The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Swedes on the Delaware, 1638-1664
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: The Swedes on the Delaware, 1638-1664
Author: Amandus Johnson
Release date: January 9, 2026 [eBook #77652]
Language: English
Original publication: Philadelphia: Lenapé Press, 1914
Credits: Karin Spence and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SWEDES ON THE DELAWARE, 1638-1664 ***
THE SWEDES IN AMERICA
1638–1900
BY
AMANDUS JOHNSON
IN FOUR VOLUMES
VOLUME I.
[Illustration:
Fort Christina (1654), section of Lindeström’s plan of
Christinehamn. See below, p. 95.]
THE SWEDES IN AMERICA, 1638–1900
VOLUME I.
THE SWEDES
ON THE DELAWARE
1638–1664
BY
AMANDUS JOHNSON
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA
PHILADELPHIA
THE LENAPÉ PRESS
1914
COPYRIGHT, 1914
BY
AMANDUS JOHNSON.
TO C. A. SMITH,
THE SWEDISH AMERICAN
PHILANTHROPIST AND FRIEND OF LEARNING
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
Preface 7
I. Political, Social, Religious and other Conditions
in Sweden, 1611–1660 11
II. Industries, Commerce and Trading Companies 39
III. The Founding of the New Sweden Company and the
Early Expeditions to the Delaware 67
IV. The Founding and First Period of the Colony, 1638–1643 103
V. The Reorganized American Company and the Expeditions
to New Sweden during the Administration of Governor
Printz 139
VI. The Social and Economic Life of the Colony under
Governor Printz, 1643–1653 175
VII. Renewed Efforts in Behalf of the Colony and Tenth
and Eleventh Expeditions 249
VIII. The Colony under Rising and Papegoja 273
IX. The American Company, the Last Expedition and the
Efforts of Sweden to Regain the Colony 343
X. The First Period of the Swedish Settlements under
Dutch Rule and the coming of the _Mercurius_,
1655–1656 359
XI. The Last Period of the Swedish Settlements under
the Dutch, 1656–1664 367
Map of New Sweden 392
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Fort Christina, _Frontispiece_
Gustavus Adolphus, 10
The Reading Room in the Royal Library, 40
Willem Usselinx, 50
Title-page of the _Argonautica Gustaviana_, 62
Axel Oxenstierna, 68
Letter of Peter Spiring, 72
Klas Fleming, 76
Fort Elfsborg near Gothenborg, 80
New Amsterdam, 96
The Research-room in the Royal Library, 102
Landing Place of the Swedes, 108
Finnish Log-cabin, 110
Interior of the Finnish Cabin, 110
An Indian Family, 112
A Delaware Indian Woman, 114
The Budget of New Sweden, 142
Castle at Viborg, 146
The Ship _Scepter_, 150
Tidö Palace, 166
Johan Printz, 174
Storehouse, 180
Bill of Lading, 184
_Sewant_ (wampum), 204
Mora house, 212
Interior of the Mora house or Log-cabin, 214
Water-mill, 216
Indian Testimony, 236
Title-page of the _Geographia Americae_, 254
Swedish Log-cabin, 288
Storehouses from Finland, 300
Peter Stuyvesant, 306
Passport for Peter Lindeström, 338
Queen Christina, 344
PREFACE
This volume has been prepared to meet the demands, made from time to
time, for a popular edition of THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE
DELAWARE. It is essentially an abridgment of the above-named work;
yet in some particulars it is a new book. It is popular only in so
far that foot notes and bibliographical references have been omitted:
nowhere has the statement of fact been sacrificed to the embellishment
of language.
The book (which was begun last summer) has been written during the
spare hours of “a very full schedule” and without the noble aid,
inspiration and encouragement of the author’s wife it could not have
been finished for another season.
The author also desires to thank the many scholars and others, here and
abroad, who, in reviews and private letters, have encouraged the labor
through favorable criticism of the earlier book. If this little volume
is accorded the same reception by critics and readers as the large
work, the labor in writing it has been well worth while.
THE AUTHOR.
_Philadelphia, April, 1913._
[Illustration: Gustavus Adolphus. From a painting at
Skokloster. (H.)]
PART I.
Introduction. Sweden Immediately Preceding and
During the Occupation of the Delaware.
CHAPTER I.
POLITICAL, SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS AND OTHER CONDITIONS IN SWEDEN,
1611–1660.
I.
The beginning of the seventeenth century marks a new era in Swedish
history. The constructive statesmanship of the great Vasa (whose fruits
were wasted by forty years of misrule) lived again in the famous Carl
IX and in his more famous son, and during their reigns Sweden took
first place among the powers of northern Europe.
The first sixty years of the century was an epoch of war. When Gustavus
Adolphus ascended the Swedish throne in 1611, the armies of his country
were engaged against three nations, Denmark, Russia and Poland. The
King was anxious to conclude peace with Denmark, but this was refused
and hostilities continued. The enemy, however, had the advantage and
was able to impose hard terms in 1613, when the two belligerents were
finally tired of the useless and bitter warfare.
The King could now send more troops to the aid of his generals in
Russia, and in the summers of 1614 and 1615 he went in person to lead
the operations there. In February, 1617, the Russian war also came to
an end by the treaty of Stolbova, where peace negotiations had been
in progress for nearly a year and a half. Through this treaty Sweden
acquired the territories of Ingermanland and Kexholm; and Gustavus
Adolphus won two of his foremost objects,--Russia was pushed back from
the Baltic, and a natural northern boundary for Finland was secured
against the Cossack hordes.
Poland, having lately renewed and firmly established the Catholic
religion, was ruled by a King of the Vasa house, who had a legal right
to the Swedish crown. She was the leading European power in the East
and the standard-bearer of Catholicism against Turks and heretics, and
hence a natural enemy of Sweden; and finally she possessed territory
and harbors, that had to be brought under Swedish control, if the dream
of making the Baltic a Swedish inland sea should be realized by the
statesmen at Stockholm. There were therefore various circumstances
that might provoke hostilities; but the immediate cause of the war
was Sigismund’s pretentions to the Swedish throne, and his continuous
refusal to recognize Gustavus Adolphus as the lawful king of Sweden.
Gustavus Adolphus therefore determined to attack the enemy in his own
country, and in the summer of 1621 he set sail for Riga with a fleet of
148 warships and ten yachts, carrying about 14,000 selected soldiers on
board, some being mercenaries from Scotland and Holland.
The brilliant campaigns that followed under the King and his able
generals arrested the attention of Protestant Europe, and many of the
new faith called upon him to become their leader against the Catholics.
He expressed his willingness to champion the Protestant cause, and
presented a comprehensive plan of operations, while conducting
diplomatic conferences with the representatives of England and Holland
to the same purpose. But King Christian of Denmark, always jealous
of his northern neighbor, also offered his services in the pending
struggle and, as his conditions were more moderate and his demands on
the allies less exacting than those of Gustavus Adolphus, he was chosen
to be the Gideon of the Evangelical Union in its fierce combat with the
Catholic League.
The Swedish army and navy (both of which had been re-organized
and largely increased) were therefore not yet to be used against
the imperial forces. Gustavus Adolphus, hoping for more favorable
times, went to finish his Polish war, and, after several victorious
expeditions through which Sweden gained many advantages and extended
her territory, a six years’ truce was concluded at Altmark in 1629.[1]
King Christian, who in the meantime had lost his battles with the
veteran Tilly, was forced to withdraw from the field. The time now
seemed ripe for action. England and Holland were willing to submit to
the plans of Gustavus Adolphus. The Protestant princes requested him to
become “the defender of their heritage”, and Richelieu advised him to
take an active part in the contest. He negotiated with England, Holland
and France, but with little result, as they gave evasive and indefinite
answers. He was now fully determined, however, to enter the lists--it
was a case of averting a future danger from his own kingdom--and in
the autumn of 1629 he called a meeting of the council of state. This
session became a turning point in modern history. It was decided that
Sweden should take an active part in the Thirty Years’ War.[2]
After large preparations Gustavus Adolphus set sail for Germany in
June, 1630, with a picked army of about 13,000 men. He at once turned
the tide of events. He rescued the Reformation and raised Sweden to a
first class power in European politics, but his brilliant career was
cut short on the memorable battlefield of Lützen in November, 1632.
The government was now placed in the hands of “the five high officers
of the kingdom”, until Christina became of age, and the war went on.
Success continued for a time to follow the Swedish forces, but the
spell of invincibility deserted them at Nördlingen in 1634; and the
two following years were dark and full of trials for the Swedish
leaders, interrupted only by a few brilliant achievements of Johan
Banér. Gradually, however, the sky brightened. Swedish statesmen like
Oxenstierna and Brahe and Swedish generals like Banér and Torstensson
wrought success of what appeared to be disaster.
Denmark had kept aloof from an active participation in the Thirty
Years’ War since 1629. She had seen the increasing influence and
power of Sweden and her growing commercial interests and far reaching
plans with envious eyes. Only one-third of the Swedish export and
import trade, it was true, for the years 1637–1643 was carried on
Swedish vessels; but Swedish ships had been sent to other continents,
the Swedish flag was waving over possessions in the New World, and
indications were that the mastery of the Baltic would soon pass over
to the power lying north of Öresund. King Christian IV endeavored
to assert and sustain Danish supremacy in the Baltic and Danish
jurisdiction in the Sound. A heavy toll (amounting to over $3,000,000
in 1639) was collected from vessels passing through the Strait, a large
part of which was levied on Swedish merchandise. Besides, Swedish
vessels were often confiscated, and the Danish king conducted a regular
warfare in everything but in name against his neighbor. In the peace
negotiations of Sweden, Denmark also played the false friend.
But the opportunity for which Oxenstierna had been waiting was come.
Denmark was to be attacked and the Swedish sword was to make an end
of Danish interference. The Swedish navy, which had been greatly
increased and splendidly equipped through Fleming’s efforts, was put
in readiness, troops were mobilized and other preparations were made,
the real object of which was kept so secret that not even the Swedish
representative at Copenhagen knew the intentions of his government.
In the spring of 1643 Lennart Torstensson, who was employed against
the imperial forces in Germany, was ordered to take his army by forced
marches into Denmark, that he might deliver a decisive blow, before the
enemy had time to make necessary preparations. The plans were eminently
successful, the Swedes being victorious on both land and sea, and in
the autumn of 1645 the Danes sued for peace. The treaty, signed at
Brömsebro, gave to Sweden the districts of Jämtland and Härjedalen and
the island of Gothland.
The Swedish troops could be sent once more against the imperial
armies, and after various campaigns the Thirty Years’ War was finally
brought to an end in 1648 through the treaty of Westphalia. Sweden was
compensated by German districts in the north and a money indemnity.
About a year before the termination of the Danish war (December, 1644)
Queen Christina, being of age, came to the throne. During the first
years of her rule she took interest in the state business, but she soon
tired of the arduous duties. Her mind reverted to literature and arts.
She collected books and art treasures, she called famous foreigners to
her court and she sought to establish learned societies. The splendors
of her court were far in excess of the resources of her kingdom.
Pageants, court ballads and festivities of every description drained
the treasury and occupied the time of the Queen. Gifts in estates and
privileges were showered on favorites without number or discretion.
Soon the five million R. D. paid to Sweden through the Westphalian
Treaty were gone, and five million more had followed, leaving the
nation in great debt. At last conditions became impossible. In 1654 she
resigned her sceptre to a stronger hand, and joined the church against
which her father had fought.[3]
Carl X now grasped the reins of government. But King Casimir of Poland,
who pretended to the Swedish throne, would not recognize his title
to the crown. Carl was therefore forced to declare war. The Swedish
treasury was empty, and the two leading parties, the nobility and the
commoners, were pitted against each other in a social struggle; but
the diet in 1655 granted the King permission to begin hostilities, and
voted funds for his use. There was great enthusiasm over the war in
Sweden. Wealthy noblemen contributed large sums to the war-fund from
their own means; foreign soldiers flocked to Sweden to enlist under her
victorious banners; and soon Carl X was able to move against his foe.
A period of almost incessant battles and sieges followed. Few men in
history have given greater surprises to their age than Carl X; few,
perhaps none, have accomplished equal results with the same means and
in so short a time. In twelve months Poland lay bleeding at his feet,
destined never to regain her former power. Russia, Austria and Denmark
attacked him almost simultaneously, but by a march over a frozen sea,
one of the greatest feats on record, he led his army into the heart of
Denmark, compelling this power to sue for a peace, that gave to Sweden
the most valuable territorial acquisition in her history. The great
warrior king, however, soon broke the peace, the total annihilation
of Denmark being his aim, but fortune failed him for the first time.
Cromwell, on whose influence he had relied, died, changing the attitude
of the commander of the English fleet; France fell off, the Netherlands
took sides with the enemy, and the Danish people were aroused to fight
for their existence. In the midst of tremendous activities, the King
became ill during a diet in the beginning of 1660, and on the morning
of February 13 he died, at the age of thirty-eight.
II.
Through these wars and through her efforts to extend her power, her
commerce and her trade, Sweden came in contact with the outside world
to a degree unknown in her previous history since the Viking age.
Swedish statesmen wove a network of diplomatic connections, which
brought their country in touch with almost every important nation in
the world, and the government at Stockholm stretched the webs of its
diplomacy to Holland, England, France, Russia, Spain, Portugal, the
German States and even to Venice, Italy, Persia and Turkey.
Sweden’s political and commercial relations with foreign countries
concern us little in this treatise except those of Portugal, Spain,
Denmark, England and Holland. Those of the three former nations will be
touched upon as occasion demands, but those of the two latter (being
the most important for an understanding of the commercial and political
successes and failures of the Swedes during this period) need a brief
sketch here.
England’s policy towards Sweden was generally one of friendship.
To the English of this period, “Svecia was a kingdom rich in gold,
silver, copper, lead, iron, fruit, cattle, and exceeding increase
of fish of the rivers, lakes and sea.” In 1620 one G. Vischer (?)
proposed to hire in “Swedland ... men skilful in making pitch, tar,
potash and soap-ashes” for the Virginia settlement, and Swedish cannon
and iron works soon acquired fame among the English. Several English
representatives were sent to Stockholm, Spens acting as a minister
for both nations, and Swedish ambassadors went to London. But Swedish
ships were often captured by the English, leading to complaints and
complications. In 1653 Whitelocke was sent on his well-known embassy to
Queen Christina. An alliance and a commercial treaty was effected in
the spring of 1654, later ratified by the Protector and the Queen. In
the beginning of 1655 Coyet set out for London with instruction to work
for an increase “of the good confidence, which existed between both
nations”, and for an agreement upon the limits between New Sweden and
the English colonies.
In the summer of the same year George Fleetwood, the son-in-law of
Cromwell, was sent to England on a secret mission, and on July 28
Christer Bonde made his brilliant entrance into London with his 200
followers. In this manner the friendship with England was established
and continued, and no danger threatened the Swedish possession across
the ocean from that direction.
Of foreign nations, except the immediate neighbors, Holland stood
in closest connection with Sweden. From Holland, Sweden received
many of her best and most useful citizens. Dutch soldiers served in
Swedish armies, and Dutch captains and skippers commanded Swedish
ships; Swedish students went to Holland to study commerce, and Swedish
scholars gained inspiration from Dutch teachers; Dutch money helped
Sweden to support her armies and found her commercial companies and
Dutch brains developed the industries of the country, and from Holland
came the first impulses for successful transatlantic trade.
The political relations between Sweden and Holland were friendly as a
rule before 1655. Sweden had constant representatives, correspondents,
consuls and residents in Holland from an early date. Dutch embassies
were sent to Stockholm and Dutch diplomatic agents resided there at
various times. Several treaties were made between the two nations
(1614, 1618, 1633, 1644, etc.) and in 1638 and 1639, the years that
mark the beginning of the colony on the Delaware, the States drew
closer to Sweden. In 1644 and 1645 Holland proved a fast friend, but
the friendly relations were soon to be severed.
Holland and Sweden reached their highest political importance about
the same time, and here lies the explanation of their estrangement.
The Dutch became jealous of the rising power of the North. In the
beginning of the century the Dutch controlled the shipping of the
Baltic, half of their enormous merchant fleet sailing on its waters
and over two-thirds of the Swedish imports and exports for the period
1637–1643 were carried on foreign ships, the majority of which were
Dutch. Swedish statesmen, however, endeavored to wrest this supremacy
from the Hollanders, and through their efforts Swedish commerce and
shipping increased greatly. Sweden soon became the leading power in
the north. The States, fearing this supremacy, sided with her enemies
and ruined many of her great plans. When Sweden stood almost ready
to weld the three Scandinavian nations into one and make the Baltic
a Swedish inland sea, Holland interfered, crushing her last hope of
success. The Swedish colony on the Delaware passed over to the Dutch,
and the Swedish possessions in Africa (1648–63) were captured by the
same people. The Dutch now often seized Swedish merchant vessels, and
for about half a century they did much damage to Swedish shipping and
commerce.
III.
In this period Sweden developed a highly organized military system--in
many respects the best in Europe--and the machinery of state was
perfected to a degree not attained by any other European power at this
early date. The government of the King lost most of its patriarchal
features, and the division of labor became the watchword of the period.
The military affairs of the nation were placed in the hands of the
College of War, the management of the navy was assigned to the College
of Admiralty (fully organized in 1634); the College of Mines (organized
in 1637) superintended the mining industries; the re-organized
financial system was given into the charge of the College of the
Exchequer (_Kammarkollegium_, organized in 1618). “A general
collector of customs”, aided by 110 assistants headed the customhouse
service and an inspector superintended the surveying of the country
(these two departments being branches of the _Kammarkollegium_).
Finally a Commercial College (which has special bearing on our subject)
was established to regulate, control and encourage trade.[4] The first
plans for such a college were presented to the council of state in the
autumn of 1637. Its special function should be to supervise, increase
and extend foreign and domestic trade. Klas Fleming was appointed
president, and Johan Beier, who for years acted as treasurer of the New
Sweden Company, was made secretary. But the college was soon dissolved,
and several attempts to re-organize the same failed. In 1651, however,
it was definitely established as a department of the government
with salaried officers and servants, and two years later, when Erik
Oxenstierna became its president, the New Sweden Company and colony was
entrusted to its care.
The first written constitution of Sweden, which had been prepared by
Oxenstierna and sanctioned by the King, was adopted in 1634. Self
government in Sweden dates from antiquity. The king circumscribed,
to some extent this prerogative of the people as time went on; but
municipal self-government was never fully relinquished by the
commoners, and the colonists, who came to the Delaware between 1638 and
1664, were accustomed to have a voice in local affairs, secular and
religious. The diet also, made up as it was of the four estates (the
nobility, the clergy, the peasantry and the burgesses), gave the people
an opportunity of participating in the government of the whole country.
This body was summoned by royal authority, as circumstances required
and questions of great import arose, and the members were appointed or
elected to represent the various districts of the kingdom.
The council of state became an important factor in the government
during the seventeenth century. According to the constitution of 1634
it was to consist of 25 members, selected from the principal houses
of the nobility. Its interests and activities had a wide scope. It
discussed every feature of public life at its meetings; it decided
questions of peace and war; it deliberated about foreign and domestic
commerce; it considered the ways and means of trading companies;
it settled disputes between city officials and between companies
and individuals; it revised judgments of courts as well as court
martials,--in short the entire religious, social and domestic life of
the nation received its attention.
The judicial system was re-organized and perfected in this era with
the establishment of _Svea Hofrätt_ (the first supreme court).
Laws were printed from time to time, commentaries, dissertations
and treatises on the old Swedish as well as on the old Roman law
were written and published, and foreign books on judicial subjects
were translated. The old Swedish law, which at this time was made
the object of study at the University of Upsala and the subject of
investigation by scholars and lawyers of note, was the foundation for
all proceedings; but Roman law made its influence felt, and in many
cases “the law of Moses” was followed, when a paragraph in the secular
law could not be found to apply to a case in question (thus several
paragraphs from the law of Moses were printed as an appendix to the
edition of the Swedish Law of Carl IX). It is quite probable that
Printz and Rising used one or more of the ordinances and commentaries
published before 1653, and we have at least one instance among the
Swedes on the Delaware at which the decision of a case was referred to
the law of Moses.
IV.
The Reformation had fully permeated Swedish religious thought and life
even before this period. It had accomplished permanent results, and the
Lutheran church, under the direct control of the government, had become
firmly established. “The Bible of Gustavus Adolphus”, a revision of
the old translation of 1541, was published in 1618 and several new
editions were issued. “A church hand-book” was published in 1614 which
continued to be used until 1693. Several enlarged and revised editions
of the _Psalm Book_ appeared as well as editions of Luther’s
_Catechism_ and other translations of foreign books of worship.
The large masses were moved by the new life, for the Lutheran
Reformation was a movement of the people, and it improved their morals
and standards of life. The Lutheran clergy in Sweden were generally
well educated, many of them having studied abroad; and there were no
more learned preachers in America in the seventeenth century than those
sent here by the Swedish government.
The vigorous religious and spiritual life of the Reformation gradually
gave way to a cold, narrow theology, which insisted on “orthodox
Lutheranism” to the exclusion of “all other beliefs”; but foreign
religions were tolerated in the larger cities, and there were churches
of the reformed sects in Stockholm and Gothenburg.
The language was passing through a stage of transition. The Reformation
emphasized the use of Swedish, and the reformers of religion also
became reformers of the language. They endeavored to free their
native tongue from foreign influence and raise it to the standards
of a cultured speech by purifying its vocabulary, standardizing its
spelling and enriching its literature. The years immediately following
the Reformation, however, were unpropitious for “the cultivation and
growth of the national language.” But Gustavus Adolphus inaugurated
a new era. He advised the professors at the University of Upsala to
present “the learning of the world” in Swedish, and he instructed
“the antiquarian and historian of the kingdom” to collect words for a
complete Swedish dictionary. Primers and other books of instruction
were also issued, as a result of “the new awakening.” Scholars began
to study their native language, to write in the same and to publish
linguistic treatises about it. These efforts proved so successful and
the language developed such regularity that three-quarters of a century
later the letters, dispatches and instructions of the chancery of this
period and the “Bible of 1618” were selected by a commission as the
norm for “the regulation of the written language.”
The Swedish language was divided into several dialects well defined
within certain geographical areas. It was not taught in the schools,
and there was no standard of authority; consequently even literary
monuments present great variations in spelling and other respects. The
colonists on the Delaware came largely from Upland and the northern
provinces, and hence they spoke the dialects of these districts.[5]
Before the seventeenth century Sweden had no poet of importance,
and few works of literary value were produced; but in this epoch of
enthusiasm for everything Swedish a list of names meets us, that have
received a permanent place in the history and literature of Sweden.
Bureus studied the old language, collected runes, wrote a grammar
and other treatises. His disciple, Georg Stiernhjelm, composed a
dictionary, tried to prove that Swedish was the mother of the Germanic
languages, foreshadowed Grimm’s law, and earned the title of “the
father of Swedish poetry.” Wivallius wrote lyrics of tender sweetness
and a host of other authors wrote ballads and stories. Foreign novels
and romances were translated and published and folk ballads were
collected. These books were not read by the people in general; but it
is probable that the stories soon became common property, and we may
assume that at least a few of the colonists on the Delaware had some
knowledge of them.
Education measured by our present day standard was on a low level. The
Reformation broke down old customs and practices and it can hardly be
said that it improved the higher education and culture in the nation.
It took a generation to re-establish what had been changed, in some
cases with too violent a hand. But the early reformers laid much stress
on the education of the masses, and their efforts were not without
result.
During the first half of the seventeenth century public schools were
established in many places for the instruction of the people, and
commercial colleges were founded, where merchants could be trained
in the most necessary branches of business. Secondary schools and
so-called _Gymnasier_ were created, which gave courses preparatory
to the university. The University of Upsala was re-organized, and new
universities were chartered at Abo and Dorpat. The Royal Library in
Stockholm and the University Library at Upsala date from this period;
the Royal Archives and the College of Antiquity as well as the first
Swedish newspapers owe their existence to this enterprising age.
Education, especially that of the people, was under the direct control
of the Church, and the knowledge imparted was largely religious. The
first instruction was given at home, afterwards supplemented by the
Church. It was the business of the Church to see to it that her members
understood her teachings, and her best men such as Paulinus, Rudbeckius
and others wrote books on pedagogy and labored with much diligence
“to scatter the spiritual darkness” of their country. Laymen like
Per Brahe, Axel Oxenstierna, Johan Skytte, De la Gardi and Gyllengren
did much to improve the instruction and organize the school system of
this period. Amos Cominius (or Komensky), the great pedagogue who was
several centuries in advance of his contemporaries, was twice called to
Sweden for the purpose of re-organizing the schools according to his
educational theories. At the expense of the government he was engaged
to write a series of pedagogical works, many of which were translated
into Swedish, in some cases going through a number of editions.
It is natural that such efforts should bear fruit. Even in 1632
Professor Menius of Dorpat, speaking of higher education said: “That
Melancthon’s prophecy was about to be fulfilled, that the liberal
arts, expelled from the countries, where they formerly flourished,
... would find refuge in the north.” The thought and discussions in
the earlier part of the century with reference to public education
finally crystallized into the school ordinance of 1649, “with a system
of instruction equal to which no other country could show a parallel,
whether we refer to the completeness and thoroughness of the formal
and pedagogical principles or the extent or content of the material
studied.”
The illiteracy of the common people continued to be great, however,
and superstition and ignorance held sway over their minds. They were
not always willing to accept the innovations and improvements offered,
and fines and other punishments were often imposed “to compel the
stubborn to submit” to the new order of things. Gradually there came
a change. In 1663 Terserius asserts “that in Leksand[6] and mostly in
East Dalarna it is counted as a monstrosity, if a boy or girl of ten or
eleven years cannot read in a book.” A common gunner on the expedition
of the _Katt_ in 1649 kept an interesting journal of the voyage,
and several of the soldiers, who had served in New Sweden, sent
_written applications_ to the government. Twenty-seven or more
out of the forty-eight colonists, who signed the oath of allegiance
in New Sweden on June 9, could write. The other nineteen signed only
their initials or made their marks. It is therefore certain that a fair
number of the early Swedish settlers on the Delaware could not only
read but also write, and the illiteracy among them was not larger,
perhaps less than among the colonists of other plantations in America.
The natural sciences had received little attention in Sweden before
1600, and doctors were almost unknown except at the court. Foreign
physicians were gradually invited, however. Medical works were written,
and professors were appointed to teach the subject at the University of
Upsala; but it took half a century for the science to divorce itself
from theology and the Bible, and not before Rudbeck (1630–1702), who
as a youth of twenty-two discovered the lymphatic canal, did Sweden
produce an investigator of note in this field. The barber masters
(barber-surgeons) were here as in other countries the doctors and
physicians. They were employed in the navy, in the army and by the
people at large. They performed operations and prescribed medicine,
which in many cases, however, consisted of incantations and quack
cures.
V.
Class distinctions were more pronounced than in our day. The peasants
and burghers formed classes by themselves; above these stood the
nobility, and a middle class can hardly be spoken of. The Swedish
peasant, however, was a free man. His voice was heard at the
_ting_, and he retained much of the old-time liberty, which his
fellows in other countries had lost long before. Many heathen customs
still clung to him, and he possessed a knowledge of runes as late as
the time of Olaus Rudbeck. Much of the Viking nature lived in his
strong form, and he objected to rigid laws and stringent rules.
He was skilled in all kinds of manual arts (_slöjd_). He made
his wagons and his sleds, his plows and his harrows, his rakes and
hayforks; he made his shoes of wood, birchbark or leather; he made his
furniture, his wooden spoons and dippers, his cups and saucers,--in
short practically everything he used; and the Swedish house-wife could
weave, knit and sew skillfully. Since the common people never lost
their freedom to the same extent as in the rest of Europe, poverty
was less prevalent than elsewhere at this time; and Ogier, the French
Ambassador, says that “the Swedish peasants were neither poorly nor
inconveniently dressed and prosperity was more evenly distributed in
Sweden than in other countries.”
The national consciousness was strong. There was an enthusiasm for the
Swedish language and Swedish history. Foreign ambassadors at Stockholm
were welcomed in Swedish--“the mother of other languages”--and foreign
representatives abroad were addressed in the same tongue, if they were
pretentious enough to use their own native speech. It was a period,
when Swedish scholars delved into the misty past and located the cradle
of the human race in their country; it was an epoch when Swedish
generals led victorious armies over half of Europe; it was an age,
when Swedish statesmen held the destinies of nations in their hands,
when Swedish kings dreamed of world power, and when Swedish leaders
stretched their arms across the oceans, and made settlements on two
continents that were to become _New Swedens_. The enthusiasm of
youth permeated the nation and drove it on to deeds, that an older
power of twice its size would not have attempted. Patriotism ran
high and national pride verged on chauvinism. No wonder that Gov.
Printz with a handful of men talked the language of a general with an
army at his back to give emphasis to his words, and that Rising with
high-handed authority captured Fort Casimir!
Such were the people (and such their condition) from among whom came
the colonists on the Delaware.
Conditions in Finland, whence many of the Delaware colonists came,
resembled those in Sweden. The country being united with Sweden since
the middle ages had absorbed much of the superior culture of its
conquerors, and adopted the religion of these. It was stated in 1639
that the people could “read their pieces from the catechism and their
morning and evening prayers,” and a few years later a bishop of Åbo
asserted that “it had come so far that almost all below twenty or
thirty years were able to read their mother tongue fluently.” Quite
similar reports came from other bishops. The Swedish language had
made great headway among the Finns at this time, especially among
the higher and wealthier classes. The peasants along the coast (even
those of Finnish birth) also, as a rule, acquired a knowledge of the
language, which made it easy for the Swedes and Finns to associate.
As the country was poor the Finns had a great desire to migrate, large
numbers going to Sweden and other places. It was said that the Finns
were lazy and indolent at home, and that they would rather spend their
time above the fireplace of their primitive dwellings than clear
away the forests or till their small patches of ground; but in new
surroundings they became industrious and “worked for two.”
The population of Sweden and Finland was about 1,000,000 in 1645,
making about three inhabitants to every square mile. The entire city
population was only about 125,000. It is therefore evident that there
was no overflow population, compelled through lack of room, to seek
new homes on the other side of the Atlantic. And yet other things
being normal the reasons for migration are not always over-population
in a relative sense, for what would be a large population in England
or Belgium would be more than over-population in Sweden. There seems
to have been an element in Sweden at this time, which could have been
spared without much loss to the nation, and Governor Rising suggested
that all those who would not work should be sent to the Delaware
colony, where they would either have to work or starve. The larger
cities sheltered many poor who were out of work; if these would have
migrated to America they would have been relieved of much suffering,
opportunity would have been given them for improving their condition
and the community would have been freed of a great burden.
CHAPTER II.
INDUSTRIES, COMMERCE AND TRADING COMPANIES.
I.
The military and political organization of Sweden was in advance of the
age, offering models to France, Denmark and other countries, but her
industrial and commercial development was just beginning. The many wars
and intimate foreign relations, however, brought the nation into close
touch with the greatest commercial countries of the world. It profited
by experience, and made great advances during the period of Swedish
rule on the Delaware. The armies needed cannon, muskets, swords and
other implements of war. It was cheaper to make them at home than to
import them from abroad, as raw material was to be had in inexhaustible
quantities, and besides money was lacking with which to buy. The
country being new and undeveloped, offered better opportunities to
capitalists than the old industrial centres, and in return for special
privileges, titles, landgrants, in addition to the regular remuneration
that comes to the shrewd business man, wealthy Dutchmen like De
Geer, Spiring and others, were induced to invest capital in Swedish
industries, and to establish manufactories of various kinds. Foreign
laborers were engaged in large numbers, and Swedish mechanics were sent
abroad to study the best methods used there.
As a result the products of Swedish iron works, especially cannon and
firearms, became famous throughout Europe. The latter were manufactured
in such quantities that in 1642, the very time when Sweden supported
and equipped large armies on German battlefields, a thousand muskets,
a thousand cuirasses and quantities of other implements of war “could
be sold or given to Portugal.” Swedish cannon had become so famous in
England at the middle of the century that Whitelocke was ordered to buy
them on his embassy to Stockholm in 1654.
[Illustration: The reading-room in the Royal Library
(Stockholm), showing volumes relating to the colony.]
The textile and clothing industries likewise received an impetus
from the wars. To buy military clothes and other accoutrements from
Holland or England appeared uneconomical, since Sweden weekly exported
shiploads of wool, skins, unprepared hides and suchlike materials.
