The Project Gutenberg EBook of Indian Games, by Andrew McFarland Davis
Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the
copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing
this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook.
This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project
Gutenberg file. Please do not remove it. Do not change or edit the
header without written permission.
Please read the "legal small print," and other information about the
eBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of this file. Included is
important information about your specific rights and restrictions in
how the file may be used. You can also find out about how to make a
donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved.
**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts**
**eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971**
*****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!*****
Title: Indian Games
Author: Andrew McFarland Davis
Release Date: November, 2004 [EBook #6857]
[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
[This file was first posted on February 2, 2003]
Edition: 10
Language: English
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIAN GAMES ***
Produced by Joshua Hutchinson, Tom Allen, Juliet Sutherland, Charles Franks
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
This file was produced from images generously made available
by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions.
INDIAN GAMES
AN HISTORICAL RESEARCH
BY ANDREW McFARLAND DAVIS
"There are," says Father Brebeuf in his account of what was worthy of
note among the Hurons in 1636, [Footnote: Relations des Jesuites,
Quebec, 1858, p. 113.] "three kinds of games particularly in vogue with
this people; cross, platter, and straw. The first two are, they say,
supreme for the health. Does not that excite our pity? Lo, a poor sick
person, whose body is hot with fever, whose soul foresees the end of
his days, and a miserable sorcerer orders for him as the only cooling
remedy, a game of cross. Sometimes it is the invalid himself who may
perhaps have dreamed that he will die unless the country engages in a
game of cross for his health. Then, if he has ever so little credit,
you will see those who can best play at cross arrayed, village against
village, in a beautiful field, and to increase the excitement, they
will wager with each other their beaver skins and their necklaces of
porcelain beads."
"Sometimes also one of their medicine men will say that the whole
country is ill and that a game of cross is needed for its cure. It is
not necessary to say more. The news incontinently spreads everywhere.
The chiefs in each village give orders that all the youths shall do
their duty in this respect, otherwise some great calamity will overtake
the country."
LACROSSE.
In 1667, Nicolas Perrot, then acting as agent of the French government,
was received near Saut Sainte Marie with stately courtesy and formal
ceremony by the Miamis, to whom he was deputed. A few days after his
arrival, the chief of that nation gave him, as an entertainment, a game
of lacrosse. [Footnote: Histoire de l'Amerique Septentrionale par M. de
Bacqueville de la Potherie, Paris, 1722, Vol. II, 124, _et seq._]
"More than two thousand persons assembled in a great plain each with
his cross. A wooden ball about the size of a tennis ball was tossed in
the air. From that moment there was a constant movement of all these
crosses which made a noise like that of arms which one hears during a
battle. Half the savages tried to send the ball to the northwest the
length of the field, the others wished to make it go to the southeast.
The contest which lasted for a half hour was doubtful."
In 1763, an army of confederate nations, inspired by the subtle
influence of Pontiac's master mind, formed the purpose of seizing
the scattered forts held by the English along the northwestern
frontier. On the fourth day of June of that year, the garrison at Fort
Michilimackinac, unconscious of their impending fate, thoughtlessly
lolled at the foot of the palisade and whiled away the day in watching
the swaying fortunes of a game of ball which was being played by some
Indians in front of the stockade. Alexander Henry, who was on the spot
at the time, says that the game played by these Indians was "Baggatiway,
called by the Canadians _le jeu de la Crosse._" [Footnote: Travels and
Adventures in Canada, etc, by Alexander Henry, New York, 1809, p. 78,
Travels through the Interior parts of North America, by Jonathan Carver,
London, 1778, p. 19. The Book of the Indians, by Samuel G. Drake,
Boston, 1811, Book V, Ch. III, p. 52.]
Parkman [Footnote: The Conspiracy of Pontiac, by Francis Parkman,
Boston, 1870, Vol. 1, p. 339.] concludes a vivid description of the
surprise and massacre of the garrison at Michilimackinac, based upon
authentic facts, as follows: "Bushing and striking, tripping their
adversaries, or hurling them to the ground, they pursued the animating
contest amid the laughter and applause of the spectators. Suddenly,
from the midst of the multitude, the ball soared into the air and,
descending in a wide curve, fell near the pickets of the fort. This was
no chance stroke. It was part of a preconcerted scheme to insure the
surprise and destruction of the garrison. As if in pursuit of the ball,
the players turned and came rushing, a maddened and tumultuous throng,
towards the gate. In a moment they had reached it. The amazed English
had no time to think or act. The shrill cries of the ball-players were
changed to the ferocious war-whoop. The warriors snatched from the
squaws the hatchets which the latter, with this design, had concealed
beneath their blankets. Some of the Indians assailed the spectators
without, while others rushed into the fort, and all was carnage and
confusion."
Thus we see that the favorite game of ball of the North American
Indians, known to-day, as it was in 1636, by the name of "lacrosse,"
was potent among them as a remedial exercise or superstitious rite to
cure diseases and avert disaster; that it formed part of stately
ceremonials which were intended to entertain and amuse distinguished
guests; and that it was made use of as a stratagem of war, by means of
which to lull the suspicions of the enemy and to gain access to their
forts.
The descriptions of lacrosse which have been transmitted to us, would
often prove unintelligible to one who had never seen the game played.
The writers of the accounts which have come down to us from the early
part of the seventeenth century were men whose lives were spent among
the scenes which they described and they had but little time, and few
opportunities for careful writing. The individual records though
somewhat confused enable us easily to identify the game, and a
comparison of the different accounts shows how thoroughly the main
features of the game have been preserved.
Lacrosse is played to-day as follows: The number of players on the
opposing sides should be equal. Regular stations are assigned in the
rules for playing the game, for twelve on each side. Goals, each
consisting of two upright posts or staffs, generally about six feet
apart and of equal height, are planted at each end of the field. The
length of the field and its bounds are determined by the character of
the ground and the skill of the players. The effort of each side is to
prevent the ball from passing through the goal assigned to its
protection, and equally to try to drive it through the opposite goal.
Under no circumstances can the ball be touched during the game, while
within the bounds, by the hands of the players. Each player has a
racket, the length of which, though optional, is ordinarily from four
to five feet. One end of this racket or bat is curved like a shepherd's
crook, and from the curved end a thong is carried across to a point on
the handle about midway its length. In the space thus enclosed between
the thong and the handle, which at its broadest part should not exceed
a foot in width, a flat network is interposed. This forms the bat. It
is with this that the player picks up and throws the ball used in the
game, which should be about eight or nine inches in circumference. The
ball is placed in the centre of the field by the umpire, and when the
game is called, the opposing players strive to get possession of it
with their rackets. The play consists in running with it and throwing
it, with the design of driving it between the adversary's goal posts;
and in defensive action, the purpose of which is to prevent the
opponents from accomplishing similar designs on their part. As the wind
or the sunlight may favor one side or the other on any field, provision
is generally made for a change of goals during the match. The stations
of the players and the minor rules of the game are unimportant in this
connection.
The oldest attempt at a detailed description of the game is given by
Nicolas Perrot who from 1662 to 1699 spent the greater part of his time
as _coureur de bois_, trader, or government agent, among the Indians of
the far West. It is of him that Abbe Ferland says, "Courageous man,
honest writer and good observer, Perrot lived for a long time among the
Indians of the West who were very much attached to him." His accounts of
the manners and customs of the North American Indians have been
liberally used by subsequent writers and as the part treating of games
is not only very full but also covers a very early period of history, it
is doubly interesting for purposes of comparison with games of a later
day. He [Footnote: Memoire sur les Moeurs, Coustumes et Relligion des
Sauvages de l'Amerique Septentrionale, par Nicolas Perrot, Leipzig et
Paris, 1864, p. 43, _et seq._] says, "The savages have many kinds of
games in which they delight. Their natural fondness for them is so great
that they will neglect food and drink, not only to join in a game but
even to look at one. There is among them a certain game of cross which
is very similar to our tennis. Their custom in playing it is to match
tribe against tribe, and if the numbers are not equal they render them
so by withdrawing some of the men from the stronger side. You see them
all armed with a cross, that is to say a stick which has a large portion
at the bottom, laced like a racket. The ball with which they play is of
wood and of nearly the shape of a turkey's egg. The goals of the game
are fixed in an open field. These goals face to the east and to the
west, to the north and to the south." Then follows a somewhat confused
description of the method and the rules of the contest from which we can
infer that after a side had won two goals they changed sides of the
field with their opponents, and that two out of three, or three out of
five goals decided the game.
Reading Perrot's description in connection with that given by de la
Potherie of the game played before Perrot by the Miamis, helps us to
remove the confusion of the account. Abbe Ferlande [Footnote: Cours
d'Histoire du Canada, par J.B. Ferland, Quebec, 1861, Vol. I, p. 134.]
describes the game. He was a diligent student of all sources of
authority upon these subjects and was probably familiar with the modern
game. His account of the Indian game follows that of Perrot so closely
as to show that it was his model. It is, however, clear and distinct in
its details, free from the confusion which attends Perrot's account and
might almost serve for a description of the game as played by the
Indians to-day. Perrot was a frontier-man and failed when he undertook
to describe anything that required careful and exact use of language.
We can only interpret him intelligently by combining his descriptions
with those of other writers and applying our own knowledge of the game
as we see it to-day. He is, however, more intelligible when he gets on
more general ground, and after having disposed of the technicalities of
the game, he proceeds: "Men, women, boys and girls are received on the
sides which they make up, and they wager between themselves more or
less according to their means."
"These games ordinarily begin after the melting of the ice and they
last even to seed time. In the afternoon one sees all the players
bedecked [Transcriber's Note: Lengthy footnote (1) relocated to chapter
end.] and painted. Each party has its leader who addresses them,
announcing to his players the hour fixed for opening the game. The
players assemble in a crowd in the middle of the field and one of the
leaders of the two sides, having the ball in his hands casts it into
the air. Each one then tries to throw it towards the side where he
ought to send it. If it falls to the earth, the player tries to draw it
to him with his cross. If it is sent outside the crowd, then the most
active players, by closely pursuing it, distinguish themselves. You
hear the noise which they make striking against each other and warding
off blows, in their strife to send the ball in the desired direction.
When one of them holds the ball between his feet, it is for him, in his
unwillingness to let it go, to avoid the blows which his adversaries
incessantly shower down upon his feet. Should he happen to be wounded
at this juncture, he alone is responsible for it. It has happened that
some have had their legs broken, others their arms and some have been
killed. It is not uncommon to see among them those who are crippled for
life and who could only be at such a game by an act of sheer obstinacy.
When accidents of this kind happen, the unfortunate withdraws quietly
from the game if he can do so. If his injury will not permit him, his
relations carry him to the cabin and the game continues until it is
finished as if nothing bad happened."
"When the sides are equal the players will occupy an entire afternoon
without either side gaining any advantage; at other times one of the
two will gain the two games that they need to win. In this game you
would say to see them run that they looked like two parties who wanted
to fight. This exercise contributes much to render the savages alert
and prepared to avoid blows from the tomahawk of an enemy, when they
find themselves in a combat. Without being told in advance that it was
a game, one might truly believe that they fought in open country.
Whatever accident the game may cause, they attribute it to the chance
of the game and have no ill will towards each other. The suffering is
for the wounded, who bear it contentedly as if nothing had happened,
thus making it appear that they have a great deal of courage and are
men."
"The side that wins takes whatever has been put up on the game and
whatever there is of profit, and that without any dispute on the part
of the others when it is a question of paying, no matter what the kind
of game. Nevertheless, if some person who is not in the game, or who
has not bet anything, should throw the ball to the advantage of one
side or the other, one of those whom the throw would not help would
attack him, demanding if this is his affair and why he has mixed
himself with it. They often come to quarrel about this and if some of
the chiefs did not reconcile them, there would be blood shed and
perhaps some killed."
Originally, the game was open to any number of competitors. According
to the Relation of 1636, "Village was pitted against village." "Tribe
was matched against tribe," says Perrot. The number engaged in the game
described by La Potherie [Footnote: Vol. II, p. 126.] was estimated by
him at two thousand. LaHontan [Footnote: Memoires de L'Amerique
Septentrionale, ou la Suite des Voyages de Mr. Le Baron de LaHontan,
Amsterdam, 1705, Vol. II, p. 113.] says that "the savages commonly
played it in large companies of three or four hundred at a time," while
Charlevoix [Footnote: Histoire de la Nouvelle France. Journal d'un
Voyage. etc, par le P. de Charlevoix, Paris, 1744, Vol. III, p. 319.]
says the number of players was variable and adds "for instance if they
are eighty," thus showing about the number he would expect to find in a
game. When Morgan [Footnote: League of the Iroquois, by Lewis H.
