he had hired himself to his father, the king of England, for the
purpose of fighting against his refractory children, the Long-Knives;
whilst his friends and relations, the Christian Indians, had hired
themselves to the Great Spirit, solely for the purpose of performing
prayers!" [meaning, attending to religion]--"He added, that both were
right in their way, though both employments could not be connected
together. And only yesterday they were told, whilst at Gnadenhutten, that
God had instructed all Christian people to love their enemies--and even to
pray for them!--These words, he said, were written in the large book that
contained the words and commandments of God!--Now, how would it appear,
were we to compel our friends, who love and pray for their enemies, to
fight against them!--compel them to act contrary to what they believe to
be right!--force them to do that by which they would incur the displeasure
of the Great Spirit, and bring his wrath upon them!--That it would be as
wrong in him to compel the Christian Indians to quit praying and turn out
to fight and kill people, as it would be in them to compel him to lay
fighting aside, and turn to praying only!--He had often heard it stated,
that the believing Indians were slaves to their teachers, and what these
commanded them to do, they _must_ do, however disagreeable to them!--Now,
(said he) how can this be true, when every Indian is a free man, and can
go where he pleases!--Can the teacher stop him from going away?--No! he
cannot!--well! how can he then be made a slave by the teacher!--When we
come here among our friends, we see how much they love their
teachers.--This looks Well!--Continue, my friends, (said he to the
national assistants) in loving your teachers, and in doing all good
things; and when your friends and relations come to see you, satisfy their
hunger as you have done to us this day!" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Narrative of the Christian Indians.
Having taken leave of all who were in the house, he proceeded to the
middle of the street, from whence he addressed the inhabitants of the
place and thanked them for their hospitality, assuring them of his regard
and good wishes for them, and adding, that "If at any time they should
hear it said, that Pachgantschihilas was an enemy to the believing
[Christian] Indians; they should consider such words as lies!"
The reasoning of the Chieftain speaks for itself. His predictions in
regard to the fate of the Christian Delawares, were but too speedily
accomplished. But it was no fault of his; and indeed, in 1783, when
Captain Pipe sent word to him not to suffer any of them to leave his
territory, he returned answer, with his usual spirit, that he never would
prevent them from going to their teachers. "And why did you expect them?"
he added. "Did I not tell you beforehand, that if you drove the teachers
off, the believing Indians would follow them? But you would not listen to
me, and now we lose both! Who, think you, is the cause of all the
disasters, which have befallen these people! _I say you!--You!_ who
threatened them with destruction! _You,_ who instigated the Wyandots to
act the treacherous part they did,--agreeing with them, that, as a
recompense for their services, they should be entitled to all the plunder
they could lay hold of!"
In Dawson's Memoirs of Harrison, Buckongahelas is mentioned as being
present at a council of the chiefs of various tribes, called at Fort Wayne
in 1803, for the purpose of ratifying a negotiation for land, already
proposed in a former one which met at Vincennes. The Governor carried his
point, chiefly by the aid of an influential Miami chief and by being
"_boldly seconded in every proposition_" by the Pottawatamies, who (as Mr.
Dawson states,) "_were entirely devoted to the Governor._" It is not our
intention here to discuss at length the character of this transaction,
which rather belongs to the general history of the period. How the
Delaware Chief and the Shawanees understood it, and how they expressed
their sentiments, may be inferred from the following statement of
Dawson:--
"When the transaction at the council of Vincennes was mentioned, it called
forth all the wrath of the Delawares and the Shawanees. The respected
Buckongahelas so far forgot himself that he interrupted the Governor, and
declared with vehemence, that nothing that was done at Vincennes was
binding upon the Indians; that the land which was there decided to be the
property of the United States, belonged to the Delawares; and that he had
then with him a chief who had been present at the transfer made by the
Piankishaws to the Delawares of all the country between the Ohio and White
rivers, more than thirty years before. The Shawanees went still further,
and behaved with so much insolence, that the Governor was obliged to tell
them that they were undutiful and rebellious children, and that he would
withdraw his protection from them until they had learnt to behave
themselves with more propriety. These Chiefs immediately left the council
house in a body."
Subsequently the Shawanees submitted, though it does not appear that
Buckongahelas set them the example; and thus, says the historian, the
Governor overcame all opposition, and carried his point.
But he did not gain the good will, or subdue the haughty independence of
the War-Chief of the Delawares, who, as long as he lived, was at least
consistent with himself in his feelings towards the American people. Nor
yet was he in the slightest degree servile in his attachment to the
British. He was not their instrument or subject, but their ally; and no
longer their ally, than they treated him in a manner suitable to that
capacity and to his own character.
He was indeed the most distinguished warrior in the Indian confederacy,
and as it was the British interest which had induced the Indians to
commence, as well as to continue the war, Buckongahelas relied on their
support and protection. This support had been given, so far as relates to
provisional arms, and ammunition; and in the celebrated engagement, on the
20th of August, 1794, which resulted in a complete victory by General
Wayne over the combined hostile tribes, there were said to be two
companies of British militia from Detroit on the side of the Indians.
[FN-1] But the gates of Fort Mimms being shut against the retreating and
wounded Indians, after the battle, opened the eyes of Buckongahelas, and
he determined upon an immediate peace with the United States, and a total
abandonment of the British. He assembled his tribe and embarked them in
canoes, with the design of proceeding up the river, and sending a flag of
truce to Fort Wayne. Upon approaching the British fort, he was requested
to land, and he did so. "What have you to say to me?" said he, addressing
the officer of the day. It was replied, that the commanding officer wished
to speak with him. "Then he may come here," was the reply. "He will not do
that," said the officer, "and you will not be suffered to pass the fort if
you do not comply." "What shall prevent me?" said the intrepid Chief.
"These," said the officer, pointing to the cannon of the fort. "I fear not
your cannon," replied the Chief. "After suffering the Americans to defile
[FN-2] your spring, without daring to fire on them, you cannot expect to
frighten Buckongahelas;" and he ordered the canoes to push off, and passed
the fort.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Dawson's Memoirs.
[FN-2] This was spoken metaphorically, to express the contempt and insult
with which the garrison had been treated by the Americans, for their
treachery towards the Indians who had been their allies.
Never after this would he, like the other chiefs, visit the British, or
receive presents from them. "Had the great Buckongahelas lived," says Mr.
Dawson, alluding to these circumstances, "he would not have suffered the
schemes projected by the Prophet (brother of Tecumseh) to be matured." And
the same writer states, that on his death-bed he earnestly advised his
tribe to rely on the friendship of the United States, and desert the cause
of the British. This was in 1804.
It is said of Buckongahelas, that no Christian knight ever was more
scrupulous in performing all his engagements. Indeed he had all the
qualifications of a great hero. His perfect Indian independence,--the
independence of a noble _nature,_ unperceived to itself, and unaffected to
others,--is illustrated by an authentic anecdote which will bear
repetition.
In the year 1785, he was present, with many other chiefs of various
tribes, at a treaty negotiated by order of Congress at Fort McIntosh on
the Ohio river. When the peace-chiefs had addressed the Commissioners of
the United States, who were George Rogers Clark, Arthur Lee, and Richard
Butler, the two latter of whom he did not deign to notice, approaching
General Clark and taking him by the hand, he thus addressed him: "I thank
the Great Spirit for having this day brought together two such great
warriors as Buckongahelas and General Clark." [FN] The sentiment reminds
one of the Little-Carpenter's address to Mr. Bartram:--"I am
Attakullakulla;--did you know it?"
* * * * *
[FN] Dawson's Memoirs.
CHAPTER XII.
Some account of the Shawanees, the tribe of Tecumseh--Anecdotes
illustrative of their character--Early history and lineage of
Tecumseh--His first adventures as a warrior--His habits and
principles--His brothers Kumshaka and Elskwatawa--The first open
movements of the latter, in 1806--He assumes the character of
Prophet--His doctrines--His mode of operation upon his countrymen--Other
Indian Pretenders--Anecdote of a Shawanee Chief, at Fort Wayne--Tanner's
account of the ministry of the Elskwatawa's Agents--Concert traced
between them--Witchcraft-superstition--Anecdotes of Teteboxti, The
Crane, Leather-Lips, and others.
As the distinguished personage whose history now claims our attention, was
a member of the Kishopoke tribe of the Shawanee nation, a brief account of
that somewhat celebrated community may not be irrelevant in this
connection.
As their name indicates, they came originally from the _South,_ (that
being the meaning of the Delaware word _Shawaneu;_) and the oldest
individuals of the Mohican tribe, their _elder brother,_ [FN] told Mr.
Heckewelder, they dwelt in the neighborhood of Savannah, in Georgia, and
in the Floridas. "They were a restless people," we are further informed,
"delighting in wars;" and in these they were so constantly engaged, that
their neighbors,--the Cherokees, Choctaws, Creeks, Yamassees, and other
powerful tribes,--finally formed a league, offensive and defensive, for
the express purpose of expelling them from the country. But the Shawanees
were too wise to contend with such an enemy, and they adopted the more
prudent policy of asking permission to leave their territories peaceably,
and migrate northward. This favor being granted them, their main body
settled upon the Ohio; some of them as far up as where the French
afterwards built Fort Duquesne,--now Pittsburg,--others, about the forks
of the Delaware, and a few even upon the site of what is now Philadelphia.
* * * * *
[FN] So called, because their separation from the parent stock was one of
the most ancient of which the tradition was distinctly preserved.
Following the same principle, the Delawares themselves have uniformly
given the title of _Uncle_ to the Wyandots.
Those who remained on the Ohio becoming numerous and powerful, it was not
long before they crossed the Allegheny mountains, and fell upon a
settlement of the Delawares, on the Juniata,--of which very people, their
_grandfather,_ they had solicited peace and protection, through the
interposition of the Mohicans, on their first arrival in the country.
Murders were committed, plunder was carried off, and a war ensued. As soon
as this could be disposed of, they engaged in the French war, which broke
out in 1755, against the English. That being terminated in 1763, and the
tribe being elated by its increased numbers, and by the strong confederacy
now established between themselves and the Delawares, they commenced
hostilities against the Cherokees. In the course of this war, the latter
occasionally pursued the aggressors into the Delaware territories, and
thus that nation was aroused again. The union of forces which ensued,
added to the already existing hostility of the Five Nations, proved too
much for the Cherokees, and in 1768, they solicited and obtained a peace.
Owing chiefly to the influence of the Delawares, the Shawanees were now
kept quiet for the unusually long term of six years, when they were
involved in a war with the people of Virginia,--then comprising
Kentucky,--occasioned by the noted murders committed upon Logan's
relations and others, by white people. The burning of some of their
villages had scarcely driven them to a sort of truce with mis new enemy,
when the war of the Revolution commenced, in which they allied themselves
with the English, and continued openly hostile, notwithstanding the peace
of 1783, until the famous victory of General Wayne, in 1795.
Their reputation as warriors suffered nothing during all this long series
of hostile operations. The first settlers of Kentucky were molested and
harassed by them, more than by any other tribe. Boone, who was taken
captive by them in 1778, saw four hundred and fifty of their warriors
mustered at one place,--still called Chilicothe,--ready for a foray among
the white settlements, which soon after ensued. Marshall, in his History
of Kentucky, gives the particulars of an expedition against them, the
season after this, in which, "many of the best men in the country were
privates;" the invaders were defeated and driven off, and nearly two
hundred of them pursued with considerable loss, by about thirty of the
Shawanees. "Of all the Indians who had been marauding in the country," the
same writer observes elsewhere, "the Shawanees had been the most
mischievous, as they were the most active." Loskiel represents the tribe
in question as "the most _savage_ of the Indian nations."
An incident, showing the disposition which they manifested, even at this
period, (1773,) towards their American neighbors, may throw some light
upon their character, and upon subsequent events. The celebrated
missionary, Zeisberger, visited some of their settlements, during the year
last named, in the hope of establishing a mission among them. At one of
their villages, he met with the head-chief of the tribe. The latter gave
him his hand and addressed him: "This day," said he, "the Great Spirit has
ordered that we should see and speak with each other, face to face." He
then entered into a long detail of the practices of the white people,
describing their manner of deceiving the Indians, and finally affirmed
that they were all alike,--all hypocrites and knaves. The Missionary made
some reply to these charges, but the Chief was "so exceedingly exasperated
against the white people," adds Loskiel, "that brother Zeisberger's
exhortation seemed to have little weight with him." He at length gave the
Preacher permission to visit the other Shawanee towns, taking care to
suggest, as a parting word of comfort, that he must rely upon having his
brains beat out very speedily. Thirty years previous to this, when Count
Zinzendorff himself went among the Wyoming Shawanees, to convert them,
they rewarded that pious pilgrim for his labor of love, by conspiring to
murder him; but, by a fortunate accident, he escaped safe from their
hands.
On the whole, setting aside for the present the history of this nation for
the last thirty years, during which we have suffered most from them, it
would seem that a more warlike or more hostile people has scarcely existed
upon the continent. Where, rather than here, should we look for the birth
and education of Tecumseh, [FN] the modern Philip, and when, rather than
at the stormy period of the Revolution? Probably, at the very time when
the troops of our Congress (in 1780,) were expelling them westward from
the river Scioto, and burning their villages behind them, the young hero,
who afterwards kindled the flame of war upon the entire frontier of the
States, by the breath of his own single spirit, was learning his first
lessons of vengeance amid the ruins of his native land, and in the blood
of his countrymen.
* * * * *
[FN] Pronounced by the Indians _Tecumthe_ and sometimes so written.
His native land, we say, for it is tolerably well ascertained that he was
born on the banks of the Scioto, near Chilicothe. His father, who was a
noted Shawanee warrior, fell at the battle of Kenhawa, while Tecumseh was
yet a mere boy. His mother is said by some to have been a Shawanee, and by
others a Creek; but he is understood himself to have told a gentleman at
Vincennes, in 1810, that she was a Cherokee, who had been taken prisoner
in a war between that nation and the Shawanees, and adopted, according to
Indian custom, into a family of the latter nation which resided near the
Miami of the Lake. This account is confirmed by the circumstance of this
woman having migrated into the Cherokee territory in advanced age, and
died there. The _totem_ of her tribe is said to have been a turtle, and
that of the father's a tiger.
From all the information which can now be gathered respecting the early
years of Tecumseh, it appears that he gave striking evidence in his
boyhood of the singular spirit which characterized him through life. He
was distinguished for a steady adherence to principle, and generally to
that of the best kind. He prided himself upon his temperance and his
truth, maintaining an uncommon reputation for integrity, and, what is
still rarer among his countrymen, never indulging in the excessive use of
food or liquor. He would not marry until long after the customary period;
and then, as a matter of necessity, in consequence of the solicitations of
friends, he connected himself with an elderly female, who was, perhaps,
not the handsomest or most agreeable lady in the world, but nevertheless
bore him one child, his only offspring. With this exception, he adopted in
his matrimonial life, the _practices_ of the sect of Shakers, whose
_principles,_ as is well known, were afterwards so strenuously promulgated
by his brother, the Prophet, that a certain prime functionary in that
denomination gave him the credit of being as good a disciple as himself.
[FN] Whether there was an express concert or actual cooperation between
the two, at this early period, respecting this or any other project or
policy in which they subsequently engaged together, does not appear to be
positively ascertained.
* * * * *
[FN] See an authority cited at large in the following pages.
It is not to be supposed, that any remarkable achievements of the young
warrior in his first battles, should be preserved on record. Some
Shawanees have said that he made his _debut_ in an engagement with the
Kentucky troops, which took place on the banks of Mad River; that in the
heat of the skirmish he most ungallantly turned right-about-face, and made
the best of his way from the field, with all possible diligence,--and that
too while one of his brothers stood his ground with the other Indians, and
fought till he was wounded and carried off. It must be admitted, this was
not so creditable a proceeding as may be conceived; but the extreme youth
of the party goes some way to explain, as his subsequent conduct did to
excuse it.
But from this time, whatever might be his animal courage, he was never
known to shrink. Indeed, previously to the treaty of Greenville, (in 1795)
when he was probably about twenty-five years of age, he is said to have
signalized himself so much, as to have been reputed one of the boldest of
the Indian warriors. No individual was more regularly engaged in those
terrible incursions by which the first settlers of Kentucky were so much
harassed; and few could boast of having intercepted so many boats on the
Ohio river, or plundered so many houses on the civilized shore. He was
sometimes pursued, but never overtaken. If the enemy advanced into his own
country, he retreated to the banks of the Wabash, until the storm had
passed by; and then, just as they were laying aside the sword for the axe
and plough-share, swooped down upon them again in their own settlements.
It goes to show the disinterested generosity always ascribed to him, that,
although the booty collected in the course of these adventures must have
been very considerable in quantity and value, he rarely retained any
portion of it for his own use. His ruling passion was the love of glory,
as that of his followers was the love of gain; and, of course, a
compromise could always be effected between them, to the perfect
satisfaction of both parties. He was a feudal baron among boors. It
remained for subsequent occasions, then little dreamed of to show that his
temperament, like his talent, was even better adapted to the management of
a large engagement, than to the _melee_ of a small one.
We have now arrived at an epoch in his life, when it is no longer possible
to give his own history to much advantage, but by connecting it with that
of his celebrated brother, the Prophet already mentioned. The name of this
personage was Elskwatawa. [FN] He and Tecumseh, and still another,
Kumshaka, were the offspring of the same mother at the same birth.
Probably there was an understanding between the three, at an early date,
respecting the great plans which the prophet and the orator afterwards
carried into execution; but as we hear little or nothing of the subsequent
co-operation of Kumshaka, it may be presumed that he did not
live,--employment would certainly have been found for him, if he had.
* * * * *
[FN] Meaning, says Mr. Schoolcraft, _a fire that is moved from place to
place._ Elsewhere we find him called Olliwayshila, on good authority. A
compromise may be effected, by suggesting that he assumed various names
at various periods.
It is said to have been about the year 1804, when the two brothers, who
afterwards acted so prominently together, first conceived the project of
uniting all the western Indians in a defensive and perhaps belligerent
combination against the Americans. The probable inducements in their minds
to the adoption of that policy, being rather a matter of speculation than
history, will be left for subsequent comment. The course actually taken to
effect the proposed object admits of little controversy. Elskwatawa
summarily undertook to personate a religious character, and began
preaching in the summer of 1804.
He inculcated, in the first place, that a radical reform was necessary in
the manners of the red people. This was proved, by enlarging upon the
evils which had ensued from the neighborhood of the whites,--the imitation
of their dress and manners, the introduction of ardent spirits, diseases,
contentions, and wars; by the vast diminution of the means of subsistence,
and the narrowed limits of territory to which they were now hemmed in; and
by other considerations of the most irritating, as well as plausible kind,
the force of which was not at all lessened by occasional comment on
particular transactions, and glowing references to the long, peaceful, and
happy lives of their forefathers. That point being gained, and a favorable
excitement produced, the next thing in order was his own commission from
the Great Spirit. This was authenticated by the astonishing miracles he
was able to perform, and still more by the great benefits he proposed to
confer on his followers.
The budget of reform was then brought forward. There was to be no more
fighting between the tribes,--they were brethren. They were to abandon the
use of ardent spirits, and to wear skins, as their ancestors had done,
instead of blankets. Stealing, quarreling, and other immoral modern habits
were denounced. Injunctions of minor importance seem to have been enforced
merely with a view to test the pliability of savage superstition, to
embarrass the jealous scrutiny of those who opposed or doubted, and to
establish a superficial uniformity whereby the true believers should be
readily distinguished. The policy of the more prominent tenets cannot be
mistaken. Just in proportion to their observance, they must inevitably
promote the independence of the Indian nations, first, by diminishing
their dependence upon the whites, and, secondly, by increasing their
intercourse and harmony with each other.
In addressing himself to such subjects, with such a system, Elskwatawa
could hardly fail of success. For some years, indeed, his converts were
few; for, great as the influence is which a man of his pretentions
exercises over his ignorant countrymen, when his reputation is once fairly
acquired, it is by no means so easy an undertaking to establish it in the
outset.
The means used by Elskwatawa, or by him and Tecumseh in concert, to effect
the object in his own case, are more indicative of the talent of both,
than the conception of the policy itself, which was comparatively
common-place. A prophet is a familiar character among the Indians, and
always has been. "The American impostors," said Charlevoix, "are not
behind-hand with any in this point; and as by chance (if we will not allow
the devil any share in it,) they sometimes happen to divine or guess
pretty right, they acquire by this a great reputation, and are reckoned
_genii_ of the first order." Mr. Tanner, who has recently published a
narrative of his thirty years' residence among the Indians, gives
incidental accounts of as many as three or four pretenders, who, indeed,
judging from the time of their appearance, may fairly be considered as
emissaries of Elskwatawa and Tecumseh. The former had an immediate
predecessor among the Delawares, a notorious preacher named Wangomend,
[FN] who began his career in 1766. This man wholly _failed,_ as did most
of the others; and the result is so common in similar cases, that it
becomes the more interesting to ascertain how the inspired candidate now
under consideration _succeeded._
* * * * *
[FN] Or Wingemund; the same man mentioned in the life of White-Eyes, as
having protected Mr. Heckewelder on his journey through the woods.
Tecumseh was, of course, his first convert and most devoted disciple, but
some of their relatives or particular friends soon followed in his train.
The wary intriguant then most wisely commenced operations upon the residue
of his own tribe. Previous to any violent promulgation of the doctrines
already stated, he gained their attention and flattered their pride, by
reviving a favorite tradition which made them the most ancient and
respectable people on the globe. The particulars cannot be better
understood than from the representation of an old Shawanee Chief; who, in
1803, harangued a council at Fort Wayne upon the subject.
"The Master of Life," said he, very proudly, "who was himself an Indian,
made the Shawanees before any others of the human race, and _they_ sprang
from his brain." He added, that the Master of Life "gave them all the
knowledge which he himself possessed; that he placed them upon the great
island; and that all the other red people were descended from the
Shawanees:--that after he had made the Shawanees, he made the French and
English out of his breast, and the Dutch out of his feet; and for your
Long-Knives kind," said he, addressing himself to the Governor, "he made
them out of his hands. All these inferior races of men he made white, and
placed them beyond the great lake,"--meaning the Atlantic Ocean.
"The Shawanees for many ages continued to be masters of the continent,
using the knowledge which they had received from the Great Spirit, in such
a manner as to be pleasing to him, and to secure their own happiness. In a
great length of time, however, they became corrupt, and the Master of Life
told them he would take away from them the knowledge they possessed, and
give it to the white people, to be restored when, by a return to good
principles, they would deserve it. Many years after that, they saw
something white approaching their shores; at first they took it for a
great bird, but they soon found it to be a monstrous canoe, filled with
the very people who had got the knowledge which belonged to the Shawanees.
After these white people landed, they were not content with having the
knowledge which belonged to the Shawanees, but they usurped their lands
also. They pretended, indeed, to have purchased these lands; but the very
goods which they gave for them was more the property of the Indians than
the white people, because the knowledge which enabled them to manufacture
these goods actually belonged to the Shawanees. But these things will soon
have an end. The Master of Life is about to restore to the Shawanees both
their knowledge and their rights, and he will trample the Long-Knives
under his feet."
This speaker was supposed to be in the British interest, and to have been
sent to Fort Wayne for the purpose of preventing a negotiation expected to
be there settled. The probability is, that he derived his ideas of
Shawanee dignity from the preaching of Elskwatawa. But the latter had more
good sense than personally to _continue_ the same strain, after having
secured about one hundred followers by the use of it. It was then
abandoned, and other inducements and arguments brought forward, of a wider
application. Some of the Shawanees grew cool and deserted him, but he
still persevered. His brother was indefatigable in his cooperation; other
agents and instruments were set to work; and stragglers of various tribes
soon flocked to his quarters at Greenville from every direction.
The minutiae of this proselyting or electioneering system are so well
developed in the faithful and simple narrative of Tanner, as to justify
extracting his account at length. It cannot fail to give a much clearer
idea of the mode of operation, than any exposition whatever in general
terms. The locality, it will be observed, is a quite remote one:--
"It was while I was living here at Great Wood River, that news came of a
great man among the Shawanees, who had been favored by a revelation of the
mind and will of the Great Spirit. I was hunting in the prairie, at a
great distance from my lodge, when I saw a stranger approaching; at first
I was apprehensive of an enemy, but, as he drew nearer, his dress showed
him to be an Ojibbeway [Chippeway;] but when he came up, there was
something very strange and peculiar in his manner. He signified to me that
I must go home, but gave no explanation of the cause. He refused to look
at me, or enter into any kind of conversation. I thought he must be crazy,
but nevertheless accompanied him to my lodge. When we had smoked, he
remained a long time silent, but at last began to tell me he had come with
a message from the prophet of the Shawnees, 'Henceforth,' said he, 'the
fire must never be suffered to go out in your lodge. Summer and winter,
day and night, in the storm, or when it is calm, you must remember that
the life in your body, and the fire in your lodge, are the same, and of
the same date. If you suffer your fire to be extinguished, at that moment
your life will be at its end. You must not suffer a dog to live. You must
never strike either a man, a woman, a child, or a dog. The prophet himself
is coming to shake hands with you; but I have come before, that you may
know what is the will of the Great Spirit, communicated to us by him, and
to inform you that the preservation, of your life, for a single moment,
depends on your entire obedience. _From this time forward, we are neither
to be drunk, to steal, to lie, or to go against our enemies._ While we
yield an entire obedience to these commands of the Great Spirit, the
Sioux, even if they come to our country, will not be able to see us; we
shall be protected and made happy.' I listened to all he had to say, but
told him, in answer, that I could not believe we should all die, in case
our fire went out; in many instances, also, it would be difficult to avoid
punishing our children; our dogs were useful in aiding us to hunt and take
animals, so that I could not believe the Great Spirit had any wish to take
them from us. He continued talking to us until late at night; then he lay
down to sleep in my lodge. I happened to wake first in the morning, and
perceiving the fire had gone out, I called him to get up, and see how many
of us were living, and how many dead. He was prepared for the ridicule I
attempted to throw upon his doctrine, and told me that I had not yet
shaken hands with the prophet. His visit had been to prepare me for this
important event, and to make me aware of the obligations and risks I
should incur by entering into the engagement implied in taking in my hand
the message of the prophet. I did not rest entirely easy in my unbelief.
The Indians, generally, received the doctrine of this man with great
humility and fear. Distress and anxiety were visible in every countenance.
Many killed their dogs, and endeavored to practice obedience to all the
commands of this new preacher, who still remained among us. But, as was
usual with me, in any emergency of this kind, I went to the traders,
firmly believing, that if the Deity had any communications to make to men,
they would be given, in the first instance, to white men. The traders
ridiculed and despised the idea of a new revelation of the Divine will,
and the thought that it should be given to a poor Shawnee. Thus was I
confirmed in my infidelity. Nevertheless, I did not openly avow my
unbelief to the Indians, only I refused to kill my dogs, and showed no
great degree of anxiety to comply with his other requirements. As long as
I remained among the Indians, I made it my business to conform, as far as
appeared consistent with my immediate convenience and comfort, with all
their customs. Many of their ideas I have adopted; but I always found
among them opinions which I could not hold. The Ojibbeway whom I have
mentioned, remained some time among the Indians in my neighborhood, and
gained the attention of the principal men so effectually, that a time was
appointed, and a lodge prepared, for the solemn and public espousing of
the doctrines of the prophet. When the people, and I among them, were
brought into the long lodge, prepared for this solemnity, we saw something
carefully concealed under a blanket, in figure and dimensions bearing some
resemblance to the form of a man. This was accompanied by two young men,
who, it was understood, attended constantly upon it, made its bed at
night, as for a man, and slept near it. But while we remained, no one went
near it, or raised the blanket which was spread over its unknown contents.