Gustavus Adolphus therefore arranged a conference with representatives
from the various cities and provinces of the kingdom to propose ways
and means for the establishment of textile and clothing factories, so
that the needs of the armies could be supplied at home. Successful
private factories were also operated during this period, and Countess
Oxenstierna founded a clothing factory at Tyresö, which proved a paying
venture. Shoe and glove factories are also mentioned at this time,
but they appear to have been of small importance. Glass factories
were also started. Paul Gangunkel built a factory in Bergkvarna,
where window-panes and glass of every description were made. Benjamin
Bonnell, later factor of the New Sweden Company, was interested in the
business, and Melchior Young established glass works near Stockholm
in 1643, having hired workmen abroad, probably in Holland. To aid the
industry the importation of glass to Sweden was forbidden at certain
times.
Copper mining reached its highest development in this period, and
proved a great source of revenue for the crown, as Sweden had the
richest copper mines in the world. Silver mining was also conducted
with great energy, but the results were unsatisfactory.
Brickyards were common in Sweden during the first part of the
seventeenth century and earlier. A considerable number of bricks were
exported from Upsala, Stäk and Strängnäs. Members of the aristocracy
established brickyards, where bricks were made for their large
buildings, and in a few cases they also produced bricks for sale. The
colonists on the Delaware were therefore not unaccustomed to this
industry.
Paper was manufactured in Upsala at an early date, and the paper makers
were commanded to instruct Swedish youths in the trade. Soap works
for making soft soaps as well as complexion soaps and starch, sugar
and potash factories were operated on a small scale. Saltmaking was
repeatedly tried. Powder was manufactured in large quantities, which in
its turn gave rise to the saltpetre industry.
Brewing was an important industry, beer being the favorite beverage,
and every city brewed its ale, which was named according to its
strength as _spisöl_, _fogdeöl_, _svenneöl_, _sotöl_, etc.
Shipbuilding received a new impetus after 1611. The Swedish navy
and merchant marine, which had almost disappeared since the days of
the great Vasa, began to assume new importance, due to the wars and
increased commerce. Ships were built in the native harbors, while
others were bought in Holland. Officers for the vessels and carpenters
for the ship-yards were hired abroad, largely from Holland. The results
were soon apparent. Stockholm, which in 1611 was without a single ship
(if the statement in the histories be correct) possessed 49 vessels in
1651. In the same year Gothenburg had 18, which three years later had
increased to 147, while other staple towns owned 1,000 ships.
Shipbuilding tended to develop other industries, as the Swedish
statesmen and leaders of industry tried to provide the necessary ship
materials at home without going abroad for them. Rope-walks were
operated at Stockholm, at Västervik and other places; sailcloth was
manufactured at Stockholm and was also bought in large quantities from
the peasants of northern Sweden, who were skilled in weaving; anchors,
nails and iron articles required for the ships and shipbuilding were
either made in Stockholm at the factories of the government or bought
from private persons in the kingdom; masts were cut in the forests of
northern Sweden and planks, boards and the like were obtained from the
saw-mills in the various provinces.
Agriculture was, as it is and always has been, the most important
industry of the nation. Large quantities of grain were exported,
except in years of famine and failure of crops, and, between the
years 1637–1642, 2,400,000 bushels were sent to foreign markets. The
government also endeavored to improve farming and cattle raising.
German and Dutch cultivators were invited into the country to teach the
Swedes better methods of tilling the soil, and new species of grain
and new breeds of cattle were introduced. German and Dutch sheep were
imported, which the peasants were compelled to exchange for their own.
Dutchmen skilled in butter and cheese making were induced to settle
near Gothenburg and other places, from whom the Swedish peasants
learnt new and improved methods. Despite all endeavors, however, the
agriculture of Sweden and Finland made slight progress during the
period. The continual conscriptions removed large numbers of the
farming class from the country and hundreds of farms were left untilled
on account of the wars. To remedy this state of affairs the government
granted freedom from taxes and other concessions for a period to those
who settled on deserted homesteads; but even “such dispensations
often went begging” and hundreds of once fertile fields lay for years
uncultivated and covered with weeds.
The government’s policy of favoring the cities at the expense of the
country was one of the obstacles to the prosperity of the farming
communities and the success of agriculture. The spirit of the age was
commercial. As it was thought that cities alone could conduct trade to
advantage, and, as the custom service was aided by the concentration of
commerce at a few points, laws were made to favor urban communities.
The country people were allowed to trade only with the cities, all
trade among themselves being forbidden, and goods shipped to foreign
ports must first be sent to the staple towns, which enjoyed special
privileges. Farmers, mechanics and skilled workmen were often ordered
to remove to towns or cities. In case of refusal they were pressed
into military service or carried by force to the cities and their rural
homes were demolished. By these stringent means many new towns were
founded, and some of the older cities became prosperous and increased
in population, aiding industry and commerce.
II.
The government naturally paid much attention to the means of
communication. As country roads, canals and other inland waterways
were the thoroughfares of domestic commerce and of immense importance
in the transportation of troops and munitions of war, the King and
his statesmen paid particular attention to them. The old highways
were greatly improved, new ones were constructed through the northern
provinces, even as far as to the borders of Russia; and soon Sweden had
one of the best road systems in Europe. When Whitelocke made his long
journey from Gothenburg to Stockholm in 1654 he could write:
“The way was very good and it was much to the cheering of
Whitelocke and his company in so long a journey, a time of so
much hard weather and where other accommodations were wanting,
to find generally such good highways.... Hardly any other
country affords better ways than these.”
An extensive system of canals was proposed for Finland and Sweden. The
Hjälmare canal, begun in 1629, was ready for traffic in 1640,--this at
a time when England did not possess a single canal. A number of other
canals and waterways were projected and, in some cases, finished in
this period.
Regular communication of news from foreign countries at short intervals
became a necessity in the beginning of the seventeenth century.
Correspondents were therefore appointed at various important centres,
and Englishmen, Hollanders, Germans, Frenchmen and even Italians were
induced to enter the Swedish service, before a sufficient number of
trained natives could be found for such posts. Out of this institution
grew the post-office. As early as the summer of 1620 a regular postal
service once a week was established between Hamburg and Stockholm, and
other routes were begun. A few years later “the post-office within the
country ... was extended ‘to all the provinces’ in the whole kingdom
of Sweden.” In 1642–3 the system was re-organized, and Johan Beier,
the treasurer of the New Sweden Company, was made postmaster general.
Several changes occurred from time to time, but Beier remained in the
service until 1654. The postal service was of great importance to
Swedish commerce, since the trading companies, merchants and others
interested in foreign markets, could now obtain correct and speedy
information about prices and the movements of ships.
Domestic trade attained large proportions in the seventeenth century.
It passed to a great extent from foreigners into the hands of native
merchants, complaints even being made that too many people left
their farms to become traders; but as late as 1650, however, foreign
merchants controlled a goodly share of the city trade.
The export and import trade also increased greatly. A considerable
percentage of Swedish shipping was in the hands of foreigners, as we
have seen; but the government encouraged shipbuilding and the expansion
of Swedish commerce through various privileges, reductions of duty
on cargoes carried by Swedish vessels and other favors with such
gratifying results that the tonnage of the Swedish merchant marine
increased over a hundred fold during the years 1611–1660. Swedish ships
went to England, Holland, Spain, Portugal, Russia and practically every
port in Europe, the Barbadoes, the Canaries and to America and Africa.
The principal articles of export were masts, lumber, grain, hides,
copper, iron ore, cannon and other implements of war; the incoming
cargoes consisted mainly of shoes, clothes, cloth, salt, tobacco and
articles of luxury.
Drafts were used very extensively. Insurance was also common, and both
ships and cargoes were often insured against loss. Goods and ships
were bought and sold through agents, who were paid a certain brokerage.
Money played a larger part than ever before. The currency used in the
business transactions of the company and in Sweden in general at the
time was the _Riksdaler_, the _Florin_ and the _Daler_ (which was of
two kinds, the copper and the silver _Daler_). The _Riksdaler_, the
_Florin_ and the _Copper Daler_ were always reduced to _Dalers_ in
silver money in the official journal of the company, and the salaries
and wages of the officers and servants in the employ of the company in
Sweden were paid in “_Daler_ silver money.” The weights and measures
used in the colony and by the company in Europe were: the _aln_ (nearly
two English feet), the _fot_ (a little less than an English foot), the
_famn_ (fathom, 1 9/10 of a yard) the _Swedish mile_ (a little over
6½ English miles), the _German common mile_ (about 4⅗ English miles),
the _tunnland_ (a little over an acre in size), the Swedish _tunna_
(barrel, about 33 gallons), the _lispund_ (about 18½ English pounds),
the _Swedish pund or Skålpund_ (pound, a little less than the English
pound), the _skeppund_ (generally about 400 lbs.), and finally the
_last_, which was about two tons or a little more, representing the
tonnage of a ship.[7]
The old Julian calender was used in Sweden and in New Sweden. It was
ten days earlier than the Dutch calendar of the period and that of the
present day. The English (we shall meet their method of designating
time in the following pages) began their year on March 25. In other
respects their time was the same as that of the Swedes, the only chance
for confusion being that the first two months of the Swedish year were
the last two of the English.
It was a period of restrictions and government supervision and of
combinations and trading societies. Merchants were restricted by law to
the handling of but one article of trade, except by special permission.
They belonged to certain privileged societies according to their
particular trade. The master-workers of practically all handicrafts
were divided into guilds and corporations, which were very exclusive
and guarded with the greatest jealousy against the intrusion of
outsiders. “In Sweden,” said Klas Fleming, “any citizen may by chance
become a king, but for him to become a tanner is impossible.” As time
went on, however, the restrictions were to some extent removed.
III.
It was pre-eminently an age of commercial companies. Christian II
of Denmark (1481–1559), who was also for a time king of Sweden, was
perhaps the first to suggest a trading company for the north, but
his scheme failed. The Scandinavian countries were not ripe for such
an organization. About half a century later a commercial company was
chartered at Gothenburg for the purpose of conducting an extensive
trade, but it failed. A general trading company was founded in
1615. Its charter was to be in force for ten years. It was to erect
warehouses and to buy and sell ships as well as staple commodities in
foreign and domestic markets; and it was given rebate in excises. Four
years later several influential men decided to organize a commercial
company, which was given a monopoly on foreign trade, and granted
privileges to buy and sell all kinds of merchandise. Within the next
few years several other companies were chartered, but they were all
of small importance, except the copper company, which did a large
business. A colonizing company was also formed, but it was dissolved
after a short time. In 1624 the famous South Company saw the light
of day, and five years later a French company was founded, for trade
with Russia. In 1632 an ambitious plan was launched to establish
direct commercial communications across the continent with India and
Persia; and in 1635 some English merchants at Gothenburg applied for
the privilege of establishing a commercial company. These activities
continued throughout the following decade and hardly a year passed,
which did not see the formation of a trading company of some kind.
The ship company established in 1646–47, the Swedish African Company
projected in 1647, and the tar-company founded in 1648 were important
organizations; the other plans were either of small consequence or were
never executed. Several capitalists joined the above mentioned African
company and in a few years its stock was relatively large. It traded
in slaves, ebony and gold, and was very successful, tending to divert
money from the treasury of the New Sweden Company. A tract of land was
bought from the natives along the Gold Coast, where several forts and
factories were erected. The colony came under Danish and Dutch rule for
a short period, but was re-occupied by Sweden. It was finally captured
by the Dutch in 1663, when the company practically came to an end.[8]
[Illustration: Willem Usselinx.]
The most ambitious and the best known of these trading societies is
the (already referred to) South Company, organized by Willem Usselinx,
the famous founder of the Dutch West India Company. Failing to receive
from his native land what he thought to be his dues, he left Holland in
the beginning of 1624 with the avowed purpose of entering the service
of several Dutch mercantile houses at Danzig. On his way, however,
he visited several commercial cities in the north among which was
Gothenburg.
Gustavus Adolphus had attracted the attention of Europe through his
campaigns in Poland, and his fame had been spread far and wide by the
success of the Swedish arms in Russia. He had called many Dutchmen to
Sweden and appointed them to positions of distinction and honor; and he
was laboring for the commercial, political, and social uplift of his
people. May we not therefore suppose that Usselinx had some faint hope
of finding Sweden a more propitious place for the furtherance of his
plans than the ungrateful Republic on the Zuyder Zee and King Gustavus
Adolphus a more ardent supporter and a more liberal patron than the
States General?
Usselinx reached Gothenburg in the autumn, and, as the King was shortly
expected in the city, he determined to remain until His Majesty arrived
with the view of obtaining an audience. The audience, which was readily
granted, took place some time in October, 1624. It was a remarkable
conference. For _six hours_ the hero of the Thirty Years’ War
listened to “the commercial rhapsodies,” diffusive expositions and
marvelous plans of the great dreamer and trust-maker of the seventeenth
century. Memorials and amplifications were later sent to the King,
presenting in more definite and compact form the ideas and plans,
which had been discussed at the audience. As the ideas of trading
companies were not new to the King, he welcomed the proposals, and made
the resolute projector proffers of service and promises of support.
Usselinx readily accepted the offers and with untiring activity set
about to launch his schemes. On November 4 his draft of the charter
was ready; a few days later the prospectus of the company was issued,
and on December 21, 1624, the King gave “commission to Willem Usselinx
to establish a general trading company for Asia, Africa, America and
Magellanica.” Usselinx, says the commission, had presented such good
reasons for the probable success of his designs that the King was led
to believe the company would not only be a financial triumph for the
stockholders but also an important asset to his kingdom. On these
grounds the commission was issued, and the “governors, stateholders,
captains, mayors and councils in the cities” as well as other public
servants were commanded to aid and assist the founder in raising
subscriptions and otherwise.
A little later Usselinx printed “the contract for the general trading
company of the kingdom of Sweden, with its conditions and terms.” He
referred to the wealth of Spain and the Netherlands, which had been
acquired by the commercial activities in the New World, and he insisted
that Sweden had as great possibilities and was as well equipped for
such a trade as any other country in Europe. He also made arrangements
to have his arguments translated, so as to interest foreigners in his
company.
The charter of privileges in thirty-seven articles, which were to be
in force for twelve years, “from May 1, 1627, until May 1, 1639,” was
signed by the King on June 6, 1626. “We have maturely considered,”
says the charter in the name of the King, “and as far as it is in our
power we have sought to bring it about that the advantages, profits
and welfare of our kingdom and of our faithful subjects as well as the
propagation of the Holy Gospel might be in the highest degree improved
and increased by the discovery of additional commercial relations
and navigation.” The company thus chartered was to make settlements
(although a secondary object) on hitherto unoccupied territory and was
given sole right to trade “in Africa, Asia, America and Magellanica or
Terra Australia, beginning on the coast of America in the same latitude
as ... the Strait of Gibraltar unto the 36th degree” and no one else
was permitted to sail to these parts “nor to any country or island
lying between Africa and America,” on pain of confiscation of ships and
cargoes.
The management of the company was minutely provided for. One director,
with a salary of 1,000 D., holding office for a term of six years, was
to be elected by a majority of the shareholders qualified to vote, or
appointed from the eligible members, for every 100,000 D. subscribed.
The head department or office of the company was to be located in
Gothenburg, and sub-officers were to be established at various other
places.
A duty of 4 per cent. was to be paid by the company on all exports
and imports (except coined or uncoined silver and gold, received in
payment for merchandise); and one-fifth of all minerals discovered in
the occupied territories and one-tenth of the produce of the cultivated
lands in the established colonies were to be given to the government.
All booty seized from pirates and other enemies was to revert to the
company for the defense of the trade, unless a Swedish man o’ war
was present at the capture. The company was to be under the special
protection of the government, and the King was to appoint a council
from amongst the most prominent shareholders, which at the expense of
the government was to provide for the building and garrisoning of all
fortifications necessary in the colonies, establish courts of justice,
make good laws, appoint governors, commanders and other officers,
as well as to settle all difficulties between the colonists and the
natives in the occupied districts. The company also had a right to
build its own fortifications and to found cities and towns. It could
make treaties with the republics and with the kings and princes of
all countries lying within the limits of the charter; it had a right
to defend itself against enemies, but was not to begin hostilities.
Finally it was to pay Usselinx for “his services, trouble and great
expense” one per mill, as long as the charter was in force. The
conditions of membership were liberal and special inducements were
offered to foreign investors.
The charter was soon printed in Swedish and German and freely
distributed, being sent even to Venice. Usselinx had high hopes
of success. He urged the reprinting of the charter in Germany and
Holland, and planned to issue a French version. He obtained promises
of subscription from members of the supreme court, and brought the
business of the company before the diet in the beginning of 1627. The
King subscribed 450,000 D., while Axel Oxenstierna, Von Falkenburg
and other noblemen took a keen interest in the matter, and used their
influence to favor the same. The King also appointed two of his
directors to facilitate the work and to fully establish the company,
and advised every citizen in the kingdom to invest capital in it
according to his means.
In spite of it all, however, progress was slow. After months of labor
Usselinx had raised subscriptions amounting to only about 160,000 D.,
which could not even he collected; but neither he nor the directors
were daunted. It was planned to prepare a trading expedition in the
near future. For this purpose Usselinx was sent to Prussia to consult
with the King. He was also to collect His Majesty’s first instalments
and to solicit new subscriptions. In November he was sent to raise
additional funds in the Baltic provinces and in Finland. Armed with
letters of introduction to the royal and municipal authorities along
his route, he made a tour from Dirschau around the Baltic and the Gulf
of Bothnia, visiting the principal cities in these provinces, and
everywhere presenting memorials and arguments about his beloved South
Company.
Arriving in Stockholm in April, 1628, he expected to find that ships
had been sent to Africa, and that other beginnings had been made; but
in these things he was disappointed. The directors, who were to collect
funds in Sweden, had tired of their labors. A losing trade had been
conducted in Russia, and a glass factory, which Bonnell endeavored to
establish for the company at Gothenburg, proved a failure. Rope-walks
were built at Norrköping and Linköping, and, although ropes were made
at the former place until August, 1637, the experiments seem to have
been financial failures. An expedition to the West Indies had indeed
been planned. A skipper had been engaged, and two vessels had been
equipped; but the expedition never left port, and the company was minus
a few thousand D.
Under such conditions Usselinx was justly dissatisfied with the
management of the company he had founded. He complained bitterly that
the directors paid more attention to insignificant details than to
great principles, that they seldom met for consultation, that one
director collected money, disposed of it and made contracts without
the knowledge of the others and finally that Christian Welshuisen was
the only officer who understood his business. He therefore wished to
be relieved of his services, unless radical changes were made. He
still entertained some hope, however, that the company would develop
into great significance if managed on a sound basis and in a business
like manner. Consequently he made new suggestions. He thought that
additional letters should be sent to the governors in Finland, that
experienced agents and commissioners should be despatched to Norrland
and other provinces of the kingdom and to Germany, France and Venice to
solicit subscriptions; that the directors should be compelled to follow
the charter and that the company should be granted liberty to buy and
export grain. But affairs went from bad to worse. Usselinx feared that
the company would dwindle down to a rope-walk and a ship yard. As he
knew little about the building of ships and the making of ropes (which
could better be superintended by others), he decided to leave the
country. He obtained his release in December, and in the beginning of
1629 he left Stockholm with letters to the states general and to Prince
Henry. His connections with the South Company in Sweden now practically
came to an end, but he did not abandon his plans, and we shall find him
in many countries trying to interest the governments and the people at
large in commerce and colonization.
About the time Usselinx left Sweden Gustavus Adolphus was formulating
plans for the establishment of an organization with purposes somewhat
different from the South Company. The King needed ships for his wars
and his commerce. Capital was difficult to raise, and the state
treasury was drawn upon to the utmost for other purposes. The founding
of a ship company appeared to be one way out of the embarrassment and
at a meeting of the representatives from various Swedish towns in the
beginning of 1629 the King proposed a plan with this end in view. The
suggestions were favorably received, and a company was organized, which
was to equip sixteen ships. In time of peace these vessels were to be
employed by the company on commercial voyages, but in cases of war
they were to be placed at the disposal of the government for free use
against the enemy. They were to be ready in the spring of 1629, and
should be built in Sweden as far as possible to increase and encourage
Swedish shipping.
The various cities made strong efforts to build, buy or hire ships,
but money was slow in coming in, due to the scarcity of money and
disagreements between the subscribers. Consequently the vessels were
not on hand at the appointed time. It was then decided to unite the
South and the Ship companies, so as “to create in this manner a
complete society and trading company, until opportunity and capital
should allow the South Company to be continued and re-established.” The
nobility also promised to contribute 50 D. for each trooper. The union
of the two companies was authorized and legalized by the King in May,
1630. The cities of Finland gradually joined the corporation, and the
capital was soon considerable. In the autumn of the above mentioned
year the sixteen ships were ready, although all shares had not been
paid in full. Expeditions were sent to Stralsund, Archangel, and to
cities in Holland and France. In the autumn of 1631 four vessels were
prepared for a trading journey to Spain (the largest expedition sent
out by the company), but the ships and cargoes were seized by order of
the Spanish government. The following year the _Kalmar Nyckel_ was
purchased, and two new ships were built to replace those which had
been lost. New expeditions were also prepared, but in 1635 the affairs
of the company were at a low ebb. Efforts were made by the government
to raise more money, and to put new life into the organization; but
the old contributors had lost their interest and new ones could not be
found. Some of the remaining capital was used for the benefit of the
New Sweden company, but individual ships continued to be employed for
carrying freight and the _Old King David_ made numerous voyages to
foreign ports until it was sold in 1641.
Meanwhile Usselinx had been busy stirring up half Europe with his
schemes and proposals. Obtaining new commissions he visited Stralsund,
Stettin and other cities of Germany and Holland in the interest of
his one grand idea. Finally seeing the futility of founding a Swedish
company as extensive and important as he desired, he proposed a new
plan or rather emphasized an old one (far in advance of his age) of
forming an _international mercantile company_. The territorial
restrictions of the old charter were to be removed, and the entire
world was to be the field of activity.
An amplification or extension of the charter drawn up in 1632 was
sanctioned and approved by Gustavus Adolphus shortly before the
disaster at Lützen. Axel Oxenstierna, who endeavored to carry out the
wishes of his ruler, signed a commission for Willem Usselinx on May
1, 1632, ‘as general director of the New South Company.’ Memorials and
relations now followed each other in rapid succession, and soon an
exceptional opportunity presented itself for advancing the interest
of the new company. The convention at Heilbronn (1633) was induced to
give Usselinx a hearing, who was not slow to unfold the objects and
possibilities of his “trading combine” to the attending nobles. In June
the famous _Argonautica Gustaviana_ and _Mercurius Germanica_
were published at Frankfurt-on-Main, in which were embodied the
arguments presented by Usselinx in former memorials. The company was
again discussed at the convention of Frankfurt in the autumn as well
as at the second convention of Frankfurt in 1634. The great idea
finally promised to assume more definite form, as the diet actually
took an interest in it. Some changes were suggested in the charter,
and promises of aid were made. It seemed that the plan would finally
be embraced in earnest by forces capable of carrying it to a success.
The undaunted organizer saw the prize within reach for which he had
labored during a large part of his long and active life. This was on
September 17, 1634. But he was again to be disappointed. The next day
news arrived of the defeat of the armies of Fieldmarshal Horn and Duke
Bernhard, and thus came to an end the hopes and labors for the second
or New-South Company, which might have become of great importance
and produced far reaching results in the colonizing of North America.
[Illustration: Title-page of the _Argonautica
Gustaviana_.]
But Usselinx labored on. He made new proposals and wrote new accounts
and relations. He was engaged in a futile cause, however, and his
many projects mainly tended to fill the city and state archives of
Europe with “short memorials.” In the meantime other suggestions were
presented to Oxenstierna, which led to more definite results, and we
are now ready to trace the development of the activities, that led to
the founding of _New Sweden on the Delaware_.
PART II.
Founding of the New Sweden Company
and Colony, 1635–1643.
CHAPTER III.
THE FOUNDING OF THE NEW SWEDEN COMPANY AND THE
EARLY EXPEDITIONS TO THE DELAWARE.
I.
The South Company, as can be seen from the foregoing, had nothing to
do with the Swedish expeditions to the Delaware; it was the commercial
ambition of Swedish statesmen and their endeavors to interest Dutch
merchants in the copper trade that led to the founding of New Sweden.
Copper mining was one of the most important industries in Sweden during
the first half of the seventeenth century, and the copper trade was
of great significance and a source of large income to the Swedish
government. The crown borrowed millions with copper as security and
many of its debts to Dutch merchants were paid with this metal. But
the price fell occasionally, leaving the crown a heavy loser. The
Copper Company was not a success, and the trade was often dull, due to
overstocked markets and the manipulation of speculators. Considering
the importance of the article and the condition of the Swedish treasury
at a time, when the little kingdom was taking a leading part in one of
the greatest wars of history, we are not surprised to find that Swedish
statesmen paid particular attention to this trade. They were always
seeking new markets for the red metal. Their plans were not limited to
Europe; they looked even to America and Africa for customers. Conrad
von Falkenburg, Swedish commissioner in Holland, had interviews with
Dutch merchants about copper exportation to the West Indies, and made
reports about it to Chancellor Oxenstierna. One of these merchants
was Samuel Blommaert, a prominent businessman of Amsterdam. He had
been interested in the Swedish copper trade for years, and had other
dealings with the Swedish crown. He had also, together with several
others, erected a brass factory at Nacka, near Stockholm. In 1635
his connections with Swedish affairs became closer. Oxenstierna,
finding after the misfortunes of 1634–1635 and the miscarriage of
his son’s mission in England that there was no “choice but to accept
Richelieu’s predominance,” set out for Paris to effect an agreement
with France. On his return in April he visited The Hague and spent
some time at Amsterdam in May, where he had interviews with some of
the principal merchants and exporters of Holland. Being especially
desirous of improving the copper and iron trades, as business was poor,
he naturally called on Samuel Blommaert, who was apparently well
acquainted with the subject.
[Illustration: Axel Oxenstierna. (H.)]
Oxenstierna’s interview with Blommaert had large results: it became the
starting point for the founding of a colony. Markets for the principal
metals of Sweden were the main subjects of discussion. The thoughts
of Oxenstierna were again directed westward by Blommaert, and here we
have the germ of the New Sweden Company. Presenting “three points” for
the extension and increase of the Swedish copper and iron business,
Blommaert particularly emphasized the desirability of establishing
commercial relations with Guinea, where, in his opinion, profitable
markets could be found for copper and iron wares. He proposed that the
crown of Sweden should give _Octroy_ to a company with special and
exclusive trading privileges in Guinea and on the coast of Africa.
Being assured of reward and permanent employment in Swedish service
Blommaert undertook to send regular reports to the Chancellor. On June
3 (n. s.), 1635, shortly after Oxenstierna’s departure, he sent his
first letter, which summarized the various opinions and observations
already set forth at the interview, and he continued to report at brief
intervals throughout the summer and autumn, referring in almost every
letter “to the Guinean navigation.”
II.
In the autumn a new element was introduced, giving fresh vigor to the
plans of Swedish transatlantic trade: Peter Minuit had an interview
with Blommaert. Minuit, born at Wesel on the Rhine about 1580–5, was
of Wallon or French descent. His education, probably received at the
Gymnasium of Wesel, seems to have been Dutch and French. He appears to
have had little knowledge of German, for he writes Dutch and in Dutch
characters even to Oxenstierna (although his spelling is sometimes
German), and it is extremely improbable that he would have used that
language in writing to the Swedish chancellor, had he known German.
He married the sister of Henrick Huygen and knew and associated with
many of the wealthiest and most influential Hollanders of his time. It
seems that he removed to Amsterdam about 1624 (or earlier) on account
of the Spanish oppression. The following year he was appointed General
Director of New Netherland, but he was recalled after a period of seven
years, due to a change of policy in the management of the Dutch West
India Company. Returning to his native land in the summer of 1632, he
found it was harassed with war, making it impossible for him to obtain
suitable employment there. As he was a man of great energy he could
not be idle. Having a minute knowledge of the west coast of North
America and particularly of the Delaware territory, he realized the
opportunities for beginning a profitable trade there. The Delaware
formed an outlet for the beaver trade of an extensive area. He had
registered a colony at the mouth of the river in which Blommaert was
a large shareholder, and he had purchased land on Blommaert’s behalf
along the sea on the east side of the river. The Dutch West India
Company acquired a right to these tracts from the owners about the time
Minuit returned to Europe, but it was not powerful enough to properly
guard the river against intruders and its trading expeditions thither
were small and far between. It seems probable, therefore, that Minuit
offered his services to Blommaert in founding a new colony farther from
the sea, which by its more favorable location would monopolize the
beaver trade with the Indians. Be this as it may, Minuit’s plans found
in Blommaert a ready supporter. The latter realized the possibilities.
He had hopes of obtaining permanent employment from the Swedish
government. He was dissatisfied with the management of the Dutch West
India Company, and Minuit had just cause for complaint against the same
body. Why not, therefore, found a Dutch-Swedish opposition company,
which, under Swedish protection, could send trading expeditions to the
Delaware? This should be easy, as Swedish statesmen were interested in
the West Indian trade and anxious to extend Swedish commerce; and Dutch
capitalists could be readily found to finance such a venture.
Almost immediately Blommaert transmitted the project to the Chancellor,
before whom Minuit was willing and anxious to explain his proposals
in person. Reports were also sent to Peter Spiring, the Swedish agent
in Holland, who conferred (May, 1636) with Blommaert and Minuit about
“the new navigation” and the copper trade to Africa and Guinea. They
expressed the belief that a successful company could be formed, if
special privileges were guaranteed, and Spiring “gave them good
promises.”
[Illustration: Spiring’s letter (April 1 (11), 1642) to
Admiral Fleming, signed by “Petter Spiering van Noshollem.”]
Minuit, who had been requested to visit Oxenstierna at Stralsund before
the latter’s return to Sweden, was detained, forwarding a memorial
as a substitute, in which we have the first written “project of New
Sweden” and the name used for the first time. “The English, French
and Dutch”, he says, “have occupied large tracts of land in the New
World. Sweden should no longer abstain from making her name known
in foreign countries.” The opportune moment had come for the nation
to begin a small enterprise, which would grow into great magnitude.
A voyage should be made to certain places in the neighborhood of
Virginia, New Netherland and other districts adjacent, which were
to be occupied and called _New Sweden_. A ship of 120 to 200 tons
burden, carrying twelve cannon and a crew of from 20 to 25 men, was
necessary. The cargo for trade with the Indians would cost between ten
and twelve thousand florins and should consist of “adzes, hatches,
kettles, _duffels_ and other merchandise.” Supplies and provisions
for twelve months should be furnished. The Swedish government should
send twelve soldiers to garrison and guard the places to be occupied,
and it should provide ammunition and a bark or yacht, which could be
used in the colony for the purpose of trade. The entire expense of
the expedition would be about 16,000 florins, half of which would be
contributed by Minuit, who also offered to become leader and director
of the enterprise. A charter should be given by the crown of Sweden
to the participants, prohibiting all others from sailing to these
parts for twenty years on pain of confiscation of cargo and ship, also
granting the new company exemption from duty in Sweden on incoming and
outgoing goods for a period of ten years. The memorial was dated at
Amsterdam on June 15, 1636, and probably reached Oxenstierna a week or
so later.
Shortly after its arrival the chancellor prepared to leave for Sweden.
Peace negotiations were closed for the moment, and his presence in
Stockholm was of the utmost importance. The government there wavered.
The war was becoming more and more unpopular, and the people were
wearied of the many extra taxes and ever recurring conscriptions.
Oxenstierna’s enthusiasm was needed to encourage the drooping spirits,
his influence and unquestioned authority were wanted to give force
and emphasis to the orders and acts of the government. About July 4,
he embarked at Stralsund, and on the thirteenth he was in the Swedish
capital. With his arrival new life was instilled into the machinery of
state. Almost immediately changes were noticed in every department.
The conflicting interests of the different estates were to some extent
united; many branches of the government were re-organized and new
departments were added; the finances were placed on a firmer basis;
steps were taken to improve and aid the industries, and commerce and
trade were encouraged.