Morgan, Rochester, 1851, p. 294.] speaks of six or eight on a side, he
must allude to a later period, probably after the game was modified by
the whites who had adopted it among their amusements. [Transcriber's
Note: Lengthy footnote (2) relocated to chapter end.]
Our earliest accounts of the game as played by the Indians in the south
are about one hundred years later than the corresponding records in the
north. Adair [Footnote: The History of the American Indians,
particularly those Nations adjoining to the Mississippi, etc, by James
Adam, London, 1775, p. 399.] says the gamesters are equal in number and
speaks of "the crowd of players" preventing the one who "catches the
ball from throwing it off with a long direction." Bossu [Footnote:
Travels through that Part of North America formerly called Louisiana,
by Mr. Bossu, Captain in the French Marines. Translated from the French
by John Hemhold Forster, London, 1771, Vol. I, p. 304.] says, "they are
forty on each side," while Bartram [Footnote: Travels through North and
South Carolina, etc., by William Bartram, Philadelphia, 1701, p. 508.]
says, "the inhabitants of one town play against another in consequence
of a challenge." From this it would seem that among those Indians, as
at the North, the number of players was governed only by the
circumstances under which the game was played.
The ball, originally of wood, [Footnote: La Potherie, Vol. II, p. 126;
Perrot, p. 44.] was replaced by one made of deer skin. Adair gives the
following description of its manufacture: "The ball is made of a piece
of scraped deerskin, moistened, and stuffed hard with deer's hair, and
strongly sewed with deer's sinews." [Footnote: p. 400.]
According to Morgan the racket has undergone a similar change, from a
curved wooden head to the curved stick with open network, but we have
seen in the earliest description at our command, that in the days of
Perrot the cross was "laced like a racket." [Footnote: League of the
Iroquois. p. 298; Perrot p. 44.]
The game was played not only by the Indians of our Coast, but Powers
[Footnote: Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. III, p. 151.
Tribes of California by Stephen Powers; The same game is described
among the Meewocs in The Native Races of the Pacific States by H. H.
Bancroft, Vol. I, p. 393.] found it also among the Californian Indians.
He describes a game of tennis played by the Pomo Indians in Russian
River Valley, of which he had heard nothing among the northern tribes.
"A ball is rounded out of an oak knot as large as those used by school
boys, and it is propelled by a racket which is constructed of a long
slender stick, bent double and bound together, leaving a circular hoop
at the extremity, across which is woven a coarse meshwork of strings.
Such an implement is not strong enough for batting the ball, neither do
they bat it, but simply shove or thrust it along the ground."
Paul Kane [Footnote: Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North
America by Paul Kane, p. 190; H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, Vol. I, p.
244.] describes a game played among the Chinooks. He says "They also
take great delight in a game with a ball which is played by them in the
same manner as the Cree, Chippewa and Sioux Indians. Two poles are
erected about a mile apart, and the company is divided into two bands
armed with sticks, having a small ring or hoop at the end with which
the ball is picked up and thrown to a great distance, each party
striving to get the ball past their own goal. They are sometimes a
hundred on a side, and their play is kept up with great noise and
excitement. At this play they bet heavily as it is generally played
between tribes or villages."
Domenech [Footnote: Seven Years' Residence in the Great Deserts of
North America by the Abbe Em. Domenech, Vol. II, pp. 192, 193.] writing
about the Indians of the interior, calls the game "cricket," and says
the players were costumed as follows: "Short drawers, or rather a belt,
the body being first daubed over with a layer of bright colors; from
the belt (which is short enough to leave the thighs free) hangs a long
tail, tied up at the extremity with long horse hair; round their necks
is a necklace, to which is attached a floating mane, dyed red, as is
the tail, and falling in the way of a dress fringe over the chest and
shoulders. In the northwest, in the costume indispensable to the
players, feathers are sometimes substituted for horse hair." He adds
"that some tribes play with two sticks" and that it is played in
"winter on the ice." "The ball is made of wood or brick covered with
kid-skin leather, sometimes of leather curiously interwoven."
Schoolcraft describes the game as played in the winter on the ice.
[Footnote: Schoolcraft's North American Indians, Vol. II, p. 78. See
also Ball-play among the Dicotis, in Philander Prescott's paper, Ibid,
Vol. IV, p. 64.]
It will be observed that the widest difference prevails in the estimate
of the distance apart at which the goals are set. Henry, in his account
of the game at Michilimackinac says "they are at a considerable
distance from each other, as a mile or more." Charlevoix places the
goals in a game with eighty players at "half a league apart" meaning
probably half a mile. LaHontan estimates the distance between the goals
at "five or six hundred paces." Adair, [Footnote: Henry, p. 78
Chulevoix Vol. III, p. 319, Kane's Wanderings, p. 189, LaHontan, Vol.
II, p. 113; Adair, p. 400.] who is an intelligent writer, and who was
thoroughly conversant with the habits and customs of the Cherokees,
Choctaws, and Chicasaws estimates the length of the field at "five
hundred yards," while Romans [Footnote: A concise Natural History of
East and West Florida, by Capt Bernard Romans New York, 1770, p. 79.]
in describing the goals uses this phrase "they fix two poles across
each other at about a hundred and fifty feet apart." Bossu [Footnote:
Vol. I, p. 104 Similarly, Pickett (History of Alabama, Vol. I, p. 92)
describes a game among the Creeks in which there was but one goal
consisting of two poles erected in the centre of the field between
which the ball must pass to count one. He cites "Butram," and the
"Narrative of a Mission to the Creek Nation by Col. Mammus Willet," is
his authorities neither of them sustains him on this point.] speaks as
if in the game which he saw played there was but a single goal. He says
"They agree upon a mark or aim about sixty yards off, and distinguished
by two great poles, between which the ball is to pass."
The goals among the northern Indians were single posts at the ends of
the field. It is among the southern Indians that we first hear of two
posts being raised to form a sort of gate through or over which the
bull must pass. Adair says, "they fix two bending poles into the
ground, three yards apart below, but slanting a considerable way
outwards." The party that happens to throw the ball "over these counts
one; but if it be thrown underneath, it is cast back and played for as
usual." The ball is to be thrown "through the lower part" of the two
poles which are fixed across each other at about one hundred and fifty
feet apart, according to Romans. In Bossu's account it is "between" the
two great poles which distinguish the mark or aim, that "the ball is to
pass." On the other hand, Bartram, describing what he saw in North
Carolina, speaks of the ball "being hurled into the air, midway between
the two high pillars which are the goals, and the party who bears off
the ball to their pillar wins the game."
In some parts of the south each player had two rackets between which
the ball was caught. For this purpose they were necessarily shorter
than the cross of the northern Indians. Adair says, "The ball sticks
are about two feet long, the lower end somewhat resembling the palm of
a hand, and which are worked with deer-skin thongs. Between these they
catch the ball, and throw it a great distance." [Footnote: Adair, p.
400; A Narrative of the Military Adventures of Colonel Marinus Willett,
p. 109.]
That this was not universal throughout the south would appear from
Bossu's account who says, "Every one has a battle-door in his hand
about two feet and a half long, made very nearly in the form of ours,
of walnut, or chestnut wood, and covered with roe-skins." Bartram also
says that each person has "a racquet or hurl, which is an implement of
a very curious construction somewhat resembling a ladle or little hoop
net, with a handle near three feet in length, the hoop and handle of
wood and the netting of thongs of raw-hide or tendons of an animal."
Catlin [Footnote: Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs and
Condition of the North American Indians, by George Catlin, Vol. II, p.
123 _et seq._] saw the game played by the Choctaws, on their Western
Reservation. They used two rackets. In this game the old men acted as
judges.
The game was ordinarily started by tossing the ball into the air in the
centre of the field. This act is represented by Perrot as having been
performed by one of the leaders in the game, but it is more in accord
with the spirit in which the game was played, that it should have been
done by some outsider. Bossu says, "An old man stands in the middle of
the place appropriated to the play, and throws up into the air a ball
of roe-skins rolled about each other," while Powers [Footnote:
Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. III, p. 151.] says that
among the Californian Indians this act was performed by a squaw. The
judges started the ball among the Choctaws. [Footnote: Cuthu, Vol. II,
p. 12.] Notwithstanding the differences in the forms of the goals,
their distance apart and the methods of play disclosed in all these
descriptions, the game can only be regarded as the same. The historians
who have preserved for us the accounts of the ancient southern games
from which quotations have been made, are all Englishmen except Bossu,
and he entered the country not by the way of Quebec but by way of New
Orleans. It is not strange, therefore, that we do not find in use
amongst them the name which the early French fathers and traders
invariably applied to the game. The description, however, given by
these writers, of the racket used in the south, corresponds so closely
with the crook from which the game took the name by which it is known,
that we must accept the game as a modified form of lacrosse. From Maine
to Florida, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, we trace a knowledge of
it. We have found it in use among the confederate nations of the north
and of the south and among scattered tribes throughout the country.
In the majority of instances the natural instincts of those who
participated in the strife were stimulated by local pride. The
reputation of their tribe or their village rested upon the result.
Ardent as the spirit of the contest must necessarily have been under
such circumstances, among a people where courage and physique counted
for so much, their intense passion for gambling intervened to fan into
fiercer flames the spirits of the contesting players and to inspire them
to more earnest efforts. Stakes, often of the utmost consequence to the
players and their backers, were wagered upon the games. A reputation for
courage, for skill and for endurance, was the most valuable possession
of the Indian. The maintenance of this was to a certain extent involved
in each game that he played. Oftentimes in addition to this, all of his
own possessions and the property of his friends and neighbors in the
form of skins and beads were staked upon the result of the contest. In
games where so much was involved, we need not be surprised to learn from
Perrot that limbs were occasionally broken and that sometimes players
were even killed. In the notes to Perrot's Memoir it is stated that some
anonymous annotator has written across the margin of Perrot's manuscript
at this point: [Footnote: Perrot. Note 1, Ch. x. p. 187.] "False,
neither arms nor legs are broken, nor are players ever killed." We
scarcely need the corroboratory statements of La Potherie [Footnote:
Vol. II, pp. 126-137.] that "these games are ordinarily followed by
broken heads, arms and legs, and often people are killed at them;" and
also of LaHontan, [Footnote: Vol. II, p. 113.] that "they tear their
skins and break their legs" at them, to satisfy us that Perrot rather
than his critic is to be believed. If no such statements had been made,
we should infer that so violent a game, on which stakes of such vital
importance were placed, could not be played by a people like the
Indians, except with such results. Notwithstanding the violence of the
game and the deep interest which the players and spectators took in it,
the testimony of historians is uniform to the effect that accidental
injuries received during its progress produced no ill will. We have seen
that Perrot states that if anyone attempted to hold the ball with _his
feet_, he took his chance of injury, and that those who were injured
retired quietly from the field. Adair says, "It is a very unusual thing
to see them act spitefully, not even in this severe and tempting
exercise." Bossu bears testimony to the same effect, in the following
words: "The players are never displeased; some old men, who assist at
the play, become mediators, and determine that the play is only intended
as a recreation, and not as an opportunity of quarrelling."
Where the game was played by appointment in response to a challenge,
the men and women assembled in their best ornaments, and danced and
sang during the day and night previous to that of the appointed day.
The players supplicated the Great Spirit for success. Female relations
chanted to him all the previous night and the men fasted from the
previous night till the game was over. [Footnote: Adair, p. 401, Bossu,
Vol. I, p. 306, and Willet's Narrative, p. 109.] The players wore but
little in the way of covering. Romans speaks of them as being "almost
naked, painted and ornamented with feathers;" and Bossu says they were
"naked, painted with various colours, having a tyger tail fastened
behind, and feathers on their heads and arms."
It is not astonishing that a game which called for such vigorous
exorcise [Footnote: Ferdinand Vol. I, p. 134, and Major C. Swan in a
Report concerning the Creeks in 1791. Schoolcraft, Vol. v, p. 277, that
the Whites exceed the Indians at this game.] and which taxed the
strength, agility and endurance of the players to such a degree, should
be described by writers in terms which showed that they looked upon it
rather in the light of a manly contest than as an amusement.
Nevertheless the young people and the women often took part in it.
Perrot tells us so, and both Romans and Bossu say that after the men
were through, the women usually played a game, the bets on which were
generally high. Powers [Footnote: Contributions to North American
Ethnology, Vol. in, p. 151.] represents the squaws among the
Californian Indians as joining the game.