Four strings of mouldy and discolored beans were all the remaining visible
insignia of this important mission. After a long harangue, in which the
prominent features of the new revelation were stated and urged upon the
attention of all, the four strings of beans, which we were told were made
of the flesh itself of the prophet, were carried, with much solemnity, to
each man in the lodge, and he was expected to take hold of each string at
the top, and draw them gently through his hand. This was called shaking
hands with the prophet, and was considered as solemnly engaging to obey
his injunctions, and accept his mission as from the Supreme. All the
Indians who touched the beans, had previously killed their dogs; they gave
up their medicine-bags, [a _charm,_] and showed a disposition to comply
with all that should be required of them.
"We had already been for some time assembled in considerable numbers; much
agitation and terror had prevailed among us, and now famine began to be
felt. The faces of men wore an aspect of unusual gloominess; the active
became indolent, and the spirits of the bravest seemed to be subdued. I
started to hunt with my dogs, which I had constantly refused to kill, or
suffer to be killed. By their assistance, I found and killed a bear. On
returning home, I said to some of the Indians, 'Has not the Great Spirit
given us our dogs to aid us in procuring what is needful for the support
of our life, and can you believe he wishes now to deprive us of their
services? The prophet, we are told, has forbid us to suffer our fire to be
extinguished in our lodges, and when we travel or hunt, he will not allow
us to use a flint and steel, and we are told he requires that no man
should give fire to another. Can it please the Great Spirit that we should
lie in our hunting-camps without fire; or is it more agreeable to him that
we should make fire by rubbing together two sticks, than with a flint and
a piece of steel?' But they would not listen to me, and the serious
enthusiasm which prevailed among them so far affected me, that I threw
away my flint and steel, laid aside my medicine-bag, and, in many
particulars, complied with the new doctrines; but I would not kill my
dogs. I soon learned to kindle a fire by rubbing some dry cedar, which I
was careful always to carry about me; but the discontinuance of the use of
flint and steel subjected many of the Indians to much inconvenience and
suffering. The influence of the Shawnee prophet was very sensibly and
painfully felt by the remotest Ojibbeways of whom I had any knowledge; but
it was not the common impression among them, that his doctrines had any
tendency to unite them in the accomplishment of any human purpose. For two
or three years, drunkenness was much less frequent than formerly; war was
less thought of; and the entire aspect of affairs among them was somewhat
changed by the influence of one man. But gradually the impression was
obliterated; medicine-bags, flints and steels were resumed, dogs were
raised, and women and children were beaten as before."
The following passage occurs in a subsequent part of Tanner's volume,
referring to a date about two years later than the one just quoted. The
writer evidently had but little suspicion of a connection between the
second impostor and the first, and we have as little doubt of it. The
Prophet renewed his labors in another form, as fast as the former
impression, to use Tanner's words, was "obliterated." The unpopular
injunctions, only, were omitted in the second edition, while all the
substantial ones, it will be observed, were retained:--
"In the spring of the year, after we had assembled at the trading-house at
Pembinah, the chiefs built a great lodge, and called all the men together
to receive some information concerning the newly revealed will of the
Great Spirit. The messenger of this revelation, was Manito-o-geezhik, a
man of no great fame, but well known to most of the Ojibbeways of that
country. He had disappeared for about one year, and in that time, he
pretended to have visited the abode of the Great Spirit, and to have
listened to his instructions, though some of the traders informed me, he
had only been to St. Louis, on the Mississippi.
"The Little Clam took it upon him to explain the object of the meeting. He
then sung and prayed, and proceeded to detail the principal features of
the revelation to Manito-o-geezhik. _The Indians were no more to go
against their enemies; they must no longer steal, defraud, or lie; they
must neither be drunk, nor eat their food, nor drink their broth when it
was hot. Few of the injunctions of Manito-o-geezhik were troublesome, or
difficult of observance, like those of the Shawnee prophet._ Many of the
maxims and instructions communicated to the Indians, at this time, were of
a kind to be permanently and valuably useful to them; and the effect of
their influence was manifest for two or three years, in the more orderly
conduct, and somewhat amended condition of the Indians."
Disaffection and indifference were not the only obstacles the Prophet and
his brother were obliged to surmount. The chiefs of most of the tribes
were their resolute opponents. They were jealous or suspicious of the new
pretenders, ridiculed and reproached them, and thwarted their exertions in
every possible way. What was to be done with these persons? Elskwatawa
availed himself of a new department of that unfailing superstition which
had hitherto befriended him; and a charge of _witchcraft_ was brought up.
His satellites and scouts being engaged in all directions in ascertaining
who were, or were likely to be, his friends or his enemies, it was readily
determined, at head-quarters, who should be accused. Judge, jury and
testimony were also provided with the same ease. He had already taken such
means of gaining the implicit confidence of his votaries, that his own
suggestions were considered the best possible evidence, and the most
infallible decision; and the optics of his followers becoming every day
more keen, upon his authority, there was do want of the most suitable
convicts.
When the excitement had grown to such a height as to ensure the success of
his scheme, he went the length of declaring, that the Great Spirit had
directly endowed him with the power of pointing out, not only those who
were in full possession of the diabolical art, but those who were
impregnated with the least tincture of the diabolical disposition,--let
them be old or young, male or female. This convenient arrangement proving
perfectly satisfactory, he had only to speak the word,--or, as Heckewelder
expresses it, even to nod,--and the pile was prepared for whomsoever he
thought proper to devote. The Indians universally have an extreme horror
of a wizard or a witch, which no reputation, rank, age, or services, are
sufficient to counteract; and of course, resistance or remonstrance on the
part even of an accused chieftain, only went to exasperate and hasten the
sure destruction which awaited him.
Among the sufferers were several noted Delawares, including the venerable
Chief, Teteboxti, whose head had been bleached with more than eighty
winters. On being brought to the place of execution, he was told that if
he would confess his crime, and give up his medicine-bag, [FN] he would be
pardoned. Upon this he "confessed," and said his medicine-bag would be
found under a certain stone which he described. The stone was examined,
but nothing was found. Other places were named in succession, and search
made to as little purpose. It therefore became evident that he only wished
to procrastinate. He was bound, and the fire about to be kindled, when a
young man, more merciful than the rest, terminated his existence with the
tomahawk.
* * * * *
[FN] This was supposed to contain tobacco, bones, and other simple
matters necessary to the incantations of the sorcerers; and when they
were deprived of them, they were supposed to be incapable of further
mischief.
Another of the accused was named Billy Patterson. He had resided many
years with the whites, and learned so much of the business of a gun-smith,
as to be enabled to repair the guns of the Indians; but neither his
usefulness nor his irreproachable life could save him. The same offer was
made to him which was made to Teteboxti. He boldly answered that he had
nothing to confess,--that he was a Christian, and had no connexion with
the devil. "You have," said he, "intimidated one poor old man, but you
cannot frighten me; proceed, and you shall see how a Christian and a
warrior can die;" and, with a small hymn-book in his hand, he continued to
sing and pray till his voice was stifled by the flames.
Another eminent victim was the Wyandot Chief known by the English name of
_Leather-Lips,_ whose Indian appellation, Shateyaronrah, appears among the
signatures to Wayne's famous treaty of Greenville. He was sixty-three
years of age, had sustained a most exemplary moral character, and was
particularly attached to the American cause, as opposed to the English.
The latter circumstance throws some light upon his fate. But whatever the
accusation or the evidence was,--and probably the one constituted the
other,--orders were given to an influential chief, [FN-1] of the same
nation with the convict, in the Prophet's service, who, with four other
Indians, immediately started off in quest of him. He was found at home,
and notified of the sentence which had been passed upon him. He entreated,
reasoned and promised, but all in vain. The inexorable messengers of death
set about digging his grave, by the side of his wigwam. He now dressed
himself with his finest war-clothes, and, having refreshed himself with a
hasty meal of venison, knelt down on the brink of the grave. His
executioner knelt with him, and offered up a prayer to the Great Spirit in
his behalf. This was the last ceremony. The Indians withdrew a few paces,
and seated themselves around him on the ground, "The old Chief" says the
original describer of this horrid scene, [FN-2] "inclined forward, resting
his face upon his hand, his hand upon his knees. While thus seated, one of
the young Indians came up, and struck him twice with the tomahawk. For
some time, he lay senseless on the ground, the only remaining evidence of
life being a feint respiration. The Indians all stood around in solemn
silence. Finding him to breathe longer than they expected, they called
upon the whites (one or two of whom were spectators,) to take notice how
hard he died; pronounced him a wizard,--no good,--then struck him again,
and terminated his existence. The office of burial was soon performed." We
have given these particulars, disagreeable as they are, to illustrate more
clearly the astonishing influence of the Prophet, as well as the means by
which he obtained it. The executioners in this case were apparently
sincere and conscientious men; and one of the party was a _brother_ of the
victim.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Tarhe, or The Crane, said to be the oldest Indian at this time in
the western country. He lived at Upper Sandusky, about one hundred miles
from the mouth of Detroit river, and was principal chief of the Porcupine
Wyandots, who resided at that place. More will be seen of him hereafter.
[FN-2] A correspondent cited in the _History of the Indian Nations._
It is not to be presumed, that the Prophet was, in all these instances,
without the assistance of his brother, though the latter was for the
present acting his part chiefly behind the curtain. But Tecumseh seems
rather to have favored a different system, if he did not oppose this; and
accordingly we find that about the time when most of the Kickapoos joined
the Indian Confederation, one of their leading men, a chieftain, opposed
to the new-fangled doctrine and policy, was quietly disabled by being
reduced to a private capacity. Again, an Indian scout, sent to the
Prophet's encampment, in 1810, by an American authority, to gain
information of his designs, reported that the same course had been taken
among that proverbially warlike tribe, the Winnebagoes; and that one of
_their_ old chiefs had told him, with tears in his eyes, that the other
village sachems were _divested of their power,_ and that every thing was
managed by the warriors. A more audacious proposal, to murder all the
principal chiefs of several tribes, was covertly circulated at one time.
These were the men, it was said, who had bartered the Indian territory
away for a song, and had traitorously connived at the inroads and
trespasses of the settlers.
This suggestion bears marks of the energy and courage of Tecumseh, as
decidedly as the witchcraft policy does of the cunning and ingenuity of
the Prophet. There is an anecdote recorded of the former, which would lead
us to the same inference respecting his character.
Two or three years after the bloody transactions just detailed, which
happened chiefly in 1807, Tecumseh had a conference, (to be noticed more
fully hereafter) with Governor Harrison of Indiana, at Vincennes. On that
occasion, being charged with hostile designs against the Americans, he
disclaimed them. A Potawatamie, called the Dead Chief, from being deaf,
was present, but did not learn what passed until the next day. He then
came to the Governor, and asked him why he had not been called upon to
confront Tecumseh, in relation to those charges. He said he should have
been very willing to assert the truth in the presence of the brothers and
their followers. This declaration being made in the presence of several
Indians, soon came to the knowledge of Tecumseh, who gave directions to
his brother, to have the Potawatamie killed on his return home. A friend
of the latter informed him of his danger, but, no way alarmed, the
intrepid Chief returned to his family, who were encamped on the bank of
the Wabash, opposite Vincennes, and having put on his war-dress, and
painted himself in the best style of a warrior, he seized his rifle, his
tomahawk, war-club, and scalping-knife, and thus equipped, paddled over in
his canoe to the camp of Tecumseh. The Governor's interpreter, Mr. Baron,
was at that time in the tent of the latter. As soon as the Potawatamie
came near it, he upbraided Tecumseh for having given the order to
assassinate him, as cowardly, and unworthy of a warrior; "but here I am
now," said he, "come and kill me." Tecumseh made no answer. "You and your
men," he added, "can kill the white people's hogs, and call them bears,
but you dare not face a warrior." Tecumseh still remaining silent, he
heaped upon him every insult that could provoke him to fight. He
reproached him with being the slave of the "red-coats," (the British,) and
finally applied to him a term of reproach which can never be forgotten by
an Indian. During the whole time, Tecumseh seemed not in the least to
regard him, but continued to converse with Mr. Baron. Wearied, at length,
with his useless efforts to draw out his adversary, he gave the war-whoop
of defiance, and paddled on in his canoe. There is reason, adds our
authority, to believe that the order of Tecumseh was obeyed. _The Dead
Chief was no more seen at Vincennes._ [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Dawson's Memoirs of Harrison.
CHAPTER XIII.
History of Tecumseh and the Prophet continued--The latter encamps at
Tippecanoe---Sends a message to Governor Harrison--Visits him at
Vincennes--Increase of his forces--Attention of the General Government
aroused--Tecumseh visits the Governor--His speech, and journey
southward--Battle of Tippecanoe, November, 1811--Consequences of
it--Indian Council at Mississiniway--Council at Malden--Speeches and
Anecdotes of the Crane, Walk-in-the-Water, Round-Head, and other
Chiefs--Sequel of the history of the two brothers--Final exertions of
Tecumseh--His death--The death of the Prophet.
To resume our narrative;--such reports came to the ears of Governor
Harrison, during the year 1807, respecting the movements of the Indians,
and especially those of the Prophet in pursuit of his victims, that he
thought proper to send a "speech" to the Shawanese chiefs, couched in very
severe terms. Most of those addressed being absent, the necessity of
replying devolved on the Prophet, and he requested the messenger to indite
for mm the following address:
"Father!
"I am very sorry that you listen to the advice of bad birds. You have
impeached me with having correspondence with the British; and with calling
and sending for the Indians from the most distant parts of the country,
'to listen to a fool that speaks not the words of the Great Spirit, but
the words of the devil.' Father! these impeachments I deny, and say they
are not true. I never had a word with the British, and I never sent for
any Indians. They came here themselves, to listen and hear the words of
the Great Spirit.
"Father! I wish you would not listen any more to the voice of bad birds;
and you may rest assured that it is the least of our idea to make
disturbance, and we will rather try to stop such proceedings than
encourage them."
The year 1808 opened with immense numbers of Indians from the lakes
crowding round the neighborhood of Fort Wayne. Their attendance on the
Prophet, the year previous, had induced them to neglect raising corn, and
they now found themselves in a state of starvation. It was considered
necessary by the Governor, to supply them with food, lest hunger might
drive them to extremities, and to marauding upon the frontier settlers of
the United States; and he therefore sent orders to the Agent at Fort Wayne
to allow them provisions from the public stores.
In May or June of the season just mentioned, the Prophet selected, for his
future and permanent residence, a spot on the upper part of the Wabash,
which was called Tippecanoe. He removed thither, and his motley forces
moved after him. These now consisted of some thirty or forty Shawanees,
with about one hundred Potawatamies, Chippewas, Ottawas and Winnebagoes.
The manoeuvre met with no little opposition. Some of the Miamies, and
Delawares in particular, had been determined to prevent it, and they sent
a deputation of chiefs to effect that purpose; but the Prophet would not
even see them, and Tecumseh, who encountered them on the way, gave them
such a reception as at once altered their disposition to advance any
farther in the business.
In July the Prophet sent a pacific message to Governor Harrison,
complaining bitterly of the manner in which he had been misrepresented,
and proposing to visit the Governor in person. He fulfilled this promise
during the next month, and spent a fortnight at Vincennes. Long
conferences and conversations ensued, but it could not be ascertained that
his politics were particularly British. His denial of his being under any
such influence, was strong and apparently candid. He said that his sole
object was to reclaim the Indians from the bad habits which they had
contracted, and to cause them to live in peace and friendship with all
mankind, and that he was particularly appointed to that office by the
Great Spirit. He frequently, in presence of the Governor, harangued his
followers, and his constant theme was the evils arising from war and from
the immoderate use of ardent spirits. His farewell speech exhibits the
view of his system which he chose to promulgate at Vincennes.
"Father!
"It is three years since I first began with that system of religion which
I now practice. The white people and some of the Indians were against me;
but I had no other intention but to introduce among the Indians those good
principles of religion which the white people profess. I was spoken badly
of by the white people, who reproached me with misleading the Indians; but
I defy them to say that I did anything amiss.
"Father!--I was told that yon intended to hang me. When I heard this, I
intended to remember it, and tell my father, when I went to see him, and
relate to him the truth.
"I heard, when I settled on the Wabash, that my father, the Governor, had
declared that all the land between Vincennes and Fort Wayne was the
property of the Seventeen Fires.
"I also heard that you wanted to know, my father, whether I was God or
man; and that you said, if I was the former, I should not steal horses. I
heard this from Mr. Wells, but I believe it originated with himself.
"The Great Spirit told me to tell the Indians, that he had made them and
made the world--that he had placed them on it to do good, and not evil.
"I told all the red-skins that the way they were in was not good, and that
they ought to abandon it. I said that we ought to consider ourselves as
one man, but to live agreeable to our several customs, the red people
after their mode, and the white people after theirs. Particularly that
they should not drink whiskey--that it was not made for them, but the
white people, who alone know how to use it--that it is the cause of all
the mischiefs which the Indians suffer; and that they must always follow
the directions of the Great Spirit, and we must listen to him, as it was
he that has made us.
"Brothers!--Listen to nothing that is bad. Do not take up the tomahawk,
should it be offered by the British, or by the Long-Knives. Do not meddle
with any thing that does not belong to you, but mind your own business,
and cultivate the ground, that your women and your children may have
enough to live on. I now inform you that it is our intention to live in
peace with our father and his people forever.
"My father!--I have informed you what we mean to do, and I call the Great
Spirit to witness the truth of my declaration. The religion which I have
established for the last three years, has been attended to by the
different tribes of Indians in this part of the world. Those Indians were
once different people; they are now but one; they are all determined to
practice what I have communicated to them, that has come immediately from
the Great Spirit through me.
"Brother!--I speak to you as a warrior. You are one. But let us lay aside
this character, and attend to the care of our children, that they may live
in comfort and peace. We desire that you will join us for the preservation
of both red and white people. Formerly, when we lived in ignorance, we
were foolish; but now, since we listen to the voice of the Great Spirit,
we are happy.
"I have listened to what you have said to us. You have promised to assist
us. I now request you, in behalf of all the red people, to use your
exertions to prevent the sale of liquor to us. We are all well pleased to
hear you say that you will endeavor to promote our happiness. We give you
every assurance that we will follow the dictates of the Great Spirit.
"We are all well pleased with the attention that you have showed us; also
with the good intentions of our father, the President. If you give us a
few articles, such as needles, flints, hoes, powder, and other things, we
shall be able to take the animals that afford us meat with powder and
ball."
After this affair, nothing material occurred till the latter part of
April, 1810, when the Governor received information that the Prophet was
again exciting the Indians to hostilities against the United States. A
trader, of undoubted veracity, who had been for some time at the residence
of the impostor, assured him, (the Governor,) that the Prophet had at
least a thousand souls under his control--perhaps from three hundred and
fifty to four hundred men--principally composed of Kickapoos and
Winnebagoes, but with a considerable number of Potawatamies and Shawanees,
and a few Chippewas and Ottawas. About the middle of May, rumor magnified
this force to six or eight hundred warriors, and the combination was said
to extend to all the tribes between Illinois river and Lake Michigan,--the
Wyandots, and the Sacs and Foxes being among the number. Still, nothing
could be distinctly proved against the Prophet. Governor Harrison sent for
the leading member of the Shaker society, who resided about twenty miles
from Vincennes, and endeavored to prevail on him to take a speech to the
Prophet, who affected to follow the Shaker principles in every thing but
the vow of celibacy; and this leader of the Shakers had no hesitation in
asserting that the Shawanee was under the same divine inspiration that he
himself was, although, for reasons growing out of his situation as a
savage, he and his immediate followers were permitted to cohabit with
their women.
But this was not the general feeling. Much alarm existed on the frontiers,
especially as some lawless acts had been committed by individuals
nominally under the Prophet's management. The Governor made active
preparations for open hostilities; and the attention of the General
Government itself had at length become so much aroused, that an order from
the President to make prisoners of both Tecumseh and his brother, was
suspended only that a last effort might be more advantageously made for a
compromise with the disaffected tribes. Early in 1811, the Indian force
mustered at Tippecanoe was larger than Governor Harrison himself could
easily collect; and the body-guard of Tecumseh, on the visit which he paid
the former at Vincennes, in July of this season, consisted of more than
three hundred men.
This meeting took place ostensibly in consequence of a _speech_ which the
Governor had sent to the brothers at their encampment on the Wabash, in
June. He had taken that occasion to repeat his former complaints of the
insults and injuries he supposed to have been offered to American citizens
by Indians under their influence; to inform them that he had heard of
their recent attempts to hasten hostilities between the Union and various
Indian tribes; and, finally, to remind them, in strong terms, of the
consequences of persisting in such conduct. "Brothers!"--was one of the
expressions in this address,--"I am myself of the Long-Knife fire. As soon
as they hear my voice, you will see them pouring forth their swarms of
hunting-shirt men, as numerous as the mosquitoes on the shores of the
Wabash. Brothers! take care of their stings." Tecumseh promptly replied to
this communication, by promising to visit the Governor in precisely
eighteen days, for the purpose of "washing away all these bad stories."
Some delay occurred; but upon Saturday, the 27th of July, he made his
appearance at Vincennes, with his three hundred followers. As neither the
Governor nor the inhabitants generally were desirous of prolonging his
entertainment, it was proposed to commence the negotiations on Monday; but
this he declined doing, and it was late on Tuesday before he made his
appearance at the arbor prepared for the occasion. Nor did he then come,
without taking the precaution to ascertain previously, whether the
Governor was to be attended by armed men at the council,--if so, he should
adopt the same etiquette. Being left to his own option, and given to
understand that his example would be imitated, he came with a guard of
nearly two hundred men, some armed with bows and arrows, and others with
knives, tomahawks and war-clubs. The Governor, on the other hand, was
attended by a full troop of dragoons, dismounted, and completely furnished
with fire-arms; and he had taken care, on Tecumseh's first arrival, to
secure the town, by stationing two foot companies and a detachment of
cavalry in the outskirts. He placed himself in front of his dragoons;
Tecumseh stood at the head of his tawny band, and the conference commenced
with a speech on the part of the Governor. This was briefly replied to;
but a heavy rain coming on, matters remained in _statu quo,_ until the
next day, when Tecumseh made a long and ingenious harangue, both exposing
and justifying his own schemes much more openly than he had ever done
before.
Respecting the demand which the Governor had made, that two Pottawatomie
murderers should be given up to punishment, who were stated to be resident
at Tippecanoe, he in the first place denied that they were there; and then
went on very deliberately to show, that he could not deliver them up if
they were there. "It was not right," he said, "to punish those people.
They ought to be forgiven, _as well as those who had recently murdered his
people in the Illinois._ The whites should follow his own example of
forgiveness; he had forgiven the Ottawas and the Osages. Finally, he
desired that matters might remain in their present situation, and
especially that no settlements should be attempted upon the lands recently
purchased of certain tribes, until he should return from a visit among the
Southern Indians. Then he would go to Washington, and settle all
difficulties with the President; and meanwhile, as the neighboring tribes
were wholly under his direction, he would despatch messengers in every
quarter to prevent further mischief." He concluded with offering the
Governor a quantity of wampum, as a full atonement for the murders before
mentioned. The latter made an indignant rejoinder; the meeting was broken
up; and Tecumseh, attended by a few followers, soon afterwards commenced
his journey down the Wabash for the Southward.
Such was his last appearance previous to the war. The popular excitement
had now become greater than ever. Numerous meetings were held, and
representations forwarded to the Federal Executive. But before these
documents could reach their destination, authority had been given to
Governor Harrison to commence offensive operations at discretion, and
forces, in addition to those within his territorial jurisdiction, were
placed at his disposal. "The Banditti under the Prophet," wrote the
Secretary of War, Mr. Eustis, in a communication of July 20th, "are to be
attacked and vanquished, provided such a measure shall be rendered
absolutely necessary."
It is not our purpose to detail the subsequent measures of Governor
Harrison, which terminated in the celebrated battle of Tippecanoe; and
much less, to agitate the question heretofore so inveterately contested,
respecting the general propriety of the offensive operations he commenced,
or his particular system or success in conducting them. The battle took
place on the 7th of November, 1811; the Governor having previously sent
Indian messengers to demand of the various tribes in the Prophet's
encampment, that they should all return to their respective territories;
that the stolen horses in their and his possession, should be given up;
and that all murderers, then sheltered at Tippecanoe, should be delivered
over to justice. The first messengers, about the last of September, had
the effect of bringing out a friendly deputation from the Prophet, full of
professions of peace. But fresh outrages were committed by his followers
about the same time; and, when sundry head-men of the Delaware tribe
undertook, in October, to go upon a second mission, they are said to have
been abruptly met by a counter deputation from the Prophet, requiring a
categorical answer to the question, "whether they would or would not join
him against the United States?" The Delawares, nevertheless, went on, and
having visited the Prophet's camp, returned to Governor Harrison, now on
his march, with the report of their having been ill treated, insulted, and
finally dismissed with contemptuous remarks upon themselves and the
Governor. Twenty-four Miamies next volunteered to go upon this thankless
business. They seem to have been better entertained, for the good reason,
that they decided upon raising the tomahawk against their employer. At all
events, these serviceable diplomatists spared themselves the pains of
returning.
The particulars of the battle are well known. The Governor having entered
into the heart of the territory occupied by the Prophet,--but claimed by
the United States, as being purchased of those tribes who had the
least-disputed claim to it,--he encamped, on the night of the 6th, in the
vicinity of the Prophet's force; and a suspension of hostilities was
agreed upon between the two parties, until a conference could take place
on the ensuing day. Whether, as the Prophet affirmed on this occasion by
his messengers, he had sent a pacific proposal to the Governor, which
accidentally failed to reach him; or whether he was now actually "desirous
of avoiding hostilities if possible," but felt himself compelled to
commence them, need not be discussed. His forces, supposed to number from
five hundred to eight hundred warriors, made a violent attack on the
American army, early on the morning of the 7th; and one of the most
desperate struggles ensued, of which we have any record in the history of
Indian warfare. The enemy was at length repulsed, leaving thirty-eight
warriors dead on the field. The Americans lost about fifty killed, and
about twice that number wounded. The Prophet's town was rifled, and the
army commenced its return to Vincennes.
Tecumseh, who was absent when the battle took place, returned soon
afterwards from the South, and, without doubt, was exceedingly surprised
and mortified by the conduct of the Prophet. From this time, while the
latter lost much of his influence, the former took a more independent and
open part. It cannot be positively decided whether he had previously
maintained a special understanding with the British; but his subsequent
course admits of little controversy.
He proposed to Governor Harrison, to make the contemplated journey to
Washington; but, as the Governor expressed a determination that he could
not go in the capacity which he deemed suitable to his standing, the idea
was abandoned. Thenceforth, whatever his intentions _had_ been, he
determined upon the necessity of fighting; and it naturally followed,
whatever had been his disposition towards the British authorities,--theirs
towards him was sufficiently plain,--that he should no longer hesitate to
avail himself of every fair opportunity of cooperation.