When Oxenstierna had attended to the most urgent matters of state
he returned to the commercial plans of Blommaert and Minuit, and
“presented some propositions drawn up by Spiring ... concerting another
Guinean company” at a meeting of the council of state on September
27, 1636. It seems that the council ventilated the matter at further
sessions, for when Spiring departed from Sweden in October, he was
instructed to confer with Blommaert and other Dutchmen about the
organizing of a trading company. He was also authorized to engage
Blommaert as a commercial agent for the Swedish crown. In the autumn
of 1636 and in the early part of the following year Spiring arranged
new conferences with Minuit and Blommaert about the proposed voyages
to America as well as the expedition to the coast of Guinea and other
places. Spiring held that the activities of the new company should
be directed towards the Gold Coast, where copper would find ready
purchasers and where big profits could be expected. He called the
New Sweden project, as outlined by Minuit, a small undertaking, and
intimated that the profits would accordingly not be large. But neither
Blommaert nor Minuit were in sympathy with Spiring’s ideas; their
desire was now to found a colony on the Delaware. It was accordingly
decided to form a company for trade and colonization on the coast of
North America “from Florida to Terra Nova” (Newfoundland). Spiring
wished to ascertain the opinions of other merchants and experts on the
subject; but Blommaert and Minuit objected to this and advised complete
secrecy, until the localities selected for colonization were occupied,
fearing that their intentions would become known to the Dutch West
India Company and their plans killed in the hatching. Minuit as it
seems presented charts and maps of the Delaware region, which in his
opinion offered singular advantages, and thither the first expedition
was to be sent. Half of the capital required was to be raised in
Holland, the other half in Sweden. Minuit was to lead the expedition
and manage the colonial affairs. Blommaert was to direct the business
of the company in Holland; he was to buy goods for the expeditions and
make other necessary preparations, and he was to outline the programme
of the company, and draft the papers and proposals for privileges to be
laid before the Swedish government. Finally he was to correspond with
Fleming in Sweden, and make frequent reports to him.
Meanwhile reports had been sent to the government by Spiring about his
activities on behalf of “the new navigations.” These reports imparted
new interest to the subject in Sweden, and Klas Fleming was appointed
to take charge of the work at the capital.
[Illustration: Klas Fleming.]
III.
In the early part of 1637, when definite conclusions had been reached
by the Dutch participants, Minuit was sent to Sweden to superintend
the preparations of the expedition as well as to give all necessary
information to Fleming and other members of the government interested
in the new company. Shortly after his arrival in Stockholm, however,
he became ill, somewhat delaying the work.
About the beginning of May Minuit was able to resume his duties. The
original plans having been altered, the council of state decided to
furnish two vessels and a sloop and to fit out a larger expedition than
the memorials called for. Consequently the preliminary preparations in
Sweden consumed more time than the Dutch organizers expected. Other
circumstances also caused delays. Finally the government granted a
charter, which (together with other papers) Minuit carried to Amsterdam
in August, when he returned there to complete the preparations.
Blommaert had been busy during the summer buying cloth and other
merchandise for the Indian trade. He had also engaged a number of
experienced sailors, as these were difficult to hire in Sweden. The
sailors and officers together with a large part of the cargo were
sent to Sweden in the summer; and on August 22, Blommaert wrote that
“the rest of all necessary supplies was being shipped to Gothenburg
and Minuit with two barbers and other officers was going on the same
vessel.”
The preparations in Sweden advanced slowly, although Fleming did his
utmost to get the expedition under way. Ammunition and considerable
cash was supplied by the government. Two ships (also furnished by
the crown), the _Kalmar Nyckel_, commanded by Captain Anders
Nilsson Krober, and the _Fogel Grip_, commanded by Lieutenant
Jacob Barben, were at last ready and set sail from Stockholm about
the middle of August. They arrived at Gothenburg about three weeks
later, for in the beginning of September, Minuit was busy loading the
boats. The cargoes consisted of several thousand yards of duffels and
other cloth, several hundred axes, hatchets and adzes, several hundred
knives, dozens of tobacco pipes, mirrors and looking glasses, gilded
chains and finger rings, combs, ear-rings and other ornaments,--all for
the Indian trade. Spades, hoes and other implements of agriculture were
also included for the use of the colony.
Probably half of the sailors were Hollanders, the other half, Swedes.
The majority of the soldiers sent to garrison the forts were Swedes,
commanded by Måns Nelsson Kling. Henrick Huygen, a relative of Minuit,
was appointed commissioner of the colony. Jan Hindricksen van der
Water was skipper on the _Kalmar Nyckel_, and Michael Symonsen
was first mate, who, in case of Minuit’s disablement, should take
command. Andreas Jöransson was skipper on the _Grip_. Memorials
and instructions were given to the officers, and several secret
articles were drawn up for Peter Minuit, giving minute details as to
his journey. He was to sail in the summer, taking course “behind
England and Scotland”, and crossing the ocean about the 44th degree.
His first destination was to be Sable Island, if such a course were
possible. The island was to be thoroughly explored and carefully mapped
and sketched, with clear indications of all rivers, harbors and roads.
It was to be called Christina and occupied in the name of the Swedish
crown, by the erecting of the Swedish coat-of-arms. Minuit was to hunt
the black foxes reported to be plentiful on the island, and he was to
capture calves or cattle, which were to be taken to the South River.
Having performed his duties at Sable Island, he was to proceed to the
South River, buying _sawant_ from the Indians along the coast. In
case, however, the wind proved too westerly for such a course, he was
to go by way of the Caribbees between Cuba and Spaniola and thence to
the South River.
Arriving there he was to sail up to the Minquas Kill, where he was to
establish communications with the Indians. Having done so he was to
explore the river as far as the Sankikan Kill, “seeing to it that his
people did no harm to the savages,” and he was to buy the land on the
west side of the Delaware between the aforesaid two streams. He was
to erect the Swedish coat-of-arms at the northern and southern limits
of the land, which was then to be called _New Sweden_. His basis
of operations was to be the Minquas Kill, where he was to erect a
stronghold, giving it, with the firing of cannon, the name of New
Stockholm. He was to begin the beaver trade with the Indians, and he
should buy cattle, horses, sheep, goats and pigs at New Amsterdam for
the establishment of his colony.
After completing his business in the South River, he was to proceed on
board the _Kalmar Nyckel_ to the coast of Florida. Here he was
also to take possession of land in the name of the Swedish government
by erecting the Swedish coat-of-arms and by calling the territory
_New Sweden_.
A letter containing thirty-two articles directed to the commander as
well as the sailors and soldiers was also given to Minuit. The officers
and men were to keep good watch day and night and they were always to
be prepared for every emergency, having their arms in readiness to
fight if necessary. Stealing was to be severely punished, no fighting
between the sailors was to be allowed and all drunkenness was strictly
prohibited, breakers of this rule being put into irons for three days.
Playing at dice as well as all other games of chance were forbidden; no
one was to barter on his own account, or to handle goods belonging to
private merchants. Prayers were to be conducted morning and evening,
and any one absent from these exercises without due cause would be
fined six _styvers_.
[Illustration: Fort Elfsborg near Gothenburg.]
The preparations dragged on in spite of all the efforts of Fleming
and Minuit and the cold northern winter was gradually advancing,
threatening to retard the expedition for months. In the beginning of
November, however, the two gallant little vessels left the harbor of
Gothenburg with the first Swedish-American emigrants on board and were
soon ploughing into a heavy sea. Fearful storms separated the ships
and only after “a month’s cruising about” did the _Kalmar Nyckel_
arrive at Texel, leaking, minus its prow and a mast. A week later the
_Grip_ arrived, also badly used. The suffering of the poor people
must have been intense, and it was fortunate that repairs and contrary
winds gave them a chance to recuperate.
The ships were repaired with all speed, a new pilot was assigned
to them and about December 20 everything was in readiness for the
continuation of the voyage; but contrary winds interfered a few days.
In the meantime Kiliaen van Rensselaer, a friend of Minuit, availing
himself of the occasion, sent several cases of merchandise on board the
_Kalmar Nyckel_, and engaged passage for six colonists. Towards
the end of the month the wind turned, and on December 31 (n. s.), the
last day of the year, 1637, the little expedition gave itself “to the
broad ocean with its dead calms and howling tempests, its tornadoes and
its billows mountain high.”
We know nothing about the journey across the Atlantic--Minuit’s diary
and log are lost; but the ships reached the Delaware in good condition,
and sailed up the river about the middle of March, 1638.[9]
Having established his colony according to his instructions, Minuit
left the Delaware some time in June on board the _Kalmar Nyckel_,
destined for the island of St. Christopher. Arriving there he exchanged
his cargo of wine and distilled liquors for tobacco. While in the
harbor Minuit with his skipper was invited as a guest on board “the
_Flying Deer_ from Rotterdam.” A sudden storm arose which drove
the ship out to sea. She was heard of no more, and Minuit with the
other passengers disappeared for ever. The _Kalmar Nyckel_ was
also blown out of port, but she returned with some other ships,
having suffered only slight injury. After waiting for Minuit a few
days the vessel set sail for Europe. About the beginning of October
she arrived in the North Sea near the coast of Holland, where she was
again overtaken by a severe storm. The carpenter was forced to cut
the main mast, and the vessel was so severely damaged that it became
necessary to put into Vlie for repairs. Here the ship was seized by
officers of the Dutch West India Company, as the skipper refused to
show his commission, and import duty was demanded on the cargo. Word
was sent to Spiring, who presented a protest to the States General.
His intercession became unnecessary, however, for the ship was
liberated, as soon as it was ascertained that the skipper sailed under
the authority of the Swedish crown (the relations between Sweden and
Holland being very cordial at this time).
In December Spiring caused four officers from the _Kalmar Nyckel_
to appear before Peter Ruttens, a notary public, in Amsterdam to report
under oath about Minuit’s proceedings in New Sweden.
The circumstances attending the land purchase were especially
emphasized and related in detail, as they formed the basis for the
maintenance of the Swedish title to the new land against possible
protests and contention of the Dutch West India Company. A document was
drawn up in Dutch giving the testimony of the four men, “in the sight
and presence of the honest Cornelius Vignois and David Willet, called
in for this purpose as creditable witnesses.” A certified translation
into German was also made.
The _Grip_, having cruised about in Central American waters for a
period, left New Sweden towards the end of April, 1639, and arrived at
Gothenburg about the beginning of June, an exceedingly fast journey for
those days.
When the _Grip_ returned it was possible to estimate the success
of this first venture of the company. Pelts valued at 15,426 florins
and tobacco estimated at 7,423 florins made up the cargo of the two
ships, while the expenses reached the sum of over 46,000 florins. The
expedition therefore proved a financial failure as far as the immediate
returns were concerned. The Dutch shareholders, who were dissatisfied
even before the ships left Europe, on account of the late start and
the heavy expense, were now thoroughly discouraged and desirous of
withdrawing from the company. They refused to contribute to a second
expedition, but were finally persuaded to do so.
IV.
As early as the spring and summer of 1638 Fleming made proposals
for a second voyage, and in the autumn, when some of the results of
the first voyage became known, he advised the sending of a large
expedition to the new colony. A little later the council resolved
that the _Dove_ and other ships “which were suitable should be
employed for the benefit of the company.” At this time Fleming also
invited Willem Usselinx to Stockholm as an adviser, but the veteran
projector of companies was detained in Germany, it seems, and could
not go. Furthermore he thought that the New Sweden colony would never
be a success, since not much besides peltries and tobacco could be
purchased there.
When the papers, Indian deeds and other documents, from New Sweden
arrived in Stockholm, Fleming’s enthusiasm was still further kindled.
The preparations for a new voyage, which had rested for a while, were
at once resumed. The colony was to be populated. Funds were to be
raised by selling the stock of the South Company or otherwise, and an
able manager was to be engaged, who could take charge of the work.
Fleming ordered a certain ship bought by the city of Norrköping to be
rebuilt at Västervik for the transportation of “cattle and people”, and
he proposed the repairing of other vessels for a journey. He suggested
that Swedish colonists should be prevailed upon to migrate, and that
some Dutch might be allowed to settle in New Sweden, so that the land
would be speedily peopled.
A successor to Minuit could not be found, however, and Usselinx, who
had been requested to suggest a proper person, wrote that he “knew of
no one he could recommend.” But a factor was appointed at Gothenburg in
the person of Timon van Schottingen, who “as a capable person was to
manage the West Indian trade” at that place. He was to have a salary
of 200 D. annually, beginning on January 1, 1639. Hans Weis was also
commissioned to aid in the preparations, and he manifested great
interest and diligence in the work.
Captain Cornelis van Vliet was appointed commander of this _the
second expedition_. He had been in Swedish service for about ten
years (being skipper on the Looff expedition, 1632–3), and he seems to
have gained the full confidence of Fleming and other members of the
government. “The Crown and Queen”, says his instruction, “having made
a serious resolution not only to continue the Virginian navigation
but to carry it on with more vigor than before”, desired him “to go
to the West Indies on board the _Kalmar Nyckel_ to find out the
location of the colony.” He was charged to learn the condition of the
inhabitants, their trade and occupation, the kind of clothing they used
and the articles they most needed; he should observe the fisheries and
the best way to populate the country and finally he was to hire several
officers and sailors in Holland for the journey.
After long delays money was furnished to Blommaert, who purchased
supplies and a new cargo. As these were about to be loaded into the
_Kalmar Nyckel_ (the vessel was still at Amsterdam), orders were
received from Fleming that the ship should intercept, and if possible,
capture Count Kurtz, who was on his way to Denmark and Poland on a
diplomatic mission for Emperor Ferdinand III. The return voyage was
thus unduly deferred. The supplies, being partly consumed by the crew
in Holland, were completely exhausted when the ship plowed into the
port of Gothenburg in June, 1639. About the same time the _Grip_
also cast anchor in the harbor. Consequently the treasury of the
company was drained by the long pay rolls of the returning officers and
men who demanded their wages. But the preparations went on, although
Fleming’s intentions were not carried out, and only one vessel, the
_Kalmar Nyckel_, was to be sent. Money was supplied from the
customs at Gothenburg, and after some mishaps the ship was in readiness
for its second voyage.
Meanwhile great efforts to gather colonists had been made. Several
governors and other officials had been enlisted to look for emigrants.
Governor Hindrickson of Elfsborg was especially requested to engage
some artisans, such as blacksmiths, shoemakers, brickmakers, carpenters
and others, three or four of them to be married, who should take
their wives along to cook, make beer and wash for the settlers. As
it was difficult to find people willing to migrate on their own
accord, it was decided to deport to America, with their families and
property, deserted soldiers and others, who had committed some slight
misdemeanor. After one or two years they were allowed to return, if
they so desired. We do not know how many such colonists were sent on
the vessel, but their number must have been very small.
Several new officers went to New Sweden on this expedition, among whom
were Rev. Torkillus, Commander Ridder, Van Dyck and Van Langdonk. The
Rev. Reorus Torkillus was commissioned to look after the spiritual
needs of the settlement. He had been educated at Lidköping and Skara
and had been employed as lecturer and chaplain in Gothenburg before his
charge in New Sweden. He became the pioneer of Lutheranism in the new
world and the first Lutheran clergyman within the United States. Peter
Hollender Ridder was appointed commander at Fort Christina. Ridder
entered the Swedish service about 1635 and was employed in various
capacities before his present appointment. His instruction, which was
dated July 1, 1639, directed him to rule over the people gathered at
Fort Christina, and “to work for the good and success of the company
and the crown.” Joost van Langdonk was sent out as factor in the place
of Henrick Huygen, and Gregorius van Dyck, whose name will often be
found in the following pages, was to serve as assistant commissioner.
Fleming at first intended to ship over a large number of horses and
cattle, but, as the settlers had no fodder, it was later thought
advisable to wait until the following spring. “Only four mares and two
young horses and a number of farming implements are now sent over”,
writes the admiral, “so that the colonists can make a trial with
seeding in the autumn.”
In the beginning of September the _Kalmar Nyckel_ left the harbor
for its long journey “with people, horses, fodder and provisions.”
In the North Sea she sprang a leak and had to run into Medemblik for
repairs. Twice the ship set sail, but was twice compelled to return
to harbor, as the repairs had been badly done. The vessel was then
taken to Amsterdam, where it was discovered that various frauds had
been perpetrated. The captain was removed from his service, and Pouwel
Jansen appointed in his place. Some new sailors were also hired and
paid two months wages in advance. Finally the ship was again ready, but
new troubles were in store for it. A great storm swept over the coast
on December 27 still further delaying the expedition. Consequently the
expenses were increasing, and the total cost of the voyage had now
reached nearly 16,000 D. On February 7, however, the ship glided out of
the harbor under full sails, setting course through the English Channel
and thence probably direct across the ocean.
Fleming and Blommaert were unfortunate in their selection of officers
for the expedition. Joost van Langdonk cared little for the vessel,
and left her to the charge of Van Dyck and the lieutenant. On the
journey Van Langdonk and the skipper passed their time in smoking and
drinking and in scolding Van Dyck and the Swedes. They were especially
bitter against the Lutheran religion, even forbidding Van Dyck to
attend service, and they treated Rev. Torkillus in a most disrespectful
manner. “As our preacher came”, wrote Van Dyck, “in order to make
prayer, they ran away, as if they had seen the devil. And when, on
March 17, a youth asked for a little wine for the preacher who was sick
I am ashamed to write the answer [he got].” The factor and the skipper
managed things to suit themselves, and took no council with the other
officers. Consequently the discipline was poor, and drunkenness was
common, the steward himself being intoxicated daily.
The ship encountered severe storms, causing great hardships to the
people and cattle; but she arrived safely in New Sweden on the
seventeenth of April, 1640. She was speedily made ready for her return
journey and on or shortly after May 14 she left the colony with a large
cargo, destined for Sweden. She reached Gothenburg about the beginning
of July. Here Hans Weis took charge of the ship, until her cargo was
sent to Stockholm, where it was to be sold. Several colonists returned
to Sweden on the _Kalmar Nyckel_ in 1640, among whom were Henrick
Huygen and Måns Kling.
The Dutch members desired to withdraw from the company, when the first
expedition returned; but their investments forced them to remain.
They reluctantly agreed to pay for half of the provisions and cargo
bought in Holland for the second expedition, but they would incur none
of the expenses of the _Kalmar Nyckel_ on her outward voyage in
the winter of 1640. They were stockholders in the Dutch West India
company, and their membership in the Swedish organization was becoming
uncomfortable for them.
The Swedish government finally decided to buy the Dutch shares. In
February, 1641 “His Excellency the Treasurer said that the government
has found it expedient to release the Dutch participants from the New
Indian or Florida company, since they are a hindrance to us.” The Dutch
stockholders agreed to be satisfied with 18,000 florins, which was a
little less than the money they had furnished, above the proceeds of
the first voyage, and on February 20 Peter Spiring was instructed to
pay them the above sum.
The company was now operated entirely by Swedish capital. It was
re-organized and several new officers were engaged. Blommaert, although
no longer a stockholder, continued to aid the expeditions until he
severed his connections with the Swedish crown, and Peter Spiring
and other Swedish agents in Holland served the company, as before,
in various capacities. Sometime in 1640 Johan Beier was appointed
treasurer at Stockholm, and late in the summer Benjamin Bonnel was made
factor. He was to have a salary of 600 D. a year, besides traveling
expenses and his duties were to sell all cargoes coming from America
and to manage the company’s tobacco-trade in Sweden. In January 1641
Hans Kramer was engaged as bookkeeper at a salary of 400 D. a year.
Klas Fleming remained president and director, and continued to sign the
memorials and instructions for the other officers.
About this time a certain Robert Smythe (an English merchant), having
observed that Oxenstierna “was a lover of the foreign trade” which had
been established with America, offered his services to the chancellor,
and selected thirty Swedes (among whom were two students from Upsala
and two noblemen), willing to go on an expedition. He stated that New
Sweden could be settled by foreign people, if desirable privileges,
freedom from duty for some years and religious liberty, were granted
and he made various suggestions concerning Swedish commerce and trade.
Nothing, however, seems to have come out of his plans, but one of his
suggestions soon materialized--“a colony of foreign people” was about
to be planted in New Sweden under special privileges.
V.
It was Minuit’s intention to settle a large number of Dutch colonists
in New Sweden, but his idea died with him. A similar plan, however,
originated from another direction. “Certain people in Utrecht, seeing
that the burdens on the land fell heavier for every year and that
the farmer could hardly meet his expenses”, determined to go to New
Netherland, but satisfactory terms could not be arranged with the
Dutch West India Company. It was then decided to seek permission to
locate in New Sweden under a so-called _Patronat_ government.
Several influential stockholders of the Dutch company, interested in
the Utrecht people, applied as patrons, through Blommaert, to the
Swedish government for necessary rights and privileges. As there was
great delay in Sweden a special agent, Joost van Bogaert, was sent to
Stockholm to lay the matter before the council of state. On January
24, 1640, a charter was finally issued by the government. The original
draft was made out to Godard van Reede, Heer van der Nederhorst; but
his name was later withdrawn and Hendrik Hooghkamer’s substituted in
its place. The charter stated that the colony should be placed on the
west side of the South River at least “four or five common German
miles” (about twenty English miles) above Fort Christina; that is to
say about four to nine miles below Philadelphia. The patrons should be
granted as much land on both sides of the river as was necessary for
their settlement, on the condition, however, that it be improved within
ten years. If the lands at first chosen proved unsatisfactory, other
places could be selected with the consent of the Swedish governor. The
_patrons_, their associates and their posterity, should enjoy and
possess “for ever as an allodial or hereditary property” all fisheries,
woods, minerals, springs and other natural resources, as well as “wind
mills and other such advantages and utilities”, which were already
found there or would be established. They were granted the right to
found all kinds of manufactories; they could carry on commerce, and,
with ships built in New Sweden, they were at liberty to trade in the
West Indies, on the coast of Africa and in the Mediterranean Sea.
They were assured religious liberty, but were admonished to avoid all
strife and unnecessary disputes. They were under obligation to support
as many ministers of the gospel and school masters as the number of
inhabitants made necessary, and they should especially appoint persons,
who had the conversion of the poor pagans at heart. They were granted
authority to exercise “higher and lower justice in their district”, to
establish and issue statutes and ordinances, to appoint magistrates and
officers, and to “use the titles and coat-of-arms of their colony” on
all official documents; but they were to acknowledge the jurisdiction
and sovereignty of the Swedish crown and of the governor of New Sweden,
and all statutes and laws passed by them were to be approved by the
aforesaid governor. They were to be under the protection of the Royal
Swedish Government, but they were to suffer no encroachments upon
their liberties by the same; they were to pay a tax of three florins a
year for each family, as an acknowledgment of Swedish authority, but
they were to be free for ten years from duties, excises and all other
contributions. After the expiration of that period a duty of five
per cent., or more, if necessary, was to be collected on all exports
and imports for the support of the government and the defense of the
colony. The inhabitants and their descendants were never to be pressed
into military service, but they were expected to aid in defending the
settlement against attacks. Finally they were guaranteed exemption
“from all confiscations of their property” and fines, imposed for
various reasons, were never to exceed 100 florins or 40 R. D., but the
government reserved the right to mete out “all kinds of punishments
other than fines according to the nature of the offence.”
Joost van Bogaert, who was hired to act as agent in the colony at a
yearly salary of 500 florins, paid by the Swedish government, departed
from Sweden in the early spring of 1640 to take charge of the Utrecht
expedition. The _patrons_ intended to dispatch “two or three
ships with people, cattle and other things belonging to agriculture”,
so as to establish a firm settlement, which was later to be augmented
by a great number of colonists. But difficulties arose and finally
only one ship was prepared. Hollanders were at this time prohibited by
law from entering the service of foreign powers and severe punishment
was prescribed for the breaking of the statute. Consequently Bogaert
found it impossible to execute his commission. But Peter Spiring
readily obtained permission from the States General to equip a ship in
the Netherlands and to hire Dutch sailors, as the relations between
Denmark and Holland were becoming strained and the States were bidding
for the friendship of Sweden. The Dutch West India Company, however,
endeavored to frustrate the Utrecht plan without offending the Swedish
government. To this effect a report was circulated that the garrison at
Fort Christina had deserted for want of sustenance and repaired to New
Amsterdam. Another rumor was floated that the _Kalmar Nyckel_ had
been captured by Turks on its second voyage. The first article of the
Dutch charter, which granted to the West India Company sole right of
trade within the limits of New Netherland, was also a serious obstacle.
The Company excepted the territory surrounding Fort Christina out of
respect for Sweden, but “those, who settled on other places of the
South River outside of Minquas Kill, should be treated as trespassers
of the _Octroy_ and would not only have their ships and goods
confiscated, but would also be prosecuted.” Dutch skippers were
therefore unwilling to let their ship for fear of confiscation.
[Illustration: New Amsterdam, about 1650.]
In spite of all interference, however, a ship carrying twenty-five
cannon and fifty colonists was ready to lift anchor on July 28,
1640. The date of sailing is uncertain and the circumstances of the
voyage across the ocean are unknown, but the ship reached Christina
on November 2. She left the colony a month later with a cargo of
skins, the property of the New Sweden company. The skins were sold in
Amsterdam for 5,360 florins.[10]
VI.
Meanwhile activities had been in progress for a new voyage from
Sweden, and a cargo (again bought in Holland) had been stored at
Gothenburg. Fleming once more planned to fit out a large expedition,
and the government hoped that “New Sweden would in time redound to
the benefit and honor of the Swedish Crown and to the prosperity and
improvement of its citizens.” Governor Hindrickson, who had aided
former expeditions, was instructed through letter to “collect people
with wives and children, cattle and horses, and all other goods, and
prevail upon them to go to” the colony. A great many Finns had for
half a century or more migrated to northern Sweden, where they lived
a vagrant, unsettled life by hunting, fishing and destroying the
forests. As their numbers increased complaints against them became
frequent, and their removal from the country was often demanded. Since
voluntary emigrants failed to appear it was decided that some of these
vagrant Finns, who could not be entrusted with uncultivated farms,
should be compelled to settle at Fort Christina. But even these efforts
proved insufficient and it became necessary to order Måns Kling, who
knew “what a splendid and productive country New Sweden was”, on two
different occasions “to collect and hire a multitude of roving people,
that nowhere have a steady residence and dwelling.” Johan Printz, later
governor of the colony, was likewise asked to look for skilled workmen
and young people, willing to go to America, and at least one colonist,
the bookkeeper Karl Jansson, came through him.
The colonists of northern and central Sweden assembled at Stockholm,
where the ship _Charitas_ was being prepared for the voyage.
The _Charitas_ left the capital on May 3, 1641, en route for
Gothenburg with thirty-five souls on board, and she cast anchor near
Elfsborg about the beginning of June. Here the trusty _Kalmar
Nyckel_, the second ship of the _fourth expedition_, was being
put in a seafaring condition.
It seems probable that the _Kalmar Nyckel_ carried the majority of
the settlers, while the horses, goats, cattle, sheep and the farming
implements were stowed in the _Charitas_. The majority of the
sailors and soldiers on the vessels were Swedes, but the officers
with one or two exceptions were Dutchmen, and there was a sailor boy
from Dublin among the messmates. The expedition went to sea in July,
touching at Holland and France, and on August 19 the colonists said
farewell to the shores of Europe. The voyage was a stormy one. Two of
the emigrants and some cattle died, and when the vessels arrived at
Fort Christina, November 7, “the remaining people were very weak and
powerless.”
Huygen tried his best to buy a cargo for the ships, but the fur trade
had been ruined by the English, and only a small quantity of tobacco
could be obtained. The ships returned to Sweden about November 29,
1641, by way of Rochelle, France. After loading a quantity of salt
into the ships at Rochelle the captains sailed for Holland. As usual
provisions were almost exhausted, and the men and officers clamored
for pay. Money was supplied through Spiring, and assistance was given
by Blommaert and Trotzig, enabling the vessels to proceed to Sweden.
They ran into Gothenburg about April 15, and arrived at Stockholm in
the early part of June, 1642.
About this time all reference to Samuel Blommaert in connection with
the company ceases, and in the autumn he severed his relations with the
Swedish government, for on October 7, 1642, the minutes of the council
say that Blommaert’s salary could be used for the paying of two new
commissaries, “since he _now_ withdraws from the service.”
VII.
The trade of the company in Europe was not an entire success. The first
cargoes of skins were sold in Holland at a good price, but the peltry
trade in Sweden was not remunerative. The tobacco trade, however, soon
assumed great proportions. A storehouse was rented, where tobacco and
skins were stocked under the charge of Bonnell, who began his work as
factor shortly after his appointment. In spite of prohibitions and
ordinances smuggling and illegal trade was conducted on a large scale.
Yet the company’s tobacco trade went so well that several ship loads
were imported from Holland, and the profits amounted to over 14,000
D. The heavy expenses of the expeditions, however, not only wiped out
these earnings, but even left a deficit of over 32,000 D., and when
the _Charitas_ and the _Kalmar Nyckel_ returned from New Sweden in
June, 1642, the company was obliged to borrow 3,000 R. D. for immediate
expenses.
We have come to the end of the first period of the company’s life.
It is now in place to see what was done on the Delaware, and how the
colony planted there grew and developed.
[Illustration:
The research room in the Royal Archives, showing some
of the volumes relating to New Sweden, preserved in the
Royal Archives and in the Archives of the Exchequer (The
Kammararkiv), Stockholm.]
CHAPTER IV.
THE FOUNDING AND FIRST PERIOD OF THE COLONY, 1638–1643.
I.
It is not now possible to say, who was the first European to visit
the Delaware. Perhaps the Irish or Scotch saw its waters in the early
centuries of our era, if the legends of their American voyages be true.
Perhaps some bold Viking in the eleventh century ventured as far south
along the New England coast as the 39th degree, when the Norsemen
planted colonies on this continent, and, according to tradition,
established churches here. Possibly some lonely Frenchman or Portuguese
driven out of his course by accident touched the lordly Delaware,
years before Columbus set sail from Cadiz; or it may be that some
Norman, Briton or Basque, coasting along the North American continent
on his way to the cod-fisheries of Newfoundland, saw the famous river,
long before Hudson made his memorable voyage. Cabot might have passed
within sight of Cape Henlopen in 1497; that Verrazzano sailed by the
Delaware in 1524 is quite certain. It has been stated “that the coast
of New York and the neighboring districts” were known to the Spaniards
almost a century before Hudson came here. Estévan Gomes “is said to
have visited the country at latitudes 40 and 41 degrees north” in 1525,
and a year later Lucas Vasquez de Aillon and Matienzo made landings,
and explored the country south and east of New York. De Costa thinks
that the French visited New York harbor prior to 1562, and it has been
claimed that they had a fort on Castle Island within the present limits
of Albany. Is it not, therefore, reasonable to think that they may have
visited the Delaware? Bradford wrote in 1627 that the Dutch traded on
the Hudson “this six or seven and twenty years.” If so, may we not
suppose that some Dutch skipper eager for gain would search for new
fields of traffic with the natives, and on his way southward find the
“mighty river”? All this merely goes to show, how utterly impossible it
is to determine, who was really the first European to get a glimpse of
the river, where Dutch, Swedes and English were later to contend for
the mastery.
In 1609 we tread on firm and historic ground. Henry Hudson, an
Englishman of London, undertook to discover a short route to Asia by
the north for the Dutch East India Company. On Saturday, March 25,
1609, he set sail in the _Half Moon_, Robert Jewitt being second
mate; and on August 28, at seven in the evening, he “anchored in eight
fathoms of water” in Delaware Bay, “weighing at the break of day” the
next morning. Returning to Europe in October, he arrived at Dartmouth
in November, whence he sent a report to the Dutch East India Company.
This report kindled the interest of Dutch merchants, and several
expeditions were sent to the land visited by Hudson. The English were
also navigating these waters, and in August, 1610, Captain Samuel
Argall anchored in the Delaware, naming the South point of the bay
“Cape de la Ware.” About this time the English of Virginia began to
call the mouth of the river Delaware Bay in honor of their governor,--a
name which was soon applied to the entire river.
In the spring of 1616 Cornelis Hendricksen was sent from New Amsterdam
(the Dutch trading post at present New York) in the _Onrust_
(Restlessness) to explore the coast southward. He discovered “certain
lands, a bay (the Delaware) and three rivers”, making it probable that
he ascended to the mouth of the Schuylkill or at least to the Minquas
Kill. On his return to Holland in the same year he presented a report
and a figurative map, the first of the Delaware known to exist. The
river was soon called the South River by the Dutch to distinguish it
from the North River or the Hudson. In 1620 Cornelis May of Hoorn
sailed up the Delaware, where he discovered “some new and fruitful
lands,” and after him the Dutch called the mouth of the river _New
Port May_.
The year 1621 is an eventful one in the history of the Delaware
country. The Dutch West India Company, organized by Willem Usselinx,
was chartered in June, and from now on trading expeditions were sent at
intervals direct to the South River.