Dexterity in the game lay in the skilful use of the racket; in rapid
running; in waylaying an adversary when he was in possession of the
ball; in avoiding members of the opposing side when the player himself
was running with the ball for the goal, and in adroitly passing the
ball to one of the same side when surrounded by opponents. To give full
scope to skill in the use of the racket, great stress was laid upon the
rule that the ball was not to be touched by the hand. Perrot says, "if
it falls to the earth he tries to draw it to him with his cross."
Charlevoix says, "Their business is to strike the ball to the post of
the adverse party without letting it fall to the ground and without
touching it with the hand." Adair says, "They are not allowed to catch
it with their hands."
The early writers were struck with the fact that the character of the
exercise in this game was fitted to develop the young warriors for the
war path, and they commented on the practice that they thus acquired in
rapid running and in avoiding blows from an instrument in the hands of
an adversary.
"When we review the various features of the game which its chroniclers
have thought worthy of record, we can but conclude that it was rather a
contest of grave importance to the players than a mere pastime, nor can
we fail to accept the concurrent testimony as to the widespread
territory in which it was domesticated, as additional evidence of the
extent of the intercourse which prevailed among the native tribes of
this country."
[Relocated Footnote (1): I translate _apiffez_, "bedecked," assuming
from the context that the author meant to write "_attifez_." We have,
elsewhere, accounts which show that ballplayers, even though compelled
to play with scant clothing, still covered themselves with their
ornaments. J. M. Stanley in his Portraits of North American Indians,
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Washington, 1862, Vol. II, p. 13,
says that the "Creek" ball-players first appear on the ground in
costume. "During the play they divest themselves of all their ornaments
which are usually displayed on these occasions for the purpose of
betting on the result of the play."]
[Relocated Footnote (2): The game is also mentioned in An Account of the
Remarkable Occurrences in the Life and Travels of Col. James Smith
during his Captivity with the Indians in the years 1755-1759.
Cincinnati, 1870, p. 78. It is described by Col. William L. Stone in his
Life of Brant, Albany, 1865, Vol. II, p. 448. In one game of which he
speaks, the ball was started by a young and beautiful squaw who was
elaborately dressed for the occasion. Notwithstanding the extent and
value of Col. Stone's contributions to the literature on the subject of
the North American Indians, he makes the erroneous statement that "The
Six Nations had adopted from the Whites the popular game of ball or
cricket" See p. 445, same volume, _cf_. The Memoir upon the late War in
North America, 1755-1760, by M. Pouchot, translated and edited by
Franklin B. Hough, Vol. II, p. 195. A game of ball is also described in
Historical Collections of Georgia, by the Rev. George White, 3d edition,
New York, 1835, p. 670, which took place in Walker County, Georgia,
between Chatooga and Chicamauga. The ball was thrown up at the centre.
The bats were described as curiously carved spoons. If the ball touched
the ground the play stopped and it was thrown up again. Rev. J. Owen
Dorsey in a paper entitled "Omaha Sociology," printed in the Third
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, etc, 1881-1882, Washington,
1884 p. 230, p. 336, describes the game amongst the Omahas.]
PLATTER OR DICE.
The second in the list of games given by Father Brebeuf is that which
he calls "platter." Writers who describe the habits of the Indians at
the north have much to say concerning this game. According to
Lescarbot, Jacques Cartier saw it played, and recorded his
observations. [Footnote: Histoire de la Nouvelle France par Marc
Lescarbot, Nouvelle Edition, Paris 1856, Vol. III, p. 734.]
Sagard Theodat [Footnote: Histoire du Canada, etc., par Gabriel Sagard
Theodat; Nouvelle Edition, Paris, 1856, Vol. I, pp. 243-244.] devotes
considerable space to it. Both Father Brebeuf, in his Relation in 1636,
and Father Lalemant, in his Relation in 1639, give long accounts of the
game, the causes for its being played, the excesses in gambling to
which it leads, and the methods which prevail in its practice. In
Perrot's [Footnote: p. 50.] work there is a good description of the
game, although not so full as his account of lacrosse, from which we
have already quoted. La Potherie and LaHontan barely mention it.
Latitau [Footnote: Mours des Sauvages Ameriquains, erc, par le P.
Latitau, Paris, 1724, Vol. II, p. 339.] in his searching analysis of
the manuscripts deposited at Quebec, while seeking for traces of his
theory that a resemblance existed between the habits of the Indians and
those of the ancient dwellers in eastern Europe, found an unusual
quantity of material bearing on this particular topic, which he has
reproduced in his book. Charlevoix [Footnote: Vol. III, pp. 260-1.], in
a letter dated June 8, 1721, says, "As I was returning through a
quarter of the Huron village, I perceived a number of these Indians,
who seemed much heated at play. I approached them and found that the
game they were playing at was what they called the game of platter.
This is the game to which the Indians are addicted above all others.
They sometimes lose their rest and in some degree their very senses at
it. They stake all they are worth, and several of them have been known
to continue at it till they have stript themselves stark naked and lost
all their movables in their cabin. Some have been known to stake their
liberty for a certain time. This circumstance proves beyond all doubt
how passionately fond they are of it, there being no people in the
world more jealous of their liberty than our Indians."
In the description which Charlevoix then gives, he is relied partly
upon personal observations and also to some extent, upon accounts which
were at that time in manuscript in Quebec mid which were easily
accessible to him. He was himself an intelligent observer and a
cultivated man. His history and his letters, although not free from the
looseness of expression which pervades contemporaneous accounts show on
the whole the discipline of an educated mind. We learn from him and
from the authorities heretofore enumerated that two players only from
each side could participate in this game at any given time during its
progress. The necessary implements were a bowl and a number of dice
fashioned somewhat like apricot seeds, and colored differently upon the
upper and lower sides. Generally, one side was white and the other
black. The number of these dice was generally six. There was no fixed
rule as to the materials of which they were made; sometimes they were
of bone; sometimes the stones of fruits were used. The important point
was that the centre of gravity of each die should be so placed, that
when it was thrown into the air, or when the bowl in which it was
placed, was violently twirled, there would be an even chance as to
which of its two sides the die would settle upon when it lodged; and in
the game as it was played in early times that the whole number of dice
used should be uniform in the coloring of the sides, each die having
the different sides of different colors. The dice were placed in the
bowl which was generally of wood, between the two players who were to
cast them in behalf of their respective sides. These casters or
throwers were selected by each side and the prevailing motives in their
choice were generally based upon some superstitious belief in their
luck. Perhaps this one had dreamed that he would win. Perhaps that one
was believed to possess some magic power, or some secret ointment which
when applied to the dice would cause them to turn up favorably for his
side. [Footnote: Relations des Jesuites, Relation en l'Annue, 1636, p.
113.] The spectators were generally arranged in seats along the sides
of the cabin [Footnote: Ibid, Relation en l'Annue, 1639, p. 95.],
placed in tiers so that each person could have a view of the players.
They were in more senses than one deeply interested in the game. When
the cast was to be made the player would strike the bowl upon the
ground so as to make the dice jump into the air [Footnote: Sigud
Theodat Vol. 1, p. 213.] and would then twirl the bowl rapidly around.
During this process and until it stopped its revolutions and the dice
finally settled, the players addressed the dice and beat themselves on
their breasts. [Footnote: Shea's Hennepin, p. 300.] The spectators
during the same period filled the air with shouts and invoked aid from
their own protecting powers, while in the same breath they poured forth
imprecations on those of their adversaries. The number of points
affected the length of the game and as entirely optional. If six dice
were used and all came up of the same color, the throw counted five.
[Footnote: Among the Delawares it required eight counts of five to win.
History of the Mission of the United Brethren among the Indians etc. G
H Loskiel. Translated by I Latrobe, Part I, Ch. VIII, p. 106.] If five
of them were of the same color it counted one. Any lower number failed
to count. If the caster was unsuccessful he gave place to another, but
so long as he continued to win his side would retain him in that
position. [Footnote: Charlevoix Vol. III, p. 264.] The game was often
ushered in with singing. Like lacrosse it was prescribed as a remedy
for sickness or in consequence of dreams, and the sufferer in whose
behalf the game was played was borne to the cabin in which it was to
take place. Preliminary fasting and continence were observed, and every
effort made that superstition could suggest to discover who would be
the lucky thrower and who could aid the caster by his presence at the
contest. Old men, unable to walk thither, were brought up on the
shoulders of the young men that their presence might be propitious to
the chances of the game. [Footnote: Ibid p. 202.] The excitement which
attended one of these games of chance was intense, especially when the
game reached a critical point and some particular throw was likely to
terminate it. Charlevoix says the games often lasted for five or six
days [Footnote: Loskiel (p. 106) saw a game between two Iroquois towns
which lasted eight days. Sacrifices for luck were offered by the sides
each night.] and oftentimes the spectators concerned in the game, "are
in such an agitation as to be transported out of themselves to such a
degree that they quarrel and fight, which never happens to the Hurons,
except on these occasions or when they are drunk."
Perhaps rum was responsible also for these quarrels; for in the early
accounts we are told that losses were philosophically accepted. Father
Biebeuf tells of a party who had lost their leggings at one of these
games and who returned to their village in three feet of snow as
cheerful in appearance as if they had won. There seems to have been no
limit to which they would not go in their stakes while under the
excitement of the game. Clothing, wife, family and sometimes the
personal liberty of the player himself rested in the hazard of the die.
[Footnote: Cheulevoix Vol. III, p. 261. Le Grand Voyage du Pays Des
Hurons, pan Gabriel Sigud Theodat Puis 1632, Nouvelle Edition, Paris,
1835, p. 85, Relations de Jesuites, Relation de la Nouvelle France en
l'Annee 1639, pp. 95-96, Lafitau, Vol. II, p. 341.]
The women often played the game by themselves, though apparently with
less formality than characterized the great matches. The latter
frequently assumed the same local characteristics that we have seen in
the game of lacrosse, and we hear of village being pitted against
village as a frequent feature of the game. [Footnote: Penot p. 43,
Histoire du Canada par F. X. Garneau, Vol. I, p. 115.]
Morgan [Footnote: League of the Iroquois, p. 602.] describes a game
played by the Iroquois with buttons or dice made of elk-horn, rounded
and polished and blackened on one side. The players spread a blanket on
the ground; and the dice were tossed with the hand in the air and
permitted to fall on the blanket. The counts were determined as in the
game of platter by the color of the sides of the dice which were
exposed when they settled. The number of the dice was eight.
In Perrot's [Footnote: Periot, p. 50.] description of the game of
platter he, alludes to a game, played with eight dice, on a blanket in
precisely this way, but he adds that it was practised by women and
girls. La Potherie [Footnote: La Potherie, Vol. III, p. 23.] says that
the women sometimes play at platter, but ordinarily they cast the fruit
stones with the hand as one throws dice.
Under the name of "hubbub" this game has also been described by
observers among the Abenakis. Ogilby [Footnote: America, being an
Accurate Description of the New World, etc. Collected and Translated by
John Ogilby. London, 1670, Book II, Ch. II, p. 155.] says: "Hubbub is
five small Bones in a small Tray; the Bones be like a Die, but
something flatter, black on the one side and white on the other, which
they place on the Ground, against which violently thumping the Platter,
the Bones mount, changing Colour with the windy whisking of their Hands
to and fro; which action in that sport they much use, smiting
themselves on the Breasts and Thighs, crying out Hub Hub Hub; they may
be heard playing at this game a quarter of a mile off. The Bones being
all black or white make a double Game; if three of one colour, and two
of another, then they afford but a single game; four of a colour and
one differing is nothing. So long as the Man wins he keeps the Tray,
but if he lose the next Man takes it."
There is but little said about this game in the south by writers. It
evidently had no such hold there as among the Hurons and the tribes
along the Lakes. Lawson [Footnote: History of North Carolina by John
Lawson, London, 1718, p. 176.] saw it played in North Carolina with
persimmon stones as dice. While this fixes the fact that the game had a
home among the southern Indians, the way in which it has been slighted
by the majority of writers who treat of that section shows that it was
not a favorite game there.
To what shall we ascribe this? Its hold upon the northern Indians shows
that it was peculiarly adapted to the temperament of the natives, and
we should naturally expect to find it as much in use among the tribes
of the south as with those of the north. An explanation for this may
possibly be found in the difference of the climate. The game was
especially adapted for the winter, and while its practice was evidently
not exclusively confined to that season, it is possible that its
greater hold upon the affections of the Indians of the north arose from
their being obliged to resort to in-door amusements during the
protracted winters in that region. From this necessity the southern
Indians being in a measure exempt, they continued their out-door games
as usual and never became so thoroughly infatuated with this game.