Still, it was necessary to preserve appearances until matters were ready
for disclosure; and, of course,--such were the consequences of the recent
defeat, and such the disposition of many vacillating or opposing
tribes,--there was an extremely difficult part to be acted. Some of the
speeches made at a grand council of twelve tribes, held in May, 1812, at
Mississiniway, will throw light upon the subject. The Wyandots
began--a tribe universally regarded as the head of the great Indian
family:
"Younger brothers!"--said the speaker--"You that reside on the Wabash,
listen to what we say; and in order that you may distinctly hear and
clearly understand our words, we now open your ears and place your hearts
in the same position they were placed in by the Great Spirit when he
created you.
"Younger brothers!--We are sorry to see your path filled with thorns and
briars, and your land covered with blood. Our love for you has caused us
to come and clean your paths and wipe the blood off your land, and take
the weapons that have spilled this blood from you, and put them where you
can never reach them again.
"Younger brothers!--This is done by the united voice of all your elder
brothers, that you now see present, who are determined not to be
disobeyed. This determination of your elder brothers, to put an entire
stop to the effusion of blood, has met with the approbation of our
fathers, the British, who have advised all the red people to be quiet and
not meddle in quarrels that may take place between the white people."
Tecumseh, who found himself in a small minority on this occasion, replied
thus:
"Elder brothers!--We have listened with attention to what you have said to
us. We thank the Great Spirit for inclining your hearts to pity us; we now
pity ourselves; our hearts are good; they never were bad. Governor
Harrison made war on my people in my absence; it was the Great Spirit's
will he should do so. We hope it will please Him that the white people may
let us live in peace. We will not disturb them; neither have we done it,
except when they come to our village with the intention of destroying us.
We are happy to state to our brothers present, that the unfortunate
transaction that took place between the white people and a few of our
young men at our village, has been settled between us and Governor
Harrison; and I will further state, that had I been at home, there would
have been no blood shed at that time.
"We are sorry to find that the same respect has not been paid to the
agreement between us and Governor Harrison, by our brothers, the
Potawatamies. However, we are not accountable for the conduct of those
over whom we have no control. Let the chiefs of that nation exert
themselves, and cause their warriors to behave themselves, as we have done
and will continue to do with ours.
"Should the bad acts of our brothers, the Potawatamies, draw on us the ill
will of our white brothers--and they should come again and make an
unprovoked attack on us at our village--we will die like men--but we will
never strike the first blow."
The Potawatamies could not overlook such an attack, and their speaker
noticed it in terms which reflected severely on the "pretended Prophet,"
who was said to have caused all the difficulty among their young men. He
added,--"We have no control over these few vagabonds, and consider them
not belonging to our nation; and will be thankful to any people that will
put them to death, wherever they are found. As they are bad people, and
have learnt to be so from the pretended Prophet, and as he has been the
cause of setting those people on our white brothers, we hope he will be
active in reconciling them. As we all hear him say, his heart is inclined
for peace, we hope we may all see this declaration supported by his future
conduct, and that all our women and children may lay down to sleep without
fear."
Tecumseh then addressed the council once more:
"It is true we have endeavored to give all our brothers good advice; and
if they have not listened to it, we are sorry for it. We defy a living
creature to say we ever advised any one, directly or indirectly, to make
war on our white brothers. It has constantly been our misfortune to have
our views misrepresented to our white brethren. This has been done by
pretended chiefs of the Potawatamies and others, that have been in the
habit of selling land to the white people that did not belong to them."
Here he was called to order by the Delawares. "We have not met," said
they, "to listen to such words. The red people have been killing the
whites. The just resentment of the latter is raised against the former.
Our white brethren are on their feet, with their guns in their hands.
There is no time to tell each other, you have done this, and you have done
that. If there was, we would tell the Prophet that both red and white
people had felt the bad effects of his counsels. Let us all join our
hearts and hands together, and proclaim peace through the land of the red
people. Let us make our voices be heard and respected, and rely on the
justice of our white brethren."
The Miamies and Kickapoos afterwards expressed themselves much to the same
effect, and the conference then closed.
The most distinguished chiefs opposed to the two brothers, were the Crane,
his Counselor Between-the-Logs, the Pottawatomie Winemack, [FN] and the
leader and orator of the Wyandots on the American side of the river
Detroit, Walk-in-the-Water. The latter was afterwards forced by
circumstances to fight with the British, but at this time he and the Crane
were particularly active in persuading various tribes to "sit still" while
their two Fathers should fight out the war,--which was their own
business,--in their own way. The British at length took measures to
counteract their influence. A council was convened at Malden, at which
Elliot, the Indian Agent, and the British Commanding Officer were present.
* * * * *
[FN] A war-chief of some distinction. He repeatedly visited Washington
after the war, and some characteristic anecdotes--which, however, will
hardly bear repetition--are recorded of him. He was always openly
friendly to the Americans, and though accused of fighting for the Prophet
at Tippecanoe, by no means convicted of that aberration. He died in the
summer of 1821.
The former demanded of the Wyandots whether they had advised the other
tribes to remain neutral. To this, Walk-in-the-water answered: "We have,
and we believe it best for us, and for our brethren. We have no wish to be
involved in a war with our father, the Long-Knife, for we know by
experience that we have nothing to gain by it, and we beg our father, the
British, not to force us to war. We remember, in the former war between
our fathers, the British and the Long-Knife, we were both defeated, and we
the red men lost our country; and you, our father, the British, made peace
with the Long-Knife, without our knowledge, and you gave our country to
him. You still said to us, 'my children, you must fight for your country,
for the Long-Knife will take it from you.' We did as you advised us, and
we were defeated with the loss of our best chiefs and warriors, and of our
land. And we still remember your conduct towards us, when we were defeated
at the foot of the rapids of the Miami. We sought safety for our wounded
in your fort. But what was your conduct? You closed your gates against us,
and we had to retreat the best way we could. And then we made peace with
the Americans, and have enjoyed peace with them ever since. And now you
wish us, your red children, again to take up the hatchet against our
father, the Long-Knife. We say again, we do not wish to have any thing to
do with the war. Fight your own battles, but let us, your red children,
enjoy peace."
Elliot here interrupted the speaker, and said: "That is American talk, and
I shall hear no more of it. If you do not stop, I will direct my soldiers
to take you and the chiefs, and keep you prisoners, and will consider you
as our enemies." Walk-in-the-water then took his seat, to consult the
other chiefs; and Round-Head, who had openly espoused the British
interest, and who was the chief of the small party of Wyandots living in
Canada, immediately rose and said: "Father! listen to your children. You
say that the talk just delivered by my friend Walk-in-the-water, is
American talk, and that you cannot hear any more of it; and, if persisted
in, you will take the chiefs prisoners, and treat them as enemies. Now
hear me. I am a chief, and am acknowledged to be such. I speak the
sentiments of the chiefs of the tribes, assembled round your council-fire.
I now come forward, and take hold of your war-hatchet, and will assist you
to fight against the Americans!"
He was followed by Tecumseh and the Prophet, and by two Wyandot chiefs,
Worrow and Split-log; but Walk-in-the-water and his associates still
declined the invitation. Elliot then made some menacing observations,
which induced them to leave the council-house, recross the river to
Brownstown, and communicate the result to the Crane, who was there with
his attendants. The latter immediately returned home to Sandusky. The
Brownstown Wyandots sent a deputation to the American General at Detroit,
headed by Walk-in-the-water, to represent their exposed state, and request
protection. For some unknown reason it was not granted, and these Indians
were a few days afterwards taken into custody by a large British and
Indian detachment, attended, if not commanded, by Tecumseh and Round-Head.
The sequel of these proceedings is too characteristic of several of the
individuals we have named, to be omitted in a connection which allows and
requires so much collateral light.
Some eight or ten months after the forced accession to the British just
mentioned, the Crane proposed to General Harrison, who was then encamped
with his array at Seneca, that a formal embassy should be sent by the
Wyandots, to their brethren in the British camp, and to all the Indians
who adhered to the British cause, advising them to consult their true
interest and retire to their own country. The proposition was approved by
General Harrison, and the Crane was requested to take such measures as
appeared most proper to give it effect.
Between-the-logs was appointed the ambassador, and a small escort of eight
warriors, commanded by Skootash, the principal war-chief of the nation,
was selected to accompany him. Two speeches were sent by the Crane, one to
be delivered privately to his own people, and the other publicly to the
British Indians.
The Wyandot embassy arrived at Brownstown in safety, and the following
morning a general council assembled to hear the message from their uncle.
The multitude was prodigious, and Elliot and McKee, the British agents,
were present. We have been told that Between-the-logs arose in the midst
of this host of enemies, and delivered with unshaken firmness the
following speech from the Crane, which had been entrusted to him:
"Brothers!--the red men, who are engaged in fighting for the British
king--listen! These words are from me, Tarbe, and they are also the words
of the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanees, and Senecas.
"Our American father has raised his war-pole, and collected a large army
of his warriors. They will soon march to attack the British. He does not
wish to destroy his red children, their wives, and families. He wishes you
to separate yourselves from the British, and bury the hatchet you have
raised. He will be merciful to you. You can then return to your own lands,
and hunt the game, as you formerly did. I request you to consider your
situation, and act wisely in this important matter; and not wantonly
destroy your own people. Brothers! whoever feels disposed to accept this
advice, will come forward and take hold of this belt of wampum, which I
have in my hand and offer to you. I hope you will not refuse to accept it
in presence of your British father, for you are independent of him.
Brothers! we have done, and we hope you will decide wisely."
Not a hand moved to accept the offered pledge of peace. The spell was too
potent to be broken by charms like these; but Round-Head arose and
addressed the embassy:
"Brothers!--the Wyandots from the Americans--we have heard your talk, and
will not listen to it. We will not forsake the standard of our British
father, nor lay down the hatchet we have raised. I speak the sentiments of
all now present, and I charge you, that you faithfully deliver our talk to
the American commander, and tell him it is our wish he would send more men
against us; for all that has passed between us I do not call fighting. We
are not satisfied with the number of men he sends to contend against us.
We want to fight in good earnest."
Elliot then spoke. "My children!--As you now see that my children here are
determined not to forsake the cause of their British father, I wish you to
carry a message back with you. Tell my wife, your American father, that I
want her to cook the provisions for me and my red children, more
faithfully than she has done. She has not done her duty. And if she
receives this as an insult, and feels disposed to fight, tell her to bring
more men than she ever brought before, as our former skirmishes I do not
call fighting. If she wishes to fight with me and my children, she must
not burrow in the earth like a ground-hog, where she is inaccessible. She
must come out and fight fairly."
To this, Between-the-logs replied. "Brothers!--I am directed by my
American father to inform you, that if you reject the advice given you, he
will march here with a large army, and if he should find any of the red
people opposing him in his passage through this country, he will trample
them under his feet. You cannot stand before him.
"And now for myself I earnestly intreat you to consider the good talk I
have brought, and listen to it. Why would you devote yourselves, your
women, and your children, to destruction? Let me tell you, if you should
defeat the American army this time, you have not done. Another will come
on, and if you defeat that, still another will appear that you cannot
withstand; one that will come like the waves of the great water, and
overwhelm you, and sweep you from the face of the earth. If you doubt the
account I give of the force of the Americans, you can send some of your
people in whom you have confidence, to examine their army and navy. They
shall be permitted to return in safety. The truth is, your British father
tells you lies, and deceives you. He boasts of the few victories he gains,
but he never tells you of his defeats, of his armies being slaughtered,
and his vessels taken on the big water. He keeps all these things to
himself.
"And now, father, let me address a few words to you. Your request shall be
granted. I will bear your message to my American father. It is true none
of your children appear willing to forsake your standard, and it will be
the worse for them. You compare the Americans to ground-hogs, and complain
of their mode of fighting. I must confess that a groundhog is a very
difficult animal to contend with. He has such sharp teeth, such an
inflexible temper, and such an unconquerable spirit, that he is truly a
dangerous enemy, especially when he is in his own hole. But, father, let
me tell you, you can have your wish. Before many days, you will see the
ground-hog floating on yonder lake, paddling his canoe towards your hole;
and then, father, you will have an opportunity of attacking your
formidable enemy in any way you may think best."
This speech terminated the proceedings of the council. All the Indians,
except the Wyandots, dispersed, and they secretly assembled to hear the
message sent to them by their own chief.
The Wyandots were directed to quit Skorah [FN-1] immediately. They were
said to be liars and deceivers, and that they had always deceived the
Indians. And facts, in evidence of this, were quoted. The building of Fort
Miami was particularly referred to. It was said to be erected as a refuge
for the Indians, but when they were overpowered by Wayne, the gates were
shut against them. [FN-2] The comparative strength of General Harrison's
army and of the British forces, was concealed from them, and they were in
a very dangerous condition.
* * * * *
[FN-1] The _British,_ in the Huron dialect.
[FN-2] The Crane was wounded in this action, and the loss fell heavily
upon the Wyandots.
This message was faithfully delivered to the Wyandots, and produced its
full effect upon them. They requested Between-the-logs to inform the
Crane, that they were in fact prisoners, but that they had taken firm hold
of his belt of wampum, and would not fire another gun. They promised, that
on the advance of the American army, they would quit the British troops,
as soon as it was safe to take that decisive measure. And such in fact was
the result. When Proctor left the country, his Wyandot allies abandoned
him, a few miles from the mouth of the river Tranche, and retired into the
forest. Thence they sent a message to General Harrison, imploring his
mercy. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] We have given our account of the Malden Council on the authority of
Governor Cass, whose sources of information may be learned from his able
essay on the _Late War on the Frontiers._ See N. A. Rev. Vol. XXIX.
Tecumseh and Elskwatawa were seen for the last time previous to their
joining the British, at Fort Wayne. The former passed that way to the
Malden council, and he then explicitly stated to the Commander of the
station, that he was going "to receive from the British twelve horse-loads
of ammunition for the use of his people at Tippecanoe." The visit of the
Prophet, which took place immediately after, is referred to in the
following communication from the Commander to an American authority:
"On the 12th [July, 1812,] the Prophet arrived at this place, with nearly
one hundred Winnebagoes and Kickapoos, who have ever since been amusing
the Indian agent at this place with professions of friendship, and it is
now evident that he has completely duped the agent, who had suffered him
to take the lead in all his councils with the Indians, giving him
ammunition, &c. to support his followers until they can receive a supply
from Tecumseh.
"On the 19th instant an express arrived in the Prophet's camp from
Tecumseh. In order that it should make the better speed, the express stole
a horse from some of the inhabitants of the river Raisin, and rode night
and day. The horse gave out within twenty miles of this place. This
messenger was directed by Tecumseh to tell the Prophet to unite the
Indians immediately, and send their women and children towards the
Mississippi, while the warriors should strike a heavy blow at the
inhabitants of Vincennes; and he, Tecumseh, if he lived, would join him in
the country of the Winnebagoes.
"The Prophet found no difficulty in keeping this information to himself
and one or two of his confidential followers, and forming a story to suit
the palate of the agent here; and, on the 20th instant, he despatched two
confidential Kickapoos to effect the objects Tecumseh had in view. In
order that these two Indians might make the better speed, they stole my
two riding-horses, and have gone to the westward at the rate of one
hundred miles in twenty-four hours, at least. To keep the agent blind to
his movements, the prophet went early in the morning yesterday, and told
the agent that two of his bad young men were missing, and that he feared
they had stole some horses. The agent found no difficulty in swallowing
the bait offered him, and applauded the Prophet for his honesty in telling
of his bad men, as he called them, stealing my horses.
"To keep up appearances, the Prophet has this morning despatched two men
on _foot,_ as he tells the agent, to bring back my horses, &c. He says he
and all his party will certainly attend the Commissioner of the United
States next month at Piqua.
"This he will do, if he finds he cannot raise the western Indians against
the United States; but if he finds the western Indians will join him, you
may rely on it, he will strike a heavy blow, as Tecumseh says, against the
whites in that quarter. You may rely on the correctness of this statement,
as I received information relative to the views of Tecumseh, last night,
from a quarter that cannot be doubted. The conduct of the agent towards
the Prophet, I have been an eye-witness to."
The most remarkable passage in this graphic narration, refers to the
exertions Tecumseh was now making for the promotion of the great cause
which lay so near his heart. There was occasion indeed for a mighty
effort, to regain the ground which his brother had lost. The battle of
Tippecanoe was a premature explosion, and a most unfortunate one for his
interests. It intercepted the negotiations for new allies, diminished the
moral power of the Prophet, and frightened and forced many, who were or
would have been his adherents, into neutrality in some cases, and open
hostility in others. The vast scheme of Tecumseh, the object so long of
all his solicitude and his labor, was thrown into confusion, on the very
brink of success. He was exasperated, humiliated, afflicted. He could have
wept, like Philip, when _his_ projects were thwarted in mid career by the
rashness of his warriors. But here was the trial of his noblest qualities.
He came forward and made every proposition, looking like compromise, which
he deemed consistent with his dignity,--perhaps necessary to it,--but in
vain. He saw then, plainly, that the battle must be fought, and his soul
grew strong. The wrongs and woes of his race, and the power and pride of
the white men, passed before him. The mortification of failure and
exposure on his own part, the dishonor brought upon his brother's name,
the ignominy of submission, the censure and scorn of his savage rivals,
the triumph of his civilized enemy, all were daggers in his bosom. Then
boiled within him the frenzy of despair. Fear and hope struggled for the
mastery. Pride, revenge, ambition, were roused. "Let them come,
then"--thought he--"I hear them and see them, in the South and in the
East, like the summer leaves rolling and rustling in the breeze. It is
well. Shall Tecumseh tremble? Shall they say that he hated the white man,
and feared him? No! The mountains and plains which the Great Spirit gave,
are behind and around me. I, too, have my warriors, and here,--where we
were born and where we will die,--on the Scioto, on the Wabash, on the
broad waters of the North, my voice shall be heard."
And it was heard, indeed. At the date of the communication last cited, he
had scarcely a hundred followers; and the _intentions of the Western
Indians,_ we have seen, were not then ascertained. But from the time of
the Malden Council, Tecumseh girded himself to his task, like a strong man
for battle. He set his brother and all his emissaries, and at the same
time devoted _himself,_ night and day, to the business of recruiting.
Repeatedly, before this, he had visited all the tribes on the west banks
of the Mississippi, and upon Lakes Superior, Huron and Michigan. He now
traveled over the route once more. From north to south, and from east to
west, he ranged the continent,--threatening, flattering, rousing
resentment, alarming superstition, provoking curiosity. No labor fatigued,
no disappointment discouraged, no danger alarmed, no emergency surprised
him.
The result, with the entire sequel of the history of the two brothers, may
be stated in the most general terms. Those who know anything of the
history of the last war, need not be informed, that Tecumseh was
substantially, as well as nominally, the head and life of the Anglo-Indian
Department, and that greater forces were collected by his influence, and
embodied under his command, than in any other instance from the first
settlement of the country. He brought in six hundred Wabash recruits in
one body, early in 1813. In the attack made upon Fort Stephenson, in the
summer of the same year, the enemy numbered but five hundred British
regulars, for eight hundred Indians, (under Dickson,) while Tecumseh was
at the same time stationed on the road to Fort Meigs with a body of two
thousand more, for the purpose of cutting off the American reinforcements
on that route.
In the decisive battle of the Moravian Towns, he commanded the right wing
of the allied army, and was posted in the only part of it which was
engaged with the American troops. Here was his last struggle. Disdaining
to fly, when all were flying around him but his own nearest followers, he
pressed eagerly into the heart of the contest, encouraging the savages by
his voice, and plying the tomahawk with a tremendous energy. He appeared
to be advancing, it is said, directly upon Colonel Johnson, who was
hastening towards _him_ on the other side, at the head of his mounted
infantry. Suddenly a wavering was perceived in the Indian ranks; there was
no longer a cry of command among them. Tecumseh had fallen, and his
bravest men, still surviving, were defeated by the same blow. They fled,
leaving thirty-three dead on the field, most of whom were found near
Tecumseh.
Upon the question, who had the honor of shooting the great chief,--as all
the world admits he was shot,--we shall spend but few words. In the
language of another, "there is a _possibility_ that he fell by a
pistol-shot from the hand of Colonel Johnson. He was certainly killed in
that part of the line where the Colonel was himself wounded;" and this is
all that can well be said upon a subject which has occasioned so much
controversy. The British Government granted a pension to his widow and
family, which probably continues to this day. The Prophet, who survived
the war, and was little exposed in it, was supplied in the same manner
until his death, which took place a few years since. He is believed to
have been older than his brother, who died about forty-five.
The grave, in which Tecumseh's remains were deposited by the Indians after
the return of the American army, is still visible near the borders of a
willow marsh, on the north line of the battle-ground, with a large fallen
oak-tree lying beside. The willow and wild rose are thick around it, but
the mound itself is cleared of shrubbery, and is said to owe its good
condition to the occasional visits of his countrymen. [FN] Thus repose, in
solitude and silence, the ashes of the "Indian Bonaparte." In truth have
they
"Left him alone with his glory."
* * * * *
[FN] Western Paper.
CHAPTER XIV.
Remarks on the character of Tecumseh and the Prophet--Their facilities
for cooperation--Difficulties the latter had to overcome--His
perseverance and ingenuity--Means by which he protected his
person--Anecdotes of the Battle of Tippecanoe--Frankness of Tecumseh in
disclosing his schemes--Causes of his hostility to the
Americans--Trespasses of the whites, and other abuses--Object of the
belligerent combination--Anecdotes of Tecumseh's first visit to
Vincennes, in 1810--His dignity, independence and courage--His ideas of
the British policy--His speech to General Proctor, and remarks on his
oratory--His humanity--His genius.
The reputation of the Prophet has suffered from the complete ultimate
failure of his plans. It has suffered the more from the very
circumstances, which mark him as an extraordinary man,--his career as a
prophet. Tecumseh knew his own talent better than to play a game like
this; but he also knew, without doubt, that Elskwatawa was capable of
doing more for the advancement of their common object, by acting this
coordinate or subordinate part, than by adopting the same course with
himself, even had he possessed the same species of ability. Together, they
were endowed with a complete system of qualities necessary to accomplish
their design; but neither could act alone. Tecumseh was frank, warlike,
persuasive in his oratory, popular in his manners, irreproachable in his
habits or life. Elskwatawa had more cunning than courage; and a stronger
disposition to talk, than to fight, or exert himself in any other way. But
he was subtle, fluent, persevering and self-possessed; and this was
enough. He became an inspired man, and Tecumseh was his first convert.
Others of the tribe might be intrusted with the secret. They had, at all
events, a great respect for these men; and being both a proud and warlike
people, they received with avidity the well-contrived doctrine of their
superiority over other tribes, and entered upon a course of projects
likely to produce war,--though of war nothing might yet be seen or
said,--with the fury of bloodhounds upon a track.
Hence the murders and robberies which so much alarmed and irritated the
frontier settlers, and which we have very little doubt were generally
committed by individuals of the Prophet's "banditti," without his
authority, and perhaps against his wishes. His young men, especially, like
those who brought on Philip's war, were wrought up till the master-spirit
himself lost his control over them; and to make the matter worse, most of
them were of such a character, in the first instance, that horse-stealing
and house-breaking were as easy to them as breathing. Like the refugees of
Romulus, they were outcasts, vagabonds and criminals,--in a great degree
brought together by the novelty of the preacher's reputation, by curiosity
to hear his doctrines, by the fascination of extreme credulity, by
restlessness, by resentment against the whites, and by poverty and
unpopularity at home.
These things should be taken into consideration, when the success of the
Prophet is estimated. His ingenuity was tasked to the utmost, in getting
and keeping these people together in the first place. Then it was
necessary to instruct them just so far, as to put them in the way of
preparing themselves for what might happen, and to make them serviceable
in collecting and convincing others, without committing the cause too
unreservedly to noisy tongues, and to rash hands. Then complaints were
made by American authorities, and these must be pacified. Offers of
assistance came in from other quarters, and these must be kept secret. At
other times, the banditti were reduced to an extreme scarcity of
provisional as might be expected from the numbers collected together, and
the kind of life which they led. At first, they were given to understand
that corn and pumpkins would be raised for them supernaturally; but the
Prophet deemed it easier on the whole to produce these essential articles
by other means,--and here was another reason for maintaining a good
understanding with his American neighbors. Hence he gave out that he
proposed visiting the Governor at Vincennes, with the view of begging
provisions,--"for the white people had always encouraged him to preach the
word of God to the Indians." This purpose was carried into execution; and
on that occasion it was, that the Governor was "completely deceived," by
the Prophet's appearance and language. So late as 1811, a quantity of salt
was sent up the Wabash for the Prophet's use, together with another
quantity intended for the Kickapoos and other Indians. He seems to have
balanced some time between necessity and policy before this temptation,
but finally adopted the middle course of detaining the entire cargo, and
sending a very civil apology to the Governor in payment.
On the whole, we are inclined to put small faith in the popular theory
which represents the Prophet as a _fool._ Possibly he assumed that
character on some occasions, knowing the proverbial reverence of the
Indians for an idiot. Allowance should be made also for the reaction
produced by his failure at Tippecanoe, although his influence was in some
degree restored after that event,--the misfortune being sagely attributed
by many to the important circumstance of his wife having touched some of
his sacred utensils. Nothing but a series of triumphs on the part of the
American forces, the death of his brother, and the loss of all his best
friends of his own tribe, (for the Kishopokes were reduced to about twenty
warriors during the war,) finally destroyed his character as a _Prophet._
When this was effected, it was human nature to degrade him below the level
of a _man._
It might have been expected, that a person of his pretensions, with so
many rivals and enemies, would be exposed to the hazard of assassination.
But here again he was on his guard; for it was always one of his strong
positions, that the least violence offered to him or his followers, would
be punished by the immediate interposition of the Great Spirit. The
religious character, indeed, was sustained to the last. The Delaware
messengers already mentioned found his forces at Tippecanoe in the highest
state of excitement, owing to his magical rites, his harangues, and the
war-dance which he performed with them day and night. Hence the unexampled
bravery manifested in the attack upon the American army. They rushed on
the very bayonets of our troops; and in some instances, pressing aside the
soldier's musket, they brained him with the war-club. The Prophet,
meanwhile, is said to have been comfortably seated on an adjacent
eminence, singing a war-song. He had assured his followers, that the
American bullets would do them no harm; and that, while they should have
light, their enemies should be involved in thick darkness. [FN] Soon after
the battle commenced, he was told that the Indians were falling. "Fight
on! fight on!" cried he, never at a loss, "It will soon be as I
predicted;" and he howled his war-song louder than ever.
* * * * *
[FN] He was not so much out of the way in this prediction, as in some
others. McAfee observes, that the _campfires,_ so long as they remained
burning, were "more serviceable to the Indians than our men."