In 1623 Captain May of Hoorn erected Fort Nassau on the east side of
the river a little below present Camden to protect the beaver traffic
and to keep out traders, who had no permit from the West India Company.
In a few years, however, the stronghold was deserted. In 1631 Samuel
Blommaert in company with others, having purchased certain tracts from
the natives, planted a colony on the west bank of the Horn Kill; but
all the settlers, except one man, were killed by the Indians, shortly
after their arrival, and in 1635 the title was sold to the Dutch West
India Company.
English and French vessels likewise visited the river for barter with
the natives. Two different royal grants given to Englishmen included
the Delaware and attempts at settlements seem to have been made by the
English. It has also been said that King Charles I transferred his
interests in this territory to Sweden about 1634.
In the summer of 1633 Fort Nassau was re-occupied by the Dutch. A house
was built and other improvements were made. About this time the new
commissioner Arent Corsen purchased a tract of land on the Schuylkill
from several Indian chiefs, and seems to have erected a blockhouse at a
place convenient for the beaver trade. But the fort was soon deserted
for the fourth time. In 1636 or 1637, however, a new garrison of about
twenty men was stationed there with Jan Jansen as commissioner and
Peter May as assistant, and this force was maintained when the Swedes
arrived in the spring of 1638.
II.
About the fifteenth of March the two little ships of the Swedes, the
_Kalmar Nyckel_ and the _Fogel Grip_, appeared in the bay. “Nature
was sleeping”, the trees were bare, and the loveliness which summer
imparts to the Delaware shores was absent; but, if the legend be true,
the beauty of the region in spite of its disadvantages impressed the
pioneers, who landed at a particularly charming spot, which they called
the Paradise Point. From there the ships undoubtedly proceeded with the
first favorable wind.
Arriving at the mouth of the Minquas Kill, Minuit turned westward
into this stream. He sailed up as far as present Wilmington, casting
anchor before “a wharf of stones,” where the fortress was later built.
Indians had pitched their wig-wams there, and it was particularly
suitable for a landing place. The Swedish salute of two guns was
given, and Peter Minuit went ashore with some of his men. Thereupon
the director accompanied by Sandelin, Lucassen, Måns Kling and some
soldiers, made a journey up the Minquas Kill for several miles in the
sloop to reconnoitre and to establish connections with the Indians. He
also went some distance on foot into the woods with his followers, but
“saw no sign of Christian people.” Soon after Minuit’s return to the
ships several Indian chiefs, probably with a large following, appeared,
attracted by the reports of the Swedish cannon. A conference about the
sale of land was immediately arranged. Small gifts were distributed
to the chiefs, and they “were asked if they were willing to sell the
[Minquas] River and as many day’s journey of the land lying about it as
would be requested. This the chiefs agreed to with the common consent
of the different Indian Nations.” On the twenty-ninth of March, 1638,
five sachems, Mattahorn, Mitatsimint, Erupacken (probably the same as
Elupacken), Mahomen and Chiton, “appointed by the whole assembly”, were
invited into Minuit’s cabin on the _Kalmar Nyckel_, where they
sold as much “of the land in all parts and places of the river, up
the river and on both sides, as Minuit desired.” Deeds were prepared
in Dutch and their contents were explained to the Indians by Andreas
Lucassen, the interpreter. “For value received in merchandise the
Indians ceded and transferred the title of the land with all its
jurisdictions and rights to the Swedish Florida Company under the
protection of the great Princess, Virgin and Elected Queen of the
Swedes, Goths and Wends.” When the Indian chiefs had traced their totem
marks on the documents, and Peter Minuit, Måns Kling, Henrick Huygen,
Andreas Lucassen and Jacob Evertssen Sandelin had signed their names
below, the merchandise specified in the contracts was distributed
among the Indians, who in turn, to legalize the sale, presented beaver
skins and _sewant_ to the Swedes. The deeds are now lost, but
the extent of the purchase can be ascertained from other documents.
Mitatsimint sold his lands lying west of the Delaware below the Minquas
Kill southward to Bomtien’s Point or Duck Creek, a distance of about
forty miles; and the other chiefs sold their hunting grounds above the
Minquas Kill to the Schuylkill, a distance of about twenty-seven miles.
In each case the purchase stretched westward indefinitely. Minuit had
also been instructed to buy the land as far up as Trenton Falls, but
for some reason he neglected to do so.
[Illustration:
Landing-place of the Swedes, showing the “wharf of stones,”
also the stone in the back-ground erected by the Delaware
Society of Colonial Dames of America to mark the location of
Fort Christina. The above picture was taken by the author in
February, 1910.]
When the purchase had been concluded the sachems with Minuit and his
soldiers and officers went ashore. The coat-of-arms of Sweden was then
raised on a pole “and with the report of cannon followed by other
solemn ceremonies the land was called New Sweden”, while Minquas Kill
was christened the Elbe. Minuit undoubtedly arranged another conference
with the chiefs before their departure, and won their goodwill by
distributing additional gifts.
As soon as a site for a stronghold had been selected the director set
his men to work, preparing timber and other materials. The fort was
built on a cape about two miles from the mouth of the creek, where
nature provided an excellent wharf, and it was particularly well
situated for defence against the Indians. It was surrounded by marshy
ground except on the north-west side, where it could be approached by
a narrow strip of land. On the south flowed the river, (where a bridge
was built for the convenience of passengers and freight) and ships
could be moored within a few steps of the walls. The stronghold was
built in the form of a square with sharp, arrow-head-like corners,
three of which were mounted with artillery; and it was considered able
to withstand the attack of a large number of Indians. Since it was
two miles from the banks of the Delaware, the fortress was unable to
command that river, and Minuit seems to have selected this spot to
avoid a collision with the Dutch as much as possible, until the colony
could assert its authority.
[Illustration:
Finnish _pörte_ and bath-house of the eighteenth century
built of hewn logs. (From Tavastland, Finland, R.)]
[Illustration:
Interior of the _pörte_ from Tavastland having the
fireplace to the right. R.]
About May 10 the ramparts, which were constructed of palisades
and earth, were completed. Guns were taken from the _Kalmar
Nyckel_ and mounted on the walls; the Swedish banner was raised
on the flag-pole, and “with the report of cannon the fort was named
Christina.” Two houses were erected inside the palisades, one of which
was probably used for a dwelling house, the other for a magazine or
store house. They were built of unhewn logs, and the dwelling house
had loopholes and probably two or more little windows. The roof was
gabled and most likely covered with small timbers split in two. In the
corner of the dwelling a fireplace was made of bricks brought over on
the ships. Rough benches, chairs and tables were constructed from split
timber, and it is likely that beds of some sort were made.
The Swedes came in contact with the Dutch shortly after their arrival.
In the beginning of April Minuit sent his sloop up the river to
examine the position and strength of the Hollanders, and to establish
relations with the Indians north of the Schuylkill. The sloop sailed
above Fort Nassau unobserved, but on its way back to Christina it was
discovered by the greatly surprised Dutch commander, who at once set
about to ascertain the identity and business of the new-comers. Shortly
afterwards Minuit himself attempted to pass the Dutch stronghold;
but the garrison was now on the alert and “Peter May sailed down” to
meet him. May demanded to know the reasons for his presence in the
river, and wished to see his commission, warning him not to pass the
fort. Minuit refused to exhibit his papers, “saying that his Queen
had as much right there as the company”, and desired to proceed on
his journey. He was compelled to return to his camp, however, and he
probably made no further attempts to go above Fort Nassau.
Peter May reported the occurrence to Governor Kieft and, when Jan
Jansen, who had been absent at New Amsterdam for some time arrived at
the South River about the middle of April, he immediately protested in
writing against the Swedish occupation. Minuit replied to the protest,
styling himself “Commander in the service of Her Royal Majesty of
Sweden”, and paid no heed to Jansen’s warnings. When Governor Kieft
was informed that the words of his commissary had no effect, he drew
up a protest himself “against the landing and settling of the Swedes
on the Delaware.” He reminded “Peter Minuit that the whole South River
of New Netherland had been many years in their possession and secured
by them above and below by forts and sealed with their blood”, and
informed him that the Dutch would not suffer him to intrude between
their forts and that “the blame for all future mishaps, damages,
losses, disturbances and bloodshed”, which might arise as a consequence
of his actions, would fall upon him. The protest was read before
Minuit, but he made no reply to it, and continued his work as before.
[Illustration:
An Indian family according to Lindeström. From Lindeström’s
_Geographia Americae_. (Preserved in the Riksarkiv,
Stockholm.)]
As soon as circumstances allowed Minuit made provisions for selling
his cargo. The _Grip_ was dispatched to Jamestown in Virginia
to exchange her merchandise for tobacco, but the captain was denied
freedom of trade. The vessel remained in the harbor “about ten days to
refresh with wood and water.” She returned to Fort Christina in the
beginning of May, unloaded her cargo and spread sails again on the
twentieth to prey on Spanish commerce. The commander also endeavored
to begin trade with the savages, and soon succeeded in establishing
connections with the River Indians as well as the Minquas.
The Indians with whom the Dutch and Swedes came in contact belonged to
two large families, the Algonquian and the Iroquoian. The Algonquian
tribes were spread over a very large area. They occupied the eastern
coast of North America from Newfoundland and Nova Scotia to the 35th
degree in Carolina, stretching westward to the Pacific coast and
northward to the Hudson Bay, except a wedge-like territory along the
St. Lawrence river, Lake Ontario, Lake Erie and parts of Pennsylvania,
New York, Ohio and Maryland, which were inhabited by tribes of the
Iroquoian family.
The Indians of the Delaware basin, New Jersey, Delaware and districts
of New York and Pennsylvania formed the most important confederacy of
the Algonquian stock. They called themselves Lenâpe or Leni-Lenâpe
which means real men. “The Lenâpe or Delawares proper”, who inhabited
New Sweden, were divided into three tribes, the Minsi or Munsee, the
Unami and the Unalachtigos. The Swedes, who called them “Renappe”
(Lenâpe), “the River Indians” and “Our Indians,” bought most of their
lands from them. They supplied large quantities of maize, fish and
venison to the settlers, but their beaver and _sewant_ traffic was
small, “since they were poor and had nothing but corn to sell.”
[Illustration:
Delaware Indian woman of to-day in costume. Photographed at
Bartlesville, Oklahoma. Cut used through the courtesy of Dr.
Gordon of the University Museum.]
About seventy-five miles west and north from the Swedish settlements,
tribes of the Iroquoian stock had their villages and forts. The
Delawares called them Mingwe, which means treacherous, and this
name was adopted by the Dutch, who applied it distinctively to the
south-eastern Iroquoian tribes, with whom they came in contact on their
first trading expeditions to the South River. The Swedes recognized
two divisions, the Black and the White Minquas. The White Minquas were
the same as the Susquehannas, who came down to the Delaware along the
Minquas Kill (hence the name) to trade with the Dutch, Swedes and
English. They had been greatly reduced in strength through wars with
the five nations and with the Delawares, but they seem to have been in
allegiance or at least on friendly terms with the Indians of New Sweden
in 1638–1655.
The Black Minquas (so called “because they carried a black badge on
their breast”) seem to have been the Conastogas of western Pennsylvania
and the Eries west of the Ohio River, who came down the Schuylkill as
far as the Delaware to trade.
In his description of the Indians Campanius Holm, largely using
Lindeström, says that the Minquas lived “twelve miles [80 English
miles] from New Sweden and they were daily with the Swedes bargaining.
The way to their country was bad and stony, full of sharp granite
rocks among morasses, hilly and at some places crossed by streams, so
that the Swedes had to walk and march in water up to their arm-pits,
when they had to go there (which generally happened once or twice a
year) with frieze, kettles, axes, hoes, knives, mirrors and corals
to exchange for beavers and other valuable peltries. They lived on a
high mountain which was hard to climb. They were strong and hardy,
both young and old, a tall and brave people.” This description seems to
refer particularly to the White Minquas.
When the Swedes and Dutch spoke of “the Minquas Country” they referred
to a district inland, north and west of New Sweden, about 50 to 150
miles. Trading expeditions by both Swedes and Dutch were made into this
country, often more than 150 miles from the settlement. The Minquas
supplied most of the beaver skins, and they always called themselves
the “special friends and protectors of the Swedes.”
Bands of these different Indian tribes came to barter with the Swedes
in April and May, and the Dutch governor complained that Minuit
monopolized the trade and “attracted all the peltries to himself by
means of liberal gifts.”
The country was not an entire wilderness, when the Swedes arrived. The
Delaware Indians, being largely agricultural, had cleared big tracts
near their villages on which they planted corn. In 1654 Lindeström
wrote that the savages had cultivated their corn fields at Trenton
Falls until the soil was too poor to yield good crops. Quantities of
corn were also planted by the natives near the Schuylkill, at the
Horn Kill and other places. The settlers adopted many practices from
the savages; and Indian corn often proved a valuable article for the
sustenance of the colonists, who early learnt to cultivate and use it.
“Two barrels of wheat and two barrels of seed corn” and perhaps other
grains had been taken over on the ships, and when the proper time came
plots of ground were prepared around the fort and on the mainland,
which were sown and planted with Indian corn.
When the storehouse was ready, provisions were taken from the ships and
quantities of fish, deer, turkeys, geese “and all sorts of suchlike
provisions” were laid up. Måns Kling was given command of the fort with
its garrison of twenty-three men, and Henrick Huygen was left in charge
of the merchandise and provisions.
When Minuit had provided for the maintenance and safety of the garrison
and the fort, he began to prepare for his return voyage. He made a
map of the river and sketches of the fort, and drafted a report to
the government. In due time the skins purchased from the Indians
and the cargo intended for the tobacco trade were loaded into the
_Kalmar Nyckel_, and about June 15 the director left his little
settlement. Huygen continued the Indian trade after Minuit’s departure,
and exchanged a large number of skins and a quantity of corn for
merchandise and _sewant_ in the autumn and spring of 1638 and
1639. At this time English and Dutch merchants from the north began
to trade with the Swedes. They offered all kinds of supplies to the
settlers, but always asked very high prices. Commercial relations were
also established with the English of Virginia and Maryland.
During the late spring and early summer the _Grip_ cruised about
in West Indian waters, searching Spanish prizes. In June the ship was
at St. Christopher, sometime later “she spied the Spanish silver fleet
together with one Peter van Bruggen”, and went to inform Admiral Jol
about it (while Van Bruggen watched the course of the Spaniards). Later
she went to Havana and from there to the South River, arriving at Fort
Christina early in 1639. Nothing more is known about this expedition.
Years afterwards the skipper was accused of reaping all the benefits
from the cruise, and a negro slave seems to have been the only addition
it made to the colony’s wealth. On April 10 the _Grip_ was ready
to set out for Europe with its cargo of furs, but contrary winds
delayed the departure until the end of the month.
The colony was then left to itself, awaiting supplies and
reinforcements. The traffic with the Indians continued, and Governor
Kieft reported to his superiors that the Dutch trade had “fallen short
full thirty thousand [florins], because the Swedes, by underselling,
depressed the market.” A new ship was expected towards the end of
1639, but the little garrison waited in vain.
The friendly relations with the Indians were maintained, and it seems
that the autumn of 1640 passed without disturbance. Governor Kieft had
no orders to oppose the Swedes and his forces on the South River were
inadequate; but he tried to persuade them to abandon their stronghold
and leave the country. According to his own words he was successful,
and “the Swedes were resolved to move off” and go to Manhattan; but “on
the day before their departure a ship arrived with reinforcements.”
About a year elapsed after the sailing of the _Grip_ and nearly
two after Minuit’s departure, before the next ship came from Sweden,
and the colonists had some cause for alarm; but it is hardly probable
that they decided to remove from the settlement and repair to New
Amsterdam. So important a fact would have been mentioned by Ridder
or Van Dyck in their letters to the Chancellor and the Vice-Admiral.
At any rate, when the second expedition arrived at Fort Christina on
April 17, 1640, Peter Ridder, the new commander, found the colony well
preserved. The ship brought new settlers, a few domestic animals, large
supplies for the people and the Indian trade, additional soldiers,
new officers and a minister of the gospel. Måns Kling surrendered his
command to Peter Ridder; and Henrick Huygen prepared an inventory of
the goods in the fort, and delivered the keys of the storehouse and the
books into the keeping of Joost van Langdonk.
III.
Shortly after his landing, Ridder inspected the country for several
miles around the fort. In his opinion it was well suited for
cattle-raising and farming; but the seed had spoiled on the journey,
and little new ground could be planted or sown, before other supplies
were received. The fort was in poor condition, the walls being ready
“to fall down in three places”; but the skipper forbade him to make any
extensive repairs, and he had no orders from Sweden to do so. He mended
the cracks and improved the parapets, however, wherever necessary,
reporting that “on the land side the wall ought to be lengthened and
on the water edge it should be raised.” Moreover supplies of cannon,
powder and bullets were wanted for the proper defence of the fort. As
the stronghold was located too far from the Delaware to be of much
service, he recommended that a new one be built near the river, “so
that the crown’s fort would be the key to New Sweden.” Ridder also
suggested that the national coat-of-arms of stone or wood be sent over
and placed above the gates of the fort. Within the paling three new
houses were built for the shelter of the people, and two old ones were
moved to the east embankment.
“Two horses and a colt which were in the colony fared well”, but
three more mares for work and breeding were needed. Ridder further
requested the company to ship over several cows and “two pair of strong
oxen” on the next expedition, as there was plenty of pasture and more
than enough work, oxen being most serviceable on the plantations. He
complained bitterly that he had not a man, able to build a common
peasant’s house or saw a board of lumber. The general condition of
the colonists was such he said, that “it would be impossible to find
more stupid people in all Sweden.” Carpenters and other workmen were
therefore sorely wanted. Ridder’s complaints were overestimated, for we
know that he built some houses, but they give a fair idea of the class
of settlers that were in the colony before 1641. Ridder also proposed
to make bricks, “for there was good clay to be had”, and to manufacture
lumber, as there was an inexhaustible supply of trees and splendid
water power. In addition he made a list of desirable and essential
commodities, such as “glass windows”, steel, hemp, salt, brandy, a few
barrels of tar, grain for seeds (as rye, barley, beans, peas, cabbage),
turnips and parsnip seed and provisions for a year.
The friendly intercourse with the Indians begun by Minuit were
continued by Ridder. The latter distributed gifts among the chiefs,
and assured them of his good will and kindly intentions, which was
reciprocated by the savages in their usual way. The Indian trade was
renewed in May, shortly after the arrival of the _Kalmar Nyckel_,
causing great injury to the Dutch; and a big cargo of furs was bought
from the natives, largely through the efforts of Huygen.
The relations with the Dutch, however, were anything but cordial. On
the day after his arrival in April, 1640, Van Langdonk was prevented
from passing Fort Nassau. Commander Ridder then prepared his sloop,
and went up the stream with a favorable wind. Three cannon balls and a
musket bullet were fired across the bows of the vessel from the Dutch
stronghold; but Minuit continued his journey. On the twenty-fifth of
April he went ashore and delivered some letters to the Hollanders,
but was unfavorably received. On May 2, the sloop was sent above the
Dutch trading post for the fourth time “to see what they would do.”
Jan Jansen, the Dutch commander, again pointed his guns at the vessel
and fired a few balls across her course. He also protested against
“the intruders”, claiming that the whole river belonged to the Dutch
West India Company. Ridder answered the protests, which in turn were
followed by Dutch counter protests. Ridder could easily have opposed
any attempts of the Dutch to be masters of the river, as Fort Nassau
was garrisoned by only about twenty men; but he preferred to follow his
instructions and keep on as good terms with them as possible.
As the barter with the Indians had been lively during the spring,
the ship could be quickly dispatched on its homeward journey with
reports, journals, memorials and lists by Van Dyck, the commander and
others. Huygen, who had been very successful in his dealings with the
aborigines, and who had proved himself an honest and faithful servant
of the Swedish crown and company, returned to Sweden to make an oral
report. Måns Kling, as well as a number of soldiers, also left the
settlement, but the colony was somewhat augmented by the late arrivals,
to what extent, however, is unknown. On May 14, 1640, the little colony
was again left to take care of itself. The _Kalmar Nyckel_ spread
her sails and pointed her prow towards Europe, bearing the blessings
and hopes of the lonely pioneers for a safe voyage and speedy return
with new supplies and new settlers.
The limits of New Sweden were greatly extended in the spring and
summer of 1640. It appears that Van Langdonk had instructions to buy
land north of the Schuylkill, but he was prevented, as we have seen,
from passing the Dutch fort. Ridder was more successful. During a
conference with the Indians in April, somewhere south of Trenton
Falls, he purchased the land on the west bank of the Delaware from
the Schuylkill up to present Trenton (or about forty-miles of river
frontage). The purchase price in merchandise and liberal gifts were
distributed among the chiefs; the usual ceremonies followed, and four
limit-poles were erected, one near the mouth of the Schuylkill, the
other three at the upper boundary of the tract. About the same time or
a little later Ridder acquired title to a territory south of Duck Creek
“from the rightful owner”, the Sachem Wickusi.
The harmony between the Dutch and Swedish officers in Fort Christina
was not the best before 1640 and it did not improve after the arrival
of the _Kalmar Nyckel_. Van Langdonk lacked the qualities
necessary for a commissary in New Sweden. He was not in sympathy with
the Swedes, nor was he on friendly terms with the commander. Quarrels
and strifes were therefore common, and the general discipline was bad.
Provisions were low in the summer and autumn of 1640, and the Indian
trade was poor. Under such conditions little could be accomplished and
the settlement merely existed.
November 2 was an eventful day in Fort Christina; the Dutch immigrants
from Utrecht disembarked. We may suppose that their arrival somewhat
improved the conditions. Van Bogaert delivered his commissions and
papers to Ridder, and the Dutch colonists were settled “on beautiful
land” a few miles below present Philadelphia, being lodged in the fort
and the dwellings of the Swedes, however, until they could erect their
own houses and necessary farm dwellings. They undoubtedly had cattle
and various supplies with them, and they cleared land and prepared
fields during the winter. Their ship, which was quickly made ready for
her journey back to Holland, went to sea about December 3.
The winter of 1640 and 1641 and the following summer came and went,
but no ship from Sweden made its appearance. The colony suffered
another drawback in the spring and summer of the last mentioned year. A
company of traders from New England came into the river and ruined the
Indian traffic. Some merchants and planters of New Haven, finding that
their colony was inconveniently situated for barter with the Indians,
looked for other places, where they could settle and establish trading
posts. Two or three of the principal ones, who had sent ships to the
Delaware for years, observing that this vast territory was but sparsely
colonized and that the Swedish and Dutch forts and trading stations
did not control the river nor the country, decided, perhaps in the
autumn of 1640, to extend their activities more systematically to this
locality. Accordingly Theophilus Eaton, George Lamberton, Nathanael
Turner and several others formed a Delaware Company for the purpose of
trade and colonization on the South River. Two agents, Lamberton and
Turner, with assistants were sent in the spring of 1641 “to view and
purchase part of the Delaware” not yet occupied by Christian nations.
The bark or sloop, which had been fitted out for the expedition during
the winter, arrived in the bay about April 1. Turner and Lamberton then
“sailed up the river in order to select a convenient spot for erecting
a stronghold and making a settlement; and, when a suitable landing
place had been found, they endeavored to obtain a title to the land”.
But the Indians refused to deal with them, says Governor Winthrop.
A Pequod sachem, however, interceded in their behalf, whereupon the
owner “entertained them and let them have what land they desired.” “In
the presence of witnesses” Lamberton and Turner contracted “several
deeds of bargain and sale of land on both sides of the Delaware.” The
tracts extended “from a small river or creek called Chesumquesett
(Racoon creek) northward, where the land of the said Usquata, Sachem of
Narratacus, doth begin, unto the seacoast southward” on the east side
of the Delaware and “from a riverlet called by the Indians Tomquncke
unto another riverlet on the west side of the great river called by
the English Delaware.”
Having discovered the intentions of the English, Ridder prepared his
sloop and sailed down the river to thwart the designs of Turner and
Lamberton. He landed at a certain _kill_ in the neighborhood of
the wig-wams of Wickusi, who professed to be the true owner. The sachem
was called, “a bargain was made with him”, and he was given “good
remuneration” for the land. A pole with the arms of Sweden upon it was
then set in the ground in the presence of Wickusi and other Indians,
and a Swedish salute was fired from the sloop. It seems, however, that
the full amount stipulated in the deed was not paid at the time, for in
1647 claims were presented to Printz.[11]
When Ridder had planted his limit-poles, he sent Van Dyck to the
English “with information that the land had been purchased by the
Swedes and that that was the reason why the shots had been fired.”
He also protested against the English trade in the river. But Turner
and Lamberton paid no heed to the Swedes and went on as before. A few
days after the purchase, Usquata removed the Swedish coat-of-arms and
carried them to Fort Christina, but, as soon as Wickusi became aware
of it, he sent a messenger to the Swedes, requesting them to “put up
the coat-of-arms again”, as _they_ had bought the land from the
real owner. From Varkens Kill Lamberton and Turner proceeded to the
Schuylkill, where they bought another tract of land extending a few
miles along the eastern shore of the Delaware north of Philadelphia.
In the meantime the English built a blockhouse and some dwellings at
Varkens Kill. The settlement numbered twenty families, in all sixty
persons. They were probably mostly traders, but some of them went there
for the purposes of agriculture and tobacco planting, and it is likely
that they laid out small gardens and farms around their log cabins as
early as in the summer of 1641.
IV.
In October, 1641, the long expected succor was approaching New Sweden.
In the first week of November the _Kalmar Nyckel_ and the
_Charitas_ sailed up the Delaware and on the seventh they anchored
in front of Christina. The first few days were occupied in nursing the
sick people, caring for the animals and unloading the goods. Most of
the articles which Ridder had asked for were on the ships, a better
class of colonists arrived and a period of prosperity was in sight.
On the fifteenth of November an inventory was made by Langdonk, who
delivered the goods under his charge into the hands of his successor.
The store was very small, only a few hundred bushels of corn, some
4,000 fish hooks, about 600 axes and a few other small wares being on
hand. But large supplies were now carried into the warehouse. Only six
beaver skins were in the salesroom and Huyden was unable to buy furs
from the Indians, since the English had ruined the trade, consequently
the ships returned almost empty towards the end of the month.
The garrison was strengthened by several soldiers and Måns Kling
arrived in the capacity of a Lieutenant. A few freemen, who intended to
begin new plantations came on the ship, besides a preacher, a tailor, a
millwright and perhaps a blacksmith and other skilled workmen.
Five horses, eight cows, five sheep and two goats were landed alive,
but two horses and one cow died soon after the arrival of the ships.
The pigs, which had been taken over on previous voyages or bought
from New Amsterdam, increased rapidly, and many of them ran wild.
They were shot in the autumn, and the pork was smoked and salted for
winter food. Ridder himself shot a pig eight miles from the fort, and
eight others were captured alive at the same place. Hunting was an
important means of obtaining provision, especially in the autumn and
winter, and the settlers always carried their guns with them. Fishing
was likewise important, but Ridder complained that necessary fishing
implements were lacking (hooks, nets and probably spears, being the
commonest fishing implements). Nets and fishing tackle were imported
on later expeditions and the supply of fish became more plentiful.
Thousands of hooks were sold to the Indians, who in turn supplied fish
to the freemen. New dwellings were built outside the fort, plots for
settlements were selected and new land was cleared and prepared during
the winter for farms and tobacco plantations.
In the spring the English continued their activities, and the Delaware
Company of New Haven sent another vessel with colonists and supplies to
the South River. After touching at Varkens Kill the ship (in command
of Robert Cogswell) proceeded to the Schuylkill, where Lamberton had
erected a log house. The lively traffic with the Indians was renewed
and much damage was done to the fur trade of the Swedes and Dutch.
We have seen that the Dutch interfered with the Swedish operations,
when Minuit and Ridder arrived. But in 1642 the Swedes and Dutch were
drawn closer together and made common cause against the English. Jan
Jansen, through orders from his superiors, proceeded to the Schuylkill
with armed men, probably assisted by Ridder; and, since the English
were unwilling “to depart immediately in peace”, he burnt their
storehouse and dwellings, and sent the settlers as prisoners to
Manhattan. Lamberton, however, “who was on his guard” escaped with his
vessel. The damages sustained by the English were estimated at £1,000,
and, if this is not too exaggerated, the settlement must have been
considerable.
The English settlement at Varkens Kill was undisturbed. It was situated
some distance from the Dutch and English forts, far from the paths of
the fur trade, and was probably too strong for the weak forces at the
disposal of Ridder and Jansen. The English assured Commander Ridder,
however, that they would submit “to the one who was strongest and most
able to give them protection”, and when Governor Printz arrived they
were incorporated into the Swedish colony, as we shall see.
Sir Edmund Plowden, who had been given a grant including the eastern
shore of the Delaware, made preparations to send settlers there in
1641. He protested against the doings of the New Haven Delaware
Company, and, through the aid of Parliament, interested the English
of Virginia in his venture. On the eighteenth of March, 1642,
Governor Berkeley addressed a letter and protest to “the right worthy
Governor of the Swedes and to Henrick Huygen in charge of the South
River”, giving a short account of the real and imaginary discoveries,
settlements and occupations of the English on the Delaware and their
rights there, and admonishing the Swedes to submit to the authority
of the English crown and to “recognize the title and dominion” of
Governor Plowden. The letter goes on to say that Sir Edmund Plowden
wished to establish “friendship and good peaceable correspondence”
with the Swedes, and that he desired them “not to sell or give to the
native Indians there any arms or ammunition, nor hinder the free trade,
passage, residence or commerce in the said South River.” The protest
probably elicited a reply from Ridder, and there was the end of the
matter.
The land in the neighborhood of Fort Christina had greatly changed in
the spring of 1642. New cottages could be seen around the trading post;
new clearings were beginning to break the monotony of the forests, and
grain was sprouting from the fresh furrows. Tobacco was cultivated
here and there, and vegetables of various kinds were growing for the
supplies of the colony. We know nothing about the crops of New Sweden
in 1642, but a windmill was built near or within Christina, where flour
was ground throughout the autumn and winter. “Sickness and mortality”,
says Governor Winthrop, “befell the Swedes in 1642”; but there is no
mention of it in the extant Swedish records, nor do the preserved
documents give us any information of other internal events before the
arrival of Governor Printz.
It is a curious fact that Joost van Bogaert, with the exception of a
single reference in Plantagenet’s _New Albion_, “disappears from
history” with his settlement after 1642. It therefore seems possible
that Bogaert and some of his people died in that year. We may then
assume that the surviving Dutch colonists gradually removed to their
countrymen at Fort Nassau or in New Amsterdam (a few possibly settling
among the Swedes), for Printz makes no mention of these Dutch in his
reports, which he surely would have done, had their colony been intact
in 1643.
“The houses which the Swedes erected for themselves, when they first
came here, were very poor”, says Kalm, “a little cottage built of round
logs with the door so low that it was necessary to bend down when
entering. As the colonists had no windows with them small loopholes
served the purpose, covered with a sliding board, which could be
closed and opened. Clay was plastered into the cracks between the logs
on both sides of the walls. The fireplaces were made from granite
boulders found on the hills, or, in places where there were no stones,
out of mere clay. The bakeoven was also made inside the house.” This
description, based on the accounts of an old settler, gives, I think,
a fairly accurate picture of the dwellings in New Sweden before Printz
arrived. As time went on more pretentious buildings were erected.
As to the administration of justice in the colony during this period
we know nothing, but it is probable that courts were held at Christina
from the beginning of the settlement in 1638.
Facts about the religious life are also meagre before 1643. Rev. Reorus
Torkillus who arrived in 1640 conducted services in Fort Christina
in accordance with the Swedish Church law. He was abused by some of
the Dutch who were of the reform faith, and in his letters to the
council he complained of his troubles with “those who confessed to the
Calvinistic heresy”; but harmony seems to have been restored after
Van Langdonk’s return to Europe. In November, 1641, Rev. Christopher
arrived. He had no commission to serve in the colony; but, as the work
was too much for Rev. Torkillus, he remained until 1643, doing the
duties of a clergyman, and when he returned to Sweden he was paid by
Beier for his labors. It is probable that Reverend Torkillus conducted
services in the fort, while Christopher looked after the religious
needs of the freemen and servants, who lived in the neighborhood of the
stronghold.