Informal contests were often held between players, in which the use of
the bowl or platter was dispensed with. The dice were held in the hand
and then tossed in the air. They were allowed to fall upon some prepared
surface, generally a deerskin spread for the purpose. The same rules as
to the color of the surfaces of the dice when they settled in their
places governed the count. This form of the game is sometimes described
as a separate game. Boucher [Footnote: True and Genuine Description of
New France, etc, by Pierre Boucher, Paris, 1644 Translated under title
"Canada to the Seventeenth Century," Montreal, 1883, p. 57.] calls it
_Paquessen_. [Footnote: Played by women and girls. Sagard Theodat,
Histoire du Canada, Vol. I, p. 244.] The women of Oregon played it with
marked beaver teeth. [Footnote: Contributions to North American
Ethnology, Vol. I, p. 206, George Gibbs; H. H. Bancroft's Native Races,
Vol. I, p. 244, The Northwest Coast by James G. Swan, p. 158.] Among the
Twanas it was played with beaver or muskrat teeth. [Footnote: Bulletin U
S Geological Survey, Vol. III, No. 1, April 5, 1877. Rev. M. Eels.]
Powers [Footnote: Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. III,
p. 332.] says that among the Nishmams, a tribe living on--the slopes of
the Sierra Nevada between the Yuba and Cosumnes rivers, a game of dice
is played by men or women, two, three or four together. The dice, four
in number, consist of two acorns split lengthwise into halves, with the
outsides scraped and painted red or black. They are shaken in the hand
and thrown into a wide flat basket, woven in ornamental patterns. One
paint and three whites, or _vice versa_, score nothing; two of each
score one; four alike score four. The thrower keeps on throwing until he
makes a blank throw, when another takes the dice. When all the players
have stood their turn, the one who has scored the most takes the
stakes."
The women of the Yokuts, [Footnote: Contributions to North American
Ethnology, Vol. III, p. 377.] a Californian tribe which lived in the
San Joaquin valley near Tulare Lake, had a similar game. Each die was
half a large acorn or walnut shell filled with pitch and powdered
charcoal and inlaid with bits of bright colored abaloni shell. Four
squaws played and a fifth kept tally with fifteen sticks. There were
eight dice and they scooped them up with their hands and dashed them
into the basket, counting one when two or five flat surfaces turned up.
Schoolcraft [Footnote: Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, Vol. II, pp. 71,
72.] says "one of the principal amusements of a sedentary character is
that of various games, success in which depends on luck in numbers.
These games, to which both the prairie and forest tribes are addicted,
assume the fascination and intensity of gambling; and the most valued
articles are often staked upon the luck of a throw. For this purpose
the prairie tribes commonly use the stones of the wild plum or some
analogous fruit, upon which various devices indicating their
arithmetical value are burned in, or engraved and colored, so as at a
glance to reveal the character of the pieces." Among the Dacota tribes
this is known by a term which is translated the "game of plum stones."
He gives illustrations of the devices on five sets of stones, numbering
eight each. "To play this game a little orifice is made in the ground
and a skin put in it; often it is also played on a robe." [Footnote:
Domenech. Vol. II, p. 191, First Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology.
Smithsonian, 1881, p. 195.] The women and the young men play this game.
The bowl is lifted with one hand and rudely pushed down to its place.
The plum stones fly over several times. The stake is first put up by
all who wish to play. A dozen can play at once if desirable.
Schoolcraft [Footnote: Vol. n, p. 72.] describes still another form of,
the game which he found among the Chippewas, in which thirteen pieces or
dice were used. Nine of them were of bone and were fashioned in figures
typifying fish, serpents, etc. One side of each was painted red and had
dots burned in with a hot iron. The brass pieces were circular having
one side convex and the other concave. The convex side was bright, the
concave dark or dull. The red pieces were the winning pieces and each
had an arithmetical value. Any number of players might play. A wooden
bowl, curiously carved and ornamented, was used. This form of the game
may have been modified by contact with the whites. It seems to be the
most complex [Footnote: See also a simpler form of the game described by
Philander Prescott among the Dacotas--Schoolcraft, Vol. IV, p. 64. The
tendency of the modern Indians to elaborate the game may be traced in
the description of "Plumstone shooting" given in "Omaha Sociology" by
Rev. J. Owen Dorsey. Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to
the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. Washington, 1884, p. 335.]
form in which the game appears. The fact still remains however, that in
some form or other we find the game in use across the entire breadth of
the continent. [Footnote: Col. James Smith describes the game among the
Wyandots. An Account of the Remarkable Occurrences in the Life and
Travels of Col. James Smith, during his Captivity with the Indians in
the Years 1755-1759. Cincinnati, 1870, p. 46. Tanner also describes it.
He calls it _Beg-ga sah_ or dice. Tanner's Narrative, New York, 1830, p.
114.]
STRAW OR INDIAN CARDS.
The third game mentioned by Father Brebeuf was that which was called
straw. We have seen that the first of these games called for strength,
agility and endurance. It was as free from elements of chance as any
human contest can be. The victory belonged to the side which counted
amongst its numbers those players who were the fleetest runners, the
most skilful throwers and the most adroit dodgers. The second was
purely a game of chance. If honestly played no other element entered
into its composition. The third which we are now about to consider was
much more complicated in its rules than either of the others. It
closely resembled in some respects several of our modern gambling
games. The French found it very difficult to comprehend and hence the
accounts of it which they have given are often confused and perplexing.
Boucher [Footnote: p. 57.] says, "Our French people have not yet been
able to learn to play it well; it is full of spirit and these straws
are to the Indians what cards are to us." Lafitau [Footnote: Vol. II,
p. 351.] after quoting from Boucher says, "Baron de LaHontan also made
out of it a game purely of the mind and of calculation, in which he who
best knows how to add and subtract, to multiply and divide with these
straws will surely win. To do this, use and practice are necessary, for
these savages are nothing less than good calculators."
"Sieur Perrot, who was a celebrated traveller, and that European whom
the savages of New France have most honored, left a description of this
game in his manuscript Memorial. I would gladly have inserted it here
but it is so obscure that it is nearly unintelligible." Charlevoix
admits that he could understand nothing of the game, except as played
by two persons in its simplest form and adds that he was told that
"there was as much of art as of chance in the game and that the Indians
are great cheats at it." [Footnote: Charlevoix, Vol. III, p. 319,
Father Tailban who edited Perrot says he has not been any more
successful than his predecessors and the game of straws remains to him
an unsolved enigma. Perrot, Notes to Ch. X, p. 188.] Where Lafitau and
Charlevoix, aided by opportunities to investigate the game itself, have
failed, it would seem to be useless for us to attempt. Perrot has
indeed succeeded in making his account hopelessly involved. There is
however much information to be derived from it and the obscure points
are after all unimportant unless one should actually wish to reproduce
the game in practice. In that event there are many points connected
with the counts which would prove troublesome.
To play the game, a number of straws or reeds uniform in size and of
equal length were required. They were generally from six to ten inches
long. The number used in the game was arbitrary. Lawson puts it at
fifty-one. Charlevoix at two hundred and one. The only essential points
were that the numbers should be odd and that there should be enough of
them so that when the pile was divided into two parts, a glance would
not reveal which of the two divisions contained the odd number of
straws. In its simplest form, the game consisted, in separating the heap
of straws into two parts, one of which each player took, and he whose
pile contained the odd number of straws was the winner. Before the
division was made the straws were subjected to a manipulation, somewhat
after the manner of shuffling cards. They were then placed upon the
deer-skin or upon whatever other article was selected as a surface on
which to play. The player who was to make the division into two heaps,
with many contortions of the body and throwing about of the arms, and
with constant utterances to propitiate his good luck, would make a
division of the straws with a pointed bone or some similar instrument,
himself taking one of the divisions while his adversary took the other.
They would then rapidly separate the straws into parcels numbering ten
each and determine from the fractional remainders, who had the odd
number. The speed with which this process of counting was carried on was
always a source of wonder to the lookers-on, and the fact that the
counting was done by tens is almost invariably mentioned. Between two
people betting simply on the odd number no further rules were necessary.
To determine which had the heap containing the odd number, there was no
need to foot up the total number of tens. It was to be settled by what
was left over after the last pile of complete tens was set aside. The
number itself might be either one, three, five, seven or nine. In the
more complicated form of the game, this led to giving different values
to these numbers, the nine being always supreme and the one on which the
highest bets were wagered. It was generally understood that the holder
of this number swept the board taking all bets on other numbers as well
as those on the nine. It was easy to bet beads against beads and skins
against skins, in a simple game of odd or even, but when the element of
different values for different combinations was introduced, some medium
of exchange was needed to relieve the complications. Stones of fruit
were employed just as chips or counters are used in modern gambling
games, and a regular bank was practically instituted. Each player took a
certain number of these counters, as the equivalent of the value of the
merchandise which he proposed to hazard on the game, whether it was a
gun, a blanket, or some other article. Here we have all the machinery of
a regular gambling game at cards, but the resemblance does not stop
here. The players put up their bets precisely as they now do in a game
of faro, selecting their favorite number and fixing the amount, measured
in the standard of the game, which they wished to hazard. "By the side
of the straws which are on the ground are found the (_grains_) counters,"
says Perrot, "which the players have bet on the game." In another place,
the method of indicating the bets is stated as follows: "he (meaning
apparently the one who has bet) is also obliged to make two other heaps.
In one he will place five, in the other seven straws, with as many
(_grains_) counters as he pleases." These phrases may fairly be
interpreted to mean that a record of the bets, somewhat of the same
style as that kept with counters upon a faro table, was constantly
before the players. Complicated rules determined when the players won or
lost; when the bets were to be doubled and when they were to abide the
chance of another count. The loser at the game, even after all that he
had with him was gone, was sometimes permitted to continue the game on
his promise to pay. If ill luck still pursued him the winner could
refuse him credit and decline to play for stakes that he could not see.
The game often lasted for several days, one after another of the sides
relieving his comrades at the play until one of the two sides had lost
everything, it being, says Perrot, [Footnote: p. 19.] "a maxim of the
savages not to quit play until one side or the other had lost
everything." Those who had bet at the game had the right to substitute
any person whom they pleased to play for them. "Should any dispute
arise on this point," says Perrot, "between the winners and the losers,
the disputants backed by their respective sides would probably come to
blows, blood would be shed and the whole thing would be very difficult
to settle." Cheating often took place at this game. Its exposure was
considered praiseworthy and its practice denounced. If doubts were
expressed as to the accuracy of a count, the matter was peacefully
adjusted by a re-count by two of the spectators.
"This game of straw," says Perrot, from whose account we have made the
foregoing digest, "is ordinarily held in the cabins of the chiefs,
which are large, and are, so to speak, the Academy of the Savages." He
concludes his account with the statement that the women never play it.
[Footnote: See also Shea's Hennepin, p. 300.] The authority on this
game whom Ogilby quotes slides over the difficulties of the description
with the statement that "many other whimsies be in this game which
would be too long to commit to paper." Abbe Ferland [Footnote: Vol. I,
p. 134.] epitomizes the results of his investigation of this game as
follows: "Memory, calculation and quickness of eyesight were necessary
for success."
Like the game of dice or platter it was essentially a house game, and
like platter it is rarely mentioned by writers who describe the habits
of Indians in the south. Lawson describes it, but in slightly modified
form, as follows: "Indian Cards. Their chiefest game is a sort of
Arithmetick, which is managed by a parcel of small split reeds, the
thickness of a small Bent; these are made very nicely, so that they
part, and are tractable in their hands. They are fifty-one in number,
their length about seven inches; when they play, they throw part of
them to their antagonist; the art is, to discover, upon sight, how many
you have, and what you throw to him that plays with you. Some are so
expert at their numbers, that they will tell ten times together, what
they throw out of their hands. Although the whole play is carried on
with the quickest motion it is possible to use, yet some are so expert
at this Game, as to win great Indian Estates by this Play. A good set
of these reeds, fit to play withal are valued and sold for a dressed
doe-skin."
A. W. Chase [Footnote: Overland Monthly, Vol. II, p. 433. Dorsey found
a survival of the game in use among the Omahas. He called it "stick
counting." Third Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, p. 338.] speaks of
"native games of cards among the Coquelles and Makneatanas, the
pasteboards being bundles of sticks." He furnishes no description of
the games, but uses the same phrase which was applied by Lawson in
North Carolina and by Boucher in Canada.