The character of Tecumseh appears so fully in the course he pursued, as to
require but brief comment. While the Prophet resorted without hesitation
to all the wiles of Indian cunning and stratagem, for effecting his own
purposes, and for thwarting those of his opponents, his course was as
manly and dignified as it was prompt. He was certainly under no obligation
to disclose his schemes, and yet he appears never to have taken much pains
to conceal them. We know that he was suspected, and accused, of having
actively engaged in inducing general hostility, as well as instigating
particular outrages among the frontier tribes, for several years before
much was actually known of him. This may have been the case, and it may
not; the evidence amounts to nothing, and the suspicion and accusation
alluded to, like the offences themselves, are very easily accounted for
upon other and obvious grounds. There is no necessity, then, of going at
length into the history of the Western country for the last half century,
to point out the real grounds of complaint and the real provocations to
hostility, which Tecumseh, or his brother, or any other Indian of
information and reflection, might have alleged on the part of the tribes,
against the American Government or the American people. This would be
justifying what we do not admit. It is sufficient to observe that quite
enough had occurred, to furnish plausible pretexts for all that the
Chieftain is known to have done or attempted to do.
Governor Harrison stated in his annual message, for 1809, to the Indiana
Legislature, that owing to defects in the Federal law, "every person has
been allowed to trade with the Indians that pleases; _which proves a
source of numberless abuses,_ of mischievous effect both to them and
ourselves." Two years before, we find an opinion advanced by the same
excellent authority on a similar occasion, that "the utmost efforts to
induce them (the Indians) to take up arms would be unavailing, _if one
only, of the many persons who have committed murders on their people,
could be brought to punishment._" To illustrate the truth of this remark,
we may mention the murder of a Creek Indian at Vincennes, early in 1810,
and of course subsequently to the particular transactions alluded to in
the message. He was shot by a white man, an Italian trader, upon the
pretext that the Indian, who was intoxicated, had shown a disposition to
do him some injury. The Governor discharged _his_ duty by causing the
Italian to be arrested and tried; but, in the language of our informant,
"as in too many other cases, acquittal was the consequence." [FN] We are
farther told, that about the same time, two Indians were wounded by a
white man, at a few miles distance from Vincennes. The occurrence of
circumstances of this nature is said to have been a source of great
embarrassment and vexation to Governor Harrison; but in this case, he
could only send out,--not a constable for the aggressor, for that course
had been sufficiently tried,---but a surgeon for the wounded men, who both
finally recovered.
* * * * *
[FN] Dawson's Narrative.
It cannot be doubted, that the character of these proceedings was well
understood, and indignantly resented by all the tribes which obtained
knowledge of them,--as most of them did in the course of their own
experience. The house of a white man in Ohio was robbed, during this same
summer, by a member of the Delaware tribe, so famous for its faithful, and
more than faithful adherence to the American cause. According to the
stipulations of Wayne's treaty, expressly provided for giving up criminals
to the parties respectively injured,--and scrupulously observed up to this
date, we should add, on the part of the Indians,--the robber in the
present instance was demanded of the Delawares. The answer was, that the
nation never would give up another man, until some of the white people
were punished, who had murdered members of their tribe; they would however
punish him themselves. And they did accordingly put him to death.
But all these were trifling causes of irritation, compared with those
which had occurred at various periods, in the treaties and other
negotiations, public and private, whereby immense quantities of territory
had been obtained of the Indians. It is not intended to insinuate, that
the Government was in fault upon any of these occasions. But in the
transaction of affairs of this nature, to such an extent, at such a
distance, by the instrumentality of agents,--as likely as any other men to
be sometimes ignorant, insolent, and avaricious,--offences must needs
come. On the other hands, in cases wherein the Government was not even
nominally concerned, (whatever the understanding of the vendors might be
upon that point) the most flagitious deception had been practised. In
still other instances, where the conduct of the purchasers was
unobjectionable, there were conflicting claims to territory, which one or
more tribes, or portions of tribes, or perhaps individual chiefs,
nevertheless undertook to convey. Owing to these and similar causes, the
Indians had very generally become extremely suspicious of proposals for
the purchase of land.
They perceived, too, independently of any unfair dealing upon either side,
that the white population was advancing upon them with the most formidable
rapidity. Something must be done, then, in self-defence. Setting aside
past impositions, it was absolutely necessary to prevent them for the
future; and setting aside all imposition, it was necessary to raise some
universal and effectual barrier against inroads of any kind, in any
quarter. It is recorded, accordingly, by an historian already cited, that
the agitation among the Indians at this time was accounted for by some of
them, by saying, that they were endeavoring to effect what had frequently
been recommended to them by the United States, viz; _a more cordial union
among the various tribes._ The writer considers this an "attempt at
deception;" but yet his facts would seem to outweigh his opinion. War
might or might not be anticipated as an ultimate resort, in offence or
defence; and "British agitators" might or might not be actually engaged,
as certainly they were interested, in producing that result, and preparing
the tribes for it. But it appears to us, there can be no reasonable doubt,
that an effective and cordial union of the tribes, for the purposes just
mentioned, was actually the precise object in view. It certainly was the
leading principle in the schemes of Tecumseh.
That principle he never disavowed. He declared it in the most open manner,
on every suitable occasion; and with it, the cogent reasoning upon which
in his mind it was founded. In July 1810, he conversed very fully upon the
subject with a person sent to his brother by the Governor of Indiana, to
dissuade him from war and to gain information of his views. He said that
the Great Spirit had given this great island,--meaning the American
continent,--to his red children; but the whites, who were placed on the
other side of the big water, not content with their share, had crossed
over--seized upon the coast--driven the Indians from the sea to the
lakes--and undertaken to say that this tract belongs to one tribe, this to
another, and so on--when _the Great Spirit had made it the common property
of them all._ "They had retreated far enough,--they would go no farther."
He at the same time disclaimed having intended to make war, but expressed
his opinion that it would not be possible to preserve peace, unless the
Indian principle of common property should be recognized, and the progress
of the white settlements discontinued. He then proposed going to
Vincennes, for the purpose of convincing the Governor that matters had
been mis-represented to him.
The visit accordingly took place in August; and he then states most
distinctly,--Mr. Dawson's phrase is, "in the broadest manner,"--that his
policy had been to establish and extend the principle of common property
as a means of necessary self-defence; that the tribes were afraid of being
pushed back into the lakes, and were therefore determined to make a stand
where they now were. At the formal interview which ensued, Tecumseh, who
was attended by a body of followers, manifested so much irritation, that
the Governor apprehended an attack upon the spot; the citizens were
alarmed; troops were called in; and a scene of great confusion ensued. But
although the proud Chieftain apologized for this demonstration of spirit
at the next conference, and then appeared perfectly cool, he still
persisted in the statements made in the outset. When asked by the
Governor, whether it was his intention to prevent the surveying of a
certain territory, recently purchased, he answered, "that himself and
those who were joined with him were determined that the old boundary
should continue."
The Governor afterwards visited him at his camp, for the purpose of
sounding him privately. Being asked if his intentions were really what he
had openly avowed, he replied that they were. He had no complaint to make
against the United States, but their purchasing the Indian land as they
did; and he should very much regret the necessity of making war for this
single cause. On the contrary, he was, anxious to be upon good terms with
them. If the President would give up the late purchase, and agree to make
no more in the same manner, he would even become their ally, and would
_fight with them against the English;_ if these terms could not be
complied with, he should be obliged to fight with the English against
them. The Governor assured him that the President should be informed of
his views, but also expressed his opinion, that there was no prospect of
their being acceded to. "Well!" answered the warrior, "as the Great Chief
is to determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit will put sense enough
in his head, to induce him to give up the land. True, he is so far off,
that the war will not injure him. He may sit still in his town and drink
his wine, while you and I will have to fight it out."
At the last conference which took place previously to the battle of
Tippecanoe, it is stated that his designs were more completely developed,
than ever before. [FN] And this, it should be observed, was his own
voluntary and deliberate disclosure. "The States had set the example," he
said, "of forming a union among all the fires,--why should they censure
the Indians for following it?" He had now succeeded in combining the
Northern tribes, and he was about visiting the South, for the purpose of
completing the scheme. But war, if it ensued, would be, no fault of his.
He hoped that the Governor would prevent settlements from being made on
the new purchase till he returned from his journey in the Spring. He would
then visit the President himself at his leisure, and the matter should be
settled with him.
* * * * *
[FN] Dawson's Narrative, p. 182.
This speech has been called "an artful evasion, easily seen through." It
appears to us, on the contrary, to be a model of manly frankness. The
Orator did not expressly state, indeed, that the combination alluded to,
anticipated the possibility or probability of war. But this was
unnecessary. It was the natural inference in any reasonable mind. It had
been frequently so stated and so understood; and repetition could only
exasperate. On the whole, Tecumseh seems to have manifested a noble
dignity in disavowal and discussion of his policy, equaled only by the
profound sagacity in which it originated, and the intelligent energy which
conducted it, against every opposition and obstacle, so nearly to its
completion. He might be wrong, but it is evident enough he was sincere.
As for British instigation, we need not suggest the distinction between a
disposition upon their part, and a counter disposition upon his; or
between himself and the motley multitude of fanatical and ferocious
vagabonds, who, unfortunately, formed a large part of the Prophet's first
congregation, and some of whom were as troublesome to each other and to
him, as they were to the white settlers. Outrages were committed, as we
have seen, on both sides,--and criminals refused to be given over to
justice by both,--the Indians copying, in this respect, the example of the
American authorities. But we need not pursue the subject. The best
existing evidence with regard to Tecumseh's particular interest in it,
seems to be his own, which has been given.
Nor can it be doubted, that he perfectly understood the policy of the
English. He told Governor Harrison, when he declared the necessity which
might arise of an alliance with them, that he knew they were always urging
the Indians to war for their own advantage, and not to benefit his
countrymen. "And here," we are told, [FN] "he clapped his hands, and
imitated a person hallooing at a dog, to set him fighting with another,
thereby insinuating that the British thus endeavored to set the Indians on
the Americans." The truth is, he was too proud for a subordinate part. His
confederates might do as they chose, but for himself, he would maintain
the dignity of a free man, and a warrior. He abandoned his plan of
visiting the President, because he could not be received as the head of
the deputation. It is said, that, in the last conference at Vincennes, he
found himself, at the end of a long and energetic speech, unprovided with
a seat. Observing the neglect, Governor Harrison directed a chair to be
placed for him, and requested him to accept it. "Your Father," said the
interpreter, "requests you to take a chair." "My Father!"--replied the
chief,--"The sun is my father, and the earth is my mother; I will repose
upon her bosom." And he adjusted himself on the ground in the Indian
manner.
* * * * *
[FN] Dawson's Narrative, p 159.
A qualified remark has been made upon his courage; but his uniform conduct
during the war, is certainly sufficient to establish this point beyond
controversy. The same may be said of the fearlessness shown in his visits
to Vincennes; and especially in his exposure of himself on that occasion,
though he must have perceived that he was feared, suspected, and even
guarded by large bodies of troops, drawn out for that express purpose. It
is very illustrative of the apparent diversity in the character of
Elskwatawa and his own in this respect, that when the Delawares sent a
deputation of chiefs to break up the Prophet's settlement at Tippecanoe,
the latter would not deign, as Mr. Dawson expresses it, to give them an
interview; but despatched his brother to them, "whose threats or
persuasions were sufficient to drive back the chiefs, with strong
indications of terror."
When General Proctor began to prepare for retreating from Malden,
Tecumseh, having learned his intention, demanded an interview, and, in the
name of all the Indians, delivered an animated speech. If the spirit,
which it manifests, could have had its intended effect in inducing the
General to fight before he retreated, the result must at least have been
more glorious, if not more favorable to his cause.
"Father!--Listen to your children! You have them now all before you.
"The war before this, our British father gave the hatchet to his red
children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now dead. In that war
our father was thrown flat on his back by the Americans, and our father
took them by the hand without our knowledge. We are afraid that our father
will do so again at this time.
"Summer before last, when I came forward with my red brethren, and was
ready to take up the hatchet in favor of our British father, we were told
not to be in a hurry--that he had not yet determined to fight the
Americans.
"Listen!--When war was declared, our father stood up and gave us the
tomahawk, and told us that he was then ready to strike the Americans--that
he wanted our assistance--and that he would certainly get us our lands
back, which the Americans had taken from us.
"Listen!--You told us, at that time, to bring forward our families to this
place, and we did so. You also promised to take care of them--they should
want for nothing, while the men would go and fight the enemy--that we need
not trouble ourselves about the enemy's garrison--that we knew nothing
about them--and that our father would attend to that part of the business.
You also told your red children that you would take good care of your
garrison here, which made our hearts glad.
"Listen!--When we were last at the Rapids it is true we gave you little
assistance. It is hard to fight people who live like ground-hogs.
"Father, listen!--Our fleet has gone out; we know they have fought; we
have heard the great guns; [FN-1] but we know nothing of what has happened
to our father with one arm. [FN-2] Our ships have gone one way, and we are
much astonished to see our father tying up every thing and preparing to
run away the other, without letting his red children know what his
intentions are. You always told us to remain here, and take care of our
lands; it made our hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our great
father, the king, is the head, and you represent him. You always told us
you would never draw your foot off British ground. But now, father, we see
you are drawing back, and we are sorry to see our father doing so without
seeing the enemy. We must compare our father's conduct to a fat dog, that
carries its tail upon its back, but when affrighted, it drops it between
its legs and runs off."
* * * * *
[FN-1] Alluding to Perry's Victory.
[FN-2] Commodore Barclay.
"Father, listen!--The Americans have not yet defeated us by land--neither
are we sure that they have done so by water--we therefore wish to remain
here, and fight our enemy, should they make their appearance. If they
defeat us, we will then retreat with our father.
"At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Americans certainly defeated
us; and when we returned to our father's fort, at that place the gates
were shut against us. We were afraid that it would now be the case; but
instead of that, we now see our British father preparing to march out of
his garrison.
"Father!--You have got the arms and ammunition which our great father sent
for his red children. If you have an idea of going away, give them to us,
and you may go and welcome for us. Our lives are in the hands of the Great
Spirit. We are determined to defend our lands, and if it be his will, we
wish to leave our bones upon them."
This celebrated speech is probably as good a specimen as any on record, of
the eloquence of Tecumseh. It was a natural eloquence, characteristic, as
all natural eloquence must be, of the qualities of the man. As Charlevoix
says of the Canadian savages, it was "such as the Greeks admired in the
barbarians,"--strong, stern, sententious, pointed, perfectly undisguised.
It abounded with figures and with graphic touches, imprinted by a single
effort of memory or imagination, but answering all the purposes of
detailed description, without its tediousness or its weakness. The
President was "drinking his wine in his town," while Tecumseh and Harrison
were fighting it out over the mountains. The Indians were hallooed upon
the Americans, like a pack of starved hounds. The British nation was our
great Father, and our great Father was laid flat on his back. So the
policy of the United States, in extending their settlements, was a mighty
water, and the scheme of common property in the tribes, was a dam to
resist it. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] McAfee's History, p. 17.
Tecumseh belonged to a nation "noted," as Mr. Heckewelder describes them,
"for much talk," as well as for hard fighting; and he was himself never at
a loss for words, though he used them with a chariness which might be
imitated without disadvantage by some of our modern orators. It was only
when he spoke for the explanation or vindication of that great cause to
which his whole heart and mind were devoted, that he indulged himself in
any thing beyond the laconic language of necessity. His appearance was
always noble--his form symmetrical--his carriage erect and lofty--his
motions commanding--but under the excitement of his favorite theme, he
became a new being. The artifice of the politician, the diffidence of the
stranger, the demure dignity of the warrior, were cast aside like a cloak.
His fine countenance lighted up with a fiery and haughty pride. His frame
swelled with emotion. Every posture and every gesture had its eloquent
meaning. And then language, indeed,--the irrepressible outbreaking of
nature,--flowed glowing from the passion-fountains of the soul.
We have drawn the portrait of this eminent chieftain hitherto, only so far
as to sketch some of those strongly-marked lineaments by which he was best
known to his contemporaries, and by which he will be longest remembered.
But there was something more in his character than strong savage talent
and savage feeling. Injured and irritated as he often was, and constantly
as he kept himself excited by an interest in the fate of his countrymen,
and by the agitation of his own schemes, there is no evidence either of
coarseness in his manners, or of cruelty in his conduct. For reasons
easily to be imagined, he regarded Governor Harrison with less partiality,
than most other individual Americans; and hence, the British General is
said to have stipulated early in the war, that the Governor, if taken
prisoner, should be _his_ captive. But he is understood to have always
treated that gentleman with such courtesy, that we apprehend, had this
_casus-faedris_ unfortunately occurred, he would have gloried only in
conveying him off the battle-field in the manner of the Black-Prince, and
in setting before him, with the royal munificence of Massasoit, all the
dry pease in his wigwam.
When the Governor proposed to him, on his first visit to Vincennes in
1810, that, in the event of a war, he would as far as possible put a stop
to the cruelties which the Indians were accustomed to inflict upon women
and children, and others no longer in a situation to resist,--he readily
gave his assent to the proposition, and voluntarily pledged himself to
adhere to it. There is reason to believe, that he remembered this promise;
and that amidst temptations and provocations,--and, many would be inclined
to add, examples, from an authority he might have been supposed to
respect,--of a most extraordinary nature.
In one of the sorties from Fort Meigs, a hundred or more of the American
garrison were taken prisoners, and put into Fort Miami. Here, McAfee and
others relate that the British Indians garnished the surrounding rampart,
and amused themselves by loading and firing at the crowd within, or at
particular individuals. This proceeding is said to have continued nearly
two hours, during which time twenty of the unfortunate prisoners were
massacred. The chiefs were at the same time holding a council, to
determine the fate of the residue. A blood-thirsty mob of cut-throat
Pottawatamies were warmly in favor of despatching them all on the spot,
while the Wyandots and Miamies opposed that course. The former prevailed;
and had already systematically commenced the work of destruction, when
Tecumseh, descrying them from the batteries, came down among them,
reprimanded the ring-leaders for their dastardly barbarity in murdering
defenceless captives in cold blood, and thus saved the lives of a
considerable number. That all this was done by express permission of the
English commander, and in presence of the English army, as is farther
stated, it does not belong to us, in the pursuit of our present subject,
either to assert or prove. If there be any truth in the charge, or in a
tithe of those of the same character which have been brought against the
same party, the sooner the veil of oblivion is dropped over them, the
better.
In fine, the character of Tecumseh, in whatever light it be viewed, must
be regarded as remarkable in the highest degree. That he proved himself
worthy of his rank as a general officer in the army of his Britannic
Majesty, or even of his reputation as a great warrior among all the
Indians of the North and West, is, indeed, a small title to distinction,
Bravery is a savage virtue; and the Shawanees are a brave people,--as too
many of the American nation have ascertained by experience. His oratory
speaks more for his genius. It was the utterance of a great mind, roused
by the strongest motives of which human nature is susceptible, and
developing a power and a labor of reason, which commanded the admiration
of the civilized, as justly as the confidence and pride of the savage. But
other orators, too, have appeared among his countrymen, as eloquent and as
eminent as Tecumseh, wherever the same moving causes and occasions could
give birth and scope to the same emulous effort. And the mere oratory, in
all these cases, was not so much an absolute vindication, as a naked and
meagre index of the mighty intellect and noble spirit within. Happily for
the fame of Tecumseh, other evidences exist in his favor,--such as were
felt as well as heard in his own day,--such as will live on the pages of
civilized history, long after barbarous tradition has forgotten them. He
will be named with Philip and Pontiac, "the agitators" of the two
centuries which preceded his own. The schemes of these men
were,--fortunately for the interest which they lived and labored to
resist,--alike unsuccessful in their issue; but none the less credit
should for _that_ reason be allowed to their motives or their efforts.
They were still statesmen, though the communities over which their
influence was exerted, were composed of red men instead of white. They
were still patriots, though they fought only for wild lands and for wild
liberty. Indeed, it is these very circumstances that make these very
efforts,--and especially the extraordinary degree of success which
attended them,--the more honorable and the more signal; while they clearly
show the necessity of their ultimate failure, which existed in the nature
of things. They are the best proof, at once, of genius and of principle.
CHAPTER XV.
Michikinaqwa, or the Little Turtle--Early History--Engages in a
combination of the Indians against the United States--Blue-Jacket--The
Turtle defeats two detachments of American troops--Some account of the
North-Western war from 1791 to 1795--The Turtle defeated by General
Wayne--He becomes unpopular after the peace--Some or the charges against
him examined--Anecdotes of his intercourse with distinguished
Americans--His letter to Gen. Harrison--His death in 1812--His
character.
In the Life of Buckongahelas, we have alluded to the powerful influence of
"one individual," as having enabled Governor Harrison, despite the
exertions or that chieftain, to effect the important negotiations
concluded at Fort Wayne in 1803. That individual was the Little Turtle, a
personage of both talent and celebrity, second in modern times only to
those of Tecumseh. Indeed, he may be considered in some respects one of
the most remarkable Indians of any age; and although he has been deceased
about twenty years, his grave, in the neighborhood of the station just
named, is not only still shown, but still visited by Indians from various
quarters, who cherish the memory of the old warrior with the deepest
veneration.
The vernacular name of the Turtle was Michikinaqwa or Mechecunaqua. He was
the son of a Miami chief, but his mother was a Mohegan woman; and as the
Indian maxim in relation to descents is generally the same with that of
the civil law in relation to slaves--that the condition of the offspring
follows the condition of the mother [FN]--the Turtle had no advantage
whatever from his father's rank. He however became a chief at an early
age, for his extraordinary talents attracted the notice of his countrymen
even in boyhood.
* * * * *
[FN] "Partus sequitur ventrem."
His first eminent services were those of a warrior in the ranks of his
tribe. It is well known that long after the conclusion of the peace of
1783, the British retained possession of several posts within our ceded
limits on the north, which were rallying-points for the Indians hostile to
the American cause, and where they were supplied and subsisted to a
considerable extent, while they continued to wage that war with us which
their civilized ally no longer maintained. Our Government made strenuous
exertions to pacify all these tribes. With some they succeeded, and among
others with the powerful Creeks, headed at this time by the famous
half-breed McGillivray. But the savages of the Wabash and the Miami would
consent to no terms. They were not only encouraged by foreign
assistance--whether national, or simply individual, we need not in this
connection discuss--but they were strong in domestic combination. The
Wyandots, the Pottawatamies, the Delawares, the Shawanees, the Chippewas,
the Ottawas, not to mention parts of some other tribes, all acted
together; and last, but by no means least, the Miamies, resident where
Fort Wayne has been since erected, inspired the whole confederacy with the
ardor which they themselves had but to imitate in their own fearless
chieftains.
These were generally the same parties who had thirty years before been
united against the whites under Pontiac; and the causes of their
irritation were now mainly the same as they had been then, while both the
cordiality and facility of cooperation were increased by confidence and
experience derived even from former failures. These causes have been
already sufficiently experienced. They arose chiefly from the frontier
advances of the white population on the Indian lands--always and almost
necessarily attended with provocations never discovered, and of
consequence never atoned for, by the proper authorities. National claims
were also brought forward, which, so far as founded on the representations
of persons interested, were likely enough to be abuses. In fact, here was
an exact precedent for the combination of Tippecanoe. The Turtle was
politically the first follower of Pontiac, and the latest model of
Tecumseh.
The Turtle, we say, but the zealous assistance he received from other
chieftains of various tribes, ought not to be overlooked. Buckongahelas
commanded the Delawares. Blue-Jacket was at this time the leading man of
the Shawanees--a warrior of high reputation, though unfortunately but few
particulars of his history have been recorded. The Mississagas, a Canadian
tribe on the river Credit, some remnant of which still exists, contributed
not a little to the power of the confederacy in the talents of a brave
chief, whose very name is not preserved, though his movements among the
more northern Indians were felt on the banks of the St. Lawrence, as far
down as Montreal itself. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] A respectable Montreal publication, of 1791, notices one of this
person's visits to the tribes in the vicinity of that town;--describing
him as "forty-five years old, six feet in height, of a sour and morose
aspect, and apparently very crafty and subtle."
On the 13th of September, 1791,--all attempts to conciliate the hostile
tribes who were now ravaging the frontiers, having been
abandoned,--General Harmer, under the direction of the Federal government,
marched against them from Fort Washington (the present site of Cincinnati)
with three hundred and twenty regulars, who were soon after joined by a
body of militia, making the whole force about fifteen hundred men. Colonel
Hardin, at the head of six hundred Kentucky troops, was detached in
advance to reconnoiter. As he approached the enemy's villages, they fled.
The villages were destroyed, and a light force again detached in the
pursuit. These men were met by a small Indian party, led on by the Turtle,
who attacked them furiously, and fought them with such effect that of
thirty regulars twenty-three were killed, while all the militia of the
detachment sought safety in flight.
Notwithstanding this check, the enemy's only remaining town in the section
of the country near the battle-ground was laid waste, and their provisions
destroyed. General Harmer then returned to Fort Washington, unpursued, but
disgraced and deeply chagrined. Under these circumstances he resolved to
hazard another action. He halted eight miles from Chilicothe, and late at
night detached Colonel Hardin with orders to find the Indians, and fight
them. Hardin succeeded in his search about daylight The savages fought
with desperation, for they were maddened by the sight of their flaming
villages and their uncovered dead, and the war-cry of the Turtle again
urged them to the onset. Some of the Americans fled, but a greater number,
including fifty regulars and one hundred militia, with several officers of
note, fell upon the field of battle, bravely discharging a fruitless and
fatal duty. General Harmer claimed the victory,---with how much propriety
may appear from these facts. The Turtle however suffered so severely in
the engagement, that he permitted him to march home unmolested.
Harmer's disasters were followed by the most deplorable consequences, for
the savages renewed their devastations to such a degree that the situation
of the frontiers became truly alarming. Congress directed the organization
of a strong military force, and meanwhile two volunteer expeditions from
Kentucky, under Generals Wilkinson and Scott were fitted out against the
enemy. Considerable damage was done to them on the Miami and Wabash,
though without much loss of life on either side.
The campaign of the Federal troops,--mustering about two thousand, besides
garrisons in two or three newly erected forts,--commenced late in the
summer of 1791. Desertion reduced the number to fourteen hundred, before
the commander, General St. Clair, had advanced far into the hostile
territory. Continuing his march, however, on the third of November he
encamped on a piece of commanding ground, within fifteen miles of the
Miami villages. An interval of only seventy paces was left between the two
wings of his army. The right was in some degree protected by a creek, and
a steep bank; the left, by cavalry and picquets. The militia, about three
hundred fresh Kentuckian recruits, were permitted to cross the creek, and
draw up in two lines on the first rising ground beyond it, at the distance
of a quarter of a mile from the main body, from which they were separated
also by a rich sugar-tree "bottom."
The enemy had apparently anticipated a movement of this kind. The
chieftains had collected a force of from one thousand to fifteen hundred
men, upon the Miami territories; and for several days previous to the
halt, numbers of them had been hovering round and evidently watching the
movements of the troops. During the night of the 3d, shots were
occasionally exchanged between them and the American sentries, and small
parties were sent out in different directions to prevent their too near
approach.