One of the houses built by Minuit undoubtedly did duty as a
“meeting-house” for a time, but it is quite certain that a chapel was
erected about 1641 or 1642, when a mere dwelling was too small for
the accommodation of the colonists. It was an age when religion was
taken with great seriousness, and when duties of worship and piety
were the first requirements of a community; when generals began their
reports and letters to their superiors in the name of God and ended
them with His blessings, when politicians _prayed_ for success and
pirates began their expeditions only after the grace of Heaven had been
invoked to favor their undertakings, and we may feel certain that the
authorities in Sweden did not fail to instruct Ridder to build a place
of worship, and that he obeyed the order, although we have no record to
tell the tale. We know that there was a house of worship in the colony
in 1643, for Brahe, answering Printz’s letter of April 12, admonished
the governor to decorate their “little church in the Swedish custom”.
Since a church in those days could not be built in a month and a half,
it must have been there before Governor Printz arrived.
PART III.
The Reorganized New Sweden Company and Its
Activity; Social, Economic and Political Life
in the Colony, 1643–1653.
CHAPTER V.
THE REORGANIZED AMERICAN COMPANY AND THE
EXPEDITIONS TO NEW SWEDEN DURING THE
ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR PRINTZ.
I.
After the second expedition (in 1640) the New Sweden Company was
entirely under Swedish control, and the stockholders were all Swedish
citizens, born or naturalized. But Swedish capitalists were unable to
conduct so great an enterprise without aid from the crown, and Von
der Linde and De Geer were too cautious to enter upon so doubtful a
venture and too busily engaged in other fields of activity to find time
for planting colonies on the Delaware. The finances of the company
were now in a deplorable state, and something had to be done. Fleming
corresponded with Blommaert and others on the subject, and several
plans were proposed. The affairs of the company were also discussed by
the council of state as well as by the stockholders and officers and
after several conferences it was decided to recommend to the Government
the following:
1. That the company be re-organized and a capital of 36,000 R. D. be
issued.
2. That the crown should subscribe 6,000 R. D. of the stock, the old
South Ship Company 18,000 R. D. and a number of private people 3,000 R.
D. each.
3. That the main office of the company be located in Gothenburg, and a
bookkeeper be employed there.
4. That the governor and other officers be paid from the tobacco excise
in Sweden.
At the final decisions of the government the above principles were
followed, except that Stockholm instead of Gothenburg was made the
head office, with a staple under the charge of a commissary at the
latter place. “In August, 1642, the royal government and respective
stockholders resolved to furnish a capital of 36,000 R. D. in the
New Sweden Company”, and on the twenty-eighth of August the various
accounts were entered into the journal of the company, thus completing
the re-organization of the “new trading society.”
The relation of the crown to the re-organized New Sweden Company stands
forth in a clearer light than to the “Old New Sweden Company of 1637.”
The government now being a stockholder had a legal right to interfere
with the management of the company and to suggest plans of procedure
and methods of work. Since the charter did not clearly define the
principles to be followed, it is evident that many of the decisions of
the crown should seem quite arbitrary. Most of the expeditions to the
colony were determined upon in the council of state, and the ships used
on the expeditions were selected by order of the crown. But this was
only natural. We need but remember that all the private stockholders
were members of the council except Spiring, who, however, held a high
office in the service of the government. The council meetings were the
most convenient place for discussing the company’s business, as it
could there be considered in connection with other commercial affairs,
thus relieving the stockholders from holding special conferences.
No new charter seems to have been given in 1642, but the company
enjoyed the special privileges granted to it five years before. Fleming
remained the director and all the old officers were retained.
II.
During the above mentioned re-organization preparations were begun for
a new expedition, and the arrival of Ridder’s reports concerning the
English settlements and the condition of the country gave new impetus
to the activities. Three vessels were to be despatched to the colony
and the government assumed all the expenses of the journey, except the
board and wages of the colonists and civil officers and servants.
Provisions and supplies were bought in Holland and in Gothenburg, but
no cargo was purchased for the Indian trade, as that would have delayed
the expedition. The preparations advanced slowly, however, and not till
autumn were definite orders given by the government.
It was decided to relieve Ridder of his post and to appoint Johan
Printz _Governor of New Sweden_. Printz was a _character_,
a man of a checkered career. The son of a clergyman, he prepared for
a learned vocation, studying Latin, philosophy, theology and what not
in Swedish schools and German universities. However, partly by force
of circumstances, partly by choice, he entered military service, an
honored profession in this military age. He rose, by degrees, under
many masters and in many countries. Finally having served in Swedish
armies about 15 years, he was assigned to an important post as
commander of Chemnitz. Being forced to surrender, however, in 1640,
and returning to Sweden without a passport from his superior, he was
arrested in Stockholm and removed from his command. He then lived in
retirement on his estate until his new appointment in 1642. In July
of this year he was knighted, and restored to full favor with the
government.
[Illustration: The budget of New Sweden, first two pages of
the _Monutgelderbuch_, kept by Hans Kramer. Preserved in
N. S. I. (R. A.), Stockholm.]
The instruction for Governor Printz was discussed and outlined in the
council of state (suggestions being made by Spiring and others),
and on the fifteenth of August the document was signed by Per Brahe,
Herman Wrangel, Klas Fleming, Axel Oxenstierna and Gabriel Bengtsson
Oxenstierna. The commission of Printz as governor was signed the same
day. 400 R. D. were granted to the governor for traveling expenses and
as a recompense for his lost time in waiting for the ships to sail. A
new budget to be supplied from the tobacco excise was also drafted,
providing for the wages of the officers and soldiers.
Christer Boije, Johan Papegoja, the Rev. Johan Campanius and several
others were engaged to serve in New Sweden and Gregorious van Dyck
returned to the colony on this expedition. A number of new men were
also inlisted to replace the Dutch soldiers and servants in Fort
Christina, to eliminate the quarrels and dissentions that had been
frequent there.
Efforts were also made to collect emigrants. A certain blacksmith,
Michel Nelsson, who had been engaged by Beier to seek for minerals in
New Sweden, went to Värmland in June to hire laborers. In addition to
this, letters were written by the council to several governors of the
kingdom, instructing them to prevail upon people to emigrate (those
of good repute to be requested to take their families with them). But
few expressed their willingness to go, and mere persuasion was found
inadequate. The council of state therefore resolved that poachers and
deserted soldiers should be condemned to serve in the colony a number
of years. Even these measures, however, proved insufficient, and in
August several governors of the northern and central provinces were
requested to capture such Finns in their territories as were known to
be destroying the forests and doing damage to the woods at the mines.
These people with their families were to be kept in readiness for
transportation to Gothenburg within three weeks after August 1. Later
it was also ordered that citizens unable to pay their debts should be
deported.[12]
In the course of the summer it was found expedient to equip but two
ships. These, the _Fama_ and the _Swan_, were fitted out at
Stockholm, whence they set sail on the sixteenth of August, with Rev.
Campanius and other emigrants on board, arriving at Gothenburg on the
twelfth of September. The _Fama_ was in poor condition, making it
necessary to paint her and repair her in other ways. These, together
with other obstacles, delayed the expedition several weeks, causing the
company much expense, as the servants and settlers had to be fed and
housed. Governor Printz, who with his family went by land, probably
arrived at Gothenburg about the beginning of September, where the other
passengers were awaiting the sailing of the vessels.
Finally, towards the end of October, everything was in readiness.
The colonists were reviewed and taken on board, and on the first of
November the _Fama_ and the _Swan_ weighed anchor. On the
fourteenth they braved the Spanish sea and towards the end of December
they lowered sails in the harbor of Antigua. Here the passengers spent
their Christmas holidays. They were well received by the inhabitants
and the English Governor entertained Governor Printz, Rev. Campanius
and the other officers at his own house. The colonists were under way
in the beginning of the year, “having as many oranges and lemons as
they could take with them,” and arrived in Delaware Bay about the end
of January, 1643. Here a fearful snow storm overtook the vessels. The
_Fama_ ran ashore, losing her main masts, sprit-sail and three
large anchors. The other vessel also suffered damages, and part of the
cargo was ruined. The expedition was delayed for two weeks through the
mishap, and did not reach Fort Christina until February 15.
The ships having been prepared for the return voyage in the spring
departed from the colony about April 14 with some homeward bound
people (including Johan Papegoja) and large cargoes of beaver and
otter skins. The vessels went by way of Portugal, where a quantity
of salt was loaded into the _Swan_, and about the end of July
they anchored in the harbor of Gothenburg. The documents, letters
and reports from the colony reached Stockholm overland August 1. The
cargoes of peltries and salt were brought to the capital in the ships
to be sold there and the council of State resolved that the salt should
be duty free.
Peter H. Ridder returned from the colony with the ships. He was
employed by the government in various undertakings and important
missions for over a score of years. In 1669 he retired to northeastern
Finland in the capacity of commander of Viborg Castle and died there
about 1691.
III.
Since the _Fama_ and the _Swan_ carried no cargo to New Sweden for
the Indian trade, it was planned to send out a new expedition at an
early date and preparations were under way before the ships sailed in
November. Admiral Fleming (assisted by Beier, Kramer, Schottingen,
Trotzig and Spiring) was untiring in his activity, giving orders and
directing the work. Trotzig bought provisions and goods in Holland for
several thousand florins, Schottingen purchased cloth, ready-made
clothes, shoes, stockings and the like in Gothenburg, and Beier and
Kramer procured axes, saws, mill-stones, cloth and such things in
Stockholm.
[Illustration: Castle at Viborg, Finland, over which Peter
H. Ridder was made commander in 1669. See _The Swedish
Settlements_, II, p. 692.
(Photographed by the author in July, 1909.)]
As usual it was difficult to find emigrants and the council again
decided to send timber thieves and game poachers to America. Johan
Papegoja, who had concluded to return, hired a number of soldiers
in the autumn. The barber-surgeon Hans Janeke was engaged at this
time, and he was given 60 D. for the preparation of his medicine
chest. It appears that two or three colonists came from Finland, and
Johan Matsson and the noblemen Knut and Per Liljehök were among the
passengers.
Since the ships which carried Printz to New Sweden returned to
Stockholm before the departure of the next (the fifth) expedition, it
was decided to use the _Fama_ for the new voyage. Another ship,
the well-known _Kalmar Nyckel_, was fitted out by the company for
a trading journey to the Caribbean Islands. Large quantities of “wooden
bottles,” wooden basins, wooden spoons, lumber, tar, and other products
and manufactured articles were furnished for the voyage in Sweden and
Finland. Brandy and wine and other supplies were purchased in Holland
“for the tobacco trade in the Caribbean Islands.” The two vessels
sailed out of Gothenburg harbor on December 29. It is probable that
both kept the same course for some time, but they must have separated
before arriving in American waters, the _Kalmar Nyckel_ going to
the Caribbees.
On the twenty-seventh of February the _Fama_ was off the American
coast and on the eleventh of March her sails were furled before
Christina in New Sweden. About the middle of June she was ready for her
return-voyage, but contrary winds or other circumstances delayed the
sailing. On or shortly after July 20 her anchor was weighed and she set
out for Europe with a large cargo of tobacco and skins.
After a two months’ voyage the ship put into Harlingen to revictual.
From there she was to have sailed to Sweden, but as the war with
Denmark was in progress, it was decided to unload the cargo in Holland.
A permit to unload was refused, however. Not only that. The ship was
seized by the Dutch West India Company and a duty of 8 per cent.
was demanded in addition to the ordinary import excises. After many
protests and conferences about the matter, Peter Spiring succeeded in
freeing the vessel.
In the meantime the _Kalmar Nyckel_ also arrived. When the ship
parted from the _Fama_ westward bound in the beginning of 1644,
she proceeded directly to the Caribbean Island, where the cargo was
exchanged for tobacco. The ship left the islands on its return journey
late in the summer or early in the autumn. She touched at Dover, to
obtain supplies. From there she went to Harlingen, where she was seized
by orders of the Dutch West India Company. She was released, however,
at the same time as the _Fama_.
The cargoes of the two ships were sold by Lucas Arentzen. The beaver
skins on the _Fama_ realized 15,000 florins, and the tobacco on
the _Kalmar Nyckel_ brought 8,666 florins. But the net proceeds
were reduced by Arentzen’s commission as well as by freight charges and
other expenditures. The expenses due to the seizure of the ships were
also considerable, and Arentzen paid more than 3,000 for supplies and
provisions.
IV.
Printz and Papegoja sent earnest requests for more colonists and
additional supplies with the _Fama_ in 1644. But events in
northern Europe of far greater importance to the welfare of Sweden
than the little colony on the South River were occupying the minds
of the statesmen at Stockholm. Sweden was fighting one of her most
successful wars with Denmark. Every ship that could be used was pressed
into service. The _Swan_ and the _Charitas_ which had made
journeys to New Sweden took part in the battle of Fehmern, and when
the _Fama_ and _Kalmar Nyckel_ reached Gothenburg in the
summer of 1645 they were fitted out for participation in the struggle.
On August 7 the _Kalmar Nyckel_ engaged the Danish ship _St.
Peer_ in a bitter fight between Copenhagen and Malmö. Only twelve
men of the Swedish vessel survived the encounter, and M. Johansson, who
had made several journeys to New Sweden and Virginia as secretary, was
badly wounded.
Under such conditions no ships could be spared for expeditions to
America. The war not only hindered and delayed preparations for a new
journey, however; it also removed the staunchest and warmest supporter
of the colony,--Fleming was killed in July, 1644, by a stray bullet
from a Danish battery.
Chancellor Oxenstierna was now the unappointed director of the
company, but he was too busy to think of the colony and its needs. He
was appointed peace commissioner in 1644 to the lengthy conferences,
which lasted about a year and a half. He wrote most of the documents
with his own hand, and he “had to fight, not only against the enemies
and the peace mediators, but also against the opposition peace party
in the Swedish council.” In consequence the affairs of the company
were “in great confusion.” Letters and reports from Printz were sent
to the chancellor, who was too busy to look after them; and hence
the other officers of the company in Sweden were ignorant of the
conditions in the colony. The papers and documents of Printz were
finally sent to Kramer and Beier, who made some efforts to comply with
the requests of the governor. Since a cargo could not be safely sent
from a Swedish port to America during the war, it was planned to ship
supplies direct from Holland to New Sweden. But Spiring, who had been
instructed to execute these plans, could not do so, as “the cargoes of
the _Fama_ and _Kalmar Nyckel_ were seized and there were no
other means on hand.”
[Illustration: _Scepter_, the flagship of Admiral Klas
Fleming on which he was killed. From G. Unger’s _Il. sv.
sjökrigsh., I._]
On the thirteenth of August, 1645, peace was made with Denmark and
ships could be used for commercial journeys. A new expedition was to be
prepared at once, and the government was to pay all expenses. In his
report of 1644 Governor Printz asked for a large number of soldiers
and colonists, and it seems that there were actually some serious
intentions of complying with his request. In the Royal Archives at
Stockholm is preserved “an estimate of the provisions necessary for
three months for 1,000 persons small and big,” consisting of 400 men,
half of whom were to be soldiers, the other half colonists, 400 women
and 200 children. The provisions for so many would have cost about
8,000 R. D., and at least three or four vessels would have been needed
for the transportation of this number. So much capital could not be
raised, and the project appears to have received but little attention.
But preparations for an expedition on a smaller scale went on. The
_Gyllene Haj_ was purchased in Holland with full rigging, and a
large cargo was bought there. In March the ship sailed for Gothenburg,
whence it was to proceed to America at an early date. The _Fama_
was also to be prepared; but for some reason the _Gyllene Haj_
made the voyage alone. In May, 1646, the _Haj_ weighed anchor
and spread her canvas for Christina on the Delaware. She had a stormy
voyage, and did not arrive in the colony before October 1, having lost
her sails, top-mast, and several implements. “The master of the ship,
the mate and all the crew except one man were sick, so that according
to their reports they would all have been lost, if they had not reached
land when they did.” The sailors were long in recovering, and the
vessel was not repaired until December. The return voyage was delayed
by ice in the river, and the departure was not made until the beginning
of March. The circumstances of the homeward journey are unknown, but
the ship reached Gothenburg in June, and in the autumn she proceeded to
Stockholm with her cargo of tobacco.
V.
Cargoes for a new expedition had been ordered before the _Haj_
returned to Europe in 1647 and, since the crops in New Sweden largely
failed in 1646, a quantity of rye-flour was purchased for the needs
of the colony. Orders were given to fit out the _Fama_, but she
was found incapable of making the long journey, and the _Swan_
was selected instead. In the early summer Beier and Kramer were busy
in Stockholm preparing the vessel, and on August 12 she had gone to
sea. She probably arrived at Gothenburg towards the end of the month.
In the meantime the cargo for the Indian trade had been shipped from
Holland and placed in the care of Hans Macklier. Johan Papegoja, who
acted under instruction to collect colonists and hire soldiers, was but
moderately successful, and few emigrants embarked on the ship. This
expedition was prepared in less time than usual and the vessel set sail
on the twenty-fifth of September. The expedition seems to have escaped
violent storms and to have suffered no casualties, as the vessel
arrived in first class condition at Fort Christina some time in the
autumn.
The _Swan_, having been prepared in the early spring, left Fort
Elfsborg on May 16 with a valuable cargo of skins. On the nineteenth
she passed Cape Henlopen, making for the open sea, and on June 13 she
was within view of Plymouth, having crossed the Atlantic in less than
a month. On the seventeenth the passengers sighted Jutland and the
Scandinavian shores. The ship proceeded to Stockholm without entering
the harbor of Gothenburg, and arrived at the capital on July 3.
The journals, account-books and salary rolls, covering the period
from February, 1643, until March, 1648, were taken to Sweden on the
_Swan_ by Måns Kling. They were delivered to the bookkeeper
Hans Kramer, who copied them into the official books of the company,
and made an inventory of the assets and liabilities. From the
balance-sheets it was found that the liabilities were 41,331 R. D. and
the assets 31,332 R. D., showing a loss of 9,399 R. D. It was thus
clear that the finances of the company were not in the best condition.
The tobacco excise, which had been assigned to meet the salaries of the
officers and soldiers in the colony amounted to only about one-half
of the annual budget and even this money (except 1,000 D.) was used
by the government for repairs in the Royal Palace at Stockholm. As
many complaints were made, the Queen finally resolved that the excise
money due the company should be turned over to the treasurer, and other
arrangements were made to relieve the financial embarrassment.
VI.
On April 6, 1648, letters from New Sweden were read in the session of
council in which Printz again asked for more colonists and merchandise,
and in the summer came a letter from Papegoja with the _Swan_ in
which he requested permission to return to Sweden unless ships and
people would soon arrive. As a result of these reports and letters it
was decided to send out another--the ninth expedition.
Early in 1649 the government was requested to fit out the _Kalmar
Nyckel_ at its own expense and at the earliest opportunity (as the
admiralty was several thousand D. in arrears to the company). But the
_Kalmar Nyckel_ was old and unserviceable and it became expedient to
repair and equip the _Katt_ (the _Cat_) “for the journey to Virginia.”
Reports of wonderful opportunities for settlers in New Sweden were
at this time circulated among the people through letters or oral
communications, and after 1648 emigrants in abundance were willing to
embark on the ships. There is, for instance, a petition in the Royal
Archives presented by one Mats Ericksson from Värmland on behalf of
200 Finns, “who requested Her Royal Majesty to send them to New Sweden
for the cultivation of the country.” New Sweden was still, however,
looked upon as an undesirable place for officers and soldiers in the
employ of the crown. In July, 1648, Lars Kagg wrote to the chancellor
that 300 men of a certain regiment, who had remained at home out of
stubbornness, should be punished in order to set an example to others.
“And as one finds,” he said, “that they have a great dread of New
Sweden, it would be profitable to send some of them there, when a ship
sails back.” It is likely that a number of these drafted and disloyal
soldiers were ordered to New Sweden on the ninth voyage.
Some seventy colonists including many women were selected from a large
number of applicants. Among the more prominent of these were the Rev.
Matthias Nertunius, the bookkeeper Joachim Lycke with his family, the
barber-surgeon, Timon Stidden, Commander Hans Amundsson with family,
Johan Rudberus, and Hans Persson. Hans Amundsson was sent to the colony
in the capacity of a commander. Cornelis Lucifer was captain on the
vessel and Jan Jansson Bockhorn was first mate.
After, as it would seem, much unnecessary delay the cargo was loaded
into the ship at Gothenburg. Cannon and large quantities of ammunition
according to the lists and specifications of Governor Printz were also
put on board and provisions estimated for twelve months were stored in
the holds.
The ship was ready to sail on Sunday, July 2, 1649, “but some
hindrance occurred.” On the following day, however, she ran out of
the harbor under a favorable north-west wind. The course led close by
England, through the Spanish sea and “the Eastern Passage.” Drawing
near to the West Indian Islands the captain decided to land at Antigua
for the purpose of replenishing the supply of fresh water. No fresh
water could be had, but the Swedes were kindly treated by the English
Governor. From Antigua they proceeded to St. Christopher, where
they laid to on August 21. Here water and other refreshments were
plentiful and freely given by the governor of the island. Thereupon the
ship-council resolved to buy a few lasts of salt at St. Martin and on
the twenty-second of August they cast anchor there. On Saturday evening
August 26, they were again ready to continue their voyage. As soon
as the captain came on board he ordered sails spread, but one of the
passengers was missing, and Amundsson and the other officers implored
the captain not to leave port before all the passengers were on the
ship. In the night, however, when Amundsson was asleep, he weighed
anchor. An excellent wind filled their canvas all that night and the
next day, and the ship sped straight on its way like a modern steamer.
But on the second evening they came into dangerous waters. About two
o’clock at night the schooner struck a cliff with a crashing noise.
Instantly everybody was on deck. Amundsson and other officers anxiously
requested the captain to lower sails and bring the ship to, but, like
Dumas’ Captain Chubin, he simply answered “it will all pass over.” A
second shock was felt, however, and again the officers clamorously
demanded the captain to furl sails and proceed no further; but he said:
“I am well acquainted here, it will all pass over.” But there was a
third shock and a crash and a long cry; a cliff had penetrated the
prow and the ship stuck on a rock. In the hope of floating her they
threw the ballast over-board. Later the water and salt from St. Martin
were given to the waves, but the ship remained on the cliff. As day
approached the people could see land about thirteen miles away, a small
uninhabited island, some eighty miles from Porto Rico. Thither women
and children were taken in lifeboats, but the men stayed on the ship.
In the meantime a severe storm arose making it necessary to cut down
the masts to prevent the wind breaking the ship in two. The following
morning the provisions were removed from the ship and she was abandoned
by the men, who joined the women on shore. The shipwrecked ones were
now, however, in a miserable plight, as they “could not find a drop of
water on the island.” “We had to lick the stones with our tongues,”
says the narrator of their misfortunes. Such was their condition for
eight days.
“On Thursday following which was August 31,” a small bark passed within
a mile or two of the island. The Swedes fired two distress signals
for help, but the bark set its course on Porto Rico to report. From
there two Spanish ships were sent to the Swedes, who were asked what
people they were and whence they came. In response the Swedish pass was
produced; but the Spaniards pretended never to have heard of Sweden and
challenged the unfortunate people to fight or surrender, says Rudberus.
Water and other refreshments were given to them, however, and they were
taken on board their foundered ship. The Spaniards promised Amundsson
that both cargo and provisions would be left undisturbed, but, getting
on board the Swedish clipper, they took everything in sight. Not being
content with this, they pulled the clothes off their victims, men and
women alike, to seek for money and other valuables.
On September 1, the Swedes were ordered to the pumps, as the ship was
leaking. Rev. Nertunius, who also took part in the pumping, had on
a pair of old trousers and carried some money in his stockings. In
order to deceive the Spaniards, making them believe that he had on no
trousers, he let his shirt hang outside, and stood in this manner
pumping water, which caused great merriment among the Swedes. When
the Spanish commander, however, discovered that he was a clergyman,
he gave him some clothes and a cap, “but they called him _papistam
perro Lutheran_.” On September 3, the shipwrecked people were landed
in the city of Porto Rico, and led to the market place “with drums
and pipes and great noise.” “A large fire was made on which all the
Swedish books were burnt.” Amundsson complained of their treatment
before Governor de la Riva. The latter assured Amundsson that had he
(De la Riva) been present personally, the property of the Swedes would
not have been taken and their treatment would have been of a different
kind--a rather useless consolation. He promised to set the Swedes
free; but their goods and possessions could not be restored. Shortly
afterwards the Swedes despatched letters and two representatives to
Stockholm to report their condition and request the government to
send a vessel to their aid. In the meantime a Dutch captain, Diedrick
Diedricksen, arrived at Porto Rico with a cargo of slaves. He promised
to give the Swedes passage on his lugger either to America or to
Holland, but as he was about to sail the governor made a prize of him,
took his money and decided to send his ship to the King of Spain as
a gift. The Swedes then obtained permission to go on the vessel to
Spain. A passport was prepared for them, and they were instructed to be
in readiness for embarking. On the governor’s assurance they carried
their possessions to the pier, but when they were about to depart the
governor was ill. He issued no orders and the city council decided to
allow no one, except Amundsson, to go on board. Amundsson refused to
leave without his people, but he was compelled to remain on the ship.
Soldiers took his family on board, “and left us with great lamentation
and cries standing on the shore,” says Rudberus.
As time went on other colonists found means to leave the island, and
in April, 1650, a happy opportunity presented itself for the remaining
ones to depart. The city captured a little bark, which was purchased by
Rudberus and Jöran Dufva. The governor issued passports for them and
provided some provisions. Towards the end of April or the beginning
of May, the remnant of the shipwrecked Swedes, in all twenty-four
souls, set sail. Their object was to reach St. Christopher, whence
they hoped to be able to go with some Dutch skipper either to New
or Old Sweden. Near the island of St. Cruz they met a French bark,
the officers of which boarded their vessel. The Swedish passport was
greeted with derision and torn to pieces, but the Spanish passport was
preserved. The Swedes were then taken ashore. Their few belongings
were divided among the French, who “fought like dogs over it,” and,
if the account of Rudberus be true, the Swedes were submitted to the
most inhuman torture. They were conducted to the governor, who searched
their clothing for money and other valuables. In order to intimidate
the unfortunate people (and for his own amusement) he caused some
of the Swedes to be bound to posts, and commanded his soldiers to
discharge their rifles near them. The women, who were kept in a room
by themselves, “cried out aloud and wept bitterly, fearing their men
had been killed.” Later Rudberus, Jöran Dufva, one Andreas and the mate
were bound with their hands on their backs and suspended on hooks about
a yard from the ground for two nights and two days, until “their bodies
were blue and the blood pressed out of their fingers.”
“Now our women and boys had concealed some money and pearls down in the
ground,” says Rudberus, “which became known to the French, wherefore
they tortured and tormented us fearfully, screwed off the fingers
with pistol locks, burnt the feet of the women on red hot plates,
sold us all away in the country, the one here, the other there, and
also forbade anyone to speak to the other.” A certain woman, of whom
the governor was enamored, was killed by his command, after he had
illicit relations with her against her will. Many other atrocities were
committed.
In the meantime a Dutch bark put into St. Cruz for a supply of fresh
water. The bark was made a prize by the French, but it was later
returned to the skipper, who set sail for St. Christopher. At the
time of his arrival there, two brothers Johan Clausen from Rotterdam
and Andreas Clausen from Amsterdam, were in the harbor trading with
tobacco. The skipper related to them the miseries and the sufferings
of the Swedes. Touched by the story they asked permission from the
governor to bring the imprisoned Swedes from St. Cruz. The governor
doubted the report, as he had had no news of the matter, yet he
gave them a passport together with an order for the release of the
prisoners, if they should be found. One of the brothers provided the
ship, and the other supplied provisions and sailors. When they reached
St. Cruz only five out of the twenty-four were alive, Johan Rudberus,
two women and two children. The women and children were at once placed
on board the ship, but Rudberus had been sold to a captain for 500
lbs. of tobacco. He managed to escape, however, through the aid of a
German, and went on board the ship at night; but he was discovered
by the owner, who demanded and received his 500 lbs. of tobacco for
the claim of “his slave.” They left the island the same day. The day
following the two women and the oldest child died. The other child
was then given to the care of a French woman, but did not live long.
At St. Christopher “Captain Johan Clausen put me on board his ship,
and took me safely to Holland, and there showed me much kindness,”
says Rudberus. Only nineteen of the colonists besides a few officers
and soldiers ever saw their native land again. Rudberus, who was among
the last to reach Sweden, arrived at Stockholm in the autumn of 1651.
Amundsson having landed safely in Spain with his family went thence
to Holland (where we find him in July) and from there to Stockholm.
Lycke and Rev. Nertunius made their way to the capital. Timon Stidden
managed to reach Amsterdam with his wife and five children, but in the
most miserable circumstances. From Holland he was taken to Sweden by
Captain Boender. Lycke, Amundsson and Rev. Nertunius made oral reports
at Stockholm, and numerous others corroborated the doleful tales.
When the Thirty Years’ War had been brought to a close, Sweden,
anxious to gain the friendship of all nations, sent Mathias Palbitsky
to congratulate the King of Spain on the conclusion of peace, and to
establish a fast friendship between the two countries, as well as to
arrange trade relations. Before Palbitsky departed news arrived from
the shipwrecked Swedes in Porto Rico. An inventory was made of the
damages, according to which the loss of the government was estimated
at 4,670: 43 R. D. and private accounts “of persons in the service of
the crown” at 297: 24 R. D., making a total sum of 5,069: 19 R. D. (but
the claims of the company were omitted). This bill was delivered to
Palbitsky for presentation to the Spanish King.
Palbitsky’s mission was successful. The King took up the question at
once, wrote to the governor of Porto Rico, and consulted with his West
Indian commercial council about it. In the autumn he again wrote to the
governor, and informed his “commercial house at Seville” that the ship
must be released and the prisoners set free. But the King’s letter had
no immediate effect. The Swedes had by that time left the island or
died; and, as there was no one to press the claims the governor would
not pay it.
The matter was allowed to rest for a while, but in 1653, when
preparations were begun for a new expedition to the Delaware, it was
decided that one of the ships should go by way of Porto Rico to claim
damages for the _Katt_. Hans Amundsson was appointed to collect
the bills and command the expedition, but he was later removed from
his commission, and Elswick appointed in his stead. A new estimate was
made, which with interest footed up to the sum of 33,669: 19 R. D.
Elswick was instructed to present these claims at Porto Rico; and, if
the Spaniards would not pay all, he should accept part of the amount
and leave the rest to be paid later.
Elswick arrived at Porto Rico on June 30, 1654. He was well received by
the authorities, being called into the presence of the governor upon
his arrival and he seems to have been confident of success. Having
worked four days upon his documents and accounts and added many private
bills, he presented a claim of 52,206 R. D. This was a much larger
sum than the King of Spain had ordered to be paid, and more than the
governor could raise. Elswick would not accept the Spanish estimates,
and no agreement could be reached. On the fifteenth of August the
Swedish vessel left the island without accomplishing its mission. No
further effort seems to have been made at least not for a time, and in
1763 the claim against Spain had not been collected.
[Illustration: Tidö palace, Oxenstierna’s country seat. From
_Svecia Antiqua_.]
The expedition of 1649, which Printz was so anxiously awaiting, and
which, had it arrived in New Sweden, might have had considerable
influence on the history of the colony, was thus not only entirely
useless, but tended to cripple the company and curtail its activity.
Had the ship arrived in New Sweden, the events of 1651 might not have
taken place, Fort Casimir might not have been built, and possibly
Stuyvesant’s expedition of 1655 would not have been made; for then
Rising would have had no fort to capture, and Stuyvesant no capture to
avenge.
VII.
As soon as news of the shipwreck reached Stockholm, the officers of the
company thought of sending a cargo from Holland to the Delaware at an
early date. Several thousand florins were sent to Peter Trotzig, “as a
beginning,” for which he was ordered to buy goods, and in September “it
was daily expected that a resolution would be passed by the council of
state to send a cargo from Holland to New Sweden.” But for some cause
no such resolution was passed and no cargo was prepared.
At the same time preparations were also begun for a new expedition
to New Sweden. There seems to have been money in the treasury of the
company. The _Gyllene Haj_ which had been riding at anchor since
1648 was painted and repaired, but the preparations were discontinued.
The reasons are not clear. Perhaps the government was at fault.
Oxenstierna who was now old lacked his former activity and capacity for
work, and Queen Christina paid more attention to court festivities,
balls and pageants than to matters of state.