Frank H. Cushing [Footnote: The Century, Vol. XXVI, p. 38. My
Adventures in Zuni.] speaks of a game of "Cane-cards" among the Zuni
which he says "would grace the most civilized society with a refined
source of amusement." He was not able fully to comprehend it.
In the list of games, there is none of which we have any detailed
account, which compares with straws as played by the northern tribes,
in elaborateness of construction. The unfortunate confusion which
prevails throughout Perrot's description of the method of counting, and
the way in which the point was shirked by all other writers on the
subject, prevents any attempt at analysis. So far as we can see, the
rules were arbitrary and not based upon any calculations of the laws of
chance. If some other detailed account of the game should be discovered
it would be interesting to follow up this question and ascertain how
far the different combinations which affected the counts were based
upon a theory of probabilities and how far they were arbitrary.
It will of course be noticed that the game described by Lawson was
relieved from much of this complication. The dexterity required to make
a throw of such a nature that the player could tell exactly the number
of reeds with which he had parted, was of course remarkable and
naturally called forth expressions of surprise. But there were
apparently no other combinations resting upon the throw than the simple
guess at the number thrown. Travellers in California have described the
game in still simpler form in which we see hints of the more complex
game. Here the "sticks" were thrown in the air and an immediate guess
was made whether the number thrown was odd or even. An umpire kept the
account with other sticks and on this count the bets were adjusted.
[Footnote: Kotzebue, A Voyage of Discovery, etc. London, 1821, Vol. I,
p. 282 and Vol. III, p. 44. note. W. H. Emory, U S. and Mexican
Boundary Survey, Vol. I, p. 111, says: "The Yumas played a game with
sticks like jackstraws." Stanley, Smithsonian Miscellaneous
Collections. Vol. II, p. 55, gives among his "Portraits of North
American Indians," a picture of a game which he describes as "played
exclusively by women. They hold in their hands twelve sticks about six
inches in length which they drop upon a rock. The sticks that fall
across each other are counted for game."]
Wherever we find it and whatever the form in use, whether simple or
complicated, like games of lacrosse and platter the occasion of its
play was but an excuse for indulgence in the inveterate spirit of
gambling which everywhere prevailed.
CHUNKEE OR HOOP AND POLE.
Among the Indians at the south, observers noted and described a game of
great antiquity, of which we have no record during historical times
among those of the north, unless we should classify the game of javelin
described by Morgan [Footnote: League of the Iroquois, p. 300.] as a
modified form of the same game. The general name by which this game was
known was chunkee. When Iberville arrived at the mouth of the
Mississippi he despatched a party to explore the river. The officer who
kept the "Journal de la fregate, le Marin" was one of that party and he
recorded the fact that the Bayagoulas and Mougoulachas passed the
greater part of their time in playing in this place with great sticks
which they throw after a little stone, which is nearly round and like a
bullet. [Footnote: Maigry, Deconvertes, etc., Vol. 4, p. 261.] Father
Gravier descended the river in 1700 and at the village of Houmas he saw
a "fine level square where from morning to night there are young men who
exercise themselves in running after a flat stone which they throw in
the air from one end of the square to the other, and which they try to
have fall on two cylinders that they roll where they think the stone
will fall." [Footnote: Shea's Early Voyages. Albany, 1861, p. 143.]
Adair gives the following description of the same game: "The warriors
have another favorite game, called _'chungke'_, which, with propriety of
language may be called 'Running hard labour.' They have near their state
house [Footnote: Consult E G Squire--Aboriginal Monuments of N.Y.
Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, Vol. II, pp. 1356 and note p.
136.] a square piece of ground well cleaned, and fine sand is carefully
strewed over it, when requisite, to promote a swifter motion to what
they throw along the surface. Only one or two on a side play at this
ancient game. They have a stone about two fingers broad at the edge and
two spans round; each party has a pole of about eight feet long, smooth,
and tapering at each end, the points flat. They set off abreast of each
other at six yards from the end of the playground; then one of them
hurls the stone on its edge, in as direct a line as he can, a
considerable distance toward the middle of the other end of the square.
When they have run a few yards, each darts his pole anointed with bears'
oil, with a proper force, as near as he can guess in proportion to the
motion of the stone, that the end may lie close to the stone. When this
is the case, the person counts two of the game, and, in proportion to
the nearness of the poles to the mark, one is counted, unless by
measuring, both are found to be at an equal distance from the stone. In
this manner, the players will keep running most part of the day, at half
speed, under the violent heat of the sun, staking their silver
ornaments, their nose-, finger-and ear-rings; their breast-, arm-and
wrist-plates, and even all their wearing apparel, except that which
barely covers their middle. All the American Indians are much addicted
to this game, which to us appears to be a task of stupid drudgery; it
seems, however, to be of early origin, when their forefathers used
diversions as simple as their manners. The hurling stones they use at
present were from time immemorial rubbed smooth on the rocks and with
prodigious labor; and they are kept with the strictest religious care,
from one generation to another, and are exempted from being buried with
the dead. They belong to the town where they are used, and are carefully
preserved." [Footnote: See also Historical Collection, Louisiana and
Florida. B. F. French (Vol. II.), second series, p. 74, New York, 1875.]
Lieut. Timberlake [Footnote: Memoirs of Lieut. Henry Timberlake, etc.,
London, 1765, p. 77.] describes the game as he saw it played among the
Cherokees where it was known by the name of "Netteeawaw." "Each player
has a pole about ten feet long, with several marks or divisions. One of
them bowls a round stone with one flat side, and the other convex, on
which the players all dart their poles after it, and the nearest counts
according to the vicinity of the bowl to the marks on his pole."
Romans saw it among the Choctaws. He says, "The manner of playing the
game is thus: they make an alley of about two hundred feet in length,
where a very smooth clayey ground is laid, which when dry is very hard:
they play two together having each a straight pole about fifteen feet
long; one holds a stone which is in the shape of a truck, which he
throws before him over this alley, and the instant of its departure,
they set off and run; in running they cast their poles after the stone;
he that did not throw it endeavors to hit it; the other strives to
strike the pole of his antagonist in its flight so as to prevent the
pole of his opponent hitting the stone. If the first should strike the
stone he counts one for it, and if the other by the dexterity of his
cast should prevent the pole of his opponent hitting the stone, he
counts one, but should both miss their aim the throw is renewed."
Le Page du Pratz [Footnote: Histoire de la Louisiane, Paris, 1738, Vol.
III, p. 2.] describes the game as practised among the Natchez. He calls
it "_Le Jeu de la Perche_ which would be better named _de la crosse_."
Dumont who was stationed at Natchez and also on the Yazoo, describes the
game and speaks of it as "La Crosse." [Footnote: Memoires Historiques
sur la Louisiane, Paris, 1753, Vol. I, p. 202.]
Adair is correct when he speaks of the antiquity of this game. When he
dwells upon the fact that these stones are handed down from generation
to generation, as the property of the village, he brings these tribes
close to the mound dwellers. Sanier, [Footnote: Ancient Monuments of the
Mississippi Valley, p. 223.] speaking of discoidal stones, found in the
mounds, says, "It is known that among the Indian tribes of the Ohio and
along the Gulf, such stones were in common use in certain favorite
games." Lucien Carr [Footnote: 10th Annual Report Peabody Museum, p. 93.
See also Schoolcraft's Indian tribes, Vol. I, p. 83.] describes and
pictures a chunkee stone from Ely Mound, Va. Lewis and Clarke [Footnote:
Lewis and Clarke's Expedition, Phila, 1814, Vol. I, p. 143.] describe
the game as played among the Mandans. This tribe had a wooden platform
prepared on the ground between two of their lodges. Along this platform
the stone ring was rolled and the sticks were slid along the floor in
pursuit of it. Catlin [Footnote: Vol. I, p. 132 _et seq._ Dorsey
describes two forms of the game in use among the Omahas: "shooting at
the rolling wheel" and "stick and ring" Third Annual Report. Bureau of
Ethnology, pp. 335-336. cf. Travels in the Interior of America, in the
years 1809, 1810 and 1811, by John Bradbury, p. 126.] describes the game
as played by the same tribe. They had a carefully prepared pavement of
clay on which they played. The "Tchunkee" sticks were marked with bits
of leather and the counts of the game were affected by the position of
the leather on or near which the ring lodged. The Mojaves are accustomed
to play a similar game which has been described under the name "Hoop and
Pole". [Footnote: Lieut. A. W. Whipple in Pac. R. R. Rep.. Vol. III, p.
114; Harper's Mag., Vol. XVII, p. 463; Domenech. Vol. II, p. 197; H. H.
Bancroft's Native Races, Vol. I, p. 393, p. 517 and note 133. The
Martial Experiences of the California Volunteers by Edward Carlsen,
Overland, Vol. VII, No. 41. 2nd Series, p. 494.] A similar game was
played by the Navajoes. [Footnote: Major E. A. Backus in Schoolcraft.
Vol. IV, p. 214.]
The Yumas played a game with two poles fifteen feet long and a ring a
few inches in diameter. [Footnote: W. H. Emory, U. S. and Mexican
Boundary Survey, Vol. I, p. 111.] Kane [Footnote: Kane's Wanderings, p.
310; H. H. Bancroft's Native Races, Vol. I, p. 280.] says that the
Chualpays at Fort Colville on the Columbia "have a game which they call
'_Alkollock_,' which requires considerable skill. A smooth, level piece
of ground is chosen, and a slight barrier of a couple of sticks placed
lengthwise is laid at each end of the chosen spot, being from forty to
fifty feet apart and only a few inches high. The two players, stripped
naked, are armed with a very slight spear, about three feet long, and
finely pointed with bone; one of them takes a ring made of bone or some
heavy wood and wound with cord. The ring is about three inches in
diameter, on the inner circumference of which are fastened six beads of
different colors, at equal distances, to each of which a separate value
is attached. The ring is then rolled along the ground to one of the
barriers and is followed at the distance of two or three yards by the
players, and as the ring strikes the barrier and is falling on its side,
the spears are thrown, so that the ring may fall on them. If any one of
the spears should be covered by the ring, the owner counts according to
the colored bead on it. But it generally happens from the dexterity of
the players that the ring covers both spears and each counts according
to the color of the beads above his spear. They then play towards the
other barrier, and so on until one party has obtained the number agreed
upon for the game."
In his "Life among the Apaches," [Footnote: Life among the Apaches by
John C. Cremony, p. 302.] Colonel Cremony describes the hoop and pole
game as played by the Apaches. With them the pole is marked with
divisions throughout its whole length and these divisions are stained
different colors. The object of the game is to make the hoop fall upon
the pole as near the butt as possible, graduated values being applied
to the different divisions of the pole. The women are not permitted to
approach within a hundred yards while the game is going on.
[Transcriber's Note: Lengthy footnote relocated to chapter end.] Those
who have described this game in the various forms in which it has been
presented dwell upon the fact that it taxed the strength, activity and
skill of the players. In this respect it rivalled lacrosse. In
geographical range the territory in which it was domesticated was
nearly the same.
There are many, doubtless, who would decline to recognize the discoidal
stones of the mounds as chunkee stones, but it can not be denied that
the "_netlecawaw_" of the Cherokees [Footnote: Timberlake p. 77.], the
"hoop and pole" of the Mojaves and Apaches [Footnote: Whipple, Pac. R.
R. Rep., Vol. III, p. 114. Cremony, p. 302, Harper's Mag. Vol. XVII, p.
463.], the second form of "spear and ring" described by Domenech,
[Footnote: Domenech, Vol. II, p. 197.] the "_alkollock_" of the
Chualpays [Footnote: Kane's Wanderings, p. 310.] and the chunkee of
Romans and Adair are the same game. The change from the discoidal stone
to the ring; the different materials of which the ring is made, whether
of stone, [Footnote: Lewis and Clarke, Vol. I, p. 143; Catlin, Vol. I,
p. 132.] of bone, [Footnote: Kane's Wanderings, p. 310.], of wood,
[Footnote: Cremony, p. 302.] or of cord; [Footnote: Whipple, Pac. R. R.
Rep., Vol. III, p. 114.] whether wound with cord [Footnote: Kane's
Wanderings, p. 310.] or plain; the different lengths of the spears
varying from three feet [Footnote: Ibid.] to ten feet [Footnote:
Timberlake, p. 77; Cremony, p. 302.] and even reaching fifteen feet in
length among the Mojaves; [Footnote: Whipple, Pac. R. R. Rep., Vol. III,
p. 114.] the different markings of the spear [Footnote: Cremony, p. 302;
Domenech, Vol. II, p. 197; Timberlake, p. 77.] and the ring; [Footnote:
Kane's Wanderings, p. 310.] the different ways of preparing the ground,
whether tamping with clay, [Footnote: Catlin, Vol., I, p. 132.] or
flooring with timber, [Footnote: Lewis and Clarke, Vol. I, p. 148.] or
simply removing the vegetation, [Footnote: Domenech, Vol. II, p.