Meanwhile the Indians were holding a grand council of war. The plan of
attack was agreed upon, and the order and rank of the various tribes
settled with a precision as punctilious as that of the ancient Greeks. The
Wyandots stretched to the west; the Delawares were stationed next to them;
the Senecas third, and so on. The Turtle, acting as commander-in-chief,
superintended and stimulated the whole, but headed no particular
detachment; the arm of the warrior was to do much, but the eye and voice
of the chieftain, much more. Nothing happened during the night to alarm
the Americans, and indeed the noise and stir of the outskirts in the early
part of the evening gradually subsided. All at length was silent, and it
might well be supposed, as it probably was, that the enemy had taken
advantage of the darkness of the night to make good a precipitate retreat,
or that their whole force as yet consisted only of a few scouting and
scalping parties. But the mistake was of short duration. The militia were
violently attacked between dawn and sunrise of the fourth, by a powerful
body of the Indians, who, with a terrific yell, poured in a volume of
musketry along the entire length of the two lines. Never was surprise more
complete. The ranks of the militia were thrown into confusion at once; and
although the battle was hotly contested for three hours at least, no
efforts of the officers, or of the regular troops of the main body, proved
sufficient to recover the lost ground. The former, indeed, were picked off
by the enemy's sharp-shooters so rapidly, that very little could be
expected from the aggregate of _their_ exertions.
Besides, the savages generally fought under shelter of the woods. "The
Indians were very numerous," we are informed by one who was present, "but
we found it out more from their incessant heavy fire, than from what we
could otherwise discover of them. They fought under cover, though they
would frequently advance very close under the smoke of the cannon; and as
soon as it began to clear away, the fire became very fatal." [FN]
Emboldened, however, by success, they sometimes charged the Americans
tomahawk in hand, drove them back on their lines, kept possession of their
tents for some minutes, and though repulsed, continually returned to the
contest with redoubled fury.
* * * * *
[FN] New-York and other news-papers of December, 1791.
The Americans were at length compelled to retreat; and this retreat,--as
St. Clair himself confessed, in his despatches, "was a precipitate one,
_in fact a flight._" The camp and artillery were abandoned. Most of the
militia threw away their arms and accoutrements. All were closely pursued
by the savages from half-past nine, when the route commenced, until after
sunset, when they gained Fort Jefferson, at a distance of twenty-nine
miles. Thirty-eight officers, and five hundred and ninety-three men, were
slain or missing; and twenty-one officers and two hundred and forty-two
men wounded, many of whom died afterwards; so that no fewer than eight
hundred and ninety-four were lost or disabled, out of an army of fourteen
hundred. General Butler, second in command, was among the slain.
General St. Clair says he was overpowered by numbers; but as no English
historian makes the enemy more numerous than the Americans, some credit
should be given to them upon other grounds than the pretext of numerical
superiority. Indeed, their attack was conducted with astonishing
intrepidity. After a single volley of fire-arms they fought every inch of
the field, hand to hand. There is no other instance in the history of the
continent, of a slaughter to be compared to this, with the exception of
the memorable defeat of Braddock. "Nearly in the space of three hundred
and fifty yards,"--said General Scott, who visited the battle-field soon
after,--"lay five hundred skull-bones, three hundred of which were buried
by my men. From thence five miles on, the woods were strewed with
skeletons, muskets," &c. [FN-1] The loss of the Turtle's army was never
ascertained upon indisputable authority, but no account makes it at all
proportionable to that of St. Clair. The Mississaga chief, mentioned
above, who visited Montreal a few months after the action, rated the
American loss at several hundreds more than the official bulletin just
cited, and that of the Indians at only _nine;_ [FN-2] but some allowance
ought probably to be made for extenuation in the latter case, as for
exaggeration in the former. An American officer, who encountered a party
of thirty Indians near the battle-ground, a day or two after the defeat,
(and was detained by them till they were made to believe him a friend to
their cause, from Canada,) was informed that the number of killed was
fifty-six. These savages were returning home with their share of the
plunder. One of them had a hundred and twenty-seven American scalps,
strung on a pole, and the rest were laden with various other articles, of
different values. They had also three pack-horses, carrying as many kegs
of wine and spirits as could be piled on their backs. According to their
statement, there were twelve hundred Indians in the battle, the larger
proportion of whom were Miamies. [FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Metcalf's Indian Wars.
[FN-2] Montreal papers.
[FN-3] New-York papers. Most of the statements in the text are
corroborated by all the standard histories of the war.
We have alluded to the expedition of General Scott, who made a most
successful incursion against the savages a few weeks subsequent to the
action of the 4th. A considerable body of them were found by his scouts on
the field, still reveling among the spoils of the camp, and diverting
themselves in high glee. Scott attacked them abruptly with three
detachments, in as many directions, at the same moment. They were
completely surprised and routed. At least two hundred were killed on the
spot; the remainder fled, and Scott's force returned triumphantly to
head-quarters, carrying home seven pieces of St. Clair's cannon.
The effect of this defeat upon the Turtle's mind and upon those of his
countrymen generally, was abundantly sufficient to exasperate, without
having the slightest tendency either to intimidate or discourage.
"A few days ago,"--says, in the summer of 1792, a letter-writer from Fort
Knox, cited in the principal journals of the day,--"several chiefs came in
from Opee, a place high upon the Illinois river, and in their speech to
Major Hamtranck told him they were frequently invited and threatened by
_the Miamies,_ to induce them to go to war with us, that we must keep good
heart, for we shall have a great many more to fight this year than last;
and that they wished us success, and hoped we should give them a hearty
drubbing." Something is suggested about British instigation, and the
writer concludes thus. "Indeed every intelligence we have received from
the _Miami villages,_ corroborates this, so far as to convince us that
there will be twice as many Indians in the field this year as there were
last,--so that I think a few of us will be apt to lose our hair."
It will be observed that the Miamies are here regarded as the leading
tribe in the hostile combination. So undoubtedly they were, and that alone
sufficiently indicates the influence exercised by the Turtle. Hence it
was, in no small degree, that the predictions of the Indians at Fort Knox,
were but too accurately and speedily fulfilled. During 1792, the
depredations of the savages became more furious and ferocious than ever
before; and some of the most tragical scenes recorded in history took
place on the long line of the frontiers. We shall detail a single
well-authenticated instance, to illustrate the exposure of the citizens in
what was then perhaps the most populous section of the West.
A dwelling-house in Kentucky was attacked by a party of Indians. The
proprietor, Mr. Merrill, was alarmed by the barking of his dog. On going
to the door he received the fire of the assailants, which broke his right
leg and arm. They attempted to enter the house, but were anticipated in
their movement by Mrs. Merrill and her daughter, who closed the door in so
effectual a manner as to keep them at bay. They next began to hew a
passage through the door, and one of the warriors attempted to enter
through the aperture; but the resolute mother seizing an axe, gave him a
fatal blow upon the head, and then with the assistance of her daughter,
drew his body in. His companions without, not apprized of his fate, but
supposing him successful, followed through the same aperture, and four of
the number were thus killed before their mistake was discovered. They now
retired a few moments, but soon returned, and renewed their exertions to
force the house. Despairing of entering by the door, they climbed upon the
roof, and made an effort to descend by the chimney. Mr. Merrill directed
his little son to empty the contents of a large feather-bed upon the fire,
which soon caused so dense and pungent a smoke, as nearly to suffocate
those who had made this desperate attempt, and two of them fell into the
fire-place. The moment was critical; the mother and daughter could not
quit their stations at the door; and the husband, though groaning with his
broken leg and arm, rousing every exertion, seized a billet of wood, and
with repeated blows despatched the two half-smothered Indians. In the
meantime the mother had repelled a fresh assault upon the door, and
severely wounded one of the Indians, who attempted simultaneously to enter
there, while the others descended the chimney. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Metcalf's Indian Wars.
We find no particular evidence that the Turtle was concerned in any of
these petty forays, which indeed were certainly attended with no honor,
while they inflicted more damage and alarm than any other events of this
memorable war. He however commanded a body of Indians who, in November,
1792, made a violent attack on a detachment of Kentucky volunteers, headed
by Major Adair, (since Governor) under the walls of Fort St. Clair. The
contest was severe and sanguinary. The savages were at length
repulsed--with considerable loss, according to some accounts--but
Marshall, who is sufficiently careful of the honor of his countrymen,
allows that the Major, after a gallant resistance, was compelled to
retreat to the fort, (about half a mile) with the loss of six men killed,
and the camp-equipage and one hundred and forty pack-horses taken. The
Indians lost but two men. The Turtle was also in the action of Fort
Recovery, which took place in June, 1794, and in which a large detachment
of American troops, under Major McMahon, was defeated.
Repeated efforts were made by the American Government, during these three
years, for the conclusion of a treaty of peace. Several of the Senecas,
and other New-York Indians were employed as mediators to this end. To some
extent they succeeded, or at least were thought to have done so,--it being
announced, late in the fall of 1792, that the Miamies had consented to a
truce till the next spring; but at the end of that term, if not before,
hostilities were renewed with as much vigor as ever. Only a few months
previous, three Americans, sent to the enemy with flags and proposals of
peace, were murdered in cold blood,--an act for which some palliating
provocations were alleged by those who committed it, but which never was
deliberately justified by their leaders. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] "When the news was carried to the town (a Shawanese village) that a
white man with a peace-talk had been killed at the camp, it excited a
great ferment, and the murderers were much censured," &c.--_Marshall's
Kentucky._ The brave Colonel Hardin, of Kentucky, was one of the
messengers.
But the successes of the enemy were drawing to a close. General Wayne had
been appointed to the command of the American army, than whom perhaps no
man in the country was better qualified to meet the emergencies of an
Indian warfare in the woods. The Indians were themselves, indeed, sensible
of this fact, and the mere intelligence of his approach probably had its
effect on their spirits. They universally called him the Black Snake, from
the superior cunning which they ascribed to him; and even allowed him the
credit of being a fair match for Buckongahelas, Blue-Jacket, or the Turtle
himself.
Wayne prosecuted the decisive campaign of 1794 with a spirit which
justified the estimate of his enemy, although, owing to the difficulties
of transporting stores and provisions through a wilderness which at that
time could not be traversed by wagons, he was unable to commence
operations until near midsummer. He had already, in the fall of the
previous season, erected Fort Recovery on the site of St. Clair's defeat;
and early in August, he raised a fortification at the confluence of the
Au-Glaize and Miami, which he named Fort Defiance. His whole force was now
nearly two thousand regulars, exclusive of eleven hundred mounted Kentucky
militia under General Scott, [FN] Here he had expected to surprise the
neighboring villages of the enemy; and the more effectually to ensure the
success of his _coup-de-main,_ he had not only advanced thus far by an
obscure and very difficult route, but taken pains to clear out two roads
from Greenville in that direction, in order to attract and divert the
attention of the Indians, while he marched by neither. But his generalship
proved of no avail. The Turtle and his comrades kept too vigilant an eye
on the foe they were now awaiting, to be easily surprised, even had not
their movements been quickened, as they were, by the information of an
American deserter.
* * * * *
[FN] There were some friendly Indians, mostly from southern tribes, who
fought under Wayne and Scott during the season of 1794; and among the
rest about sixty Choctaws, commanded by a brave chief commonly called
General Hummingbird, who more recently distinguished himself in the last
war against the Creeks, (as the allies of the British.) He died December
23d, 1828, aged seventy-five, at his residence near the Choctaw agency,
where he was buried with the honors of war.
On the 12th of the month, the General learned from some of the Indians
taken prisoners, that their main body occupied a camp near the British
garrison, at the rapids of the Miami. But he now resolved, before
approaching them much nearer, to try the effect of one more proposal of
peace. He had in his army a man named Miller, who had long been a captive
with some of the tribes, and he selected him for the hazardous enterprize.
Miller did not like the scheme. It was his opinion, from what he had
observed, that the Indians were unalterably determined on war, and that
they would not respect a flag, but probably kill him: in short, he
declined being the ambassador. General Wayne, however, could think of no
other as well qualified; and being anxious to make the experiment, he
assured Miller that he would hold the eight prisoners then in his custody,
as pledges for his safety, and that he might take with him any escort he
desired. Thus encouraged, the soldier consented to go with the message;
and to attend him, he selected from the prisoners, one of the men, and a
squaw. With these he left camp at 4 o'clock, P. M. on the 13th; and next
morning at daybreak, reached the tents of the hostile chiefs, which were
near together, and known by his attendants, without being discovered. He
immediately displayed his flag, and proclaimed himself "a messenger."
Instantly he was assailed on all sides, with a hideous yell, and a call,
to "Kill the runner! Kill the spy!" But he, accosting them in their own
language, and forthwith explaining to them his real character, they
suspended the blow, and took him into custody. He shewed and explained the
General's letter; not omitting the positive assurance, that if they did
not send the bearer back to him by the 16th of the month, he would, at
sunset of that day, cause every soldier in his camp to be put to death.
Miller was closely confined, and a council called by the chiefs. On the
15th, he was liberated, and furnished with an answer to General Wayne,
stating, "that if he waited where he was ten days, and then sent Miller
for them, they would treat with him; but that if he advanced, they would
give him battle." The General's impatience had prevented his waiting the
return of his minister. On the 16th, Miller came up with the army on its
march, and delivered the answer; to which he added, that "from the manner
in which the Indians were dressed and painted, and the constant arrival of
parties, it was his opinion, they had determined on war, and only wanted
time to muster their whole force." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Marshall.
This intelligence of course did not serve to check the eagerness of the
General, and he rapidly continued his march down the Miami. On the 18th he
reached the rapids. On the 19th he halted to reconnoiter, within a few
miles of the enemy's camp, and threw up a temporary work which he called
Fort _Deposite._ Early, in the morning of the 20th he resumed his march in
that direction, and about 10 o'clock his spies, a mile in advance, were
fired on. The army was halted, and put in order of battle, and then moved
forward in three columns. Wayne's legion, occupying the right, had its
flank upon the river; one brigade of mounted volunteers, under General
Todd, occupied the left; and the other, under General Barbee, the rear.
Major Price, with a select battalion, moved in front, to "feel" the enemy,
and to give the troops timely notice to form. After penetrating about five
miles, he received a tremendous fire from an ambuscade, and fell back upon
the main force.
The Indians were advantageously posted in the forest of Presque Isle;
having their left secured by the rocky bank of the river, and their front
by a kind of breast-work of fallen trees, which rendered it impracticable
for cavalry to advance. They were formed in three lines, within supporting
distance, and extending nearly two miles into the woods.
Wayne's legion immediately advanced in two columns, with trailed arms,
expecting to rouse the enemy from the covert with the bayonet; and when
up, to deliver a close fire upon their backs, and press them so hard as
not to give them time to reload. He soon saw, from the weight of their
fire, and the extent of their lines, that the Indians were in full force,
in possession of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn his left
flank. He instantly ordered General Scott, with his whole force, to make a
considerable circuit, with a view to outflank them; but the legionary
infantry executed their orders with such promptitude, that only a part of
the second column, and of the mounted volunteers, could be brought up to
participate in the action. The Indians flying from their concealment, only
confused each other by their numbers; and they were driven more than two
miles through thick woods, in the course of an hour, until the pursuit
terminated under the guns of Fort Maumee. [FN] Great slaughter was made by
the legionary cavalry in the pursuit, so many of the savages being cut
down with the sabre, that the title of Long-Knives, long before given to
the Americans, is said to have come again into general use at this period.
General Wayne stated his loss at one hundred and thirty-three killed and
wounded. That of the Indians was never ascertained, but was supposed to be
much greater.
* * * * *
[FN] Marshall. And see Appendix II.
As many as seven tribes were engaged in this action--the Miamies, the
Pottawatamies, Delawares, Shawanees, Chippewas, Ottawas, and some Senecas.
During the night preceding the battle, the chiefs of the different nations
had assembled in council, and it was proposed by some, to go up and attack
General Wayne in his encampment. The proposition was opposed, and the
council did not determine to attack him that night; but all acceded to
another suggestion, to wait until the next day, and fight the General at
Presque Isle. The Turtle alone disapproved of this plan, while Blue-Jacket
was warmly in favor of it. The former disliked the idea of fighting Wayne
under present circumstances, and was even inclined to make peace. "We have
beaten the enemy," said he at the council, "twice, under separate
commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortune always to attend us.
The Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. The night and the
day are alike to him; and during all the time that he has been marching
upon our villages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young men, we
have never been able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is something
whispers me, it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." On
this, he was reproached by one of the chiefs with cowardice, and that
ended the conference. Stung to the quick by a reproach which he was
conscious he never merited, he would have laid the reviler dead at his
feet; but his was not the bravery of an assassin. He took his post in the
action, determined to do his duty; and the event proved that he had formed
no very erroneous estimate of the character of General Wayne. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Schoolcraft.
The treaty of Greenville, consequent upon the successful termination of
this campaign, or what is frequently denominated _Wayne's War,_ was
concluded on the third of August, A. D. 1795. This treaty, the basis of
most of our subsequent treaties with the northwestern Indians, was
attended by twelve tribes; some of whom, it is believed, had never before
entered into treaty with the United States. They ceded an extensive tract
of country, south of the lakes, and west of the Ohio; together with
certain specific tracts, including the sites of all the northwestern
posts, as an indemnification for the expenses of the war. The stipulations
of the treaty of Greenville continued unbroken till the battle of
Tippecanoe, a period of sixteen years.
Dawson, in his memoirs of General Harrison, (who was educated in General
Wayne's family,) has given some interesting reminiscences respecting the
conclusion of this peace. He states, that the Turtle took a decided part
against the giving up of the large tract of country which General Wayne
required on the part of the United States. This circumstance, however, was
not unfavorable to the attainment of the object, as it was evident there
was a violent jealousy of the Turtle, among most of the Ottawas,
Chippewas, and Pottawatamies, so that they invariably opposed every thing
which he advocated. And as they and their friends constituted the majority
of the council, the Turtle was always in the minority. The superiority of
his mind was conspicuous not only in their company, but in his measures
and deportment in the society of white people. The other chiefs were all
invited, in their turns, to the General's table, and on these occasions
showed themselves still savages, though many of them appeared much at
their ease, and disposed of the good things of the General's table with
evident satisfaction. The drinking, however, was the most popular part of
the entertainment, and indeed, the White Pigeon, a Pottawatamie chief;
could not refrain from expressing his gratitude to the Great Spirit for
this, as he conceived, the best gift to man. Upon being asked for a toast
by General Wayne, he rose and said, "I will give you the Great Spirit, and
I am much obliged to him for putting so much sense into that man's head
who first made rum."
After the peace was concluded, the Turtle settled upon Eel-River, about
twenty miles from Fort Wayne, where the Americans erected for him a
comfortable house. He frequently visited the seat of Government both at
Philadelphia and Washington. His taste for civilized life being observed,
the Indian agents were desired by the Government to furnish him with every
reasonable accommodation for his decent subsistence,--supposing that the
example might prove beneficial in their exertions to civilize the other
Indians.
These indulgences, however, entirely destroyed--for a time, at least--the
Turtle's influence among the savages; for some envied his good fortune,
and others suspected his honesty. Being perfectly sensible of this, and
not a little chagrined by it, we may fairly presume that he made various
attempts to recover his popularity. This was probably the secret of his
opposition to the interest of the United States on more occasions than one
where it was not altogether indispensable. But we certainly need not deny
him on that account the credit of real patriotism which he manifested at
all times. The truth is, that in some indifferent cases, when he might
have yielded to the demands of the American authorities without disgrace,
he opposed them chiefly for the sake of retaining or regaining his
influence with his countrymen.
Under these circumstances, however, he was of course liable to accusations
which he did not deserve,--by the Indians, of being bribed by the
Government, and by the Americans, of thwarting _their_ purposes from a
puerile regard to the whims rather than the interest of the Indians. As an
instance of the latter, we may refer to the Indian Councils of 1802 and
1803, at Vincennes and at Fort Wayne, the result of which was the
conveyance of an immense territory to the United States from the
Pottawatamies, Piankishaws, Weas, Eel-River Miamies, and some other tribes
or parts of tribes.
Mr. Dawson states that the former of these councils had been recommended
by the Turtle, but that when the time came, he refused to
attend,---alleging as his reason, that "the jealousy with which the chiefs
viewed the footing he stood upon with the United States, would make his
presence rather more injurious than serviceable." Now, this would seem to
be a sufficient explanation; and yet the historian does not hesitate to
say, that the Turtle had just before been visited, bribed and gained over
by the British-Indian agent, McKee. This is asserted without
qualification, although the same paragraph shows that the testimony in the
case was nothing more than the "opinion" of a "Mr. Wells." It is added
that, "however that might be"--implying a doubt after all--the Turtle
certainly used his influence to prevent the other chiefs from attending
the Council. This might be true, but it proves at best, only that he made
some farther exertion to clear himself of that suspicion among the Indians
which he gave as his reason for not attending the council, and at the same
time to obviate the necessity itself of attending.
The result proves the correctness of his judgment. Those who did attend
were at first extremely opposed to Governor Harrison's propositions; but
after considerable discussion they determined to refer the whole
matter--and it was one of no small moment to the Indian interest--to _four
chiefs_ of the various tribes represented, or a majority of them, "to
finally settle and adjust a treaty" with the Agents of the Government. At
the head of the commission was the Turtle himself; and his nephew,
Richardville, a member of the same tribe, was another.
Had any other course been taken than this, for which the Turtle is accused
of corruption, it is probable that the treaty would never have been
authorized, notwithstanding the tribes were deliberately convinced of its
policy,--for the presence of the Turtle would have been an argument to
counterbalance all others. The historian does the Chieftain better justice
in the sequel. A meeting of the Commissioners with the Governor having
been appointed for the spring of 1803, to be held at Fort Wayne, the
latter, on arriving there, was astonished to find that all who had agreed
to attend, were still absent, while the Turtle, who had only been
authorized to act in the premises, was on the spot, together with the
Pottawatomie Chiefs. It seems they had by this time grown jealous again;
audit comes out in evidence, that the Owl, or Long-Beard, had been busily
employed in dissuading the Indians from meeting him, and that his
representations had been effectual in many cases. The Owl, despite big
name, was as subtle as he was wicked, and he found means to detach the
Miami nation almost entirely from the interests of the Turtle and
Richardville, who were the real chiefs of the tribe. This he effected by
asserting that the former had sold to the United States the whole country,
and that it would be claimed as it might be wanted. He earnestly advised
them not to accept any annuities in future, assuring them that the United
States would at a future day claim a large tract of land for every annuity
which they might pay to the Indians.
We have before mentioned that when Buckongahelas and other chiefs finally
attended at Fort Wayne, and opposed the treaty, it was effected, according
to the historian's statement, principally by the influence of the Turtle.
It appears to have been on the whole a measure mutually beneficial to the
two contracting parties; but the Turtle no doubt thought that an agreement
once made should be ratified at all events, whatever the effect might be
on his own popularity.
There is probably more justice in the charge brought against him in regard
to the treaty concluded with the Piankashaws and Delawares, in
1804,--though perhaps not in the sense intended by the accuser. The
Miamies were not consulted in this instance, it appears, nor were the
Pottawatamies. They believed themselves entitled to a voice in the matter,
and were therefore dissatisfied, and openly expressed their displeasure at
the result. It is alleged, however, that "no claim would have been set up
by them, had the _Turtle_ been consulted when the treaty was made."
This may be true,--for, setting aside courtesy, he and his countrymen
might at least have been prepossessed in favor of the honesty of the
transaction, by an appearance of entire frankness on the part of the
whites. Not that the treaty was in fact unprincipled; but the manner of
concluding it might well appear to the Indians somewhat exclusive. They
claimed an interest in the lands conveyed, and a consequent right to be
consulted as parties; and they wished that, even if the case admitted of
no argument, they might be allowed to hear what was said, and to see what
was done. Their anxiety was certainly the more pardonable, inasmuch as the
tract thus conveyed included "all that fine country between the Ohio and
the Wabash rivers (as high up as the road leading from Vincennes to
Louisville,) with a front of three hundred miles on the one and nearly
half as much on the other." It further appears, that at a general council
of the tribes at Vincennes, in 1805, a treaty was negotiated, which
"settled the dispute respecting the purchase made of the Delawares the
year before,"--the Miamies and the other claimants being present. There
was really a dispute, then--and it was settled--and that formally, by all
the parties concerned. It should have been prevented, we conceive, instead
of being settled; and in that case, the Turtle might have been spared the
charge of "manoeuvring" and "intriguing" with the British Agents.
He opposed the designs of Tecumseh and the Prophet, from the time of their
first appearance on the political stage, and it was owing to his influence
that very little was effected by them among the Miamies, as well as other
tribes, for a longtime. Had he lived through the war with England, he
would undoubtedly have exerted himself more energetically for the American
interest than ever before. The following communication indicates the part
he was prepared to take, subsequent to the battle of Tippecanoe. The
"witness" probably acted as amanuensis:--
_Fort Wayne,_ 25_th January,_ 1812.
"Governor Harrison:
"My friend--I have been requested by my nation to speak to you, and I obey
their request with pleasure, because I believe their situation requires
all the aid I can afford them.
"When your speech by Mr. Dubois was received by the Miamies, they answered
it, and I made known to you their opinion at that time.
"Your letter to William Wells of the 23d November last, has been explained
to the Miamies and Eel-River tribes of Indians.
"My friend--Although neither of these tribes have had any thing to do with
the late unfortunate affair which happened on the Wabash, still they all
rejoice to hear you say, that if those foolish Indians which were engaged
in that action, would return to their several homeland remain quiet, that
they would be pardoned, and again received by the President as his
children. We believe there is none of them that will be so foolish, as not
to accept of this friendly offer; whilst, at the same time, I assure you,
that nothing shall be wanting on my part, to prevail on them to accept it.
"All the prophet's followers have left him, (with the exception of two
camps of his own tribe.) Tecumseh has just joined him with eight men only.
No danger can be apprehended from them at present. Our eyes will be
constantly kept on them, and should they attempt to gather strength again,
we will do all in our power to prevent it, and at the same time give you
immediate information of their intentions.
"We are sorry that the peace and friendship which has so long existed
between the red and white people, could not be preserved, without the loss
of so many good men as fell on both sides in the late action on the
Wabash; but we are satisfied that it will be the means of making that
peace which ought to exist between us, more respected, both by the red and
the white people.
"We have been lately told, by different Indians from that quarter, that
you wished the Indians from this country to visit you: this they will do
with pleasure when you give them information of it in writing.
"My friend!--The clouds appear to be rising in a different quarter, which
threatens to turn our light into darkness. To prevent this, it may require
the united efforts of us all. We hope that none of us will be found to
shrink from the storm that threatens to burst upon our nations.
"Your friend,
X Mischecanocquah
or LITTLE TURTLE.
"For the Miami and Eel-River tribes of Indians.
"Witness,
Wm. Turner, _Surgeons Mate, U. S. Army._
I certify that the above is a true translation.
"W. WELLS."
But the Turtle was destined to take no part in the Conflict. He died at
Fort Wayne--probably on a visit to the Commandant--July 14, 1812, of a
disorder which the army surgeon announced to be the gout. He endured the
pains of his disease, it is stated, with great firmness, and came to his
death, on the turf of his open camp, with the characteristic composure of
his race. His friend, the Commandant, buried him with the honors of war.
He was said to be sixty-five years of age, by those who had the
opportunity of learning the fact from himself. That account would make him
forty-five,--the same age with the Mississaga chieftain,--at the date of
his great victory over St. Clair; and about thirty at the breaking out of
the American Revolution, during which he no doubt laid the foundation of
his fame. The Miamies are understood to have given as much trouble during
that period as any other tribe on the continent ever did in as few years.