In the autumn of 1650 letters again arrived from Governor Printz,
stating that he had heard nothing from Sweden, although he had written
four times. The condition of the country was good, but there was a
great want of people. In November Sven Skute, who had been sent to make
a report, arrived in Stockholm; but neither the letters of Printz nor
the presence of Skute seem to have given much impetus to the efforts
that were being made on behalf of the colony, and nearly a year passed
before preparations were begun for a new journey.
In the autumn of 1651 there was again some activity in the matter.
Large quantities of goods were shipped to Gothenburg, but months passed
by, and no expedition was in sight. In the spring of 1652, however, the
government showed signs of interest in its little forsaken colony on
the South River, and on March 16 the Queen was present in the council
chamber to discuss the colonial business. Lieutenant Skute and several
others, acquainted with the condition in New Sweden and the doings of
the company, were called into the chamber to give reports and express
their opinions. Plans were then formulated for aiding Governor Printz.
Colonists were now easily obtained, for many had expressed a desire to
settle in America. Some Dutch had also applied for permission to settle
on the Delaware, and the chancellor was of opinion that they should
be allowed to do so, provided their number was not too large. It was
also suggested that the Commercial College should assume “the care of
the trade to New Sweden,” and its members were to present plans for the
development of the colony and the cultivation of the land.
On March 18 the Queen was again present in the council chamber, and
it appears that the session was considered important. Letters from
Governor Printz were read, reporting that Stuyvesant had “invaded New
Sweden, bought land from the Indians already purchased by the Swedes,
and erected a fort” within Swedish limits. The governor also complained
bitterly against “the outrages” of the Dutch, saying that Stuyvesant
disrespected Her Royal Majesty’s authority, obstructed the traffic,
demanded toll from strangers, stirred up the Indians against the
Swedes, and personally incited the freemen of New Sweden to renounce
their oath of allegiance and join the Dutch under pain of being driven
“from house and home.” Immediate relief was therefore requested, and
some soldiers with two warships were asked for to be stationed in
the Delaware for two years. The first business of the council was to
discuss these reports. The point to receive most attention was of
course the Dutch hostilities. It seems that some of the councillors
proposed to dispatch a force at once to the Delaware to drive the
Dutch from the river, as the minutes of the council say: “then Her
Majesty’s idea was that the States General should first be approached
for a settlement.” No immediate steps were taken, and the subject was
dropped for the time being with the chancellor’s remark “that the
case was well worth considering.” As may be inferred from the Queen’s
statement, the matter led to some diplomatic correspondence; but the
Dutch representative at Stockholm as well as the States General gave
evasive answers to the Swedish government, and the matter was allowed
to rest.
A few days after the above conference the Queen ordered the admiralty
to fit out the _Swan_ for a “new journey to the West Indies.”
But as the ship was too old the company prepared its own vessel, the
_Gyllene Haj_. The officers were active in the spring and summer,
but the ship still lay at anchor in Gothenburg harbor when autumn came.
In the winter new letters arrived from Governor Printz. The Dutch
pressed hard upon him. They had settled forty families on the crown’s
territory, and the English also threatened to appear in the river with
great force. For five years he had had no merchandise to sell to the
Indians, who consequently were becoming restless and dangerous. The
colonists were dissatisfied and many had deserted. Water had damaged
the grain and supplies must be bought from the Dutch and English at
double prices. The neighbors said openly that the settlement was
forgotten and entirely neglected by the home government. On top of it
all Printz was ill and indisposed to remain.
These letters introduced another period of activity at Stockholm on
behalf of the colony. In May Kramer made an inventory of the stores
at Gothenburg, which were ready to be shipped, and in June several
expenses are recorded in connection with preparations for a journey.
About the same time Kramer had the _Gyllene Haj_ painted, rigged
and thoroughly repaired. Disappointment, however, was again in store
for those interested in New Sweden. The journey was abandoned, and
an interval of inactivity again ensued. Nothing more was done the
following winter, spring and summer. In the autumn of 1653 new interest
was manifested in the colony and the American trade, but this belongs
to a later chapter.
VIII.
During this decade (1643–1654) the company engaged in the trade of salt
and copper besides its usual beaver and tobacco traffic. The copper
was sold in Holland and the salt in Finland. The beaver trade was
comparatively small, and only one large cargo of skins, that of 1648,
was shipped to Sweden from the colony.
The consumption of tobacco increased enormously in Sweden from 1638
to 1643, and smuggling was a profitable business. The ordinances of
the government were disregarded, and tobacco “in large quantities was
secretly brought into the country by sea and land.” In the beginning of
1643 conditions were going from bad to worse. In April the government
published a new ordinance. Tobacco imported by others than the company
would be confiscated and a fine of four öre silver money per lb. would
be imposed on the owner of the tobacco or on “the skipper on whose ship
the tobacco was found,” in case the owner could not be discovered.
Accordingly the New Sweden Company continued to be the sole importer
and was to be the exclusive distributor of tobacco in the kingdom
directly or through agents.
In June, 1643, a tobacco company was organized which was given
exclusive right for six years to sell tobacco in any part of Sweden or
its dependencies. During these years the New Sweden Company was to sell
its tobacco to the Tobacco Company, which on the other hand promised
to buy all its supplies from the former concern. The contract further
stipulated that the Tobacco Company was to supply every locality of
the kingdom and to employ residing burghers in the different cities as
agents, as far as these could be found, except at Kopparberget, where
it had a right to station its own salesmen and erect its own public
stores. All kinds of tobacco were included under the contract; but the
New Sweden Company retained the privilege of selling powdered tobacco
or snuff to apothecaries, who in turn could sell it to the public.
In June Bonnell sold about 23,000 lbs. to the Tobacco Company which
continued during the next five years to buy large quantities annually.
As the supply from New Sweden was insufficient, Bonnell ordered
thousands of pounds from Holland. Complaints were soon heard, however,
that tobacco was imported and sold in quantities, against the mandates
of the government. New resolutions were issued, but the illegal
importation was not checked. Finally, in the autumn of 1649, the
government withdrew the privileges given to the New Sweden Company, and
permitted the free importation and sale of tobacco by everyone, whether
Swede or foreigner, on payment of duty. As a result the Tobacco Company
was practically dissolved.
But it soon became evident that unrestricted importation of tobacco
was impracticable. Tobacco was smuggled into the kingdom in larger
quantities than ever, and the excise was materially reduced. It
was therefore decided to restore the old privileges to the New
Sweden Company. A new Tobacco Company was also organized, and fresh
regulations were published. But all efforts to regulate the trade and
prevent smuggling were of no avail. In April, 1653, the privileges of
the New Sweden Company were once more annulled, and the tobacco trade
was again free.
[Illustration: Johan Printz, Governor of New Sweden. From the
portrait presented by King Gustaf V. to the Swedish Colonial
Society.]
CHAPTER VI.
THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE OF THE COLONY
UNDER GOVERNOR PRINTZ, 1643–1653.
I.
Commander Ridder, with his few soldiers and colonists, was quietly
passing the winter of 1642–3 at Fort Christina. The new year’s
festivities were over. An occasional hunting expedition, the daily
morning and evening prayers, and now and then an Indian visit were
almost the only diversions in the monotonous life. Storm and snow swept
over the territory of New Sweden on the sixth and seventh of February,
and the colonists remained around the fireplaces in their log cabins.
But the sun appeared again, the snow melted, and all was as before,
half spring, half winter, for the climate of the Delaware is generally
undecided at this time of the year.
About the beginning of February we may suppose that the Indians carried
news to the little settlement that ships had appeared in the river.
Were these Swedish vessels or Dutch? Of course the Indians did not
know. But hope revived the drooping spirits; the vessels might be
from Gothenburg. Eager eyes spied the Delaware for days and about noon
on February 15 two ships plowed slowly up the river with a slight
breeze astern. Every man in the fort watched the sails. There was a
bustle and hurry everywhere. The news spread, and the colonists came
running in from their plantations. Sure enough the Swedish colors were
displayed from the topmasts. In an instant the gold-blue cross-banner
was flung to the breeze on the flag pole of Christina fort, and a shout
of welcome greeted the _Swan_ and the _Fama_, as they passed
the mouth of Fish Kill. At two in the afternoon the ships anchored in
Christina harbor, and the passengers and sailors went ashore. Rev.
Torkillus with his entire flock stood on the bridge to receive them,
and Governor Ridder surrounded by his little staff did homage to the
arriving governor, while some Indian lurking behind the pine trees on
the island was watching the scene. The passengers were greeted with
tears of joy, and the hand-shakings seemed never to cease. But to
work, to work! There were cargoes to be unloaded and horses and cattle
to be landed. Until evening the work went on. Shelter was sought for
the new-comers, but some slept on the ship for want of room in the
dwellings. The fires were fed longer than usual that evening, and the
candles or fir-torches were kept burning till morning hours. News
from Sweden, from relatives and friends was desired, the progress
of the war, the victories won by Swedish armies, what new decrees
had been issued, what new taxes levied, who among the relatives and
acquaintances of the colonists had been drafted and sent to German
battlefields--such and a hundred other questions we may be sure were
asked. And when the settlers were told of the great victories at
Glogau, at Schweidnitz and at Breitenfeld, and the glorious exploits of
Torstensson and Banér, their patriotism rose within them, and they were
proud of belonging to such a nation and of being its representatives
in the New World. But the journey across the ocean was not forgotten.
The sufferings on the way from Gothenburg to Godyn’s Bay were related,
and the storms and mishaps of the Horn Kill were described. Gradually
the night came on; the fires went out; the tired travellers were soon
asleep and all was quiet.
In the early morn everybody was at work again. In the afternoon all
the people were assembled in Fort Christina. Ridder delivered his
authority to Governor Printz, and the instructions and orders of the
Swedish Government were read in the presence of the people. Within the
next few days the commissioners were busy, making an inventory of the
merchandise in the storehouse and preparing for the return voyage of
the ships.
Spring was rapidly approaching. The newly arrived freemen were anxious
to begin the erection of buildings and the clearing of forests, and
the governor desired to select the location for a new fort. For
these reasons as well as to be able to make a report from personal
observation, Governor Printz, in company with Ridder, some soldiers
and perhaps an Indian guide, “passed over the territory of New Sweden
first from Cape Henlopen unto Bomkin’s Hook and thence all the way up
to Sankikan.” This inspection gave the governor a good idea of the
land. He took notice of the parts most adapted for farms, and as soon
as possible the new colonists were assigned places for clearing ground
and building homes.
To safeguard the colony against attacks, however, were the first
duties of the governor. His instruction directed him to build “a new
stronghold either at Cape Henlopen or on Jaques’ Island or at any other
suitable place, so that the South River could be closed and guarded by
it. He was ordered to keep the title of the territory at Varkens Kill
intact and to assert the authority of the Swedish Government over the
English residing there. To erect a fortress near the British settlement
would be one of the most effective means of asserting this authority,
and the stronghold could serve the main and additional purpose of
closing the river against intruders. Accordingly about March 1, a
convenient spot was selected on the eastern shore of the Delaware,
a little south of Mill Creek on an island of Upland (the present
“Elsinburg Fort Point”), and preparations for laying the foundation
timbers were at once begun. The work was rushed to such an extent that
on May 6, foreign vessels were compelled to strike their flag before
the fort. When the cannon had been placed in position a Swedish salute
was given, and the stronghold was called _Fort Elfsborg_. It was
an earthwork constructed “on the English plan with three angles close
to the river,” and “the carpenter made a beautiful gate to it.” “Eight
twelve-pound iron and brass guns and one mortar,” the largest ordnances
in the colony, were planted upon its walls. It was the best garrisoned
fort of New Sweden and Sven Skute, next in rank to Printz, was placed
in command.
In the spring of 1643 the English settlement at Varkens Kill was on
the point of breaking up, being harassed by sickness. It is therefore
probable that these colonists were not unwilling “to swear allegiance
to the crown of Sweden” when Gov. Printz arrived. At any rate some
remained “as Swedish citizens” and continued to cultivate their maize
and tobacco.
Printz lived at Christina for a few months, but he had a right to
choose his place of residence, and as soon as the work at Varkens Kill
was under way, he began the erection of a dwelling on Tinicum Island,
and made provision for the fortification of the place. This fortress
was ready towards the end of July or the beginning of August and the
name _New Gothenborg_ was given to it. It was “made of hemlock
beams, laid one upon the other,” and it was armed with “four small
copper cannon.” It was built near the water’s edge on a high point of
Tinicum, and its guns commanded the river. As it was not favorably
located for protecting the little settlement on the island against
Indian attacks, a large storehouse was built on the land side, in such
a manner that the soldiers could hold the savages at bay from there, if
the war cry should ever startle the peaceful community.
A blockhouse was also built on an elevated part of Upland, about twelve
miles north of Christina, where some colonists had been given land, and
Christer Boije was placed in command there.
In the meantime Fort Christina was repaired and put in a state of
defence, but the armament remained the same as before. The principal
storehouse continued to be there, and it was the center of activity in
New Sweden for a long time.
[Illustration:
Storehouse, (now at Skansen, Stockholm), showing the extended
“balcony” and the “log-ladder” leading up to it.]
Governor Printz also turned his attention to other matters. About the
middle of April he made his first report to the government concerning
the condition of the colony and the situation and nature of the
land. He found that “it was a remarkably beautiful country with all the
glories a person could wish for on earth, and a pity and regret that
it was not occupied by true Christians. It was adorned with all kinds
of fruit-bearing trees. The soil was suitable for planting and sowing,
and if Her Majesty would but make a serious beginning, the colony would
soon become a desirable place to live in.”
Printz was anxious to make proper use of this “suitable soil” and of
the many advantages found there, and it is probable that land was
allotted to some of the colonists as early as March. New settlements
were made at Finland, Upland (Chester), Tequirassy, Tinicum and
Province Island (within present Philadelphia), and here the freemen
labored to found new homes surrounded by fertile fields. Tinicum Island
was cleared and prepared for Printz’s private use, and a plot of ground
was set aside on the mainland for the company, where the hired or
indented servants worked.
A strange sight met the eye of the savage chief, who visited the
western banks of the Delaware from Christina to New Gothenborg in the
spring of 1643. His ancient hunting grounds were being transformed;
his primeval forests were giving way to fields and cultivated acres.
The stillness of the early morning was broken by the sound of the
woodman’s axe, whose echoes, answered from various quarters, were
interrupted now and then by the crash of falling trees. For a moment
all was quiet, the woodman looked at the felled tree as if to measure
its length, then the axe was again put into play, the branches and
limbs were stripped from the trunk and thrown into a pile to be burnt,
the trunk was measured and the top cut off,--a log fit to be placed in
the wall of a new building was ready. Gradually the branches and other
rubbish were burned or removed from the clearings, and the freemen in
due time sowed their grain or planted their corn and tobacco.
Printz was instructed to plant tobacco, so that it would not be
necessary to buy it from the English merchants, when the ships returned
to Sweden. But Ridder advised the governor to plant corn in large
quantities, saying that “one man’s planting would produce enough corn
for nine men’s yearly food.” With this in view Governor Printz planted
corn on almost all available ground in 1643; but a number of small
tobacco patches were also prepared, and an expert tobacco planter was
engaged at a wage of thirty-five florins a month. The Swedish freemen
probably followed the example of their governor, largely planting corn
on their fields and but little tobacco. It is likely that they also
sowed at least some grain. The English at Varkens Kill principally
cultivated tobacco.
Printz was instructed to keep peace with his neighbors, as far as
possible, and to give free and undisturbed course to the correspondence
already begun by his predecessor. He was to try to supply the Indians
with such articles as they needed and desired, and he was to endeavor
to win their trade by underselling the English and Dutch. He was to
treat them with humanity and kindness, and to prevent his people from
doing them any harm, so as to gain their confidence and good will. The
beaver traffic was to be conducted for the benefit of the company, and
freemen and others were prohibited from trading with the savages. In
all this Printz was successful as long as means were at his disposal.
He arrived in New Sweden on February 15. In May he had begun dealings
with the Indians, and presents worth twenty-two florins, large for
those days, were presented to the Minquas to induce them to trade with
the Swedes, as well as to inspire their confidence. At the same time
_sewant_ valued at 607 florins were exchanged for 972 bushels
of Indian corn, and additional gifts were given to some Indians for
carrying the corn to Christina. Many other commercial transactions were
made with the natives during May.
The _Swan_ and the _Fama_ were probably ready to get sail for
Europe in April, although but a small cargo had been obtained. Several
officers and soldiers left the colony on the vessels, some, however,
with the intention of returning. Printz sent his first relation, made
requests for large supplies and more people, and despatched Johan
Papegoja to give an oral report.
Since the _Swan_ and the _Fana_ carried only small cargoes
to the colony in 1643, Printz found it necessary to buy cloth and
other merchandise from the English and Dutch. In May John Willcox, who
had been informed of the arrival of the Swedish expedition, came from
Virginia, and offered a great variety of goods for sale at reasonable
prices. On May 22 he sold a bark of 10 lasts burden, 2 fowling pieces,
82 yards of sail cloth, 862½ yards of _sewant_, 144 knives, 3
kettles, 15 axes and a variety of other things, in all valued at 7,224
florins. Henrick Huygen, who was now making strenuous efforts to obtain
cargoes for the returning ships, bought 3,000 lbs. of tobacco from a
“Virginian merchant by the name of Moore”, then trading in the river.
Towards the end of May a commercial journey was made to New Holland.
Henrick Huygen and Christer Boije were sent there to buy supplies
for the colony, and to capture several deserters. Beaver skins and
_sewant_ were used for the current expenses of the voyage, for
beaver skins and _wampum_ were the currency in these early days.
Huygen’s board, which consisted of smoked pork, bread and butter and
peas, cost nine beaver skins, valued at sixty-three florins and for his
lodgings at the inn in New Amsterdam he paid five skins. The sails of
the bark, which had been torn by the wind, were repaired at the cost
of six beaver skins. Several purchases of cloth and _sewant_ were
also made.
[Illustration:
Bill of lading, showing the number of beaver skins and
hogsheads of tobacco shipped from New Sweden in July, 1644.
Original, signed by Johan Printz and Hendrick Huygen,
preserved in N. S. ’I. (R. A.), Stockholm.]
The deserted settlers could not be captured immediately, as they
were in hiding about twenty miles from New Amsterdam. They had been
discovered by some Indians, however, who informed Huygen of their
whereabouts. There was an understanding between the governors of the
neighboring colonies that deserters should be detained and returned, or
at least given up when officers arrived to fetch them back. Accordingly
the Dutch governor placed no obstacles in the way of Huygen and Boije.
In fact the Dutch provost marshal was employed to capture the runaways,
who were taken to the Swedish sloop and guarded by Dutch soldiers,
until the vessel sailed for New Sweden.
In the beginning of May an English bark sailed up before Fort Elfsborg.
The fort was in course of construction, and Printz was there to
superintend the work. The governor demanded the pass of the skipper
and the crew, and “when he observed that they were not right in their
errands he took them (yet with their own will) to Christina to buy
flour and other provisions from them, examining them until a maid
confessed and betrayed them.” Thereupon they were arrested, and an
inventory was made of their goods. They were servants of “Governor
Edmund Plowden”, who was then in America. In the winter or early
spring of 1643, Plowden bought one-half part of a bark from Phillip
White at Kikitan. About May 1 he loaded his ship with flour and other
provisions and sailed from Heckemak to Kikitan with a crew of sixteen
people. But the skipper conspired with the sailors against him, and
made for Cape Henry instead of Kikitan. On their way, however, they
landed Sir Edmund on Smith’s Island “without food, clothes and arms,
where no people nor other animals except wolves and bears lived.” Two
young noblemen, having been educated by Plowden, escaped from the
bark and remained with their master. Four days later an English sloop
by chance sailed within calling distance of the island, and rescued
the unfortunate victims. Plowden was taken to Heckemak, where he soon
recovered, although “he was half dead and black as the ground.” Shortly
afterwards the sloop which rescued the party was sent out to look for
the criminals, carrying letters, not only to Governor Printz but to
all the governors and commanders along the coast. The vessel visited
New Sweden some time in the summer. Printz delivered the prisoners,
bark and property to the English commander, and presented a bill of
425 R. D. for incurred expenses. The prisoners were taken to Virginia,
where the principal instigators were shot as traitors. Edmund Plowden,
although not successful in his attempts at settlements on the Delaware,
gave commission to English ships to trade freely in the river; but
Printz “allowed none of them to pass Fort Elfsborg.”
In June and July William Cox and Richard Lord traded in the South
River and sold large quantities of goods to the Swedes. Lamberton
also continued his trade there, even after his plantation on the
Schuylkill had been destroyed; and about the middle of June he arrived
in the Delaware with his pinnace the _Cock_. On June 22, 1643,
he presented a protest to the Swedes, asserting that he had bought
the lands on the Schuylkill from the rightful owner, and in a second
protest he laid claim to the land at Varkens Kill. It is not known
whether or not Printz answered these protests, but he was soon given an
opportunity for testing these rights and definitely disproving them, at
least from his point of view.
Lamberton was riding at anchor with his ship the _Cock_ about
three miles above Fort Christina, where he was trading with the
Indians. Early in the morning on June 26, as the governor came from
his prayers, Timon Stidden and Gotfried Harmer brought a report that
Lamberton had bribed the Indians to murder the Swedes and Dutch and
to destroy their settlements. The governor immediately set about to
investigate the report. He sent Stidden and Harmer as spies on board
the Pinnace, and wrote a letter to Lamberton, stating that a savage
“the day before had stolen a gold chain from the governor’s wife, and
that the governor did entreat Mr. Lamberton to use means to get it
again of the Indians.” Since many savages were about to trade with
Lamberton the following day, the Swedish agents desired to stay on
board the vessel over night, “so that they might see those who came
to barter their skins and try to discover among them the one who had
stolen the chain”, he being easily recognized by a “mark in his face.”
Their request was granted, but of course no Indian with “a mark in
his face” appeared. Through a second letter Lamberton was induced on
some “fained and false pretences” to appear in Fort Christina with
his men. The English were arrested on their arrival and put into
prison for about three days. In the meantime preliminary examinations
were conducted by Governor Printz, Van Dyck and others, who tried to
draw all information they could from Lamberton’s men concerning the
“planned massacre.” Lamberton’s Indian interpreter, John Woollen, was
specially subjected to close examination, but nothing definite could be
ascertained.
The English were finally set free, presumably on the promise that they
would appear at the court of inquiry to be held in Fort Christina
within a few days. The court was called on July 10, 1643, and was made
up of English, Swedish and Dutch commissaries. The subject of inquiry
embraced three main paragraphs: 1. Lamberton’s title to the Schuylkill
(being most important); 2. the English title to Varkens Kill; 3. the
accusations against Lamberton personally. After lengthy examinations
and the hearing of witnesses, the court handed down its decision.
In the first place the court found that “four approved witnesses,
on oath and by relating circumstances, had proved that Lamberton in
truth had bribed the Indians to kill the Dutch and Swedes”; but since
he would not confess to the charge, the court at the request of the
plaintiff dismissed the case. Secondly the court was agreed that “it
had been completely established from the documents that Lamberton by
right possessed no place at, in or around” Delaware River. Thirdly
since Lamberton now, a second time, had purchased beavers from the
Indians without a commission, the court had a right to confiscate not
only the beavers but his other goods and ship as well. Yet leniency
would be observed also in this particular and only a double duty would
be demanded on the 400 beavers in Lamberton’s possession, with the
understanding, however, that if he traded in the river a third time
without permission, his ketch and cargo would be confiscated. After
the dismissal of the court Lamberton paid the duty “of twelve pounds
sterling in the hundred” on his purchases as well as a few other bills
and returned home with his people.
The Swedes were busy during the summer completing their cottages, and
caring for their small plantations. Hay was cut in June and July, and
the grain was harvested a little later. We have no means of knowing,
what the summer of 1643 was like nor what the grain crop yielded;
but the corn crop was poor. Printz writes: “I got as well on the one
plantation as on the other from the work of nine men, hardly one man’s
nourishment.” The Swedes undoubtedly learnt from the Dutch and Indians
how to cultivate and use the corn, and it is probable that later
years brought better results. The tobacco crop was fair. The English
colonists at Varkens Kill, who had sworn allegiance to the Swedish
crown, could sell some 2,451 lbs. from their growth of 1643, and the
expert tobacco-planter, engaged by Printz, “showed good proofs of his
skill.”
In agriculture as in other respects the customs of Sweden and Finland
were largely adhered to by the colonists in New Sweden. “Old rye”, says
Per Brahe in his _Oeconomia_, “should be sown from Olaf’s Mass
until Lar’s Mass and New rye is sown in August.”[13] A great deal
of rye was thus put into the ground in Sweden and Finland. The grain
sprang up, and the fields stood green for some time in the autumn.
When the frost came the sheep were often let loose to graze on the
rye acres, if the sprout was thick and long enough. The winter months
covered the field with a white sheet of snow, protecting the roots of
the grain against the severe cold, and when the sun melted the snow and
brought warm weather to the north, the rye sprouted again.
This method was now to be employed in the colony on the Delaware.
Indian corn could be planted without plowing or much work, but for
rye the ground had to be broken and somewhat prepared. There were too
few horses and oxen in the colony for farm work, and too little grain
for seed, but the deficiency could be supplied in New Netherland.
Accordingly another journey was made thither by sea towards the end
of August. Henrick Huygen was again in charge, and beaver skins were
the ready money, as on the former trip. Huygen bought 7 oxen in New
Amsterdam for 124 beaver skins, valued at 868 fl., and 1 cow for 22
skins worth 154 fl. He also purchased 75 bushels of rye for 32 beaver
skins. Some of the cattle were led across the country to New Sweden
by two Hollanders, who received 5 beaver skins for their labors; the
other oxen were taken by sea to the colony on Governor Kieft’s sloop,
also at the cost of 5 beaver skins.
The seed and the oxen arrived rather late, and it probably took some
time (perhaps towards the middle of October) before the plantations
were ready to be sown. One bushel of seed is usually required to the
acre. At this rate at least 75 or 100 acres were put into rye in the
fall of 1643 on the farms belonging to the company. The freemen also
sowed winter rye on certain tracts, but to what extent is unknown. In
the late autumn more ground was cleared and prepared for fields. The
oxen could now be used for skidding the logs into piles to be burnt, or
for hauling the timber, and the building of houses was made easier.
In September a journey was made to New England to buy supplies for
the winter. Some Dutch and English merchants also came to the colony
during the autumn for purposes of trade. The Minquas and other Indians
likewise bartered with the Swedes, but the trade was not large. In
October the well known Peterz. de Vries visited Governor Printz and was
hospitably entertained.
Late in the fall “neither Christian nor savage traders came to New
Sweden.” Fort Elfsborg was completed, and several thousand feet of oak
planks were bought from the English for use in the stronghold, while
the other forts were repaired. Barns were built for the shelter of
the cattle, and the dwellings of the freemen were improved. Many of
the swine that ran wild were shot, and hunting expeditions brought in
a supply of deer, wild geese and other game. Some provisions were also
bought from the Indians. In December wood was cut to last till spring,
and ale was brewed and other preparations made for Christmas.
The supply of food was poor in 1643, and the hard labor and change
of climate was too much for the people. As a result many of the
settlers were ill in the summer and autumn. Printz supplied Spanish
wine and various other articles to the sick at the different forts and
settlements, and did his utmost to alleviate their suffering; but one
officer, five soldiers, three freemen and ten servants, besides the
Rev. Torkillus, died between July and December.
The illness of the people was a great drawback to the colony, and
caused the governor to abandon many of his plans. In the spring of 1643
timber had been cut and sawed at Elfsborg for a keel-boat or barge,
and work was begun on it in June. The indisposition of the carpenters
delayed the construction, and later “the Indians set fire to the island
during the night and burnt some of the timber.”
We have now no means of knowing, how Governor Printz and his colonists
spent their first Christmas and New Year in New Sweden, for on these
things the governor did not think it worth while to enlarge; but these
holidays were probably observed with more strictness than before and
“in the good old Swedish manner.” The winter seems to have been passed
quietly. The grain was thrashed and ground, logs were cut for new
dwellings, barns and graineries; and when sowing time came the area of
“improved land” had somewhat increased.
We have seen that Lamberton and his men were unfairly dealt with, at
least in their opinion. When they arrived in New Haven they complained
of ill-treatment at the hands of the Swedish governor. The complaints
were presented to a court held in New Haven on August 2, 1643.
Lamberton made an oral relation of his experiences before the court,
and accused Printz of “reviling the English of New Haven as runigates”
and of trying by threats, the promise of gifts and by “attempting to
make them drunk to press the witnesses to testify that Lamberton had
hired the Indians to cut off the Swedes.” John Thickpenny, “mariner in
the _Cock_ with George Lamberton, being duly sworn and examined,”
was called upon to testify before the New Haven court. He gave a long
report of the “outrages” committed by Governor Printz, and testified on
oath that the Swedes tried to make John Woollen drunk, so as to make
him confess what he did not know, and by threats of execution on the
charge of treason and by promise of gifts endeavored to make him reveal
something about Lamberton’s dealings with the Indians.
It was decided to present the complaints before a general court held
at Boston in September, and Theophilus Eaton and Thomas Greyson,
members of the New Haven Delaware Company, were appointed to argue the
case. Eaton and Greyson summarized the complaints before the general
court, which took up the matter among its first transactions. It was
decided “that a letter be written to the Swedish governor, expressing
particulars and requiring satisfaction.” Accordingly Governor John
Winthrop, “as Governor of the Massachusetts and President of the
Commissioners for the United Colonists of New England”, wrote a lengthy
letter to Governor Printz, setting forth the English title to the whole
continent and to Delaware Bay in particular, and complaining that the
English already settled on the South River had been driven away from
their property or forced to “bind themselves by an oath to the Swedish
Crown.” The complaints of Thickpenny and Lamberton were repeated in
brief, and satisfaction was demanded for the injuries done “to the
allies of New Haven.” “If you afford this satisfaction”, says Winthrop
in closing, “New Haven will send at the first opportunity those who
will treat with you concerning the division of the boundaries and the
exercise of trade.” Special envoys were to be sent to New Sweden to
deliver the letter, and “Lamberton was given commission to go and treat
with the Swedish governor about satisfaction for his personal injuries.”
Captain Nathanael Turner, who apparently had been appointed to deliver
the letter to Governor Printz, arrived at Christina in the beginning of
1644. The governor was greatly concerned about the matter, and seems
to have called a court almost immediately to disprove the accusations
against him.
The court was convened in January, 1644. A copy of the minutes (in
Dutch) reads as follows: “Anno 1644, on January 16, the following case
was examined on oath upon the letters of the governor of New England
to the governor of New Sweden in the presence of the following good
men: Governor Johan Printz, Captain Christer Boije, Captain Måns
Kling, Henrick Huygen, Gregorius van Dyck, Carl Jansson, Nathanael
Turner, Isaac Allerton.” The witnesses called before the court
denied the accusations against Governor Printz. John Woollen also
confessed that he had in no manner been prevailed upon by any of the
Swedes to testify falsely against Lamberton. On the contrary he had
been admonished to speak the truth and told “that, if he were found
false, it would risk him his life.” The other charges against Printz
were similarly denied by the witnesses, and the English at Varkens
Kill “confessed in the presence of the messenger” that they had not
been driven off nor urged to become Swedish subjects, but of their
own accord were “inclined to devotion to Her Royal Majesty.” The
testimony of Timon Stidden and “Gottfried Harmer, the merchantman”,
also substantiated the Swedish charges against Lamberton that he had
promised to sell arms and powder to the Indians, an act against the
laws of all Christian peoples.
Copies of this examination and court proceedure as well as that of the
previous year were sent to Governor Winthrop, accompanied by a letter
in which the “Swedes denied what they had been charged with and used
large expressions of their respect to the English and particularly to
the Massachusetts Colony.” Governor Winthrop acknowledged the receipt
of the letters and documents on March 21, “accepting and thankfully
receiving the spirit of good will and greatest friendship displayed
towards the English people”, and stating that he was not at liberty
to reply at length, but that “a full and particular response [could
be expected] at the next meeting of the commissioners [of the United
Colonies].”[14]
II.
The year of 1643 was successful commercially and otherwise, but the
colony suffered a setback in the beginning of 1644. The Swedes lacked
merchandise and the anticipated expedition failed to arrive. As a
result the company sustained a loss of over 20,000 fl., for the beaver
trade went to the Dutch and English, who had merchandise in abundance.
The Dutch and English traders continued to visit the colony with their
cargoes, but they demanded and received very high prices, as the Swedes
had no alternative but to buy from them.