197.]--all these minor differences are of little consequence. The
striking fact remains that this great number of tribes, so widely
separated, all played a game in which the principal requirements were,
that a small circular disk should be rolled rapidly along a prepared
surface and that prepared wooden implements, similar to spears, should
be launched at the disk while in motion or just at the time when it
stopped. Like lacrosse, it was made use of as an opportunity for
gambling, but owing to the restriction of the ground on which it could
be played, the number of players were limited, and to that extent the
interest in the contests and the excitement attendant upon them were
proportionally reduced.
[Relocated Footnote: The Hawaiians were accustomed to hurl a piece of
hard lava along narrow trenches prepared for the purpose. The stone
which was called Maika closely resembled a chunkee stone. It is
described as being in the shape of a small wheel or roller, three
inches in diameter and an inch and a half thick, very smooth and highly
polished. This game appears to have been limited to a contest of skill
in rolling or hurling the stone itself. The additional interest which
was given by hurling the spears at it while in motion was wanting.
Narrative of the U. S. Exploring Expedition by Charles Wilkes, London,
1815, Vol. IV, p. 35.]
OTHER ATHLETIC GAMES.
In addition to the games of lacrosse, platter or dice, straws and
chunkee, there were other games, some of an athletic nature, some
purely of chance, which observers have described, some of which are
mentioned only in limited areas, while others, like the games above
mentioned, were played by Indians scattered over a wide territory and
apparently having but little in common. Some of these games were but
modified forms of those which have been already described. Such, for
instance, is a game of ball which is described by Lafitau [Footnote:
Lafitau, Vol. II, p. 353.]and by Charlevoix. [Footnote: Charlevoix,
Vol. III, p. 319.] This closely resembled lacrosse in its general
methods of play, but as no rackets were used, it was less dangerous and
less exciting. Goals were erected at each end of the field, separated
by five hundred paces according to Lafitau. The players were divided
into sides. The ball was tossed into the air in the centre of the
field. When it came down the players of each side strove to catch it.
He who was successful ran in the direction of the goal which he wished
to reach. The players of the opposite side pursued him and did what
they could to prevent him from accomplishing his object. When it was
evident that the runner could gain no more ground, he would pass the
ball, if possible, to some player upon the same side and his success in
accomplishing this was dependent largely upon his skill. The game is
probably not so old as lacrosse, for the ball is described as being
larger and softer than the one used in lacrosse, thus indicating that
it belonged to the period when the stuffed deer-skin ball was used in
that game.
Both Dumont and Le Page du Pratz describe this game with this
difference, [Footnote: Dumont, Vol. I, p. 201, LePage, Vol. I, p. 378.]
that the ball, according to their descriptions, was incessantly tossed
in the air. Romans says that this game was played among the women; and
Lafitau, who describes it separately, adds that in this form it was
only played by girls. He also says that the Abenakis indulged in a
similar game, using an inflated bladder for a ball; and that the
Florida Indians fixed a willow cage upon a pole in such a way that it
could revolve and tried to hit it with a ball so as to make it turn
several times. [Footnote: Lafitau. Vol. II, p. 158.]
Joutel in his historical journal describes a curious game as follows:
"Taking a short stick, very smooth and greased that it may be the
harder to hold it fast, one of the elders throws it as far as he can.
The young men run after it, snatch it from each other, and at last, he
who remains possessed of it has the first lot." [Footnote: French's
Historical Collections of Louisiana, Vol. I, p. 188; Sanford's History
of the United States before the Revolution, p. clxxxii.]
Football is found at the north. Ogilby [Footnote: Ogilby, Book II,
Chap. II, p. 156. See also Smith's Narrative, p. 77.] says: "Their
goals are a mile long placed on the sands, which are as even as a
board; their ball is no bigger than a hand ball, which sometimes they
mount in the air with their naked feet, sometimes it is swayed by the
multitude, sometimes also it is two days before they get a goal, then
they mark the ground they win, and begin there the next day. Before
they come to this sport they paint themselves, even as when they go to
war." At the south it was "likewise a favorite manly diversion with
them." [Footnote: Bartram, p. 509.]
Certain forms of ball-play which were neither lacrosse nor chunkee, but
which resembled these games were found in different localities. Such for
instance is the game which Catlin [Footnote: Vol. II, p. 146.] saw
played by the Sioux women. Two balls were connected with a string a foot
and a half long. Each woman was armed with a stick. They were divided
into equal sides. Goals were erected and the play was in some respects
like lacrosse. Stakes were wagered on the game. This game is
also-described by Domenech, [Footnote: Vol. II, p. 196.] who says the
women wore a special costume which left the limbs free and that the game
was "unbecoming and indecent." Powers [Footnote: Contribution to North
American Ethnology, Vol. III, p. 383.] found a game among the Nishinams,
on the western slope of the Sierra Nevada, not far from Sacramento,
which in some respects also resembled lacrosse. He says "The '_Ti'-kel_'
is the only really robust and athletic game they use, and is played by a
large company of men and boys. The piece [Footnote: The equivalent in
the game, of the ball in lacrosse.] is made of raw-hide or nowadays of
strong cloth, and is shaped like a small dumb-bell. It is laid in the
centre of a wide, level space of ground, in a furrow, hollowed out a few
inches in depth. Two parallel lines are drawn equidistant from it, a few
paces apart, and along these lines the opposing parties, equal in
strength, range themselves. Each player is equipped with a slight,
strong staff, from four to six feet long. The two champions of the party
take their stations on opposite sides of the piece, which is thrown into
the air, caught on the staff of one of the others, and hurled by him in
the direction of his antagonist's goal. With this send-off there ensues
a wild chase and a hustle, pell-mell, higgledy-piggledy, each party
striving to bowl the piece over the other's goal. These goals are
several hundred yards apart.
In an article in the Overland Monthly, [Footnote: Vol. II, p. 433. See
also Smith's Narrative, p. 77.] A. W. Chase describes a game in vogue
among the Oregon Indians which he says was identical with hockey, as
follows: "Sides being chosen, each endeavors to drive a hard ball of
pine wood around a stake and in different directions; stripped to the
buff, they display great activity and strength, whacking away at each
other's shins, if they are in the way, with a refreshing disregard of
bruises. The squaws assist in the performance by beating drums and
keeping up a monotonous chant." In the first of the two games of "spear
and ring," described by Domenech, [Footnote: Vol. II, pp. 197-8.] the
players are divided into sides. The stone ring, about three inches in
diameter, is fixed upright on the chosen ground, and players two at a
time, one from each side, endeavor to throw their spears through the
ring. The spears are marked along their length with little shields or
bits of leather, and the count is affected by the number of these that
pass through the ring. He also mentions a game [Footnote: He does not
give his authority for this game. He has evidently copied in his book
from other writers, but seldom indicates whether his descriptions are
based upon personal observation or quoted.] among the Natchez in which
the ring was a "huge stone" and the spear a "stick of the shape of a
bat."
If we classify Domenech's first game of "spear and ring" among those
which resemble chunkee, rather than as a form of chunkee itself, we
shall probably be compelled to pursue the same course with Morgan's
game of "javelin" to which we have already alluded. [Footnote: League
of the Iroquois, p. 300.] In this game the players divided into sides.
Each player had an agreed number of javelins. The ring, which was
either a hoop or made solid like a wheel by winding with splints, was
about eight inches in diameter. The players on one side were arranged
in a line and the hoop was rolled before them. They hurled their
javelins. The count of the game was kept by a forfeiture of javelins.
Such as hit the mark were safe, but the javelins which did not hit were
passed to the players of the other side who then had an opportunity to
throw them at the hoop from the same spot. If these players were
successful the javelins were forfeited and laid out of the play. If,
however, they in turn failed the javelins were returned to their
original owners. The hoop was then rolled by the other side and the
process continued until one of the sides had forfeited all their
javelins.
OTHER GAMES OF CHANCE.
There was diversity in the forms of the games of simple chance as well
as in the athletic games, and besides those which have been already
described, the Indians on the Pacific Coast had a great variety of
games, or forms of the same game, in which, in addition to the element
of chance involved in determining the numbers or positions of certain
sticks or counters, there was also an opportunity for the player who
was manipulating them to deceive by dexterous sleight of hand. The
simplest form in which this is found is guessing in which hand a small
stone or bone is held. It would hardly seem that this artless effort
could be transformed into an amusing and exciting game; yet it has
attracted the attention of all travellers, and scarcely any writer, who
treats of the habits of the Pacific coast Indian, fails to give a full
account of this simple game. Lewis and Clarke, [Footnote: Lewis and
Clarke, Vol. II, 140; and also II, 94.] when writing about the Indians
near the mouth of the Columbia, say: "The games are of two kinds. In
the first, one of the company assumes the office of banker and plays
against the rest. He takes a small stone, about the size of a bean,
which he shifts from one hand to another with great dexterity,
repeating at the same time a song adapted to the game and which serves
to divert the attention of the company, till having agreed on the
stakes, he holds out his hands, and the antagonist wins or loses as he
succeeds or fails at guessing in which hand the stone is. After the
banker has lost his money or whenever he is tired, the stone is
transferred to another, who in turn challenges the rest of the company.
[Footnote: See also, Adventures on the Columbia River, by Ross Cox. p.
158; The Oregon Territory, by John Dunn, p. 93; Four Years in British
Columbia, by Commander R. C. Mayne, p. 273; it was played by the
Comanches in Texas with a bullet, Robert S. Neighbors in Schoolcraft,
Vol. II, p. 134; by the Twanas with one or two bones, Bulletin U. S.
Geol. Survey, Vol. III, No. 1, p. 89, Rev. M. Eels.] In the account
given by George Gibbs [Footnote: Contributions to North American
Ethnology, Vol. I, p. 206.] the count of the game among the tribes of
western Washington and northwestern Oregon, was kept by means of
sticks. Each side took five or ten small sticks, one of which was
passed to the winner on each guess, and the game was ended when the
pile of one side was exhausted. According to him, "The backers of the
party manipulating keep up a constant drumming with sticks on their
paddles which lie before them, singing an incantation to attract good
fortune." Powers describes another form into which the game developed
among the Indians of central California. It is "played with a bit of
wood or a pebble which is shaken in the hand, and then the hand closed
upon it. The opponent guesses which finger (a thumb is a finger with
them) it is under and scores one if he hits, or the other scores if he
misses. They keep tally with eight counters." [Footnote: Contributions
to North American Ethnology, Vol. III, pp. 332-3.]
Schwatka, in his recent exploration of the Yukon found this game among
the Chilkats. It was called _la-hell_. Two bones were used. One was the
king and one the queen. His packers gambled in guessing at the bones
every afternoon and evening after reaching camp. [Footnote: Along
Alaska's Great River. By Frederic Schwatka, p. 71.]
The simplicity of the game was modified by the introduction of similar
articles in each hand, the question to be decided being in which hand
one of them having a specified mark should be found. Kane [Footnote:
Kane's Wanderings, p. 189.] thus describes such a game among the
Chinooks: "Their games are few. The one most generally played amongst
them consists in holding in each hand a small stick, the thickness of a
goose quill, and about an inch and one-half in length, one plain, the
other distinguished by a little thread wound round it, the opposite
party being required to guess in which hand the marked stick is to be
found. A Chinook will play at this simple game for days and nights
together, until he has gambled away everything he possesses, even to
his wife." [Footnote: See also Overland, Vol. IV, p. 163, Powers, H. H.
Bancroft's Native Races, Vol. I n 244 Clay balls are sometimes used,
Ibid, Vol. I, p. 353, The Northwest Coast James G Swan, p. 158, Montana
as it is Granville Stuart, p. 71.]
Among the Utahs this form of the game was common: "A row of players
consisting of five or six or a dozen men is arranged on either side of
the tent facing each other. Before each man is placed a bundle of small
twigs or sticks each six or eight inches in length and pointed at one
end. Every tete-a-tete couple is provided with two cylindrical bone
dice carefully fashioned and highly polished which measure about two
inches in length and half an inch in diameter, one being white and the
other black, or sometimes ornamented with a black band." At the rear,
musicians were seated who during the game beat upon rude drums.
[Footnote: Edwin R Baker in the American Naturalist, June, 1877, Vol.