Mr. Schoolcraft, who speaks of the Turtle in very handsome terms, gives
him the credit of doing at least as much as any other individual on the
continent "to abolish the rites of human sacrifice." The existence,
certainly the prevalence, of the custom apparently referred to here, is
not, we apprehend, perfectly well authenticated; but that circumstance
itself may perhaps be attributed to the successful efforts made in modern
times to put an end to the practice. If the language we have quoted is
intended to include generally all wanton destruction of life--such as
torture of prisoners, for example--there can be little doubt of the
justice of the praise, for the Turtle uniformly enjoyed the reputation of
being as humane as he was brave.
Nor was this the only case in which he acted the part of a reformer, so
much needed among his countrymen. He was the first man to originate an
efficient system of measures for the suppression of intemperance among
them. And never was a similar system so loudly called for the condition of
any people. Their appetite for ardent spirits is stronger than that of the
whites--owing in a great measure to their manner of living, and especially
to their diet. They have also fewer and feebler inducements to counteract
the propensity; and by _public opinion_ and _fashion_--as expressed in
common practice, and in the declarations of the leading men--they are
confirmed in the evil quite as much as our citizens are restrained by
similar causes. But worse than all, their ignorance, their indolence, and
their poverty have made them the prey of legions of civilized
scoundrels,--particularly traders in peltry,--who have supposed themselves
interested in making them as sordid and stupid as possible, to induce them
to hunt in the first instance, and to rob them of their furs in the
second.
The Turtle was no less mortified than incensed by these abuses. He saw his
countrymen destroyed and destroying each other every day in peace--and no
tribe was more besotted than the Eel-River Miamies--and he saw hundreds,
of them in war, at one time, surprised and massacred in their cups without
resistance, on the very ground still red and wet with his victories.
Possibly chagrin was as strong a motive with him as philanthropy. But
however that might be, he devoted himself with his usual energy to the
correction of the evil. In 1802 or 1803, he went before the legislature of
Kentucky, attended by his friend and interpreter, Captain Wells, and made
his appeal to them in person. A committee was raised to consider the
subject, and we believe a law passed to prevent the sale of whiskey to the
Indians, as he desired. He also visited the Legislature of Ohio, and made
a highly animated address, but in that case obtained nothing but the honor
for his pains. His description of the traders was drawn to the life. "They
stripped the poor Indians," he said, "of skins, gun, blanket, every
thing,--while his squaw and the children dependent on him lay starving and
shivering in his wigwam." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Mss. Documents.
From the following passage in the European (London) Magazine of April,
1802, compiled from American papers, we ascertain that the Turtle was also
the first to introduce the practice of _inoculation for the small pox_
among the Indians,--a scourge second only to the one just mentioned. "Last
winter," we are told, "there was a grand embassy of Indians to the
President and Congress at Washington. Little Turtle was the head-warrior.
The President had supplied them with ploughs, spinning-wheels, &c. and to
crown all he explained to them how the Great Spirit had made a donation to
the white men--first to one in England, (Dr. Jenner) and then to one in
America, (Dr. Waterhouse, of Boston, [FN])--of a means of preventing the
small pox. Such a confidence had the copper-colored king in the words of
his 'Father,' that he submitted to be inoculated, together with the rest
of the warriors." It further appears that he took a quantity of vaccine
matter home with him, which he probably administered in person; and that
not long afterwards, fifteen more of his tribe visited the seat of
government in pursuit of the same remedy.
* * * * *
[FN] Now of Cambridge.
We shall conclude our notice of this eminent chieftain, with a few
anecdotes preserved by Mr. Dawson.
What distinguished him most, says that writer, was his ardent desire to be
informed of all that relates to our institutions; and he seemed to possess
a mind capable of understanding and valuing the advantages of civilized
life, in a degree far superior to any other Indian of his time. "During
the frequent visits which he made to the seat of government, he examined
every thing he saw with an inquisitive eye, and never failed to embrace
every opportunity to acquire information by inquiring of those with whom
he could take that liberty."
Upon his return from Philadelphia, in 1797, he visited Governor Harrison,
at that time a captain in the army, and commander at Fort Washington. He
told the Captain he had seen many things, which he wished to have
explained, but said he was afraid of giving offence by asking too many
questions. "My friend here," said he, meaning Captain Wells, the
interpreter, "being about as ignorant as myself, could give me but little
satisfaction." He then desired the Captain to inform him how our government
was formed, and what particular powers and duties were exercised by the
two houses of Congress, by the President, the Secretaries, &c. Being
satisfied on this subject, he told the Captain he had become acquainted
with a great warrior while in Philadelphia, in whose fate he was much
interested, and whose history he wished to learn. This was no other than
the immortal Kosciusko; he had arrived at Philadelphia a short time
before, and hearing that a celebrated Indian chief was in the city, he
sent for him. They were mutually pleased with each other, and the Turtle's
visits were often repeated. When he went to take his final leave of the
wounded patriot, the latter presented the Turtle with an elegant pair of
pistols, and a splendid robe made of the sea-otter's skin, worth several
hundred dollars.
The Turtle now told his host that he wished very much to know in what wars
his friend had received those grievous wounds which had rendered him so
crippled and infirm. The Captain shewed him upon a map of Europe the
situation of Poland, and explained to him the usurpations of its territory
by the neighboring powers--the exertions of Kosciusko to free his country
from this foreign yoke--his first victories--and his final defeat and
captivity. While he was describing the last unsuccessful battle of
Kosciusko, the Turtle seemed scarcely able to contain himself. At the
conclusion he traversed the room with great agitation, violently
flourished the pipe tomahawk with which he had been smoking, and
exclaimed, "Let that woman take care of herself"--meaning the Empress
Catharine--"this may yet be a dangerous man!"
The Captain explained to the Turtle some anecdotes respecting the Empress
and her favorites, one of whom,--the king of Poland,--had at first been by
her elevated to the throne, and afterwards driven from it. He was much
astonished to find that men, and particularly warriors, would submit to a
woman. He said that perhaps if his friend Kosciusko had been a portly,
handsome man, he might have better succeeded with her majesty of all the
Russias, and might by means of a love-intrigue have obtained that
independence for his country, to which his skill and valor in the field
had been found unequal.
The Turtle was fond of joking, and was possessed of considerable talent
for repartee. In the year 1797, he lodged in a house in Philadelphia, in
which was an Irish gentleman of considerable wit, who became much attached
to the Indian, and frequently amused himself in drawing out his wit by
good-humored jests. The Turtle and this gentlemen were at that time both
sitting for their portraits--the former by order of the President of the
United States, the picture to be hung up in the war-office--to the
celebrated Stewart. The two meeting one morning in the painter's room, the
Turtle appeared to be rather more thoughtful than usual. The Irishman
rallied him upon it, and affected to construe it into an acknowledgment of
his superiority in the jocular contest. "He mistakes," said the Turtle to
the interpreter, "I Was just thinking of proposing to this man, to paint
us both on one board, and here I would stand face to face with him, and
confound him to all eternity."
CHAPTER XVI.
The Seneca Chief, Red-Jacket--Circumstances under which he succeeded
Corn-Planter in his influence--Anecdotes of the latter--Red-Jacket's
earliest oratorical triumph--His speech at the Treaty of
Canandaigua--Account of Farmer's-Brother, and Brandt--Red-Jacket's
political and religious principles--Speech to Mr. Alexander, in
1811--Speech to Mr. Richardson--Remarks on the causes of his heathenism
in the conduct of the whites--His military career--Speech in favor of
declaring war against the British, in 1812--Seneca
Manifesto--Red-Jacket's interview with Washington--His interview with
Lafayette--His Memorial to the New-York Legislature--Speech to a
Missionary in 1825--His deposition and restoration in 1827--Visits to
the Atlantic cities--Death and funeral obsequies--Anecdotes.
The Indian orator of modern times, _par excellence,_ was the New-York
Chief, Saguoaha, or the Keeper-Awake, but by the whites commonly called
Red-Jacket;--a man who, with whatever propriety he might be entitled "the
Last of the Senecas," has at least transiently renewed, in these latter
days, the ancient glory of the Mingoes. "Thy name is princely,"--a popular
writer has said of him,--
. . . Though no poet's magic
Could make Red-Jacket grace an English rhyme,
Unless he had a genius for the tragic,
And introduced it in a pantomime;
Yet it is music in the language spoken
Of thine own land; and on her herald-roll,
As nobly fought for, and as proud a token
As Coeur-de-Lion's of a warrior's soul. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Talisman fox 1830.
This, by the way, is considerably nearer the truth than the statement in a
preceding stanza:
. . . Tradition's pages
Tell not the planting of thy parent tree;
But that the forest tribes have Dent for ages,
To thee and to thy sires the subject knee.
Better historical, if not poetical authority informs us, that the Seneca
literally "fought" for his rank, if not for his name; and that, like the
subject of our last notice, he owed nothing to the advantages of
illustrious birth. [FN] We should add, however, that the struggle was in
the council-house as well as in the field of battle. "A warrior!"--he once
(and probably more than once) had the modesty to say of himself, with a
smile of contempt, when some enquiries were made respecting the deeds of
blood which are sometimes supposed to constitute the character of an
Indian;--"A Warrior! I am an _Orator._ I was _born_ an Orator!"
* * * * *
[FN] Governor Clinton's Discourse before the New-York Historical Society;
1811.
The predecessor of Red-Jacket, in the respect of the Senecas, and of the
Confederacy at large, was a celebrated chief named by the English the
Corn-Planter, a personage also well known for his eloquence, and worthy on
that account to be distinctly commemorated, were there on record any
definite and well authenticated sketches of his efforts. Unfortunately,
there are not. The speeches commonly ascribed to him, are believed to have
been mostly composed by some of his civilized acquaintances, rather on the
principle of those effusions usually attributed to popular candidates for
the gallows. Still, there is less reason, we apprehend, for doubting his
real genius, than for disputing his nationality. He considered himself a
half-breed, [FN] his father being an Indian, according to his own account,
and his mother a white woman.
* * * * *
[FN] Appendix, III. and VI.
By a singular combination of circumstances, Red-Jacket was brought forward
into public life, and that to great advantage, mainly in consequence of
the same incident which destroyed the influence of Corn-Planter. This,
indeed, had been rather declining for some time, owing partly to his
agency in effecting a large cession of Seneca land to the American
Government, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1784. His loss of
popularity, in fine, bitterly chagrined him, and he resolved on a
desperate exertion to restore it. With this view, he undertook to practice
upon the never-failing superstition of his countrymen, by persuading his
brother to announce himself as a _Prophet,_--of course commissioned by the
Great Spirit "to redeem the fallen fortunes of his race,"--that is, his
own.
The savages listened to the new pretender with all the veracious credulity
which characterises the race. Among the Onondagas, previously the most
drunken and profligate of the Six Nations, he acquired such an ascendancy,
as to induce them to abandon the use of spirituous liquors entirely, and
to observe the common laws of morality and decency in some other respects,
wherein they had before been grievously deficient. Indeed, among the
Confederates generally, he obtained a supremacy equal to that of the same
character obtained by Elskwatawa among the western tribes, not far from
the same time. The Oneidas alone rejected him.
Like that notorious impostor, too, he soon availed himself, for evil
purposes, of the confidence gained by the preliminary manifestation of
good. A cry of "witchcraft" was raised, and a sort of examining committee
of conjurers was selected to designate the offenders. And that duty was
zealously discharged. The victims were actually sentenced, and would
doubtless have been executed, but for the interference of the magistrates
of Oneida and the officers of the garrison at Niagara.
But neither the Corn-Planter nor his pious coadjutor was yet discouraged.
Nothing but an accident had prevented success, and the failure only made
it the more imperatively necessary to try the experiment again. Red-Jacket
was publicly denounced. His accusers came forward at a great Indian
council held at Buffalo Creek. "At this crisis," says an eminent writer,
"he well knew that the future color of his life depended upon the powers
of his mind. He spoke in his defence for near three hours. The iron brow
of superstition relented under the magic of his eloquence; he declared the
Prophet an impostor and a cheat; he prevailed; the Indians divided, and a
small majority appeared in his favor. Perhaps the annals of history cannot
furnish a more conspicuous instance of the triumph and power of oratory,
in a barbarous nation, devoted to superstition, and looking up to the
accuser as a delegated minister of the Almighty." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Discourse of Governor Clinton.
If this anecdote be true,--and we are not aware of its having been
doubted,--the Orator, whatever be said of his genius as such, hardly
deserved the precise compliment which is paid him by his eulogist in
verse. "Is eloquence," he asks, "a monarch's merit?"
. . . Her spell is thine that reaches
The heart, and makes the wisest head its sport,
And there's one rare, strange virtue in thy speeches.
The secret of their mastery--_they are short._
But the Seneca's case, it must be allowed, was one of clear compulsion;
and he probably felt, on the occasion in question, very little of the
impatience which induced Horne Tooke to say, after a noble friend's plea
of eleven hours in his behalf before the Commons, that "he would rather be
hanged, another time, than defended."
Such was the Orator's first triumph. It was not, however, his first
effort; for many years before the transaction just referred to, as we
suppose, when Red-Jacket was probably about thirty years of age,--and at a
period when our relations with all the Indians are well known to have been
continually wavering,--a treaty was held with the Six Nations on the
beautiful acclivity which overlooks the Canandaigua Lake. Some
reminiscences of it, bearing a high interest, have reached us, on the
authenticity of which we do not hesitate to rely.
"Two days," says our authority, [FN] "had passed away in negotiation with
the Indians for a cession of their lands. The contract was supposed to be
nearly completed, when Red-Jacket arose. With the grace and dignity of a
Roman senator, he drew his blanket around him, and, with a piercing eye,
surveyed the multitude. All was hushed. Nothing interposed to break the
silence, save the gentle rustling of the tree-tops, under whose shade they
were gathered. After a long and solemn, but not unmeaning pause, he
commenced his speech in a low voice and a sententious style. Rising
gradually with his subject, he depicted the primitive simplicity and
happiness of his nation, and the wrongs they had sustained from the
usurpations of white men, with such a bold but faithful pencil, that every
auditor was soon roused to vengeance, or melted into tears."
* * * * *
[FN] The writer of a communication on "Indian Biography," for the
New-York American, about ten years since. We give him credit for his
statements of facts, though we cannot concur with him in charging
Red-Jacket with "cowardice." He adds, "It was _only_ at the
'Council-fire' he shone pre-eminent. There, indeed, he was great. The
belittling simplicity of his name did not seem to detract from the
splendors of his eloquence."
"The effect was inexpressible. But ere the emotions of admiration and
sympathy had subsided, the white men became alarmed. They were in the
heart of an Indian country, surrounded by more than ten times their
number, who were inflamed by the remembrance of their injuries, and
excited to indignation by the eloquence of a favorite chief. Appalled and
terrified, the white men cast a cheerless gaze upon the hordes around
them. A nod from the chiefs might be the onset of destruction. At that
portentous moment, Farmer's-Brother interposed. He replied not to his
brother chief; but, with a sagacity truly aboriginal, he caused a
cessation of the council, introduced good cheer, commended the eloquence
of Red-Jacket, and, before the meeting had re-assembled, with the aid of
other prudent chiefs, he had moderated the fury of his nation to a more
salutary review of the question before them."
The council came together again in cooler blood, and the treaty was
concluded. The Western District at this day, it is added, "owes no small
portion of its power and influence to the councils of a savage, in
comparison with whom for genius, heroism, virtue, or any other quality
that can adorn the bauble of a diadem, not only George the IV. and Louis
le Desire, but the German Emperor and the Czar of Muscovy, alike dwindle
into insignificance."
This somewhat warmly expressed compliment,--the extravagance of which in
an old friend of the subject, may be excused in its good feeling,--reminds
us of the consideration really due to a man distinguished not alone as a
competitor with our hero for savage glory.
Except as related to oratory, he was a competitor in the same course. The
name of Farmer's-Brother was merely arbitrary. He was a warrior in
principle and in practice, and he spurned agriculture and every other
civilized art, with the contempt of Red-Jacket himself. In the war between
France and England, which resulted in the conquest of Canada, he fought
against the latter, and probably under the remote command of the great
Ottawa "Emperor" of the north. One of his exploits in the contest is still
told to the traveler who passes a noted stream not very far from the
ancient Fort Niagara, in the vicinity of which it occurred. The
particulars come to us authenticated by one to whom they were furnished by
the Farmer himself on the site of the adventure.
There, with a party of Indians, he lay in ambush, patiently awaiting the
approach of a guard that accompanied the English teams employed between
the falls of Niagara and the garrison, which had there lately surrendered
to Sir William Johnston. The place selected for that purpose is now known
by the name of the Devil's Hole, and is three and a half miles below the
famous cataract upon the American side of the strait. The mind can
scarcely conceive a more dismal looking den. A large ravine, occasioned by
the falling in of the perpendicular bank, made dark by the spreading
branches of the birch and cedar, which had taken root below, and the low
murmuring of the rapids in the chasm, added to the solemn thunder of the
cataract itself, conspire to render the scene truly awful. The English
party were not aware of the dreadful fate that awaited them. Unconscious
of danger, the drivers were gaily whistling to their dull ox-teams.
Farmer's-Brother and his band, on their arrival at this spot, rushed from
the thicket that had concealed them, and commenced a horrid butchery. So
unexpected was such an event, and so completely were the English disarmed
of their presence of mind, that but a feeble resistance was made. The
guard, the teamsters, the oxen and the wagons, were precipitated into the
gulf. But two of them escaped; a Mr. Stedman, who lived at Schioper, above
the falls, being mounted on a fleet horse, made good his retreat; and one
of the soldiers, who was caught on the projecting root of a cedar, which
sustained him until assured, by the distant yell of the savages, that they
had quited the ground.--It is the rivulet, pouring itself down this
precipice, whose name is the only monument that records the massacre. It
is said to have been literally colored with the blood of the vanquished.
In the Revolutionary War, Farmer's-Brother evinced his hostility to the
Americans upon every occasion that presented itself; and, with the same
zeal, he engaged in the late war against his former friends, the English.
Another anecdote of this Chief will show, in more glowing colors, the real
savage. A short time before our army crossed the Niagara, Farmer's-Brother
chanced to observe an Indian, who had mingled with the Senecas, and whom
he instantly recognized as belonging to the Mohawks, a tribe living in
Canada, and then employed in the service of the enemy. He went up to him,
and addressed him in the Indian tongue--"I know you well--you belong to
the Mohawks--you are a spy--here is my rifle--my tomahawk--my
scalping-knife. I give you your choice which I shall use, but I am in
haste." The young warrior, finding resistance vain, chose to be put to
death with a rifle. He was ordered to lie down upon the grass, while, with
his left foot upon the breast of the victim, the Chief lodged the contents
of his rifle in his head.
With so much of the savage, Farmer's-Brother possessed some noble traits.
He was as firm a friend where he promised fidelity, as a bitter enemy to
those against whom he contended; and would lose the last drop of blood in
his veins sooner than betray the cause he had espoused. He was fond of
recounting his exploits, and dwelt with much satisfaction upon the number
of scalps he had taken in his skirmishes with the whites. In company with
several other chiefs, he once paid a visit to General Washington, who
presented him with a silver medal. This he constantly wore suspended from
his neck; and so precious did he esteem the gift, that he was often heard
to declare he would lose it only with his life.
Soon after the battles of Chippewa and Bridgewater, this veteran warrior
paid the debt of nature, aged more than eighty years, at the Seneca
village, where, as a mark of respect for his distinguished bravery, the
fifth regiment of United States Infantry interred him with military
honors. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] See Village Register, American, and other New-York papers of about
1820.--Also, Appendix. V and VI.
Another elder contemporary of Red-Jacket was the Mohawk chief Brandt, "the
accursed Brandt" of _Gertrude of Wyoming,_ whom, however, we think it the
less necessary to notice at much length, from his being, like the
Corn-Planter, only a half-breed. In the French and English war, he
rendered some services to the former. In the Revolution, he was
commissioned Colonel in the English army, and distinguished himself in the
horrid massacre at Wyoming. His services were rewarded by the present of a
fine tract of land on the western shores of Lake Ontario. One of his sons,
an intelligent, high-minded man, quite civilized, and much esteemed by his
American acquaintances, a few years since laudably undertook the
vindication of his father's memory from the often repeated charges of
treachery and cruelty, but we apprehend with rather more zeal than
success. The father deceased in 1807; the son, only a month or two since.
To return to Red-Jacket After his first oratorical triumph, he rose as
rapidly as the Corn-Planter declined in the esteem of his countrymen. The
latter withdrew from the rivalry, [FN] but the ambition of his successor
was thoroughly aroused. He burned to be, and to be called, the Great
Speaker of his nation and his age; to renew that glorious era when the
white men trembled at the breath of Garangula; to feel and to make felt.
The monarch mind--the mystery of commanding--
The godlike power--the art Napoleon,
Of winning, fettering, moulding, wielding, banding
The hearts of millions, till they move like one.
* * * * *
[FN] The Prophet died in 1815.
And he succeeded as far perhaps as could be expected in the circumstances
of the modern Seneca, as compared with those of the orator who bearded the
Canadian lion in his den. More than a century had since elapsed, during
which the proud confederacy that had kept all other nations on the
continent at bay was reduced to a few lingering, scattered
settlements,--surrounded and crowded by civilization,--perhaps besotted in
vice,--where the very ground of their ancient council-halls scarcely was
sought for. With such discouragements in his way, the young Orator
deserves some credit for making the exertions he did, and his countrymen
for rewarding them as they were able. They elected him a chief; and then
upon all occasions obeyed him in peace, and followed him in war.
Red-Jacket justified their confidence by a strict adherence to principles
which on the whole are equally creditable to his heart and head, although
either the policy itself, or his singular pertinacity in maintaining it,
no doubt made him many adversaries and some enemies, even with his own
people. He had early reflected upon and felt deeply the impotent
insignificance to which the tribes were reduced;--and he resolved, if he
could not restore them to their primitive position, at least to stay the
progress of ruin. How should this be done,--was the great question,--by
receiving civilization, or by resisting it?
He determined on the latter alternative, and from that hour never in the
slightest degree swerved from his resolution to drive away and keep away
every innovation on the character, and every intrusion on the territory of
the nation. Traders, travelers, teachers, missionaries, speculators in
land, were regarded with the same jealousy. In a word, he labored against
circumstances whose force had now become inevitable and irresistible, to
maintain a system of complete Indian Independence, which few of his
countrymen understood, and still fewer were willing to practice.
And this is the trait which distinguishes his character from the majority
of those we have heretofore sketched. Some of the most eminent of the
number, like Pontiac and Little-Turtle, were anxious to avail themselves
of the arts of civilization at least, were it only for purposes of offence
and defence against the race whom they borrowed from; and scarcely any
were opposed, other than incidentally, to their introduction into Indian
use. But Red-Jacket was a Pagan in principle. He advocated as well as
acted Paganism on all occasions. He was prouder of his genuine
_Indianism,_ if possible, than he was of his oratory. His bitterest foe
could not deny him the merit of frankness.
One of his clearest manifestos, in explanation of his system, was
delivered as long ago as May, 1811, before a council of the Senecas, held
at Buffalo Creek, in the form of a speech to the Rev. Mr. Alexander, a
missionary from a Society in the city of New-York, whose commission the
address itself sufficiently explains.
"Brother!"--the Orator began, with a complaisance which never, under any
excitement, deserted him,-"Brother!--We listened to the talk you delivered
us from the Council of Black-Coats, [FN] in New-York. We have fully
considered your talk, and the offers you have made us. We now return our
answer, which we wish you also to understand. In making up our minds, we
have looked back to remember what has been done in our days, and what our
fathers have told us was done in old times."
* * * * *
[FN] His usual designation of Clergymen.
"Brother!--Great numbers of Black-Coats have been among the Indians. With
sweet voices and smiling faces, they offered to teach them the religion of
the white people. Our brethren in the East listened to them. They turned
from the religion of their fathers, and took up the religion of the white
people. What good has it done? Are they more friendly one to another than
we are? No, Brother! They are a divided people;--we are united. They
quarrel about religion;--we live in love and friendship. Besides, they
drink strong waters. And they have learned how to cheat, and how to
practice all the other vices of the white people, without imitating their
virtues. Brother!--If you wish us well, keep away; do not disturb us.
"Brother!--We do not worship the Great Spirit as the white people do, but
we believe that the forms of worship are indifferent to the Great Spirit.
It is the homage of sincere hearts that pleases him, and we worship him in
that manner.
"According to your religion, we must believe in a Father and Son, or we
shall not be happy hereafter. We have always believed in a Father, and we
worship him as our old men taught us. Your book says that the Son was sent
on earth by the Father. Did all the people who saw the Son believe him?
No! they did not. And if you have read the book, the consequence must be
known to you.
"Brother!--You wish us to change our religion for yours. We like our
religion, and do not want another. Our friends here, [pointing to Mr.
Granger, the Indian Agent, and two other whites, {FN}] do us great good;
they counsel us in trouble; they teach us now to be comfortable at all
times. Our friends the Quakers do more. They give us ploughs, and teach us
how to use them. They tell us we are accountable beings. But they do not
tell us we must change our religion.--We are satisfied with what they do,
and with what they say."
* * * * *
[FN] An Indian Interpreter, and an Agent of the Society of Friends for
improving the condition of the Indians.
"Brother!--For these reasons we cannot receive your offers. We have other
things to do, and beg you to make your mind easy, without troubling us,
lest our heads should be too much loaded, and by and by burst."
At the same Council, the following reply was made by Red-Jacket, in behalf
of his tribe, to the application of a Mr. Richardson, to buy out their
right to the reservations lying in the territory commonly called the
Holland Purchase.
"Brother!--We opened our ears to the talk you lately delivered to us, at
our council-fire. In doing important business it is best not to tell long
stories, but to come to it in a few words. We therefore shall not repeat
your talk, which is fresh in our minds. We have well considered it, and
the advantages and disadvantages of your offers. We request your attention
to our answer, which is not from the speaker alone, but from all the
Sachems and Chiefs now around our council-fire.
"Brother!--We know that great men, as well as great nations, have
different interests and different minds, and do not see the same
light--but we hope our answer will be agreeable to you and your employers.
"Brother!--Your application for the purchase of our lands is to our minds
very extraordinary. It has been made in a crooked manner. You have not
walked in the straight path pointed out by the great Council of your
nation. You have no writings from your great Father, the President. In
making up our minds we have looked back, and remembered how the Yorkers
purchased our lands in former times. They bought them, piece after
piece,--for a little money paid to a few men in our nation, and not to all
our brethren,--until our planting and hunting-grounds have become very
small, and if we sell them, we know not where to spread our blankets.
"Brother!--You tell us your employers have purchased of the Council of
Yorkers, a right to buy our lands. We do not understand how this can be.
The lands do not belong to the Yorkers; they are ours, and were given to
us by the Great Spirit.
"Brother!--We think it strange that you should jump over the lands of our
brethren in the East, to come to our council-fire so far off to get our
lands. When we sold our lands in the East to the white people, we
determined never to sell those we kept, which are as small as we can
comfortably live on.