In March the _Fama_ at last arrived with a large cargo. A quantity
of cloth and stockings had been ruined, while lying in a cellar at
Gothenburg, but a large number of articles necessary in the settlement
were landed safely, among which may be mentioned three large saws for
a sawmill, eight grind-stones, one pair of stones for a handmill, one
pair of large mill-stones, five anchors, six pumps with necessary
repairs and a hide of pump leather, twelve small and eight large
augers, four compasses, thirty-six blocks, two hundred and fifty
copper kettles, several barrels of lime and pitch, a few thousand
bricks, two hundred barrels of flour, twenty barrels of Spanish salt,
ten hogsheads of French wine, one hogshead of brandy, several hundred
yards of cloth for flags and for clothes for the people, ten gilded
flag-pole knobs, three hundred pairs of shoes, two hundred pairs of
stockings, one hundred and forty-five shirts, besides a variety of
other goods and merchandise. Johan Papegoja, two young nobleman, Per
and Knut Liljehök, the barber-surgeon Hans Janeke, a number of soldiers
and a few colonists arrived on this expedition; but the population was
only slightly increased, since others returned to Sweden with the ship.
In the spring of 1643 Printz applied to the government for a grant of
Tinicum Island. The council of state complied with his request, and a
“capital donation of that place called Tinnaco or New Gothenborg for
Printz and for his lawful heirs”, dated November 6, 1643, was on the
vessel.
Towards the end of March Huygen inventoried the stock in the
storehouse. The Indian trade could begin anew. Messengers were sent
to the aborigines with gifts for the chiefs and _sachems_.
The traffic was so lively that 300 beaver skins were bought in the
Schuylkill before the _Fama_ sailed, and several hundred skins
were purchased at other trading posts. Yet the greater part of the
cargo had to be made up of tobacco. Only about 5,000 pounds were
available in the colony, but English merchants, being informed of the
matter, came to the rescue, and offered for sale several thousand
pounds more than were necessary. These merchants also sold quantities
of other goods, partly for beavers, partly on credit.
But trade and commercial activities were not allowed to interfere
with agriculture and other domestic duties. The old plantations were
enlarged during the winter and early spring, and the forest had been
removed on comparatively big areas when seeding time came. New ground
had been cleared “in the Schuylkill”, where a strong blockhouse
was erected for the safety of the settlers who resided there. The
blockhouse probably served the double purpose of a dwelling house for
the lieutenant and his men and of a store house and trading post. It
was located on “the island in the Schuylkill”, where Korsholm was later
built, “and little stone cannon[15] were placed upon it.” Lieutenant
Måns Kling was stationed there, but without soldiers, as the freemen
and servants of the place were called upon to do service in case of
need. As time went on several dwellings seem to have been erected in
the neighborhood of the blockhouse.
When planting time drew near the newly cleared plots were broken,
and the slow steady oxen could be seen plodding their way among the
stumps, where the plough, “turning over the sod,” prepared the soil for
the grain, while laborers were at work, planting tobacco at several
openings in the wood. Since the Indian corn failed to produce desired
results and since it could be bought cheaply from the savages, none
was planted this spring; and all the corn plantations of the previous
year were put into tobacco. There were now three large plantations in
New Sweden besides one or more smaller ones. The most important field
was at Upland, where twelve men, including the expert planter, were
engaged, Christina was the next largest tobacco tract, and eleven
planters were stationed there, while seven men were employed to
cultivate the plant near “the blockhouse in the Schuylkill.”
Not only was agriculture improved and placed on a more prosperous
footing with the arrival of Printz, but cattle and horse raising was
looked after. The swine which had been allowed to run wild were partly
kept in pens or herded by Anders Mink and his son. The horses were
always grazed on enclosed pastures, but the cattle were allowed to
roam at large through the woods in the neighborhood of the settlements
herded by Sven Svensson. The sheep were probably confined within fenced
areas, as it was difficult to keep them away from the fields under
cultivation, and the goats were likely chained to posts, and moved
from place to place, or allowed to follow the cattle or sheep. We may
assume with a fair degree of certainty that the orchards and other
smaller tracts were enclosed with wooden fences to keep out the cattle,
when these were driven home at night. The cattle were kept in “the
barn-yard” during the night to prevent them from being lost. In Sweden
the milking was done by the women, but men often did it in the colony,
where they were compelled to perform all kinds of “women’s labor.”
In accordance with his instruction Printz also attempted to establish
manufactories. Two of the three regularly employed carpenters had
been ill most of the winter and spring of 1643–4, but the third one
was kept busy on lighter work, and, as soon as the others were able,
they made “two large beautiful boats, one for use at Elfsborg the
other at Fort Christina.” The boats were built near Fort Christina,
where a wharf had been erected, the first on the Delaware. At this
place Lauris, the Cooper, and Lucas Persson made barrels, wooden milk
pails, tubs, tobacco casks “and other cooper’s articles.” There were
two blacksmith-shops in New Sweden at this time, one at the Upland
settlement and one within the walls of Fort Christina. The blacksmith
Michel Nilsson worked at the former place and Hans Rosback at the
latter. These two men made new tools and farm-implements, and did the
necessary repairs in the colony.
New Sweden was now on a prosperous footing. As summer approached the
conditions greatly improved. With the new supplies health and happiness
returned, to the people, and the hope for the future was bright. The
colony had been re-organized and divided into districts, which were
well protected by three strong forts and two blockhouses against the
savages and the attack of foreign vessels.
Two sloops and two large boats were available for trading expeditions
to the neighboring colonies and for the transportation of goods; and
it is likely that the freemen had small boats and canoes for fishing
and for going from place to place. The windmill ground most of the corn
bought from the Indians as well as the grain harvested in the colony.
In June Printz wrote that “Anders Dreijer was continually in the mill”,
and it is probable that he continued his work there throughout 1644.
Much was still wanting in the settlement, however, and Printz asked
for a brickmaker, a wagon-maker, a tanner, a mason and a fortification
engineer (?) besides 20,000 bricks and various other supplies; and
Papegoja suggested that the company should send over more “good axes,
good thick iron spades, good hoes to hoe up the ground with and
another kind of broad hoes with which to hoe the grass.” But the most
pressing need was for people. “There is a great cry for people, for
here are few,” says Papegoja, and Printz likewise complained that there
were entirely too few colonists.
Several improvements were also suggested by Printz. The soldiers
and servants were often supplied from the goods bought from foreign
merchants, who visited New Sweden, but the governor found this system
to be impractical, since the company in this manner not only reduced
its profits but at times even suffered a loss. Hence he proposed the
erection of “a trading place and a shop,” supplied “with all sorts of
provisions, small wares, cloth and other goods.” “A wise and faithful
man [should be appointed to superintend it], who could give them on
their salaries as much [of the goods] as each one needed.” The trade
with the Indians could not be conducted to advantage without a supply
of _sewant_. As the South River Indians were poor and had little
or no “money,” the Swedes were compelled to buy “_sewant_ from
New Amsterdam and from New England, where it was made.” Here it could
be bought cheaply from the savages, and, in order that the company
might be able to watch the market and buy the wampum direct from
the makers, Printz suggested that a “faithful agent” should be
permanently stationed at the above mentioned places.
[Illustration:
Black and white _sewant_ (wampum) of the Delawares
on strings. From the Heye Collection, University of
Pennsylvania. Photograph used by the courtesy of Dr. Gordon.]
In 1643 the Dutch at Manathans captured several Spanish prizes valued
at over 50,000 R. D., according to their own statements, and Printz
was of opinion, since New Sweden was better situated, being nearer the
Spanish colonies, that it would be to the advantage of the government
to have a good and well armed ship in the river for the purpose of
preying on the “Spanish silver fleets.” Governor Printz embodied his
suggestions in a long Report, and made a list of the things necessary
in the settlement, as the _Swan_ was about to set sail in June.
In his instruction as well as in private letters from Sweden, Printz
was admonished to be on friendly terms with the natives. He endeavored
to follow these directions, and he was invariably successful in keeping
peace with the red men; but he had no great confidence in them. In
a letter to Per Brahe he describes them as follows: “They are big
and strong, well built men; paint themselves terribly in the face,
differently, not one like unto the other, and go about with only a
piece of cloth about half an ell broad around the waist and down about
the hips. They are revengeful, cunning in dealings and doing, clever
in making all kinds of things from lead, copper and tin and also carve
skilfully in wood. They are good and quick marksmen with their arrows”
and above all are not to be trusted.
The relations between the Swedes and the Indians were not always
peaceful. The savages had attacked the Dutch and English colonies
with success in 1644, and the tribes in New Sweden became proud and
pretentious. In order to impose upon them and make them believe that
a large number of Swedish settlers were about to arrive, Printz “told
them the whole year” that he expected ships with a great many colonists
and large supplies. Finding, however, that only one ship arrived with
few colonists, the savages took courage, “fell in between Tinicum and
Upland, and murdered a man and [his] wife on their bed; and a few days
later they killed two soldiers and a workman.” “But when the chiefs
saw that Printz assembled his people to avoid future attack, they were
frightened, collected from all parts, excused themselves, saying that
it had happened without their knowledge, and sued for peace.” Peace was
granted them on the condition, says Printz, “that if they hereafter
committed the least offence against our people, then we would not let a
soul of them live.” The treaty was signed by the chiefs and likely by
the Swedes, and gifts were exchanged according to the Indian custom.
But Printz wrote that “they trust us in no wise, and we trust them
still less”; and Papegoja said that the colony was in great danger from
the savages.
Governor Printz continued to treat the Indians with consideration,
and always avoided friction during his governorship; but this was of
necessity and not out of kindness nor love for them. He was a warrior
with a warrior’s ideas, and the best way in his opinion to solve the
Indian problem was to exterminate “the Americans.” Accordingly he
proposed in view of the troubles of 1644, that a force of 200 soldiers
should be sent to his aid, with which he would be able to “break the
neck of every Indian in the river.” Such a course would be no loss to
the beaver trade, he said, but rather the reverse, for these Indians
(the Delawares) were poor, and had only maize to sell; and it would
open the way for an unmolested trade with the Black and White Minquas.
It would also strengthen the title to New Sweden, for when the Swedes
“had not only purchased the river, but also won it with the sword;
then no one, whosoever he be, Hollander or Englishman, could now or
in coming times make pretentions to this place.” It is possible that
these ideas were inspired by Governor Kieft, and that the two governors
planned concerted action. Fortunately, however, the request of Printz
for 200 soldiers was not granted by the government at Stockholm. We
might otherwise have had the bloody history of New Amsterdam repeated
in New Sweden.
As a result of Indian troubles and lack of merchandise, the trade
was slack during the summer and early autumn, only a few sales being
recorded. The English merchants returned in the fall to collect their
outstanding accounts as well as to trade, and Isaac Allerton sold
fourteen bushels of barley for seed, one pair of mill-stones and a
Dutch bushel measure. Other English and Dutch traders exchanged lumber
and ammunition for beaver skins and tobacco. A journey to New England
was also undertaken with the sloop, but little is known about this
expedition.
The usual work occupied the colonists during the summer--the
cultivation of tobacco, the cutting of hay and the harvesting of the
grain. A good crop was laid up, as the weather was favorable for grain
in 1644. About 6,920 pounds of tobacco were dried and stored. At the
rate of 7 stivers per pound the tobacco would be worth 2,422 florins.
As 29 men had been engaged in cultivating the tobacco, making 83½
florins the amount realized on the labor of each man, the result does
not seem to have been very satisfactory.
III.
In the beginning of 1645 the traffic with the Indians began anew and in
the early spring merchants from the neighboring colonies again arrived
to collect old bills and to sell their cargoes.
When the warm weather returned the freemen’s labors of former years
repeated themselves. The fields were sown with grain, the gardens were
planted with seeds, and the cattle were left to wander through the
woods or across the grassy meadows under the care of the herdsmen.
In the summer Governor Printz ordered the sloop to New Amsterdam to buy
cattle and provisions. Nine oxen were purchased for ninety-six beavers
and one horse for thirty beavers. “A pair of mill-stones for the wind
mill” was obtained for two beavers, and twelve barrels of lime for
one skin. In the autumn 449 beaver skins were bought from the savages
at the Schuylkill, and an Indian guide was sent to invite the Minquas
to the settlement for trading purposes. But the traffic could not be
conducted with much vigor, as there was a want of merchandise. The
governor and colonists waited for ships and supplies from Sweden, but
the summer came and passed, the grain grew and was harvested, and no
ships nor supplies arrived. John Wilcox, Jeremiah Clerk and Mr. Spindle
relieved the most pressing needs by their cargoes, and furnished some
merchandise for the peltry trade.
In spite of various drawbacks, however, the colony grew in prosperity.
The windmill was re paired for the autumn grinding. The oxen and
the horse bought at New Amsterdam enlarged the possibilities of
agriculture, and the fields were somewhat increased. A piece of land,
not “properly bought from the Indians,” had been occupied, giving
rise to disputes with two chiefs, who demanded pay for the tract.
On September 20, 1645, four yards of cloth and about nine yards of
_sewant_ were presented to the chiefs for their claim. This
seems to have settled the question, and the colonists were henceforth
undisturbed in their possession.
The winter of 1645 was now approaching. Provisions were purchased from
the neighbors and the Indians, and all kinds of necessary supplies
were provided for the cold weather. Omens seemed more favorable than
previous years, and the settlers were happier than ever before in
their new home. But a month before the Christmas holidays a terrible
misfortune befell the little colony. It was on the 25th of November,
1645. The governor had gone to rest in Printz Hall; the soldiers and
settlers of New Gothenborg had withdrawn to their quarters for the
night; the lights in the dwellings were extinguished; all was quiet and
peaceful. The gunner Sven Vass was on duty as watchman; but Vass fell
asleep and left his candle burning. Between ten and eleven an alarm was
given,--the candle had set fire to the fort. The people rushed out of
their dwellings to save what could be saved. But the flames grew with
great rapidity, the powder chest exploded with terrible force. In a
short while nearly everything was consumed in the storehouse. Printz
Hall also burnt down, and the governor lost property to the value of
5,584 R. D. When morning dawned on the island of Tinicum, the little
settlement there had greatly changed its appearance. Nothing but the
barn remained. Cold set in, and the river froze over, preventing
aid from reaching the unfortunate colonists who suffered terrible
hardships, being cut off from the mainland from December until March.
But warmth came at last, and connections were established with the
other settlements.
Sven Vass was tried at a regular court in 1646. He was found guilty by
Printz and the jury, and a verdict to that effect was pronounced. The
case was reopened the following year, and “on February 8, 9, 10, 11,
Anno 1647, ... a legal court was held in New Gothenborg in New Sweden
... at which an inquiry was made about what was consumed in the fire on
the night of November 25 between 10 and 11 o’clock when New Gothenborg
was burnt.” Before this court Vass was re-examined, and in March he
was sent in irons to Sweden together with all the records and minutes
in the cage, and the execution of the verdict was referred to the
pleasure of Her Royal Majesty and the Right Honorable Company.
The fort and dwelling houses on Tinicum were gradually rebuilt, and the
foundations were laid for a new church. The church was built of logs,
and 2,000 clap boards were bought for the roof from some English in
August. The belfry was probably built a few feet away from it, a custom
common in Sweden and Finland in olden times. The church was fitted out
somewhat in the style of the churches in the mother country. Simple
decorations were used, and the alter was beautified with “a silver
cloth,” purchased for the sum of thirty-seven and one-half florins. A
burial place was laid out near the church, probably in front of it, and
perhaps a fence was erected around it. The “handsome church” was ready
in the autumn. September 4 was a day of rejoicing and thanksgiving. The
colonists assembled in their new temple, and after a sermon and amid
appropriate ceremonies, the Revs. Campanius and Fluviander officiating,
the house of worship was dedicated for divine services. The cemetery
was consecrated the same day. A month and a half later “the first
corpse ..., that of Katarina, the daughter of Andreas Hansson was
buried there.”
[Illustration: _Mora house_ from Dalarne, Sweden. Now at
Skansen, Stockholm.]
Printz Hall was also rebuilt “very splendidly ... with an orchard, a
pleasure house and more such things.” Churchill states in one of his
novels that the bricks used in building Carvel’s house were brought
from England, and legends have been circulated that Old Swedes Church
(_Gloria Dei_) was built of Swedish bricks. It has likewise been
said, as late as 1909, that Printz Hall was built of bricks imported
from Sweden. On the other hand it has been denied that bricks were
shipped here at all. We have already seen that about 500 bricks were
carried over on the first journey, and in 1643, “6,000 bricks together
with half a last of lime were consigned to Governor Printz for the need
of the country in New Sweden.” A few bricks were taken here as ballast
on some of the expeditions, but these were used for making fireplaces
and chimneys, and Swedish bricks were in no case used for building
houses. Printz Hall was built of logs. It was two stories high and so
arranged that it could be defended against attack. The lumber shipped
over on the _Fama_ was used for the interior of the mansion,
and ovens and two or more fireplaces with chimneys were constructed
of bricks. The mansion had several rooms lighted by “windows of
glass,” and it was not devoid of comfort, we may even say of luxury.
The governor’s library was estimated at 200 R. D., and curtains and
the like were valued at 120 R. D. ($780, a respectable sum for such
decorations in those days).
There was no cause for friction between Printz and the Dutch agents
when he arrived in 1643. On account of his troubles with the New
Haven people he sought the friendship of the Dutch, who reciprocated
his advances, as it was also to their advantage that the English be
kept out of the river. The English had already caused trouble on the
northern boundaries of New Netherland. Their intrusions in the South
River tended to restrict the territory and hem in the colony of the
Dutch and might form a basis for future operations of a more dangerous
kind. For this reason the Dutch realized the importance of keeping
out the English even with the aid of the Swedes. Printz secretly
distrusted them, however, and foresaw that trouble was sure to come;
but he was a shrewd diplomat, and expressed himself in the highest
terms of friendship and good will towards them. When he arrived Willem
Kieft protested against the Swedes, and claimed the entire river for
the Dutch West India Company; but Printz in turn refuted these claims
“with as good reasons as he could and knew how,” and the Dutch governor
finally dropped the “protesting.” The two governors corresponded with
one another frequently, and Governor Printz wrote to Sweden in 1644,
that “the Dutch have been on friendly terms with us since I came here,
especially their commander at Manhattan, Willem Kieft.” Jan Jansen,
the commander of Fort Nassau, was likewise on good terms with the
Swedes. He was one of the commissioners in the court which tried
Lamberton, and he joined readily in all actions undertaken against the
English.
[Illustration: Interior of the _Mora house_, showing the
fireplace, the clock, the bedsteads, the clothes-hangers, the
carpenter’s bench, and the chairs.]
In spite of this friendship Printz complained that the Dutch did not
have proper respect for Her Royal Majesty’s power. They usurped as
much as they could with all authority and advantage, and carried on
their traffic without restraint. They traded at Fort Nassau and on the
Schuylkill under commission from the Dutch West India Company. They
were allowed to pass freely up and down the river, but were compelled
to strike their flags before the Swedish forts. Printz could have
prevented them from passing Fort Elfsborg by his cannon, but he had no
instructions to keep them out of the river nor to hinder their trade.
He also endeavored not to offend the Dutch in his dealings with the
Indians, and he managed to erect a trading post on the Schuylkill,
where he conducted an extensive beaver trade, without exciting their
ire. “At times they loosened their tongues and protested vigorously
against these encroachments,” but it never went beyond words. The Dutch
were not strong enough to drive out the Swedes, and the two nations
were on friendly terms in Europe.
In 1643 and again in 1644 the governor asked for more definite
instruction in regard to the Dutch, but none were sent him. As soon
as the danger of English encroachments was removed, he observed
less caution in his dealings with his nearest neighbors, but while
Jan Jansen was in command at Fort Nassau the relations between the
rival settlements continued to be friendly. For form’s sake the Dutch
commissary protested against the activities of Printz, and the Swedes
went on building block houses and extending their Indian trade, paying
little heed to the Dutch protests. The Dutch garrison (of twenty men)
at Fort Nassau remained about the same. Jan Jansen did not try to
extend the territory of the West India Company, and Governor Kieft was
satisfied with the limits of his colony, giving Printz little cause for
complaint.
But complaints against Kieft’s leniency in his treatment of the
Swedes began to be heard in Holland, and he was accused of allowing
his southern neighbors to usurp the South River. Other things also
foreboded a change in the Dutch regime on the Delaware. The change came
in the autumn of 1645. Jan Jansen was recalled, and on October 2 (12),
Andraes Hudde was appointed his successor. Hudde arrived at Fort Nassau
on November 1 (11), 1645, and now begins a new era in the Dutch-Swedish
relations in America. He was a more active and aggressive commissary
than Jansen and Governor Kieft now showed more concern about his
trading posts on the South River.
[Illustration: Swedish “water-mill,” now erected at Skansen,
Stockholm.]
Governor Printz had warned the company that if supplies were not
speedily sent to Fort Christina the losses would run into thousands,
but he waited, months passed and not even news came from Sweden.
Accordingly the Indian trade was very poor the first half of 1646,
partly on account of the severe weather but more particularly due to
the Dutch traders, who had merchandise in plenty; and some deer skins
and a few bushels of corn were the only purchases made from the savages
from January until June. During the spring and autumn grain and other
supplies were bought from the English, and Printz sent his sloop to New
Amsterdam for provisions, although he was on unfriendly terms with the
Dutch. In addition the crops were so poor that it was necessary to buy
winter rye in New Netherland for seed.
In spite of unfavorable circumstances, however, new land was occupied,
and some improvements were made. The old windmill was unsatisfactory
and became quite insufficient, when the fields increased. Accordingly
the governor built a dam, and erected a water mill on a convenient
place, a short distance north of New Gothenborg, “no doubt at Cobb’s
Creek, a tributary of Darby Creek,” where the water offered sufficient
power for the driving of a water wheel, large enough to turn a pair of
mill stones. A miller was stationed there continuously for a number of
years. The colonists took their grain to the mill, where it was ground
for a certain toll. A blockhouse was built near the mill to protect
the colonists, who settled in the neighborhood, and the place was
called Mölndal, “because the mill was there.” A short distance south of
Mölndal another blockhouse was erected at this time which was called
_New Vasa_.
IV.
In October, 1646, there was joy in the settlement. The _Gyllene
Haj_ cast anchor before Fort Christina. The ship carried large
supplies for the Indian trade and for the colony’s need. Some new
settlers and soldiers also arrived. These were all ill on account of
the troublesome journey, but they recuperated quickly after landing.
The governor had hoped to be released from his post, as soon as his
term of three years service had expired, but the government could find
no one suitable for the place, and the Queen commanded him to remain in
the country. He had now managed the colony for nearly five years, and
“these years were longer and more arduous to him than all the previous
twenty-four years he had served his fatherland.” Therefore, when he
read the Queen’s letter he “became sad, but as he saw the signature
by her Royal Majesty’s own hand he was so happy that he no longer
remembered his former sadness.” A special day of thanksgiving was
ordered, and the colonists came together in the new church at Tinicum
to praise God with a holy “_Te Deum_ for His grace in having given
the fatherland a Queen who was of age.”
The outlook was now brighter. The inhabitants of New Sweden could
prepare for the winter with more eagerness than formerly, and could
celebrate their Christmas with more joy in their hearts than in 1645.
Duffels, corals, axes, kettles and a thousand other trinkets and
valuables were available for the beaver trade. Several presents were
given to Indian chiefs shortly after the arrival of the ship, and not
many weeks later Henrick Huygen and Van Dyck with eight soldiers and
an Indian guide marched 230 miles into the Minquas country to renew
the old friendship with the Minquas and to re-establish the trade.
Rich gifts of mirrors, corals, combs and the like were presented to
the chiefs, who promised to traffic freely with the Swedes and to
discontinue the beaver trade with the Dutch entirely. A few purchases
of beaver skins and corn were made from the savages in the beginning
of 1647, and the sloop was sent down the bay “to try to trade”; but
the success was small and the traffic was slow in recuperating. It was
therefore necessary to buy tobacco for the cargo of the _Haj_. The
sloop was sent to Manhattan twice for the victualling of the ship on
its long voyage and for provisions in the colony. The preparations for
the return of the vessel were completed about the middle of February,
and a little later the vessel set sail. The Rev. Fluviander[16] who
arrived with Governor Printz in 1643, and a few colonists returned
home, and Johan Papegoja was again sent to the mother country at the
request of the officers and soldiers to report. Printz made a list of
articles which he needed, and again suggested many improvements. He
requested the company to send over a brickmaker as well as carpenters
and other laborers, for he had a large barge almost ready, but was
forced to postpone its completion until the arrival of more skilled
workmen.
Printz also prepared a long report, dated February 20, 1647, to the
New Sweden Company concerning the condition of the colony at this
time. The population was still very small, only 183 souls in all. The
freemen had improved their conditions since 1643, but the soldiers and
servants were dissatisfied and desired to go home. Twenty-eight freemen
were settled on farms or plantations, but we do not know the extent of
their fields nor the number of cattle, sheep and other domestic animals
they had. Sixteen oxen, one cow and a horse had been purchased at New
Amsterdam for the company, but two of the oxen had either died or
been sold to freemen, for in February the company owned only fourteen
of these animals. The cattle imported from Sweden by the company had
increased to ten. As to the swine, goats and sheep belonging to the
company we know nothing, but it is probable that there was a good
supply of them at this time. The horse purchased from the Dutch fared
well, and was used for work on the land and by Printz in going about
the settlements. In the previous autumn he ran away, but he was caught
by an Indian, who was richly rewarded for his trouble.
Ever since the arrival of Hudde the relations between the Dutch and
Swedes had been strained. Hudde bought land from the Indians, which had
been purchased by the Swedes, and traded with the savages without any
consideration for Printz. In the autumn of 1646 the Dutch attempted to
make settlements north of present Philadelphia. A letter instructing
Hudde to buy this land was received, while the owner was absent
hunting; but Hudde, who would not risk being anticipated by Printz,
took possession of the lands two weeks before the purchase was made.
When the owner returned from his hunt on September 12, deeds were drawn
up and signed. “Having concluded the purchase, the proprietor went with
Hudde in person, and the honorable company’s arms being fixed to a pole
was set in the ground on the extreme boundary.” The purchase included
Wicacoa (Philadelphia), and stretched northward along the river for
some miles. The Dutch freemen soon erected a dwelling and a blockhouse
on the land; but when Printz became aware of it he built a guard house
in the neighborhood of the Dutch, and sent “his quartermaster and other
Swedes to tear down and destroy the Dutch buildings.”
Protests and counter protests followed in rapid succession. On October
13 (23), Hudde sent a final answer to Printz’s counter protest. The
protest was delivered to the Swedish governor by Alexander Boyer and
two soldiers, who appear to have been treated rather uncivilly by
Printz. According to the Dutch the governor did not even answer Boyer’s
salutation of “Good morning,” and threw the document to the ground,
commanding one of his inferiors to take care of it. Paying no attention
whatever to the Dutch deputation, he proceeded to consult with some
English from New Haven, and when Boyer requested an answer to carry
back to his superior “he was pushed out of doors, the governor having
taken a gun from the wall, as he could see, to shoot him.” Hudde’s
account, however, must not be taken too literally, and there is no
likelihood that the gun incident has any foundation in truth. The
events were reported to Governor Kieft, but nothing could be done. The
garrison at Fort Nassau was too weak to allow anything but words to be
employed against an adversary like Governor Printz, and the force at
New Amsterdam could not be diminished.
In the fur trade, however, the Dutch continued to have the upper hand,
but when the ship arrived Printz improved his opportunities. The
blockhouse on the Schuylkill, which had been built as a protection
against the Indians, could not oppose the Dutch nor keep out their
trading vessels. The Swedish governor therefore decided to build a
fort by which he could regulate and monopolize the Indian trade, and
maintain his jurisdiction against his neighbors. The stronghold was
erected near the blockhouse “on the south side of a very convenient
island about a gunshot from the mouth of the Schuylkill”. Logs and
timbers had been cut in the previous autumn and the early part of 1647,
and in February the fortress was almost finished. It was called _Fort
New Korsholm_ as it was located on an island (_holm_, meaning
island), and Måns Kling, the commander of the old blockhouse, was given
charge of it. A gunner and a few soldiers were also stationed there.
Some new dwellings were built by the Swedes in the spring, and on the
twenty-first of May, Printz purchased a certain tract of land from
the Minquas. The land extended “on the west shore from Philadelphia
to Trenton Falls and twenty-four yards of cloth, sixty-five yards of
_sewant_, six axes, four kettles, seven knives, five pounds of
corals, two silvered chains, four hundred and fifty fishhooks, besides
a number of other trinkets, were given for the district. It was bought
from two chiefs, Siscohoke and Mechekyralames, of the Minquas (Mantas?)
Indians, and Printz “set his fence thereupon.”
It appears that tobacco raising was discontinued after 1646, as
it proved unprofitable. Grain and Indian corn were now the staple
products, and New Sweden had become an agricultural rather than a
commercial colony, due to lack of support from the mother country and
the nature and inclination of the settlers. The Indian trade, which
had been of small account during the winter, was renewed in the early
spring. Huygen was again sent into the country of the Black Minquas
with merchandise. The good will of the chiefs was as usual bought by
handsome gifts, and the journey was very successful, resulting in
the purchase of several hundred skins. The sloop was sent into the
Schuylkill and down to the bay, and the peltry traffic was continued
throughout the summer with good profits. The English merchants who
visited the river exchanged their wares for quantities of beaver
skins, supplying new merchandise to the Swedes, with which they could
buy peltries. An English bark valued at 200 florins was purchased
by Governor Printz for 98 skins. Another journey was made to New
Amsterdam to buy Indian corn, and Knut Persson was sent to New England
to exchange merchandise for _sewant_ and oxen. Persson returned to
Christina in the early autumn.
In August the beaver trade was renewed with the Black Minquas, and
a supply of maize was bought from the river Indians. It seems that
the crops were poor in 1647, for in October 100 bushels of peas, 120
bushels of rye and a quantity of corn-flour were purchased from William
Whiting. Little is known of the internal history of the settlement
from March, 1647, until the beginning of 1648. A Christian Indian
named Ondaaiondiont, from the Catholic mission of New France, visited
the Swedes on his way to the Andastoes in 1647. He is said to have
criticised the life of the Swedes and to have reproached them of
thinking more of the beaver trade than of converting the savages to
Christianity.
In January, 1648, the _Swan_ anchored in Christina harbor with
one of the largest cargoes ever sent to New Sweden. Johan Papegoja
returned on this ship, and Rev. Lock was among the passengers. Printz
now confidently expected his recall, as he had made new appeals to the
government; but he was again disappointed and directed to remain, until
another could be found for his place.
The supplies which arrived on the ship for the colonists and soldiers
greatly improved their comfort. Printz displayed his usual activity.
New land was allotted to the freemen, and large quantities of timber
were prepared at the Schuylkill during the winter months. The island
of Mekekanckon near Trenton Falls was bought from an Indian chief, and
three different trading journeys were made inland into the Minquas
country for over 150 miles. This trade was so successful that more than
1,200 skins were obtained for the cargo of the _Swan_.
In the spring “a list of the people who were still alive in New Sweden”
was prepared. It contains but 79 names including the slave, since only
the adult male inhabitants are enumerated. The officers and soldiers
were all anxious to return home; but the life of the freeman was
more tolerable than before, and many seem to have reached a certain
degree of prosperity. In May the _Swan_ returned to Sweden. The
colony now lost two or three of its most faithful servants, and a few
freemen and soldiers. Printz sent his _fourth relation_, and
other documents (all of which seem to have been lost), and on the day
before the vessel sailed Papegoja wrote to the chancellor, requesting
permission to leave the country and enter the naval service, unless
more colonists soon arrived. The account books and journals in which
the monthly salaries of the officers, soldiers and servants and their
accounts with the company and with the governor were entered and in
which the sales, purchases and transactions with the laborers and
savages were recorded from 1643 until May, 1648, were also sent to
Sweden on the _Swan_. The account book, which contains a record
of all goods bought and sold in the colony and given to the Indians in
the above mentioned five years, is now preserved in the Archives of
the Exchequer at Stockholm in good condition. The _Schuldtboeck_
(written in Dutch) in which the individual accounts of the colonists
were entered is now preserved in the Royal Archives. The book is
defective, the upper front corners of the pages being moulded away
and other parts being unreadable. It contains several facts not found
elsewhere and many interesting details concerning the trade of the
colony.