XI, p. 551.] In this game it will be noticed that the players paired
off and apparently each man played for himself.
Still another element is introduced in another form of the game, which
increases the opportunity afforded the one who manipulates the bones for
dexterity. This form of the game is repeatedly alluded to by Powers.
While relating the habits and customs of the Gualala, whose homes were
near Fort Ross, he describes what he calls the gambling game of "_wi_
and _tep_" and says that one description with slight variations will
answer for nearly all the tribes of central and southern California.
After describing the making up of the pool of stakes, he adds: "They
gamble with four cylinders of bone about two inches long, two of which
are plain, and two marked with rings and strings tied round the middle.
The game is conducted by four old and experienced men, frequently grey
heads, two for each party, squatting on their knees on opposite sides of
the fire. They have before them a quantity of fine dry grass, and with
their hands in rapid and juggling motions before and behind them, they
roll up each piece of bone in a little ball and the opposite party
presently guess in which hand is the marked bone. Generally only one
guesses at a time, which he does with the word '_lep_' (marked one), and
'_wi_' (plain one). If he guesses right for both players, they simply
toss the bones over to him and his partner, and nothing is scored on
either side. If he guesses right for one and wrong for the other, the
one for whom he guessed right is 'out', but his partner rolls up the
bones for another trial, and the guesser forfeits to them one of his
twelve counters. If he guesses wrong for both, they still keep on and he
forfeits two counters. There are only twelve counters and when they have
been all won over to one side or the other, the game is ended.
[Footnote: Powers in Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol.
III, pp. 90-152; 189-332.] Sometimes the same game was played without
going through the formality of wrapping the pieces in grass, simply
shaking them in the hands as a preliminary for the guessing. [Footnote:
Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. III, 332; Alexander
Ross's Adventures, pp. 308, 309.]
A slightly different method prevails among the Indians of Washington
and northwestern Oregon. Ten disks of hard wood, each about the
diameter of a Mexican dollar and somewhat thicker, are used. "One of
these is marked and called the chief. A smooth mat is spread on the
ground, at the ends of which the opposing players are seated, their
friends on either side, who are provided with the requisites for a
noise as in the other case. The party holding the disks has a bundle of
the fibres of the cedar bark, in which he envelops them, and after
rolling them about, tears the bundle into two parts, his opponent
guessing in which bundle the chief lies." [Footnote: Contributions to
North American Ethnology, Gibbs, Vol. I, p. 206.] The same game is
described by Kane, except that the counters, instead of being wrapped
in one bundle which is afterward torn in two, are originally wrapped in
two bundles. [Footnote: Kane's Wanderings, p. 189; Swan's Northwest
Coast, p. 157, Eels in Bulletin U.S.G. Surv., Vol. III, No. 1.]
Still another complication of the guessing game was described by Mayne.
[Footnote: Mayne's British Columbia, p. 275.] Blankets were spread upon
the ground on which sawdust was spread about an inch thick. In this was
placed the counter, a piece of bone or iron about the size of a half a
crown, and one of the players shuffled it about, the others in turn
guessing where it was.
The game of "moccasin" was but a modification of this game. As
described by Philander Prescott three moccasins were used in this game
by the Dacotas. The bone or stick was slipped from one to another of
the moccasins by the manipulators, and the others had to guess in which
moccasin it was to be found. Simple as this description seems, the men
would divide into sides, playing against each other, and accompanying
the game with singing. [Footnote: Schoolcraft, Vol. IV, p. 64;
Domenech, Vol. II, p. 192.]
Among the Zunis, the guessing game was exalted to the nature of a
sacred festival. Frank H. Cushing [Footnote: The Century, Vol. XXVI, p.
37.] gives the following account of its practice. "One morning the two
chief priests of the bow climbed to the top of the houses, and just at
sunrise called out a 'prayer message' from the mount-environed gods.
Eight players went into a _kli-wi-lain_ to fast, and four days
later issued forth, bearing four large wooden tubes, a ball of stone,
and a bundle of thirty-six counting straws. With great ceremony, many
prayers and incantations, the tubes were deposited on two mock
mountains of sand, either side of the 'grand plaza.' A crowd began to
gather. Larger and noisier it grew, until it became a surging,
clamorous, black mass. Gradually two piles of fabrics,--vessels, silver
ornaments, necklaces, embroideries, and symbols representing horses,
cattle and sheep--grow to large proportions. Women gathered on the
roofs around, wildly stretching forth articles for betting, until one
of the presiding priests called out a brief message. The crowd became
silent. A booth was raised, under which two of ho players retired; and
when it was removed the four tubes were standing on the mound of sand.
A song and dance began. One by one three of the four opposing players
were summoned to guess under which tube the ball was hidden. At each
guess the cries of the opposing party became deafening, and the mock
struggles approached the violence of combat. The last guesser found the
ball; and as he victoriously carried the latter and the tubes across to
his own mound, his side scored ten. The process was repeated. The
second guesser found the ball; his side scored fifteen setting the
others back five. The counts, numbered one hundred; but so complicated
were the winnings and losings on both sides, with each guess of either,
that hour after hour the game went on, and night closed in. Fires were
built in the plaza, cigarettes were lighted, but still the game
continued. Noisier and noisier grew the dancers; more and more
insulting and defiant their songs and epithets to the opposing crowd,
until they fairly gnashed their teeth at one another, but no blows. Day
dawned upon the still uncertain contest; nor was it until the sun again
touched the western horizon, that the hoarse, still defiant voices died
away, and the victorious party bore off their mountains of gifts from
the gods." The picturesque description of Cushing brings before our
eyes the guessing game in its highest form of development. Among the
tribes of the East, if it had a home at all, it was practised in such
an inobtrusive way as not to attract the attention of writers who have
described their habits and customs. The nearest approach to it which we
can find is a guessing game described by Hennepin, as follows: "They
take kernels of Indian corn or something of the kind, then they put
some in one hand, and ask how many there are. The one who guesses
wins."
Mackenzie [Footnote: Alexander Mackenzie's Voyages in 1789 and 1893
London, 1801, p. 311.] fell in with some Indians near the Pacific coast
who travelled with him a short distance. They carried with them the
implements for gambling. Their game was different from the guessing
games which have been heretofore described. "There were two players and
each had a bundle of about fifty small sticks neatly polished, of the
size of a quill, and five inches long. A certain number of their sticks
had red lines round them and as many of these as one of the players
might find convenient were curiously rolled up in dried grass, and
according to the judgment of his antagonist respecting their number and
marks he lost or won."
The same game was seen at Queen Charlotte Islands by Francis Poole.
[Footnote: Queen Charlotte Island, a narrative etc., p. 25.] He says
there were in this game from "forty to fifty round pins or pieces of
wood, five inches long by one-eighth of an inch thick, painted in black
and blue rings and beautifully polished." These pins were divided into
two heaps under cover of bark fibre and the opposite player guessed odd
or even for one of the piles.
CONTESTS OF SKILL.
Lewis and Clarke [Footnote: Vol. II, p. 140.] describe a game among the
Oregon Indians which can neither be called an athletic game nor a game
of chance, but which seems to have been a simple contest of skill. "Two
pins are placed on the floor, about the distance of a foot from each
other, and a small hole made behind them. The players then go about ten
feet from the hole, into which they try to roll a small piece,
resembling the men used at draughts; if they succeed in putting it into
the hole, they win the stake; if the piece rolls between the pins, but
does not go into the hole, nothing is won or lost; but the wager is
wholly lost if the chequer rolls outside the pins."
Morgan [Footnote: League of the Iroquois, p. 303.] describes a winter
contest of skill among the Iroquois, which he calls snow-snake. The
so-called snakes were made of hickory. They were from five to seven feet
in length, a quarter of an inch in thickness, tapering from an inch in
width at the head to about half an inch at the tail. The head was round,
turned up slightly and weighted with lead. This implement was shot along
the snow crust, by hand, with great speed, and a point in the game was
gained by the snake which ran the greatest distance. When there were a
number of players divided into sides, if there were two, three or more
snakes of the same side which were in advance of the snakes of the other
side, all such counted. Such contests usually took place between tribes
and aroused a great degree of spirit and the usual amount of betting. In
simpler form, Sagard Theodat describes this kind of amusement.
OTHER AMUSEMENTS OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN.
Under the name of "_Fuseaux_," La Potherie [Footnote: Vol. III, p. 24.]
describes a similar winter game of the children. He further says the
women only played at platter or dice. The children played at lacrosse,
seldom at platter. We have seen that the women in some parts of the
country joined in the lacrosse games. Sometimes they played it by
themselves and sometimes they played other ball games which closely
resemble that game. Romans describes a woman's game in which they tossed
up a ball which was to be caught before it reached the ground; but in
the meantime the one who tossed it had to pick up a small stick from the
ground.
The women of the Natchez, [Footnote: Le Page du Pratz, Vol. III, p. 2,
Domenech, Vol. II, p. 192.] according to Le Page du Pratz, played with
three pieces of cane, each eight or nine inches long, flat on one side
and convex on the other with engravings on the convex side. Two were
held in the open palm of the left hand and the third was dropped round
side down upon the ends of the two, so that all would fall to the
ground. If two convex surfaces came up the player won. He also says,
and in this Romans concurs, that the women were very reluctant to be
seen while playing.
Among the Natchez, the young girls played ball with a deer-skin ball
stuffed with Spanish moss. Other than that they seemed to him to have
no games. [Footnote: Le Page du Pratz, Vol. III, p. 2.] The young
Choctaws, according to Romans, engaged in wrestling, running, heaving
and lifting great weights and playing ball. Hennepin says, "the
children play with bows and with two sticks, one large and one small.
They hold the little one in the left, and the larger one in the right
hand, then with the larger one they make the smaller one fly up in the
air, and another runs after it, and throws it at the one who sprang it.
They also make a ball of flags or corn leaves, which they throw in the
air and catch on the end of a pointed stick." Powers [Footnote:
Contributions to North American Ethnology. Vol. III, p. 331.] describes
a game among the children of the Nishinams which consisted in tossing
bunches of clover from one to another, and another in which the boys
placed themselves upon three bases and tossed a ball across from one to
the other. Points were won as in base ball by running bases, if
possible, without being put out by the one who at the time had the
ball. The Choctaw [Footnote: Romans, p. 70, Bossu, Vol. I, p. 308.]
boys made use of a cane stalk, eight or nine feet in length, from which
the obstructions at the joints had been removed, much as boys use what
is called a putty blower. The Zuni children are said to play checkers
with fragments of pottery on flat stones. [Footnote: The Century, Vol.
XXVI, p. 28, Cushing.]
Running matches, swimming, wrestling, the simple ball-games which are
hinted at rather than described, practice in archery and hurling the
spear or javelin, furnished the Indian youth with such amusements as
could be derived outside the contests in which his elders participated.
Most of these latter were so simple as to be easily understood by the
very young, and we can readily comprehend how deeply the vice of
gambling must have been instilled in their minds, when they saw it
inaugurated with such solemn ceremonials and participated in with such
furor by their elders.
Our information concerning the habits of the Indians comes from a
variety of sources. Some of it is of very recent date, especially that
which deals with the Indians of the Pacific coast. The early Relations
of the French Fathers were faithful, and, as a rule, intelligent
records of events which the priests themselves witnessed. The accounts
of the French and Indian traders and travelers are neither as accurate
nor as reliable as those contained in the Relations. Some of these
authors faithfully recorded what they saw; others wrote to make books.
They differ widely in value as authorities and must be judged upon
their individual merits.
Much of our information concerning the manners and customs of the
natives of the Pacific coast is derived from the publications of our
national government. The reports which are collated in these documents
are from a great number of observers and are not uniform in character,
but many of them have great value. As a whole, the work was well done
and in a scientific manner.
The narration of the different games tells its own story. Lacrosse is
found throughout the country; platter or dice is distributed over an
area of equal extent; chunkee was a southern and western game; straws a
northern game with traces of its existence in the west; the guessing
game was apparently a western game. Everywhere, gambling prevailed to
the most shocking extent.
There are writers who seek to reduce the impressions of the
extravagance indulged in by the Indians at these games. The concurrence
of testimony is to the effect that there was no limit to which they
would not go. Their last blanket or bead, the clothing on their backs,
their wives and children, their own liberty were sometimes hazarded;
and if the chances of the game went against them the penalty was paid
with unflinching firmness. The delivery of the wagered wives, Lescarbot
tells us, was not always accomplished with ease, but the attempt would
be faithfully made and probably was often successful. Self-contained as
these people ordinarily were, it is not a matter of surprise that the
weaker among them should have been led to these lengths of
extravagance, under the high pressure of excitement which was
deliberately maintained during the progress of their games.