"Brother!--You want us to travel with you and look for new lands. If we
should sell our lands and move off into a distant country towards the
setting sun, we should be looked upon in the country to which we go, as
foreigners and strangers. We should be despised by the red, as well as the
white men, and we should soon be surrounded by the white people, who will
there also kill our game, and come upon our lands and try to get them from
us.
"Brother!--We are determined not to sell our lands, but to continue on
them. We like them. They are fruitful, and produce us corn in abundance
for the support of our women and children, and grass and herbs for our
cattle.
"Brother!--At the treaties held for the purchase of our lands, the white
men, with sweet voices and smiling faces, told us they loved us, and that
they would not cheat us, but that the king's children on the other side of
the lake would cheat us. When we go on the other side of the lake, the
king's children tell us your people will cheat us. These things puzzle our
heads, and we believe that the Indians must take care of themselves, and
not trust either in your people, or in the king's children.
"Brother!--At a late council we requested our agents to tell you that we
would not sell our lands, and we think you have not spoken to our agents,
or they would have told you so, and we should not have met you at our
council-fire at this time.
"Brother!--The white people buy and sell false rights to our lands, and
your employers have, you say, paid a great price for their rights. They
must have a plenty of money, to spend it in buying false rights to lands
belonging to Indians. The loss of it will not hurt them, but our lands are
of great value to us, and we wish you to go back with our talk to your
employers, and tell them and the Yorkers that they have no right to buy
and sell false rights to our lands.
"Brother!--We hope you clearly understand the Ideas we have offered. This
is all we have to say."
It is not surprising that Red-Jacket should misunderstand, or not
understand at all, the right to buy Indian land, which Richardson said his
employers had obtained of the "Council of Yorkers." It was the right of
preemption, in plain English--by which better read jurists than the Seneca
have been perplexed. He naturally enough mistook _the_ "right" of the
State for _a_ right, whereas it amounted to nothing but the privilege of
preventing all other parties from acquiring a right. It was a
prerogative--as against the _whites_ alone--the legal effect of which was
to incapacitate, not the Indians from selling, but themselves from buying.
There certainly can be no mistaking the shrewd independent reflection and
plausible reasoning in the address, however much the perversion of such
ability and spirit may give occasion for regret. Several of the arguments,
too, are clearly founded in reason, as several of the statements are
fortified by truth. In regard to the Indians being cheated by the whites,
particularly, the only error of Red-Jacket, and that a perfectly obvious
one, was in ascribing to the whites at large, and consequently to
Christianity, the credit which in fact belonged to a few unprincipled
traders and greedy speculators in land, who had indeed carried their
manoeuvres to an aggravated extent.
There is good reason to believe that Red-Jacket,--whose military career
it is time to allude to,--took his earnest lessons in the art of war
during the Revolution, in the ranks of those Senecas who so signally
distinguished themselves by their ravages on the frontiers of New-York,
Pennsylvania, New-Jersey and Virginia. [FN-1] The only reference, however,
which he ever himself made to that part of his history, so far as we know,
was latterly at Buffalo, when he was introduced to General Lafayette, then
on his tour through the country. He Reminded the latter of a Council at
Fort Stanwix in 1784, where both were present, and which had been called
with the view of negotiating a treaty with some of the Six Nations. "And
where," asked Lafayette, "is the Young Warrior who so eloquently opposed
the burying of the tomahawk?" "_He is before you,_" answered the chief.
"Ah!"--he added with a melancholy air, and stripping off a handkerchief
from his bald head,--"Time has made bad work with me. But you, I
perceive,"--and here he narrowly reconnoitered the General's wig--"_You_
have hair enough left yet!" [FN-2] At the date of this interview, seven
years since, he was at least sixty-five years of age, and therefore must
have been about twenty-five at the time of the treaty.
* * * * *
[FN-1] App. No. VII.
[FN-2] Levasseur's "Tour of Lafayette."
A few years subsequent to the negotiation referred to on this occasion,
Red-Jacket had an interview with General Washington, who gave him a silver
medal, which he wore ever afterwards, and is said to have named him "the
Flower of the Forest." But the Senecas were again hostile soon afterwards,
and it was only at the expense of an expedition which ravaged their
territory far and wide, that this haughty people were at length subdued
into any thing like a state of composure. Red-Jacket is believed to have
been second to none of his countrymen in his opposition to the American
interest down to that period; but a peace was granted upon liberal
terms--some complaints of the Indians were adjusted--a system of
protection was devised for their benefit--and thenceforth, both they and
he were quite friendly in most instances, and faithful to their
engagements in all.
As early at least as 1810, Red-Jacket gave information to the Indian Agent
of attempts made by Tecumseh, the Prophet and others, to draw his nation
into the great western combination; but the war of 1812 had scarcely
commenced, when they volunteered their services to their American
neighbors. For some time these were rejected, and every exertion was made
to induce them to remain neutral. They bore the restraint with an
ill-grace, but said nothing. At length, in the summer of 1812, the English
unadvisedly took possession of Grand Island, in the Niagara river, a
valuable territory of the Senecas. This was too much for the pride of such
men as Red-Jacket and Farmers-Brother. A council was called forthwith--the
American Agent was summoned to attend---and the orator rose and addressed
him.
"Brother!"--said he, after stating the information received,--"you have
told us we had nothing to do with the war between you and the British. But
the war has come to our doors. Our property is seized upon by the British
and their Indian friends. It is necessary for _us,_ then, to take up this
business. We must defend our property; we must drive the enemy from our
soil. If we sit still on our lands, and take no means of redress, the
British, following the customs of you white people, _will hold them by
conquest;_ and you, if you conquer Canada, will claim them, on the same
principles, as conquered _from the British._ Brother!--We wish to go with
our warriors, and drive off these bad people, and take possession of those
lands."
The effect of this reasonable declaration, and especially of the manner in
which it was made, was such as might be expected. A grand council of the
Six Nations came together, and a manifesto, of which the following is a
literal translation, issued against the British in Canada, and signed by
all the grand Councilors of the Confederation.
"We, the Chiefs and Councilors of the Six Nations of Indians, residing in
the State of New-York, do hereby proclaim to all the war-chiefs and
warriors of the Six Nations, that war is declared on our part against the
provinces of Upper and Lower Canada.
"Therefore, we do hereby command and advise all the war-chiefs to call
forth immediately the warriors under them, and put them in motion to
protect their rights and liberties, which our brethren, the Americans are
now defending." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Niles's Register, Vol. IV.
No speech of Red-Jacket at this memorable meeting of the tribes is
preserved, but from the address of one of the oldest warriors it appears
that they expected to raise as many as three thousand fighting-men. But
this must be an exaggeration. In 1817, there were supposed to be only
seven thousand Indians of all descriptions within the State of New-York,
on a liberal estimate, and the usual proportion of warriors would be in
that case about two thousand. It is improbable that more than half this
number were actually organized for service at any period during the
war.--Those who engaged, however, cannot be accused of want of zeal, for
although the Declaration was made quite late in 1812, we find a
considerable body of them taking a spirited part in an action near Fort
George, of which an official account was given by General Boyd, under date
of August 13th. The enemy were completely routed, and a number of British
Indians captured by our allies.
"Those," adds the General, "who participated in this contest, particularly
the Indians, conducted with great bravery and activity. General Porter
volunteered in the affair, and Major Chapin evinced his accustomed zeal
and courage. The regulars under Major Cummings, as far as they were
engaged, conducted well. The principal chiefs who led the warriors this
day, were Farmers-Brother, Red-Jacket, Little-Billey, Pollard,
Black-Snake, Johnson, Silver-Heels, Captain Halftown, Major Henry O. Ball,
(Corn-planter's son,) and Captain Cold, who was wounded. In a council
which was held with them yesterday, they covenanted not to scalp or
murder; and I am happy to say that they treated the prisoners with
humanity, and committed no wanton cruelties on the dead."
Of the chiefs here mentioned, we believe all were Senecas, except Captain
Cold. The General repeats, in his next bulletin,--"The bravery and
humanity of the Indians were equally conspicuous;" and another authority
says,--"They behaved with great gallantry and betrayed no disposition to
violate the restrictions which Boyd has imposed." [FN] These
restrictions,--it should be observed in justice to Red-Jacket and his
brave comrades,--had been previously agreed upon at the Grand Council, and
the former probably felt no humiliation in departing in this particular
from the usual savagery on which he prided himself. We have met with no
authentic charges against him, either of cruelty or cowardice, and it is
well known that he took part in a number of sharply contested engagements.
* * * * *
[FN] Niles's Register.
After the conclusion of peace, he resumed, with his accustomed energy, the
superintendence of the civil interests of the Senecas. The division of the
tribe into parties,--the Christian and Anti-Christian,--was now completely
distinct; the former being headed by Little-Billey, Captain Pollard, and
other noted chiefs; and the latter by Red-Jacket, with young Corn-planter
and several more spirited assistants, whose names are appended to the
following memorial to the Governor of New-York. This was the composition
of Red-Jacket It had been preceded by a private letter from himself to the
Governor, which had probably produced little or no effect.
"To the Chief of the Council-fire at Albany.
"Brother!
"About three years ago, our friends of the great council-fire at Albany,
wrote down in their book that the priests of white people should no longer
reside on our lands, and told their officers to move them off whenever we
complained. This was to us good news, and made our hearts glad. These
priests had a long time troubled us, and made us bad friends and bad
neighbors. After much difficulty we removed them from our lands; and for a
short time have been quiet and our minds easy. But we are now told that
the priests have asked liberty to return; and that our friends of the
great council-fire are about to blot from their book the law which they
made, and leave their poor red brethren once more a prey to hungry
priests.
"Brother!--Listen to what we say. These men do us no good. They deceive
every body. They deny the Great Spirit, which we, and our fathers before
us, have looked upon as our Creator. They disturb us in our worship. They
tell our children they must not believe like our fathers and mothers, and
tell us many things that we do not understand and cannot believe. They
tell us we must be like white people--but they are lazy and won't work,
nor do they teach our young men to do so. The habits of our women are
worse than they were before these men came amongst us, and our young men
drink more whiskey. We are willing to be taught to read, and write, and
work, but not by people who have done us so much injury. Brother!--we wish
you to lay before the council-fire the wishes of your red brethren. We ask
our brothers not to blot out the law which has made us peaceable and
happy, and not to force a strange religion upon us. We ask to be let
alone, and, like the white people, to worship the Great Spirit as we think
it best. We shall then be happy in filling the little space in life which
is left us, and shall go down to our fathers in peace." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Niles's Register, Vol. XXVIII; 1828.
This unique document was subscribed with the mark of Red-Jacket first, and
then followed those of Corn-Planter, Green-Blanket, Big-Kettle, Robert
Bob, Twenty-Canoes, senior and junior, Two-Guns, Fish-Hook, Hot-Bread,
Bare-Foot, and many other staunch advocates of the same principles. It was
presented to the Assembly, but we have not learned that any efficient
order was taken upon it. About the same time, Red-Jacket made an earnest
appeal to his Quaker neighbors,--a people always beloved by the
Indians,--with the same design. He told them that those whites who
pretended to instruct and preach to his people, stole their horses and
drove off their cattle, while such of the Senecas as they nominally
converted from heathenism to Christianity, only disgraced themselves by
paltry attempts to cover the profligacy of the one with the hypocrisy of
the other.
The Pagans were generally opposed to the cession of land, but foreign
influence, united with that of their antagonists at home, sometimes proved
too strong for them. At a treaty held with the tribe in 1826, eighty-two
thousand acres of fine territory were given up. Red-Jacket opposed the
measure in an eloquent appeal to the Indian feelings of his countrymen,
but the effort gained him but few votes.
The speech which has perhaps added most to his reputation was a thoroughly
Pagan one, delivered not long previous to the affair just mentioned to a
council at Buffalo, convened at the request of a missionary from
Massachusetts, with the view of introducing and recommending himself to
them in his religious capacity. The Missionary made a speech to the
Indians, explaining the objects for which he had called them together. It
was by no means, he said, to get away their lands or money. There was but
one religion, and without that they could not prosper. They had lived all
their lives in gross darkness. Finally he wished to hear their objections,
if any could be made; and the sooner, the better, inasmuch as some other
Indians whom he had visited, had resolved to reply to him in accordance
with _their_ decision.
At the close of this address, the Senecas spent several hours in private
conference, and then Red-Jacket came forward as speaker.
"Friend and Brother!"--he began--"It was the will of the Great Spirit that
we should meet together this day. He orders all things, and he has given
us a fine day for our council. He has taken his garment from before the
sun, and caused it to shine with brightness upon us. Our eyes are opened
that we see clearly. Our ears are unstopped that we have been able to hear
distinctly the words you have spoken. For all these favors we thank the
Great Spirit, and him only.
"Brother!--This council fire was kindled by you. It was at your request
that we came together at this time. We have listened with attention to
what you have said. You requested us to speak our minds freely. This gives
us great joy, for we now consider that we stand upright before you, and
can speak what we think. All have heard your voice, and all speak to you
as one man. Our minds are agreed.
"Brother!--You say you want an answer to your talk before you leave this
place. It is right you should have one, as you are a great distance from
home, and we do not wish to detain you. But we will first look back a
little, and tell you what our fathers have told us, and what we have heard
from the white people.
"Brother!--Listen to what we say. There was a time when our forefathers
owned this great island." [FN-1] Their seats extended from the rising to
the setting sun. The Great Spirit had made it for the use of Indians. He
had created the buffalo, the deer, and other animals for food. He made the
bear and the beaver, and their skins served us for clothing. He had
scattered them over the country, and taught us how to take them. He had
caused the earth to produce corn for bread. All this he had done for his
red children because he loved them. If we had any disputes about
hunting-grounds, they were generally settled without the shedding of much
blood. But an evil day came upon us. Your forefathers crossed the great
waters, and landed on this island. Their numbers were small. They found
friends and not enemies. They told us they had fled from their own country
for fear of wicked men, and come here to enjoy their religion. They asked
for a small seat. We took pity on them, granted their request, and they
sat down amongst us. We gave them corn and meat. They gave us poison
[FN-2] in return. The white people had now found our country. Tidings were
carried back, and more came amongst us. Yet we did not fear them. We took
them to be friends. They called us brothers. We believed them, and gave
them a larger seat. At length their numbers had greatly increased. They
wanted more land. They wanted our country. Our eyes were opened, and our
minds became uneasy. Wars took place. Indians were hired to fight against
Indians, and many of our people were destroyed. They also brought strong
liquors among us. It was strong and powerful, and has slain thousands.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Meaning the Continent--a common belief and expression among the
Indians.
[FN-2] Spirituous liquor.
"Brother!--Our seats were once large, and yours were very small. You have
now become a great people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread our
blankets. You have got our country, but are not satisfied. You want to
force your religion upon us.
"Brother!--Continue to listen. You say that you to sent to instruct us how
to worship the Great Spirit agreeably to his mind; and if we do not take
hold of the religion which you white people teach, we shall be unhappy
hereafter. You say that you are right and we are lost. How do we know this
to be true? We understand that your religion is written in a book. If it
was intended for us as well as for you, why has not the Great Spirit given
it to us; and not only to us, but why did he not give to our forefathers
the knowledge of that book, with the means of understanding it rightly? We
only know what you tell us about it. How shall we know when to believe,
being so often deceived by the white people.
"Brother!--You say there is but one way to worship and serve the Great
Spirit. If there is but one religion, why do you white people differ so
much about it? Why not all agree, as you can all read the book?
"Brother!--We do not understand these things. We are told that your
religion was given to your forefathers, and has been handed down from
father to son. We also have a religion which was given to our forefathers,
and has been handed down to us their children. We worship that way. It
teaches us to be thankful for all the favors we receive, to love each
other, and to be united. We never quarrel about religion.
"Brother!--The Great Spirit has made us all. But he has made a great
difference between his white and red children. He has given us a different
complexion and different customs. To you he has given the arts; to these
he has not opened our eyes. We know these things to be true. Since he has
made so great a difference between us in other things, why may we not
conclude that he has given us a different religion, according to our
understanding? The Great Spirit does right. He knows what is best for his
children. We are satisfied.
"Brother!--We do not wish to destroy your religion, or take it from you.
We only want to enjoy our own.
"Brother!--You say you have not come to get our land or our money, but to
enlighten our minds. I will now tell you that I have been at your meetings
and saw you collecting money from the meeting. I cannot tell what this
money was intended for, but suppose it was for your minister; and if we
should conform to your way of thinking, perhaps you may want some from us.
"Brother!--We are told that you have been preaching to white people in
this place. These people are our neighbors. We are acquainted with them.
We will wait a little while, and see what effect your preaching has upon
them. If we find it does them good and makes them honest and less disposed
to cheat Indians, we will then consider again what you have said.
"Brother!--You have now heard our answer to your talk, and this is all we
have to say at present. As we are going to part, we will come and take you
by the hand, and hope the Great Spirit will protect you on your journey,
and return you safe to your friends."
The speech being finished, Red-Jacket and several others, intending to
suit the action to the word, came forward to exchange a farewell greeting
with their visitor. This however he declined, and the Indians quietly
withdrew.
The civility of the old orator was in somewhat singular contrast with his
obstinacy on many other occasions. A young clergyman once made a strong
effort to enlighten him, through the medium of an Indian interpreter named
Jack Berry [FN]--for Red-Jacket spoke very little of the English language.
The result was discouraging. "Brother!"--said Jack, at length, for the
Chief,--"If you white people murdered 'the Saviour,' make it up
yourselves. We had nothing to do with it. If he had come among us we
should have treated him better." This was gross heathenism, truly, but it
was not aggravated by insolence. The Chieftain made a sincere
acknowledgment of the clergyman's kindness, and paid him some deserved
compliments upon other scores.
* * * * *
[FN] Jack called himself a chief, too, though his importance was owing
mainly to his speaking bad English, and to a bustling shrewdness which
enabled him to play the _factotum_ to some advantage. Jack made himself
first marshal at the funeral of Farmer's-Brother.
During the last war with England, a gallant officer of the American Army,
[FN] stationed on the Niagara frontier, shewed some peculiarly gratifying
attentions to Red-Jacket. The former being soon afterwards ordered to
Governor's Island, the Chief came to bid him farewell. "Brother,"--said
he, "I hear you are going to a place called Governor's Island. I hope you
will be a Governor yourself. I am told you whites consider children a
blessing. I hope you will have one thousand at least. Above all, wherever
you go, I hope you will never find whiskey more than two shillings a
quart."
* * * * *
[FN] Colonel Snelling. For several of the anecdotes in the text we are
under obligations to the author of "Tales of the North-West." He was
present at the interview when Berry acted as Interpreter.
The last of these benevolent aspirations was perhaps the highest possible
evidence which Red-Jacket could give of his good will, for we are under
the mortifying necessity of placing this talented Chieftain in the same
class, as relates to his personal habits, with Uncas, Logan, and Pipe. In
a word, he gradually became, in his latter days, a confirmed drunkard.
Temptation and association proved too strong for him, and the pride of the
Confederates made himself but too frequently a laughing-stock for the
blackguards of Buffalo.
Unfortunately for his political as well as personal interests, he indulged
his weakness to such an extent as not unfrequently to incapacitate him for
the discharge of his public duties. This was an advantage which his
opponents shrewdly considered, and, in 1827, they took a favorable
opportunity to deprive him of his civil rank. The document issued from the
Seneca council-house on this singular occasion, under date of September
15th, is too extraordinary to be omitted. The following is a literal
translation, made by an intelligent American who was present.
"We, the Chiefs [FN-1] of the Seneca tribe, of the Six Nations, say to
you, Yaugoyawathaw, [FN-2] that you have a long time disturbed our
councils; that you have procured some white men to assist you in sending a
great number of false stories to our father the President of the United
States, and induced our people to sign those falsehoods at Tonnawanta as
Chiefs of our tribe, when you knew that they were not Chiefs; that you
have apposed the improvement of our nation, and made divisions and
disturbances among our people; that you have abused and insulted our great
father the President; that you have not regarded the rules which make the
Great Spirit love us, and which make his red children do good to each
other; that you have a bad heart, because, in a time of great distress,
when our people were starving, you took and hid the body of a deer you had
killed, when your starving brothers should have shared their proportion of
it with you; that the last time our father the President was fighting
against the king, across the great waters, you divided us, you acted
against our father the President and his officers, and advised with those
who were no friends; that you have always prevented and discouraged our
children from going to school, where they could learn, and abused and lied
about our people who were willing to learn, and about those who were
offering to instruct them how to worship the Great Spirit in the manner
Christians do; that you have always placed yourself before those who would
be instructed, and have done all you could to prevent their going to
schools; that you have taken goods to your own use, which were received as
annuities, and which belonged to orphan children and to old people; that
for the last ten years you have often said the communications of our great
father to his red children were forgeries, made up at New-York by those
who wanted to buy our lands; that you left your wife, because she joined
the Christians and worshiped the Great Spirit as they do, knowing that she
was a good woman; that we have waited for nearly ten years for you to
reform, and do better; but are now discouraged, as you declare you never
will receive instruction from those who wish to do us good, as our great
father advises, and induce others to hold the same language."
* * * * *
[FN] Several of them were _soi-disant_ functionaries.
[FN] A variation of Saguoaha, which is the orthography adopted by
Governor Clinton.
"We might say a great many other things, which make you an enemy to the
Great Spirit, and also to your own brothers,--but we have said enough, and
now renounce you as a chief, and from this time you are forbid to act as
such. All of our nation will hereafter regard you as a private man; and we
say to them all, that every one who shall do as you have done, if a chief
will, in like manner be disowned, and set back where he started from by
his brethren." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Buffalo Emporium.
Several of these charges, it is fair to presume, were dictated by party
spirit, and those who subscribed the deposition cared but little about
proving them, could they but prostrate their great antagonist. The
signatures are twenty-six, and most of them are well-known Anti-Pagans;
though with Young-King, Pollard, and Little-Billey, who led the
subscription, we also find the names of Twenty-Canoes, Doxtateri,
Two-Guns, Barefoot, and some other partizans of the fallen orator in his
better days.
But Red-Jacket was not yet prepared to submit patiently to his
degradation, especially when he knew so well the true motives of those who
effected it. Nor was he by any means so much under the control of his bad
habits as not to feel occasionally, perhaps generally, both the
consciousness of his power and the sting of his shame. "It shall not be
said of me,"--thought the old Orator, with the gleam of a fiery soul in
his eye,--"It shall not be said that Saguoaha lived in insignificance and
died in dishonor. Am I too feeble to revenge myself of my enemies? Am I
not as I have been?" In fine, he roused himself to a great effort.
Representations were made to the neighboring tribes,--for he knew too well
the hopelessness of a movement confined to his own,--and only a month had
elapsed since his deposition, when a Grand Council of the chiefs of the
Six Nations assembled together at the upper council-house of the
Seneca-village reservation.
The document of the Christian party was read, and then Half-Town rose,
and, in behalf of the Catteraugus (Seneca) Indians, said there was but one
voice in his nation, and that was of general indignation at the contumely
cast on so great a man as Red-Jacket. Several other chiefs addressed the
council to the same effect. The condemned orator rose slowly, as if
grieved and humiliated, but yet with his ancient air of command.
"My Brothers!"--he said, after a solemn pause,--You have this day been
correctly informed of an attempt to make me sit down and throw off the
authority of a chief, by twenty-six misguided chiefs of my nation. You
have heard the statements of my associates in council, and their
explanations of the foolish charges brought against me. I have taken the
legal and proper way to meet these charges. It is the only way in which I
could notice them, charges which I despise, and which nothing would
_induce_ me to notice but the concern which many respected Chiefs of my
nation feel in the character of their aged comrade. Were it otherwise, I
should not be before you. I would fold my arms, and sit quietly under
these ridiculous slanders.
"The Christian party have not even proceeded legally, according to our
usages, to put me down. Ah! it grieves my heart, when I look around me and
see the situation of my people,--in old times united and powerful, now
divided and feeble. I feel sorry for my nation. When I am gone to the
other world,--when the Great Spirit calls me away,--who among my people
can take my place? Many years have I guided the nation."
Here he introduced some artful observations on the origin of the attack
made upon him. He then alluded to the course taken by the Christians, as
ruinous and disgraceful, especially in their abandonment of the religion
of their fathers, and their sacrifices, for paltry considerations, of the
lands given them by the Great Spirit. As for the "_Black-Coats,_" Mr.
Calhoun had told him at Washington, four years before, that the Indians
must treat with them as they thought proper; the Government would not
interfere. "I will not consent,"--he concluded, sagaciously identifying
his disgrace with his opposition to the Christians,--"I will not consent
silently to be trampled under foot. As long as I can raise my voice, I
will oppose such measures. As long as I can stand in my moccasins, I will
do all that I can for my nation." It is scarcely necessary to add, that
the result of the conference was the triumphant restoration of the Orator
to his former rank.
Red-Jacket visited the Atlantic cities repeatedly and for the last time,
as late as the spring of 1829. He was, oh these occasions, and especially
on the latter, the object of no little curiosity and attention. [FN] He
enjoyed both, and was particularly careful to demean himself in a manner
suited to the dignity of his rank and reputation. His poetical friend does
him but justice in thus alluding to his Washington medal, his forest
costume, and the fine carriage which the Chieftain still gallantly
sustained.
* * * * *
[FN] Of more indeed than he was probably aware. Witness the following
advertisement in the Boston papers:--
"Red-Jacket.--This celebrated Indian Chief, who has recently attracted
so much attention at New-York and the Southern cities, has arrived in
this city, and has accepted an invitation of the Superintendent to visit
the New-England Museum, this evening, March 21, in his full Indian
costume, attended by Captain Johnson, his interpreter, by whom those who
wish it can be introduced and hold conversation with him."
Thy garb--though Austria's bosom-star would frighten
That medal pale, as diamonds, the dark mine,
And George the Fourth wore, in the dance at Brighton,
A more becoming evening dress than thine;
Yet 'tis a brave one, scorning wind and weather,
And fitted for thy couch on field and flood,
As Rob Roy's tartans for the highland heather,
Or forest green for England's Robin Hood.
Is strength a monarch's merit?--like a whaler's--
Thou art as tall, as sinewy, and as strong
As earth's first kings--the Argo's gallant sailors--
Heroes in history, and gods in song.
Those strictly personal attractions which most subserved his forensic
success, are not unfairly delineated by the same elegant observer. And
this is not the only civilized authority to the same effect, for one of
the most distinguished public men of the State in which the Chieftain
resided, was wont to say that the latter reminded him strongly of the
celebrated orator of Roanoke, in his best estate, and that they two were
the only orators of nature he had ever heard or seen. "Who will
believe?"---asks the poet--
. . . that, with a smile whose blessing
Would, like the patriarch's, sooth a dying hour
With voice as low, as gentle, and caressing,
As e'er won maiden's lip in moonlight bower;
With look, like patient Job's, eschewing evil;
With motions, graceful as a bird's in air;
Thou art, in sober truth, the veriest devil
That e'er clenched fingers in a captive's hair!
That in thy veins there springs a poison fountain,
Deadlier than that which bathes the Upas tree;
And in thy wrath a nursing cat o'mountain
Is calm as her babe's sleep, compared with thee?