[Transcriber's Note: Lengthy footnote relocated to chapter end.] From
one end of the land to the other these scenes were ushered in with
ceremonies calculated to increase their importance and to awaken the
interest of the spectators. The methods used were the same among the
confederations of the north and of the south; among the wandering
tribes of the interior; among the dwellers in the Pueblos; and among
the slothful natives of the Pacific coast.
The scene described by Cushing, where, at the summons of the "prayer-
message," the Zunis gathered upon the house-tops and swarmed in the
Plaza, to hazard their property, amid prayers and incantations, upon a
guess under which tube the ball was concealed, is widely different from
that depicted by the Jesuit Fathers in Canada, where the swarthy Hurons
assembled in the Council House at the call of the medicine man and in
the presence of the sick man, wagered their beads and skins, upon the
cast of the dice. It differs equally from the scene which travellers
have brought before our eyes, of the Chinooks, beating upon their
paddles and moaning forth their monotonous chants, while gathered in a
ring about the player, who with dexterous passes and strange
contortions manipulated the stone and thus added zest to the guess
which was to determine the ownership of the property staked upon the
game. The resemblances in these scenes are, however, far more striking
than the differences. Climate and topography determine the one. Race
characteristics are to be found in the other.
[Relocated Footnote: The following extracts will illustrate these
points: They will bet all they have, even to their wives. It is true,
however, that the delivery of the wagered women is not easy. They mock
the winners and point their fingers at them (Lescarbot, Vol. III, p.
754); all that they possess, so that if unfortunate, as sometimes has
happened, they return home as naked as your hand (Lalemant, Relation,
1639); their goods, their wives, their children (Ferland Vol. I, p.
134); some have been known to stake their liberty for a time
(Charlevoix, Vol. III, 319); have been known to stake their liberty
upon the issue of these games, offering themselves to their opponents
in case they get beaten (Catlin, Vol. I, p. 132); I have known several
of them to gamble their liberty away (Lawson, p. 176); a Canadian
Indian lost his wife and family to a Frenchman (Sagard Theodat,
Histoire du Canada, Vol. I, p. 243); they wager their wives (A.
Colquhon Grant, Journal Royal Geog. Soc., London, Vol. XXVII, p. 299);
their wives and children (Irving's Astorla, Vol. II, p. 91); their
liberty (Parker's Journal of an Exploring Tour, pp. 249-50); Domenech
has never known men to bet their wives (Vol. II, p. 191); women bet as
well as men (Romans, p. 79; Am. Naturalist, Vol. XI, No. 6, 551);
Philander Prescott (Schoolcraft, Vol. IV, p. 64); Cushing (Century,
Vol. XXVI, p. 28); the liberty of a woman wagered by herself (Lalemant,
Relation 1639); women are never seen to bet (Le Page du Pratz, Vol.
III, p. 2; Mayne Br. Col., p. 276); rash gambling sometimes followed by
suicide (Romans p. 79; Brebeuf, Relation 1686).]
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Indian Games, by Andrew McFarland Davis
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIAN GAMES ***
This file should be named 6857.txt or 6857.zip
Produced by Joshua Hutchinson, Tom Allen, Juliet Sutherland, Charles Franks
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
This file was produced from images generously made available
by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions.
Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US
unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we usually do not
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
We are now trying to release all our eBooks one year in advance
of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing.
Please be encouraged to tell us about any error or corrections,
even years after the official publication date.
Please note neither this listing nor its contents are final til
midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement.
The official release date of all Project Gutenberg eBooks is at
Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month. A
preliminary version may often be posted for suggestion, comment
and editing by those who wish to do so.
Most people start at our Web sites at:
https://gutenberg.org or
http://promo.net/pg
These Web sites include award-winning information about Project
Gutenberg, including how to donate, how to help produce our new
eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter (free!).
Those of you who want to download any eBook before announcement
can get to them as follows, and just download by date. This is
also a good way to get them instantly upon announcement, as the
indexes our cataloguers produce obviously take a while after an
announcement goes out in the Project Gutenberg Newsletter.
http://www.ibiblio.org/gutenberg/etext03 or
ftp://ftp.ibiblio.org/pub/docs/books/gutenberg/etext03
Or /etext02, 01, 00, 99, 98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90
Just search by the first five letters of the filename you want,
as it appears in our Newsletters.
Information about Project Gutenberg (one page)
We produce about two million dollars for each hour we work. The
time it takes us, a rather conservative estimate, is fifty hours
to get any eBook selected, entered, proofread, edited, copyright
searched and analyzed, the copyright letters written, etc. Our
projected audience is one hundred million readers. If the value
per text is nominally estimated at one dollar then we produce $2
million dollars per hour in 2002 as we release over 100 new text
files per month: 1240 more eBooks in 2001 for a total of 4000+
We are already on our way to trying for 2000 more eBooks in 2002
If they reach just 1-2% of the world's population then the total
will reach over half a trillion eBooks given away by year's end.
The Goal of Project Gutenberg is to Give Away 1 Trillion eBooks!
This is ten thousand titles each to one hundred million readers,
which is only about 4% of the present number of computer users.
Here is the briefest record of our progress (* means estimated):
eBooks Year Month
1 1971 July
10 1991 January
100 1994 January
1000 1997 August
1500 1998 October
2000 1999 December
2500 2000 December
3000 2001 November
4000 2001 October/November
6000 2002 December*
9000 2003 November*
10000 2004 January*
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been created
to secure a future for Project Gutenberg into the next millennium.
We need your donations more than ever!
As of February, 2002, contributions are being solicited from people
and organizations in: Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Connecticut,
Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Illinois,
Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts,
Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New
Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio,
Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South
Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West
Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming.
We have filed in all 50 states now, but these are the only ones
that have responded.
As the requirements for other states are met, additions to this list
will be made and fund raising will begin in the additional states.
Please feel free to ask to check the status of your state.
In answer to various questions we have received on this:
We are constantly working on finishing the paperwork to legally
request donations in all 50 states. If your state is not listed and
you would like to know if we have added it since the list you have,
just ask.
While we cannot solicit donations from people in states where we are
not yet registered, we know of no prohibition against accepting
donations from donors in these states who approach us with an offer to
donate.
International donations are accepted, but we don't know ANYTHING about
how to make them tax-deductible, or even if they CAN be made
deductible, and don't have the staff to handle it even if there are
ways.
Donations by check or money order may be sent to:
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
PMB 113
1739 University Ave.
Oxford, MS 38655-4109
Contact us if you want to arrange for a wire transfer or payment
method other than by check or money order.
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been approved by
the US Internal Revenue Service as a 501(c)(3) organization with EIN
[Employee Identification Number] 64-622154. Donations are
tax-deductible to the maximum extent permitted by law. As fund-raising
requirements for other states are met, additions to this list will be
made and fund-raising will begin in the additional states.
We need your donations more than ever!
You can get up to date donation information online at:
https://www.gutenberg.org/donation.html
***
If you can't reach Project Gutenberg,
you can always email directly to:
Michael S. Hart
Prof. Hart will answer or forward your message.
We would prefer to send you information by email.
**The Legal Small Print**
(Three Pages)
***START**THE SMALL PRINT!**FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN EBOOKS**START***
Why is this "Small Print!" statement here? You know: lawyers.
They tell us you might sue us if there is something wrong with
your copy of this eBook, even if you got it for free from
someone other than us, and even if what's wrong is not our
fault. So, among other things, this "Small Print!" statement
disclaims most of our liability to you. It also tells you how
you may distribute copies of this eBook if you want to.
*BEFORE!* YOU USE OR READ THIS EBOOK
By using or reading any part of this PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
eBook, you indicate that you understand, agree to and accept
this "Small Print!" statement. If you do not, you can receive
a refund of the money (if any) you paid for this eBook by
sending a request within 30 days of receiving it to the person
you got it from. If you received this eBook on a physical
medium (such as a disk), you must return it with your request.
ABOUT PROJECT GUTENBERG-TM EBOOKS
This PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBook, like most PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBooks,
is a "public domain" work distributed by Professor Michael S. Hart
through the Project Gutenberg Association (the "Project").
Among other things, this means that no one owns a United States copyright
on or for this work, so the Project (and you!) can copy and
distribute it in the United States without permission and
without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth
below, apply if you wish to copy and distribute this eBook
under the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark.
Please do not use the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark to market
any commercial products without permission.
To create these eBooks, the Project expends considerable
efforts to identify, transcribe and proofread public domain
works. Despite these efforts, the Project's eBooks and any
medium they may be on may contain "Defects". Among other
things, Defects may take the form of incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged
disk or other eBook medium, a computer virus, or computer
codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.
LIMITED WARRANTY; DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES
But for the "Right of Replacement or Refund" described below,
[1] Michael Hart and the Foundation (and any other party you may
receive this eBook from as a PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBook) disclaims
all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including
legal fees, and [2] YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE OR
UNDER STRICT LIABILITY, OR FOR BREACH OF WARRANTY OR CONTRACT,
INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE
OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES, EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE
POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGES.
If you discover a Defect in this eBook within 90 days of
receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any)
you paid for it by sending an explanatory note within that
time to the person you received it from. If you received it
on a physical medium, you must return it with your note, and
such person may choose to alternatively give you a replacement
copy. If you received it electronically, such person may
choose to alternatively give you a second opportunity to
receive it electronically.
THIS EBOOK IS OTHERWISE PROVIDED TO YOU "AS-IS". NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, ARE MADE TO YOU AS
TO THE EBOOK OR ANY MEDIUM IT MAY BE ON, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A
PARTICULAR PURPOSE.
Some states do not allow disclaimers of implied warranties or
the exclusion or limitation of consequential damages, so the
above disclaimers and exclusions may not apply to you, and you
may have other legal rights.
INDEMNITY
You will indemnify and hold Michael Hart, the Foundation,
and its trustees and agents, and any volunteers associated
with the production and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
texts harmless, from all liability, cost and expense, including
legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the
following that you do or cause: [1] distribution of this eBook,
[2] alteration, modification, or addition to the eBook,
or [3] any Defect.
DISTRIBUTION UNDER "PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm"
You may distribute copies of this eBook electronically, or by
disk, book or any other medium if you either delete this
"Small Print!" and all other references to Project Gutenberg,
or:
[1] Only give exact copies of it. Among other things, this
requires that you do not remove, alter or modify the
eBook or this "small print!" statement. You may however,
if you wish, distribute this eBook in machine readable
binary, compressed, mark-up, or proprietary form,
including any form resulting from conversion by word
processing or hypertext software, but only so long as
*EITHER*:
[*] The eBook, when displayed, is clearly readable, and
does *not* contain characters other than those
intended by the author of the work, although tilde
(~), asterisk (*) and underline (_) characters may
be used to convey punctuation intended by the
author, and additional characters may be used to
indicate hypertext links; OR
[*] The eBook may be readily converted by the reader at
no expense into plain ASCII, EBCDIC or equivalent
form by the program that displays the eBook (as is
the case, for instance, with most word processors);
OR
[*] You provide, or agree to also provide on request at
no additional cost, fee or expense, a copy of the
eBook in its original plain ASCII form (or in EBCDIC
or other equivalent proprietary form).
[2] Honor the eBook refund and replacement provisions of this
"Small Print!" statement.
[3] Pay a trademark license fee to the Foundation of 20% of the
gross profits you derive calculated using the method you
already use to calculate your applicable taxes. If you
don't derive profits, no royalty is due. Royalties are
payable to "Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation"
the 60 days following each date you prepare (or were
legally required to prepare) your annual (or equivalent
periodic) tax return. Please contact us beforehand to
let us know your plans and to work out the details.
WHAT IF YOU *WANT* TO SEND MONEY EVEN IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO?
Project Gutenberg is dedicated to increasing the number of
public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed
in machine readable form.
The Project gratefully accepts contributions of money, time,
public domain materials, or royalty free copyright licenses.
Money should be paid to the:
"Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
If you are interested in contributing scanning equipment or
software or other items, please contact Michael Hart at:
[email protected]
[Portions of this eBook's header and trailer may be reprinted only
when distributed free of all fees. Copyright (C) 2001, 2002 by
Michael S. Hart. Project Gutenberg is a TradeMark and may not be
used in any sales of Project Gutenberg eBooks or other materials be
they hardware or software or any other related product without
express permission.]
*END THE SMALL PRINT! FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN EBOOKS*Ver.02/11/02*END*