And underneath that face, like summer's ocean's--
Its lip as moveless, and its cheek as clear,--
Slumbers a whirlwind of the heart's emotions,
Love, hatred, pride, hope, sorrow--all, save fear.
Love--for thy land, as if she were thy daughter;
Her pipes in peace, her tomahawk in wars;
Hatred--of missionaries and cold water;
Pride--in thy rifle-trophies and thy scars;
Hope--that thy wrongs will be by the Great Spirit
Remembered and revenged, when thou art gone;
Sorrow--that none are left thee to inherit
Thy name, thy fame, thy passions, and thy throne.
In the last of these stanzas is an allusion to the melancholy domestic
circumstances of the subject of them. He had been the father of thirteen
children, during his life-time, and had buried them all.
Red-Jacket is said to have understood English quite well, although he
would never converse in it. We have often heard it from a gentleman well
acquainted with him, that he once met him hastening _out_ of Buffalo when
all the neighboring country was eagerly rushing in to witness the
execution of three culprits; and that the Chieftain recognized him, and
made him understand by signs, that he was hurrying away from the horrid
spectacle which so many thousand had already assembled to enjoy.
Levasseur states, that, in his conference with Lafayette, he evidently
comprehended every thing uttered in his presence, while he would speak
only Indian; and that his former high opinion of the General seemed to be
much increased by a few chance-medley Seneca words, which the latter had
the good fortune to remember, and the courtesy to repeat. We also have
been informed that, many years since, when the notorious Jemima Wilkinson
compassed the country in the business of making proselytes to her
doctrines, she invited some of the Senecas to a conference. Red-Jacket
attended, and listened patiently to the end of a long address. Most of it
he probably understood, but instead of replying to the argument in detail,
he laid the axe at the root of her authority. Having risen very gravely,
and spoken a few words in Seneca, he observed his adversary to enquire
what he was talking about? "Ha!"--he exclaimed, with an arch look,--"She
inspired,--she Jesus Christ,--and not know _Indian?_" The solidity of her
pretensions was at once decided in the minds of at least the heathen part
of her audience.
At the date of his last-mentioned visit to the Atlantic cities, the
Chieftain was more than seventy years of age, and though then habitually
temperate, excess had already hastened the work of time. He died in
January, 1830, at the Seneca village, near Buffalo, where his funeral took
place on the 21st of the month. It was attended by all parties of his own
tribe, and by many Americans, drawn together by a curiosity to witness the
obsequies. His body was removed from his cabin into the mission-house,
where religious services were performed. In these the Pagans took but
little interest. Wrapped in profound and solemn thought, they however
patiently awaited their termination. Some of them then arose, and
successively addressed their countrymen in their own language. They
recounted the exploits and the virtues of him whose remains they were now
about to bear to his last home. They remembered his own prophetic
appeal--"Who shall take my place among my people?" They thought of the
ancient glory of their nation, and they looked around them on its
miserable remnant. The impression was irresistible. Tears trickled down
the cheeks of the grave comrades of the dead.
Well might they weep! He that lay before them was indeed the "Last of the
Senecas." The strong warrior's arm was mouldering into dust, and the eye
of the orator was cold and motionless forever.
APPENDIX.
* * * * *
NO. I.
Uncas.--The author is indebted to the Committee of the Historical Society
of Massachusetts for an opportunity to examine a valuable document
recently forwarded to them by Mr. Williams, of Lebanon, Connecticut, and
originally, we believe, a part of the Trumbull collection.
According to this account, which purports to have been "made by Uncas"
himself, that Chieftain was wholly of the royal blood of the Pequots.
Tatobam was another name for Sassacus, and Uncas married the daughter of
that Sachem (from whom he afterwards revolted,) about ten years before the
Pequot War. The Pequots and "Moheags," as they are here called, jointly
agreed to this match in a grand Indian Council, for the purpose of keeping
their land entire. "_Upon this his right to the Pequot Country was good and
unquestionable._" . . . "Quinebauge [New-Haven] Indians and Nipmugs [in
Worcester County, Massachusetts] not allowed to marry in the Royal
Blood--agreed to keep the Royal blood within the Realm of ye Mohegan and
Pequots."
In this genealogy, which is regularly derived, as accurately as possible,
from remote ancestors on both sides, Uncas himself is styled the Sachem of
Mohegan, and Mohegan is said to have been the Sepulchre or Burial-Place of
both the Pequot and Mohegan Sachems.
The father of Tatobam was the Sachem Wopegwosit. The father of Uncas was
Oweneco; _his_ father, Wopequand, a Pequot Sachem. His mother and
grandmother were both named Mukkunump; and the latter was daughter of
Weroum, a great _Narragansett_ Sachem, and of a Squaw of the royal Pequot
Blood named Kiskhechoowatmakunck. One of his great-grandfathers,
Nuckquuntdowaus, was Chief-Sachem of the Pequots; and one of his
great-grandmothers, Au-comp-pa-hang-sug-ga-muck, (as nearly as we are
able to decipher it,) was "a Great Queen, and lived at Moheage."
The son of Uncas, (mentioned in the text,) was Oweneco. Several of his
other descendants who inherited the Sachemdom were named Ben Uncas,--one
of them Major Ben. The last of the Sachems (also mentioned in the text,)
was Isaiah,--a grandson of Oweneco or Oneco. (He was a pupil in Dr.
Wheelock's Charity School,--"a fat fellow, of dull intellectual
parts."--Mass. His. Coll.)
The document before us gives an account of the cession of the Pequot
Country from Uncas by deed, dated Sept. 28, 1740. The following remarkable
passage ought not to be omitted, as it adds new confirmation to the
estimate of the Sachem's character which the author has given in the text.
"Afterwards sufficient planting ground was provided for him, _being
friendly to the English, though only to serve his own purposes._"
* * * * *
NO. II.
_Correspondence between General_ Wayne _and Major_ Campbell.
(I)
Miamis River, Aug. 21, 1794.
Sir,
An army of the United States of America, said to be under your command,
having taken post on the banks of the Miamis, for upwards of the last
twenty-four hours, almost within the reach of the guns of this fort,
being a post belonging to His Majesty the King of Great Britain, occupied
by His Majesty's troops, and which I have the honor to command, it
becomes me to inform myself, as speedily as possible, in what light I am
to view your making such near approaches to this garrison.
I have no hesitation on my part to say that I know of no war existing
between Great Britain and America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM CAMPBELL,
Major 24th Reg't commanding a British post on
the banks of the Miamis.
To Major General Wayne, &c. &c.
(II)
Camp on the Banks of the Miamis, }
21st August, 1794. }
Sir,
I have received your letter of this date, requiring from me the motives
which have moved the army under my command to the position they at present
occupy, far within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States of
America.
Without questioning the authority, or the propriety, sir, of your
interrogatory, I think I may, without breach of decorum, observe to you,
that were you intitled to an answer, the most full and satisfactory one
was announced to you from the muzzles of my small arms yesterday morning
in the action against hordes of savages in the vicinity of your post,
which terminated gloriously to the American arms. But had it continued
until the Indians, &c. were driven under the influence of the post and
guns you mention, they would not have much impeded the progress of the
victorious army under my command; as no such post was established at the
commencement of the present war between the Indians and the United States.
I have the honor to be, sir, &c.
(Signed) ANTHONY WAYNE,
Major General and Commander in Chief of the
Federal army.
To Major Wm. Campbell, &c.
(III)
Fort Miamis, Aug. 22, 1791.
Sir,
Although your letter of yesterday's date fully authorizes me to any act of
hostility against the army of the United States of America in this
neighborhood under your command, yet, still anxious to prevent that
dreadful decision, which perhaps is not intended to be appealed to by
either of our countries, I have forborne for these two days past to resent
those insults which you have offered to the British flag flying at this
fort, by approaching it within pistol-shot of my works, not only singly,
but in numbers, with arms in their hands.
Neither is it my wish to wage war with individuals. But should you after
this continue to approach my post in the threatening manner you are at
this moment doing, my indispensable duty to my King and Country, and the
honor of my profession, will oblige me to have recourse to those measures
which thousands of either nation may hereafter have cause to regret, and
which I solemnly appeal to God I have used my utmost endeavors to arrest.
I have the honor to be, sir, &c.
(Signed) WM. CAMPBELL.
To Major General Wayne, &c.
[No other notice was taken of this letter than what is expressed in the
following letter. The fort and works were however reconnoitered in every
direction, at some points possibly within pistol-shot. It was found to be
a regular, strong work, the front covered by a wide river, with four guns
mounted in that face. The rear, which was the most susceptible of
approach, had two regular bastions furnished with eight pieces of
artillery, the whole surrounded with a wide deep ditch. From the bottom of
the ditch to the top of the parapet was about twenty feet perpendicular.
The works were also surrounded by an abbatis, and furnished with a strong
garrison.]
(IV)
Sir,
In your letter of the 21st inst. you declare, "I have no hesitation on my
part to say that I know of no war, existing between Great Britain and
America."
I, on my part, declare the same; and the only cause I have to entertain a
contrary idea at present is, the hostile act you are now in commission
of,--that is, recently taking post far within the well known and
acknowledged limits of the United States, and erecting a fortification in
the heart of the settlements of the Indian tribes now at war with the
United States.
This, sir, appears to be an act of the highest aggression, and destructive
to the peace and interest of the Union. Hence, it becomes my duty to
desire, and I do hereby desire and demand, in the name of the President of
the United States, that you immediately desist from any further act of
hostility or aggression, by forbearing to fortify, and by withdrawing the
troops, artillery, and stores under your orders and direction, forthwith,
and removing to the nearest post occupied by His Britannic Majesty's
troops at the peace of 1783--and which you will be permitted to do
unmolested by the troops under my command.
I am, with very great respect, &c.
(Signed) ANTHONY WAYNE.
To Major Wm. Campbell, &c.
(V)
Fort Miamis, 22d Aug. 1794.
Sir,
I have this moment the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
this date. In answer to which I have only to say, that being placed here
in the command of a British post, and acting in, a military capacity only,
I cannot enter into any discussion either on the right or impropriety of
my occupying my present position. Those are matters that I conceive will
be best left to the ambassadors of our different nations.
Having said this much, permit me to inform you, that I certainly will not
abandon this post at the summons of any power whatever, until I receive
orders from those I have the honor to serve under, or the fortune of war
should oblige me.
I must still adhere, sir, to the purport of my letter this morning, to
desire that your army, or individuals belonging to it, will not approach
within reach of my cannon without expecting the consequences attending it.
Although I have said in the former part or my letter, that my situation
here is totally military, yet let me add, sir, that I am much deceived if
His Majesty the King of Great Britain had not a post on this river at and
prior to the period you mention.
I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) WM. CAMPBELL.
Major of the 24th Regiment, commanding at
Fort Miamis.
To Major General Wayne, &c
[The only notice taken of this letter was in immediately setting fire to
and destroying every thing within view of the fort, and even under the
muzzles of the guns.]
_Boston Chronicle, October_ 13, 1774.
* * * * *
NO. III.
Corn-Planter's Letter to the Governor of Pennsylvania, dated "Allegheny
river, 2d mo. 2d, 1822," and probably written by his interpreter. From
Buchanan's Sketches.
"I feel it my duty to send a speech to the governor of Pennsylvania at
this time, and inform him the place where I was from--which was
Conewaugus, on the Genesee river.
"When I was a child, I played with the butterfly, the grasshopper and the
frogs. As I grew up, I began to pay some attention and play with the
Indian boys in the neighborhood, and they took notice of my skin being a
different color from theirs, and spoke about it. I enquired of my mother
the cause, and she told me that my father was a residenter in Albany. I
eat still my victuals out of a bark dish--I grew up to be a young man, and
married me a wife, but I had no kettle or gun. I then knew where my
father lived, and went to see him, and found he was a white man, and spoke
the English language. He gave me victuals while I was at his house, but
when I started to return home, he gave me no provision to eat on the way.
He gave me neither kettle nor gun, neither did he tell me that the United
States were about to rebel against the government of England.
"I will now tell you, brothers, who are in session of the legislature of
Pennsylvania, that the Great Spirit has made known to me that I have been
wicked; and the cause thereof was the revolutionary war in America. The
cause of Indians having been led into sin, at that time, was that many of
them were in the practice of drinking and getting intoxicated. Great
Britain requested us to join with them in the conflict against the
Americans, and promised the Indians land and liquor. I, myself, was
opposed to joining in the conflict, as I had nothing to do with the
difficulty that existed between the two parties. I have now informed you
how it happened that the Indians took a part in the Revolution, and will
relate to you some circumstances that occurred after the close of the war.
Gen. Putnam, who was then at Philadelphia, told me there was to be a
council at fort Stanwix, and the Indians requested me to attend on behalf
of the Six Nations, which I did, and there met with three commissioners,
who had been appointed to hold the council. They told me they would inform
me of the cause of the revolution, which I requested them to do minutely.
They then said that it had originated on account of the heavy taxes that
had been imposed upon them by the British government, which had been for
fifty years increasing upon them; that the Americans had grown weary
thereof, and refused to pay, which affronted the king. There had likewise
a difficulty taken place about some tea, which they wished me not to use,
as it had been one of the causes that many people had lost their lives.
And the British government now being affronted, the war commenced, and the
cannons began to roar in our country. General Putnam then told me at the
council at fort Stanwix, that by the late war the Americans had gained two
objects: they had established themselves an independent nation, and had
obtained some land from Great Britain to live upon, the division line of
which ran through the lakes. I then spoke, and said that I wanted some
land for the Indians to live on, and General Putnam said that it should be
granted, and I should have land in the state of New York, for the Indians.
Gen. Putnam then encouraged me to use my endeavors to pacify the Indians
generally; and as he considered it an arduous task to perform, wished to
know what I wanted to pay therefor? I replied to him, that I would use my
endeavors to do as he had requested with the Indians, and for pay thereof,
I would take land. I told him not to pay me money or dry goods, but land.
And for having attended thereto I received the tract of land on which I
now live, which was presented to me by governor Mifflin. I told general
Putnam, that I wished the Indians to have the exclusive privilege of the
deer and wild game, which he assented to.
"The treaty that was made at the aforementioned council has been broken by
some of the white people, which I how intend acquainting the governor
with. Some white people are not willing that Indians should hunt any more,
whilst others are satisfied therewith; and those white people who reside
near our reservation, tell us that the woods are theirs, and they have
obtained them from the governor. The treaty has been also broken by the
white people using their endeavors to destroy all the wolves, which was
not spoken about in the council at fort Stanwix, by General Putnam, but
has originated lately.
"It has been broken, again, which is of recent origin. White people wish
to get credit from Indians, and do not pay them honestly, according to
their agreement.
"In another respect it has also been broken by white people, who reside
near my dwelling; for when I plant melons and vines in my field, they take
them as their own. It has been broken again by white people using their
endeavors to obtain our pine trees from us. We have very few pine trees on
our land, in the state of New York; and white people and Indians often get
into dispute respecting them. There is also a great quantity of whiskey
brought near our reservation by white people, and the Indians obtain it
and become drunken.
"Another circumstance has taken place which is very trying to me, and I
wish the interference of the Governor. The white people who live at
Warren, called upon me sometime ago, to pay taxes for my land, which I
objected to, as I had never been called upon for that purpose before; and
having refused to pay, the white people became irritated, called upon me
frequently, and at length brought four guns with them and seized our
cattle. I still refused to pay, and was not willing to let the cattle go.
Afler a long dispute, they returned home and I understood the militia was
ordered out to enforce the collection of the tax. I went to Warren, and,
to avert the impending difficulty, was obliged give my note for the tax,
the amount of which was forty-three dollars and seventy-nine cents. It is
my desire that the governor will exempt me from paying taxes for my land
to white people; and also cause that the money I am now obliged to pay,
may be refunded to me, as I am very poor. The governor is the person who
attends to the situation of the people, and I wish him to send a person to
Allegheny, that I may inform him of the particulars of our situation, and
he be authorised to instruct the white people in what manner to conduct
themselves towards the Indians.
"The governor has told us that when any difficulties arose between the
Indians and white people, he would attend to having them removed. We are
now in a trying situation, and I wish the governor to send a person,
authorised to attend thereto, the fore part of the next summer, about the
time that grass has grown big enough for pasture.
"The governor formerly requested me to pay attention to the Indians, and
take care of them. We are now arrived at a situation that I believe
Indians cannot exist, unless the governor should comply with my request,
and send a person authorised to treat between us and the white people, the
approaching summer. I have now no more to speak."
* * * * *
NO. IV.
Corn-Planter's Speech at the Court-House at Warren, (N. Y.) June 4th,
1822, after an explanation, by two state Commissioners, of a law
exonerating him from the payment of certain taxes. From the Venango
Herald.
"Brothers!--Yesterday was appointed for us all to meet here. The talk
which the Governor sent us pleased us very much. I think that the Great
Spirit is very much pleased that the white people have been induced so to
assist the Indians as they have done, and that he is pleased also to see
the great men of this State and of the United States so friendly to us. We
are much pleased with what has been done.
"The Great Spirit first made the world and next the flying animals, and
found all things good and prosperous. He is immortal and everlasting.
After finishing the flying animals, he came down on earth and there stood.
Then he made different kinds of trees, and weeds of all sorts, and people
of every kind. He made the spring and other seasons, and the weather
suitable for planting. These he did make. But stills, to make whiskey to
be given to Indians, he did not make. The Great Spirit bids me tell the
white people not to give Indians this kind of liquor. When the Great
Spirit had made the earth and its animals, he went into the great lakes,
where he breathed as easily as any where else, and then made all the
different kinds of fish. The Great Spirit looked back on all that he had
made. The different kinds he made to be separate, and not to mix with and
disturb each other. But the white people have broken his command by mixing
their color with the Indians. The Indians have done better by not doing
so.--The Great Spirit wishes that all wars and fightings should cease.
"He next told us that there were three things for people to attend to.
First, we ought to take care of our wives and children. Secondly, the
white people ought to attend to their farms and cattle. Thirdly, the
Great Spirit has given the bears and deers to the Indians. He is the cause
of all things that exist, and it is very wicked to go against his will.
The Great Spirit wishes me to inform the people that they should quit
drinking intoxicating drink, as being the cause of diseases and death. He
told us not to sell any more of our lands, for he never sold lands to any
one. Some of us now keep the seventh day; but I wish to quit it, for the
Great Spirit made it for others, but not for the Indians, who ought every
day to attend to their business. He has ordered me to quit drinking any
intoxicating drink, and not to lust after women but my own, and informed
me that by doing so I should live the longer. He made known to me that it
is very wicked to tell lies. Let no one suppose this I have said now is
not true.
"I have now to thank the Governor for what he has done. I have informed
him what the Great Spirit has ordered me to cease from, and I wish the
Governor to inform others of what I have communicated. This all I have at
present to say."
* * * * *
NO. V.
Mr. Brandt, whose death has been recently announced, was the son of the
celebrated Indian chief of that name, and distinguished himself as a
lieutenant in our service during the late war. Some years ago he visited
England, and under the patronage of the Duke of Northumberland, was
introduced to the Duke of Wellington, Lord Teignmouth, and other
influential personages, and from his peculiar urbanity of manners and
highly cultivated acquirements, speedily became known and esteemed. His
exertions, upon that occasion, in vindicating the humanity of his father's
character from the unjust aspersions cast upon it by the author of
"Gertrude of Wyoming," were acknowledged by the accomplished poet, and the
next edition of that work rectified the error Mr. Campbell had
acknowledged. As a gentleman of strict honor and morality, Mr. Brandt has
left but few equals; and as head-chief and superintendent of the Six
Nations, his loss will be seriously felt by the numerous tribes to whose
civilization and moral improvement he had devoted his time and
talents.--_Kingston, U. C. Chronicle._
* * * * *
NO. VI.
Letter of Farmer's-Brother, and others, to the Hon. W. Eustis, Secretary
of War. Niles' Register, Vol. II.
"Brother!--The sachems and chief warriors of the Seneca nation of Indians,
understanding you are the person appointed by the great council of your
nation to manage and conduct the affairs of the several nations of Indians
with whom you are at peace and on terms of friendship, come at this time,
as children to a father, to lay before you the trouble which we have on
our minds.
"Brother!--We do not think best to multiply words. We will therefore tell
you what our complaint is.
"Brother!--Listen to what we say. Some years since we held a treaty at
Big-tree, near the Genesee river. This treaty was called by our great
father, the President of the United States. He sent an agent, Colonel
Wadsworth, to attend this treaty, for the purpose of advising us in the
business, and seeing that we had justice done us. At this treaty we sold
to Robert Morris the greatest part of our country. The sum he gave us was
one hundred thousand dollars.
"Brother!--The Commissioner who was appointed on your part, advised us to
place this money in the hands of our great father, the President of the
United States. He told us our father loved his red children, and would
take care of our money, and plant it in a field where it would bear seed
forever, as long as trees grow or waters run. Our money has heretofore
been of great service to us. It has helped us to support our old people,
and our women and children. But we are told the field where our money was
planted is become barren.
"Brother!--We do not understand your way of doing business. This thing is
heavy on our minds. We mean to hold our white brethren of the United
States by the hand. But this weight lies heavy. We hope you will remove
it.
"Brother!--We have heard of the bad conduct of our brothers towards the
setting sun. We are sorry for what they have done. But you must not blame
us. We have had no hand in this bad business. They have had bad people
among them. It is your enemies have done this.
"We have persuaded our agent to take this talk to your great council. He
knows our situations, and will speak our minds.
"Farmer's-Brother, his mark X Wheel-Barrow, his mark X
Little Billy do X Jack Berry do X
Young King do X Twenty Canoes do X
Pollard do X Big Kettle do X
Chief Warrior do X Half-Town do X
Two Guns do X Keyandeande do X
John Sky do X Captain Cold do X
Parrot-Nose do X Esq. Blinkey do X
John Pierce do X Captain Johnson do X
Strong do X
"N. B. The foregoing speech was delivered in Council by Farmer's-Brother,
at Buffalo Creek, December 19, 1811, and subscribed in my presence, by the
Chiefs whose names are annexed.
"(Signed) ERASTUS GRANGER."
* * * * *
NO. VII.
Extracted from the American Remembrancer (an impartial and authentic
collection of facts, published in London during the Revolutionary War)
for the year 1782, vol. 14, p. 185.
Boston, March 12.
_Extract of a letter from Captain Gerrish, of the
New-England Militia, dated Albany, March 7._
"The peltry taken in the expedition, will, you see, amount to a good deal
of money. The possession of this booty at first gave us pleasure; but we
were struck with horror to find among the packages, eight large ones
containing scalps of our unfortunate country folks, taken in the three
last years by the Seneca Indians from the inhabitants of the frontiers of
New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, and sent by them as a
present to Colonel Haldimand, Governor of Canada, in order to be by him
transmitted to England. They were accompanied by the following curious
letter to that gentleman.
"_Tioga, January_ 3d, 1787.
"May it please your Excellency,
"At the request of the Seneca Chiefs, I herewith send to your Excellency,
under the care of James Hoyd, eight packages of scalps, cured, dried,
hooped, and painted with all the triumphal marks, of which the following
is the invoice and explanation.
"No. 1. Containing forty-three scalps of Congress soldiers, killed in
different skirmishes. These are stretched on black hoops, four inch
diameter--the inside of the skin painted red with a small black spot, to
note their being killed with bullets. Also, sixty-two of farmers killed
in their houses; the hoops painted red--the skin painted brown and marked
with a hoe--a black circle all round, to denote their being surprised in
the night--and a black hatchet in the middle, signifying their being
killed with that weapon.
"No. 2. Containing ninety-eight of farmers, killed in their houses, hoops
red--figure of a hoe, to mark their profession--great white circle and
sun, to shew they were surprised in the day-time--a little red foot, to
shew they stood upon their defence, and died fighting for their lives and
families.
"No. 3. Containing ninety-seven of farmers. Hoops green, to shew they were
killed in the fields--a large white circle with a little round mark on it
for the sun, to show it was in the day time--black bullet-mark on some, a
hatchet on others.
"No. 4. Containing one hundred and two of farmers, mixture of several of
the marks above, only eighteen marked with a little yellow flame, to
denote their being of prisoners burnt alive, after being scalped--their
nails pulled out by the roots, and other torments. One of these latter
supposed to be of an American clergyman, his band being fixed to the hoop
of his scalp. Most of the farmers appear, by the hair, to have been young
or middle-aged men, there being but sixty-seven very grey heads among them
all, which makes the service more essential.
"No. 5. Containing eighty-eight scalps of women, hair long, braided in the
Indian fashion, to shew they were mothers--hoops blue--skin yellow ground,
with little red tadpoles, to represent, by way of triumph, the tears of
grief occasioned to their relations--a black scalping-knife or hatchet at
the bottom, to mark their being killed by those instruments. Seventeen
others, hair very grey--black hoops--plain brown color--no marks but the
short club or casse-tete, to show they were knocked down dead, or had
their brains beat out.
"No. 6. Containing one hundred and ninety-three boy's scalps, of various
ages. Small green hoops--whitish ground on the skin, with red tears in the
middle and black marks--knife, hatchet or club, as their death happened.
"No. 7. Containing two hundred and eleven girl's scalps, big and
little--small yellow hoops, white ground--tears, hatchet, club,
scalping-knife, &c.
"No. 8. This package is a mixture of all the varieties above mentioned, to
the number of one hundred and twenty-two, with a box of birch bark
containing twenty-nine little infants' scalps, of various sizes--small
white hoops, white ground--no tears, and only a little black knife in the
middle, to shew they were ripped out of their mothers' bellies.
"With these packs the chiefs send to your excellency the following speech,
delivered by Conicogatchie in council, interpreted by the elder Moore, the
trader, and taken down by me in writing.
"Father!--We send you herewith many scalps, that you may see we are not
idle friends.
"_A blue belt._
"Father!--We wish you to send these scalps over the water to the great
king, that he may regard them and be refreshed, and that he may see our
faithfulness in destroying his enemies, and be convinced that his
presents have not been made to an ungrateful people.
"_A blue and white belt with red tassels._
"Father!---Attend to what I am now going to say. It is a matter of much
weight. The great King's enemies are many, and they grow fast in number.
They were formerly like young panthers. They could neither bite nor
scratch. We could play with them safely. We feared nothing they could do
to us. But now their bodies have become as big as the elk, and strong as
the buffalo. They have also great and sharp claws. They have driven us
out of our country for taking part in your quarrel. We expect the great
King will give us another country, that our children may live after us,
and be his friends and children as we are. Say this for us to our great
King. To enforce it, give this belt.
"_A great white belt with blue tassels._
"Father!--We have only to say further, that your traders exact more than
ever for their goods; and our hunting is lessened by the war, so that we
have fewer skins to give for them. This ruins us. Think of some remedy. We
are poor, and you have plenty of every thing. We know you will send us
powder and guns, and knives and hatchets. But we also want shirts and
blankets.
"_A little white belt._
"I do not doubt but that your Excellency will think it proper to give
some further encouragement to these honest people. The high prices they
complain of are the necessary effect of the war. Whatever presents may be
sent for them through my hands, shall be distributed with prudence and
fidelity.
"I have the honor of being your Excellency's most obedient and most humble
servant,
"JAMES CRAWFORD."
THE END.
End of Project Gutenberg's Indian Biography; Vol II (of 2), by B. B. Thatcher
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