The Reverend Johan Campanius Holm, who after serving “well nigh five
years with great danger of death night and day in a heathenish country
among ferocious pagans,” was granted a benefice in Sweden, “able
to support him with his wife and numerous little children,” and he
returned to the mother country on the _Swan_. He has deservedly
become the best known of the early Swedish preachers in America. He
performed his ecclesiastical duties with seriousness and zeal, and was
often “obliged without any regard to the weather to go from one place
to the other to visit the settlers with the Word and the Sacrament”; he
labored for the conversion of the Indians, who came to listen to his
sermons in silent wonder, and he translated the Lutheran Catechism into
their language for the first time. Being a man of a broad education,
he had wide interests; he made “astronomical observations,” noted
the length of the day, collected facts about the climate and other
phenomena, and gathered material for a _Description of America
and the Indians_, and was a farmer as well. It is therefore not
surprising that he left a lasting memory in the settlement, and for
nearly two centuries a legend was circulated “to the effect that ...
he journeyed into the country among the [savages] and made his way to
Sweden by land.”[17]
V.
Governor Printz had seen his happiest days on the Delaware, and the
remaining years of his rule were full of troubles and disappointments.
Peter Stuyvesant had replaced Governor Kieft as director of New
Netherland. He was a man of tremendous energy, scrupulously faithful in
discharging his duties and over zealous in promoting the interests of
his superiors, and he was not to be accused of allowing the Swedes to
usurp the river without a protest. He supported his commissary at Fort
Nassau with all power, and encouraged the Dutch trade there.
During the winter Printz was active collecting building material in
the Schuylkill. News about it reached Governor Stuyvesant, who at once
ordered his commissary to settle down beside the Swedes, in case they
should come to build and settle on any new and unoccupied places.
Accordingly Hudde secured new titles to certain lands from two Indian
chiefs, who told the Swedes in the Schuylkill to depart from their
homes, as they had come there “in a sneaking way” without permission
from the right owners. He also prepared to build a fort. Printz having
obtained information about the doings of his neighbors, sent seven or
eight men the same day under command of Huygen to deliver a protest
against the Dutch, and to enquire on what authority and by what orders
they presumed to build there. But the Indians were ill disposed towards
the Swedes, who were unable to remove the Dutch, and Hudde “pushed
forward the unfinished work and had the house surrounded by palisades.”
The new stronghold was called Fort Beversreede, as it was to control
the beaver trade in the Schuylkill. Some freemen also prepared to
settle there and fruit trees were planted near the blockhouse. Måns
Kling, however, soon approached the place “with 24 men” fully armed
with loaded guns and lighted matches, “destroyed the fruit and cut down
the trees in front of the fort.” Stuyvesant finally determined to go
to the South River himself, but his journey was deferred. In his place
he sent two officers, next to himself in command, “Vice-Director van
Dincklage and Mr. de la Montagne with orders and commands to transact
the business [on the South River] to the greatest benefit and advantage
of the Honorable Company.” Old titles were renewed, and several Dutch
freemen were assigned land on the Schuylkill. Hans Jacobsen prepared
to build there in June, but Gustaf Printz, who had been instructed
to prevent him, went there and ordered him to tear down with his own
hands what he had built. On his refusal to do so Printz tore it down
himself and burnt the material. In the autumn Governor Printz built a
log house in front of the Dutch fort, which was thus completely shut
off from the river. He also gave strict orders to his commander at Fort
Korsholm “not to allow any post or stake to be set in the ground and
to prevent by friendly words or by force” any attempts of the Dutch at
building. He also stationed two men in the river to keep a close watch.
The Swedish governor was clearly holding more than his own in these
quarrels. The Dutch appealed to New Amsterdam, but received no aid.
In 1649 Governor Printz bought a small district on the eastern shore of
the Delaware, a narrow strip north of the former limits of New Sweden,
between the Mantas and Raccoon Creeks. The commercial activities, if we
are to believe in Dutch reports, were very lively at this time. Hudde
writes in 1649 “that the trade in beavers with the savages amounts at
present to 30 or 40 and more thousands of beavers during one trading
season.” Since the Swedes monopolized the trade (to the exclusion of
others) it is to be inferred that their beaver traffic approached the
above sum in 1649; but these estimates must be greatly exaggerated, and
the Indian trade in New Sweden could hardly have reached one-fourth of
the above mentioned sum annually.
In 1650 the troubles with the Dutch increased, and neither news
nor supplies came from Sweden. But the year proved prosperous, as
the weather was favorable to the grain. The Dutch abandoned Fort
Beversreede, and Stuyvesant was somewhat uneasy, as he was aware that a
ship with a large cargo was expected by the Swedes. In July, however,
Augustine Herrman brought news that the ship had stranded at Porto Rico
and been captured by the Spaniards. Stuyvesant took pains to inform the
Swedes of the disaster. But Printz did not lose heart. At this time a
Dutch vessel was in the river ready to return to Europe, offering him
an opportunity to write letters to the Queen, to the chancellor, to
Brahe and to Trotzig in which he urged them to send over new supplies,
additional soldiers and more colonists. He had written five times to
Sweden in the last two years and three months, but had received no
reply either from the mother country or from the company’s agents in
Holland. He reported that large territories had been purchased from
the Indians, although the Dutch protested against it daily, but there
were entirely too few colonists to improve the land. He had the upper
hand in the quarrels with the Dutch, and had resisted their attempts
at settlements within the Swedish boundary line. The freemen were in
a prosperous condition and “all well except in a few cases”; they
were mostly provided with oxen and other domestic animals, which were
increasing and growing more numerous yearly; they cultivated the land
in earnest and could sell over one hundred barrels of grain; they not
only had fields of rye and barley, but also prepared orchards and
planted valuable fruit trees which grew spendidly; their greatest
trouble was the lack of servants and some of them desired wives. In
addition to these letters Sven Skute was sent to Sweden to explain
the conditions more fully and, if possible, to awaken the company and
government to action.
The Indians continued to be friendly, but the trade went almost
entirely to the Dutch. Traders from Virginia and New Amsterdam visited
the settlement as before, “daily offering for sale everything one’s
heart can desire, although at treble prices”; and in 1650 English
merchants from Barbadoes came to the Delaware with their goods. In
December Gyllengren in company with other officers was sent to New
Amsterdam to procure some supplies there, and he purchased “divers
merchandise amounting to the sum of 158½ good winter beavers.”
The summer and autumn of 1650 and the winter of 1651 passed quietly,
and there were few disturbing elements. The summer of 1651 was
favorable for the crops, and the colony harvested “very beautiful grain
besides all other valuable fruits, and nothing was needed but more
colonists.”
The dispute with the Dutch, however, took a dangerous turn in the
autumn. Stuyvesant had become tired of the many complaints which came
from the South River. Twice he had determined to go there, but each
time he had been hindered. In the spring of 1651 he again had in mind
to proceed in person to Fort Nassau, but urgent duties once more
detained him. He knew that the forces at the disposal of Printz were
small and his resources limited. It was therefore likely that a single
ship would be able to restore the balance of power to the Dutch, check
“the insolence” of the Swedes and prevent merchants from trading in
the river without a permit from the Dutch West India Company or from
Stuyvesant. Accordingly a vessel was sent to the South River in the
beginning of May. “On May 8,” says Printz, “a ship with cannon and
people well armed arrived here from New Amsterdam. The vessel placed
itself half a mile (about 3½ English miles) below our Fort Christina,
closing the river so that no ship could proceed unmolested either up or
down.” But Governor Printz was not daunted. He made ready his little
yacht, and ordered it with people, cannon and ammunition down the river
to meet the Dutch. It seems that the captain had been instructed by
Stuyvesant not to provoke or begin hostilities, for when the Swedish
yacht appeared “he tried no hostility against” it, but withdrew his
ship, and returned to Manhattan. “And thus,” says Printz, “we secured
the river open again.”
It was now clear to Stuyvesant that effective measures must be taken
and a large force must be employed, if he were to be able to cope
with the active and alert governor of New Sweden. He at once began to
prepare a new expedition. He did it all on his own authority, however,
without even advising the directors about it, and the preparations were
conducted so secretly that Printz was unaware of his danger before
the Dutch approached. Stuyvesant marched across the country with 120
men, and arrived at Fort Nassau on June 25, where eleven ships (four
well armed), which had sailed around the coast, met him. To impress
the Swedes with his strength he cruised with his little fleet up and
down the river, “drumming and cannonading.” Against such a force Printz
could accomplish nothing. He manned his yacht with thirty men, and
followed the Dutch, but he “did not dare to attempt anything” of a
hostile character. Governor Stuyvesant sent letters and messengers to
Printz, claiming the entire river by first possession and discovery and
certain lands by purchase, effected years before the Swedes arrived.
Printz in turn answered these protests, and presented arguments for the
Swedish claims.
In the meantime Stuyvesant arranged several conferences with the
Indians, and gained their good will through gifts and promises. He
also obtained title to the land on the west side of the Delaware from
Minquas Kill down to the Bay. The chief Peminacka, “as the present and
ceding proprietor,” speaking for the other chiefs, presented the land
as a free gift; his only stipulation being that “whenever anything
was the matter with his gun, it should be repaired for nothing, and
when he came empty among the Dutch they should remember [to give] him
some maize.” As this land had been bought by the Swedes, Printz at
once called a conference of the Indians, who formerly owned it, and
disproved the Dutch title. Protests and copies of deeds were thereupon
sent to Governor Stuyvesant, but he paid no heed to these papers.
Having ordered the force, which came across the country, on board his
little fleet, he sailed down the river to a convenient spot on the
west bank between Christina and Elfsborg, and landed 200 men there.
The erection of a fort was immediately begun on a peninsula near the
present New Castle. The stronghold was completed about August 1. It
was about 210 feet long and about half as wide. 12 pieces of ordnance
were placed on its bulwarks, and it was well provided with ammunition.
It was called _Fort Casimir_, for what reason is not quite clear.
Fort Nassau was demolished, and its cannon were taken to the new fort.
Fort Casimir commanded the river, and from now on all traders were
compelled to pay duty to the Dutch. Two warships were also stationed
in the Delaware to aid the garrison in enforcing Stuyvesant’s decrees.
During his stay Governor Stuyvesant broke down “Her Royal Majesty’s
arms and pole, made prizes of Virginian barks, and compelled the
English to pay duty or recognition on the goods they had sold to the
Swedes for four years” past.
[Illustration: Copy of the testimony of the heirs of
Mitatsimint, July 3, 1651. Translated in the author’s
_Swedish Settlements_, II, 757.]
When the directors of the Dutch West India Company heard of
Stuyvesant’s expedition, they were greatly surprised, and expressed
concern about the consequences. “God grant,” they wrote, “that what
your Honor has done may turn out for the best. We cannot express our
opinion of it, before we have ... heard how the complaints of the
Swedish governor will be received by the Queen.” The directors had made
some overtures about fixing the boundaries on the South River by a
treaty with Sweden, but no definite action seems to have been taken.
VI.
The Dutch were now masters on the Delaware. The two warships
undoubtedly returned to New Amsterdam before the winter set in; but
Printz had not a sufficient force to regain what the Dutch had taken
and his instruction cautioned him to begin no hostility. He made the
best of the situation, however, concentrated his forces, and awaited
new arrivals from Sweden. Fort New Elfsborg was abandoned and left
to decay, as it was no longer the key to the river. The garrisons of
Mölndal and New Korsholm were also withdrawn. The Indians fell off from
the Swedes on account of the activities of Stuyvesant. The beaver trade
was monopolized by the Dutch, and the trade with foreign merchants
was poor. The settlers were dissatisfied, and there were few on whom
Printz could depend in an emergency. “For three years and nine months”
the governor had had “absolutely no orders nor assistance” from the
mother country, and he was becoming nervous about the situation. On
the first of August he made reports, imploring the government and the
company to send new cargoes by the following spring. But the spring of
1652 passed, bringing neither ship nor succor from Europe.
Printz, however, made use of every means at his command. The carpenters
were kept busy, mending the forts and building boats, when they were
not employed in the erection of houses. A sloop had been built at the
wharf of Christina for which sails were brought over on the _Swan_
in 1648. It was used by Printz on official business, and the expenses
connected with its construction and rigging out were charged to the
admiralty. The governor had requested the company to station a vessel
in the river, which could be used for various purposes; but his letters
were not even answered. Consequently he determined to build a ship
himself and in August, 1652, he wrote that “the ship was ready on
the river except for sails, tackle, cannon and crew, that were too
expensive to hire and buy here.” The vessel was of about 200 tons
burden, a large boat for that time, and it seems that Printz intended
to use her in defending the river, as well as for preying on Spanish
commerce.
Heavy rains did damage to the grain in 1652, and “the troubles were
daily increasing,” “but the freemen had bread enough.” On August 30
Printz again wrote to the authorities in Sweden. The Indian trade was
ruined, since the Swedes had no cargoes to sell; the savages showed
signs of unrest; the Hollanders pressed hard upon the settlement,
and the foreigners expressed the opinion that the government at
Stockholm had entirely forsaken its people in the wilderness. Printz
was ill and unable to exert his former energy. The Swedes themselves
were dissatisfied, and many deserted. In April and again in July the
following year Printz dispatched new letters and reports. Supplies and
people must be sent, he says, or “the labor and expense which has been
applied on this well begun work will come to nought.” To emphasize
the urgency of his needs he also sent his son Gustaf Printz to the
fatherland.
In the autumn the situation reached a crisis, and a “revolt” arose
against Governor Printz. Several colonists, who had real or imaginary
grievances against the governor, presented a written supplication of
eleven articles, signed by twenty-two settlers. The document states
that the colonists were “at no hour or time secure as to life and
property”; it complained that the settlers were prohibited from
trading with either the savages or Christians, although the governor
never neglected an opportunity of traffic with these parties; the
governor was charged with and accused of passing judgment in his own
favor against the opinions of the jury; he was accused of forbidding
the colonists from grinding their flour at the mill, and of withholding
from them the use of the “fish-waters, the trees in the woods, the
grass on the ground and the land to plant on, from which they had their
nourishment.” On account of these and other troubles the petitioners
said they “were obliged to send two men to Her Royal Majesty and the
Honorable Company in the mother country to ascertain if they were
entirely neglected ... and what they should do, since they were not
able to seek their sustenance in this country.” The petition kindled
the wrath of the governor. Anders Jönsson, who appears to have been
the leader of the opposition, was arrested, tried and “executed on a
charge of treachery on August 1, 1653.” Rev. Lock was also involved in
the disturbance, but for some reason his freedom and office were not
interfered with.
Two days after the execution of Anders Jönsson, the governor replied
to the charges. The petitioners were addressed as rebels, and their
petition was answered point for point. Only the fur trade with the
savages was prohibited and only two islands belonging to the place
of the governor’s residence were set aside for Printz (“and this was
done ... before Kingsessing was colonized,” hence they had no right
to complain); “everyone had liberty to grind on the mill for toll,
but at certain times only, since the miller dared not remain at the
mill continually on account of the savages.” Printz also denied all
other charges, referring to the documents, minutes and judgments for a
justification of his acts; and he was very willing to have two men go
to Sweden, “the sooner the better.”
But the answer did not satisfy the petitioners, who were silenced
only for the time being. In a later document presented the following
year, the old charges against Governor Printz were repeated and new
ones were put forth. The freemen, says the complaint, were set to work
on his plantations; they built his houses and made planks, which he
appropriated for his own use without remuneration; they were compelled
to harvest his grain before their own, and their sleds were taken from
them in harvest time, so that their grain was spoiled by the rain.
“Thus,” continues the charge, “we have been treated more contrary to
law than according to law. For example Clemet the Finn had a handmill
together with Anders, Johan and Måns, the Finn. [Later] Clemet bought
the mill from the other Finns; and, when he got the mill, he went
after it and fetched it to himself in his house. As this [had happened]
he immediately made it known to the governor. Then, when Clemet came
to church, on a common day of prayer, the governor called Clemet to
himself before the sermon, and asked him why he had taken the mill?
Clemet answered: ‘the mill is mine.’ Then the governor said, ‘you
rascal, shall you take the mill without asking me?’ With this he
seized Clemet, struck him firstly in the hall and followed him with
blows and strikes until he fell down, and yet further he struck him
on the ground, so that he lost his health through it. In addition he
threw him into the church, and the day after he let him be brought
into the chest [prison] at Christina, where he lay for eight days.
When he had recovered somewhat he [the governor] took him out and let
him do work for some weeks.” Such and other equally grave or graver
charges were laid against Printz, but we must make allowance. That
some of the charges were true goes without saying, but the majority
were undoubtedly unfounded. Acrelius gives the correct view when he
says “that it is probable that the Swedes, after they came to this
_Canaan_ and got a taste of an unknown good, tired of such labor
as was nothing more than was usual at home, and thus conceived an
unmerited hatred to their governor.”[18]
Printz discharged his office as governor with no small ability, but he
was at a great disadvantage on account of inadequate and insufficient
assistance. He petitioned several times for “a learned and able man
who could administer justice and attend to the law business.” Very
intricate cases came up and “it was difficult ... for one and the
same person to appear in court as a plaintiff as well as a judge.”
But Printz waited in vain for an assistant, and did his best under
the circumstances. His government was at times harsh and probably
tyrannical, but it required a strong hand to manage the rough and
unruly element. The majority of the colonists were peaceful and law
abiding, but there were those who had little regard for order and law.
In 1650 Printz reported that he had not thirty men under his charge
whom he could trust, and some time earlier Papegoja wrote that “it
was very hard for him to remain here, for he received only rebuke and
ingratitude for everything he did; and besides the soldiers cherished
secret hatred towards him, and if they could find a small fault in
him, they would likely murder him.” Papegoja’s plaints are undoubtedly
exaggerated, but go far to prove that we must not take the accusations
against Printz _too_ literally. Very serious charges were
similarly made against Stuyvesant, Kieft and other governors of New
Netherland, often without foundation.
Governor Printz, however, was finding his position quite untenable in
the autumn of 1653, and at last determined to go to Sweden in person
to present the needs of his settlement. Elaborate preparations were
made for his departure. Indian chiefs were called to Printz Hall about
the end of September. Speeches were made, small gifts were distributed
among the savages, promises of friendship were renewed, and Printz gave
the aborigines assurances that large supplies would arrive within a few
months, for he went himself to the fatherland. When all arrangements
had been completed, the people were assembled in the church for
farewell services, after which Governor Printz formally delivered
his authority to Johan Papegoja, promising the colonists to “present
himself there in person or send over a ship with a cargo” within ten
months from October 1. About the beginning of October he went to New
Amsterdam with his wife and four daughters, and there he took passage
on a Dutch vessel, hoping to be in Sweden in about two months. Henrick
Huygen and about twenty-five settlers and soldiers also left the colony
with Printz.
After the departure of Printz several Swedes applied for permission to
remove to New Netherland, but Stuyvesant did not dare to accept them,
before he had been advised about it by the directors of the company.
Accordingly he wrote to Holland for instructions. The directors replied
that they “could not see why it should be refused and denied ... for
the influx of free persons ... should be promoted by all resolute and
honest means.” Nevertheless it was left to Stuyvesant’s judgment to do
what he saw fit.
PART IV.
The Last Period of the Colony Under
Swedish Rule, 1653–1655.
CHAPTER VII.
RENEWED EFFORTS IN BEHALF OF THE COLONY AND
THE TENTH AND ELEVENTH EXPEDITIONS.
I.
Letters of Printz to Brahe and Oxenstierna, dated April 26, 1653,
were received in the late summer of that year. The authorities were
finally impressed with the fact that the settlement could no longer be
neglected. The council of state discussed the colonial enterprise at
several meetings, and the Queen once more instructed the commercial
college to take over the management of the company. Fortunately Eric
Oxenstierna, who in August, 1652, had been appointed general director
of the college, returned to Sweden in the summer of 1653. He was
greatly interested in the colonial work, and at once made efforts to
send out a new expedition. Further consultations were held in the
council, and it was at last decided that the various requests of
Printz should be granted. As the admiralty was still in arrears to the
company for several thousand R. D., it was proposed that the government
should prepare the ships for the next journey. The Queen agreed to
the plan, and instructed the admiralty on August 13 to fit out the
_Wismar_ for a voyage to New Sweden. The Queen had decided, says
the instruction, to send three hundred colonists and a large cargo to
the South River in order that the colony should not go to ruin. On the
same day the war department was ordered to supply ammunition for the
colony according to an enclosed list.
For some reason “the crown’s ship the _Örn_ lying at anchor in
the harbor at Stockholm,” was selected for the voyage in place of
the _Wismar_; and Captain Jan Jansson Bockhorn, the mate on the
unfortunate _Katt_ expedition, was appointed to sail the vessel.
In addition to the _Örn_ the company arranged to prepare the
_Gyllene Haj_.
As prospective emigrants had not applied in sufficient numbers, due to
the ill-fated journey of 1649, which had been reported far and wide,
Captain Sven Skute was appointed to hire soldiers and laborers, and
to prevail upon others to go as settlers. On August 25 an instruction
in six paragraphs was issued for him. He should hire fifty soldiers,
including those already engaged, especially such as had a trade, and he
was to collect 250 colonists “of whom the greatest part must be good
men, fewer women and fewest children.” He was to offer the soldiers
at the most four R. D. a month, less if possible, and he should
especially endeavor to find farm hands and colonists, who were willing
to go without pay; but such as needed financial aid, he was to promise
a certain sum, always as small as possible and in no case more than 30
D., copper money annually, until they could be settled on lands in New
Sweden. He was to gather as many as possible at Västerås, sending them
at once to the capital, that they might embark on the _Örn_. From
Västerås he was to proceed to Värmland and Dalsland, since it had been
reported that “a good many of those, who dwell in the large forests” of
these provinces were willing to go to New Sweden.
The people from Västerås gradually made their appearance in Stockholm,
where a number of other men who had been hired by Hans Kramer (among
them a millwright engaged at a wage of 40 D. a month). Twelve boys
from the building college of the city of Stockholm were also sent to
New Sweden at this time. The _Örn_ left Stockholm on October 8.
Touching at Helsingör, Copenhagen and other ports, she arrived at
Gothenburg on November 8. The soldiers and colonists were now rushed
to the city to be in readiness for embarking, and the cargo was loaded
onto the vessel. Admiral Anckerhjelm, who had been appointed by the
commercial college to superintend the preparations for the expedition,
showed great diligence. He bought most of the goods with his own money,
and supplied large sums to the sailors. Upon the arrival of the ship
he had new barrels made for packing purposes and cabins built for the
people. Disputes arose between the officers, threatening to retard the
work, but his interference restored order.
In the meantime the _Gyllene Haj_ was detained at Stockholm. She
was not in a seafaring condition, making expensive repairs necessary.
By the middle of November she was ready to receive her cargo, however;
but there was still a delay of several weeks. It seems that Hans
Amundsson was greatly to blame. He had been appointed captain of the
ship in August, but was old and unfit for service.
At this time Gustaf Printz arrived in the capital. He had left
America on the ship _Marie_ with a cargo of tobacco, and touched
at Portsmouth in September. The vessel was seized by order of the
commissioners of customs in London, but Printz managed to reach
Stockholm, where he appeared before the commercial college, and
reported the condition of the colony. This gave further impetus to the
preparations, and a letter was written to Governor Printz, requesting
him to remain in the country, as assistance would be sent immediately
and he would be rewarded for his service.
While preparations were in progress for provisioning the ships and
gathering colonists, steps were taken for the re-organization of the
company and the further development of New Sweden. Printz was to remain
in the colony, but his request for an assistant, who could aid in the
“law business,” was to be granted, and Johan Rising, the secretary
of the commercial college, was appointed to this position. Rising,
who was greatly interested in economic and judicial questions, had
studied abroad, and paid close attention to the colonial policy and
commercial activity of Holland. He had visited England, and become
acquainted with English economic theories and colonial views, and he
had been engaged by the Swedish government to write a treatise on
commerce, trade and agriculture, being considered an authority on these
subjects. He was of a practical bent of mind, and a patriot whose
thoughts were ever occupied with problems, that concerned the welfare
of Swedish shipping, Swedish trade and Swedish colonies; and he was
therefore particularly well equipped and apparently most suitable for
the position of councillor and assistant to Governor Printz. Rising
severed his connection with the commercial college about the end of
October, and on December 9 the government issued a commission, formally
appointing him to his position, as well as defining his duties and
powers. On December 12 a number of other documents concerning Rising’s
appointment were issued by the government, and an order was sent to
the college of the exchequer, assigning 1,500 D. for his travelling
expenses. In addition to this he was knighted, and a large donation
of land in New Sweden was given to him. About the middle of December
a lengthy instruction was prepared by the commercial college, and a
memorial relative to his long voyage was signed by the officers of the
college. He was to proceed to Gothenburg without delay. On his arrival
there he was to inform the magistrates of the new regulations, which
had been issued concerning New Sweden, and he was to prevail upon
private people to send merchandise on the ship for trade in the colony.
He was to have free passage to Christina for himself and ten to twelve
peasants without expense, except that he must pay for their provisions.
He was to supervise the ships during the voyage, and he should see to
it that divine services were held, that the captains followed their
instructions, and that the cargoes were well preserved. He should take
the shortest route to New Sweden, and not go by way of the Canaries
unless absolutely necessary.
[Illustration:
Title-page of Lindeström’s _Geographia Americae_.
Original preserved in the Riksarkiv, Stockholm.]
Several other officers were likewise engaged to go to New Sweden at
this time. Among these were Peter Mårtensson Lindeström and Elias
Gyllengren (who returned to the colony in the capacity of lieutenant).
Lindeström was appointed engineer. On October 31 the commercial
college issued a recommendation for him, which states that “since the
bearer, noble and well born Per Mårtensson Lindeström, has humbly
applied for a recommendation, having, with the consent of his parents,
determined to go to New Sweden for further experience,” the college
presented him to the favor of the governor. Lindeström attended the
University of Upsala in his youth, and was later employed as secretary
in the college of mines for two years. Returning to the university to
complete his studies, he specialized in mathematics and the art of
fortifications, until he “was ordered to go to New Sweden.”
Sven Skute, who also returned to the colony on the _Örn_ was
appointed “captain of the lands-people.” His instruction states that he
was to superintend the embarking of the people and the loading of the
goods, that he was to look after the cargoes and provisions and have
charge of the soldiers, and that he was to keep a diary of the journey.
Some of the officers went to Gothenburg with the _Örn_, but Rising
made the journey by land. He left Upsala on December 19, and arrived at
Gothenburg December 27.
The authorities seem to have feared that grave danger was threatening
the colony, and provisions were made for every extremity. “In case,”
says the memorial given to Rising, “contrary to expectations, Printz
should have left the country, [or it should be found] that our forts on
the river are captured by someone, then he [Rising] shall demand their
return in the name of Her Royal Majesty, and seek in every possible
manner to get them into his possession again, otherwise settle and
fortify some other place in the river. If this could not be done, he
should consult with the captains about what was best,” and then either
settle the colonists in some other place in America or return again [to
Sweden].
Before sailing Rising was informed of Printz’s arrival in Europe, and,
fearing that the settlement was captured, he looked about for other
places suitable for the founding of a colony. “With Ankerhjelm,” he
says, “I have discussed the possibilities of getting a foothold in
Florida. He stated that he well knows there are large tracts there
which are not occupied; but, because the Spaniards are appropriating
everything to themselves [in that territory] and on account of the
ferocity of the savages, he [thought] no one could plant [successful]
colonies there [unless frequent reinforcements were sent]. [He]
therefore considered it wisest ... to settle somewhere on the South
River,” in case it should be necessary to select new territory.
The _Örn_ was ready to depart in the beginning of January. The
soldiers and colonists were reviewed near Gothenburg. Their passes were
examined, and “persons of evil repute were mustered out and regulated.”
Colonists were now plentiful, and about a hundred families had to be
left behind for want of room in the vessel. On January 5 the wind was
favorable, and everything was in readiness; but the _Gyllene Haj_
had not made her appearance. Large supplies were expected with the
vessel, and it was found necessary to await her arrival, since the
provisions of the _Örn_ had been nearly consumed.
After long delays the _Haj_ finally left Stockholm on November 23
with forty-one persons on board and a supply of provisions. Contrary
winds seem to have interfered, for on December 17 the ship was at
Dalarön, only a short distance from the capital. On the thirtieth she
was in the Sound, where six sailors with a servant and a prisoner
deserted. Four new sailors were hired, and the vessel again set sail
about January 2; but she failed to reach Gothenburg in a reasonable
time, the wind being contrary. On January 17, she arrived at last,
leaky and in bad condition. Through the negligence of the sailors she
had run on banks in the Sound and broken her main mast and anchor.
Provisions and supplies were immediately transferred to the _Örn_,
which was ordered to proceed with the first favorable wind, leaving
the _Haj_ to follow as soon as possible. But the wind was contrary
for many days, causing further delay and expense. On January 26 there
was a ray of hope, the wind was turning and Rising ordered that the
anchor should be weighed the following morning. At daybreak on the
twenty-seventh the soldiers and colonists swore their oath of loyalty
to the Swedish crown and the New Sweden Company “under a banner made
for this purpose.” But disappointment was again in store for the
emigrants. The wind turned, delaying the vessel another week. On
February 2, however, the wind filled the sails, but it took almost a
day to clear the harbor on account of the ice. After two days sailing
the vessel reached Skagen. Here a strong northerly wind drove her back
again towards Jutland, where she became leaky, having a large hole in
the bow, which greatly alarmed the passengers. “The leak was mended as
well as possible” (causing much trouble on the way, however), and on
the sixth they again had a favorable wind. Their intention was to sail
north of Scotland, perhaps to avoid English and Dutch warships; but
when they arrived “at the end of Scotland” they faced a terrible storm,
which drove them back along the coast. On the morning of February 16
they had gone as far as the Straits of Dover; but the captain was
confused, since he had been unable to make observations for a number
of days. He soon discovered that they were near Calais, and cast anchor
there. Peter Lindeström tells a “traveller’s tale from the visit”: pies
made from the flesh of human beings were offered to the Swedes for
sale. A barber, finding it profitable business, murdered his customers
by placing them above a trap door, which gave way, when a spring was
pressed, and landed his poor victims in the cellar. Here they were
killed and sold to the pie baker. Let those that travel beware!
From Calais the _Örn_ took a westerly course through the English
Channel. In the Straits of Dover the Swedes were intercepted by an
English warship. Having established their identity, however, they were
well received, and an English pass was given to them. They were also
offered water and other refreshments, but Captain Bockhorn, being ill
disposed towards the English, declined, although his water supply
was exhausted. The Swedes were therefore compelled to seek water
elsewhere before leaving Europe. In the meantime the wind turned,
driving the _Örn_ back past Dover to Deal, where fresh water was
finally obtained but “at a cost of money.” On February 22 their sails
were swelled, but at Folkestone they encountered head winds. On the
twenty-fifth, however, a favorable breeze arose, which soon changed
to a storm, and on the twenty-seventh they ran into Weymouth harbor
to replenish their supplies. A contrary gale blew for several days,
giving the Swedes an opportunity to see the town and recuperate after
the rough voyage. They were well treated by the local governor, who
entertained the Swedish officers in his castle until midnight. “One
evening the city musicians also ... honored us,” says Lindeström, “with
a serenade of most delightful and pleasing music, so that we had to
open our purses.”
“On the third of March they sailed out of Weymouth, while there was
quite a good wind out towards the Atlantic Ocean.” On the ninth of
March they were off the coast of Portugal, where they came within
hail of three Swedish ships, from Gothenburg on their way to Setubal
to fetch salt. Later they encountered terrific storms. Many of the
passengers and sailors became ill, and several died. On the nineteenth
they fortunately reached the Canary Islands. Captain Bockhorn with
some of the best sailors went ashore to exhibit the pass, but he was
detained over night, causing much anxiety among the Swedes. At noon
the following day he returned, however, accompanied by Governor Don
Philipo Disalago, who came with three yachts “and a large suite” and
showed the Swedes every kindness. The governor invited Rising with his
staff to dinner. When the hour for dinner approached a negro slave
was ordered to attend each Swedish officer with a sun shade on the
way to the palace. The banquet was sumptuous. “I am not able to do
justice in describing the magnificent treatment we received ... from
the governor,” says Lindeström. “Although there was no meat, bread or
suchlike on the table, yet the dinner was so magnificent that we had
never seen the like before.... It consisted entirely of confections and
different kinds of wine.” Toasts were exchanged and the festivities
lasted towards midnight.
The passengers and sailors were likewise permitted to land the
following day, but when they left the ship to go on shore
“the town people collected, made a great noise, and picked
up stones, which they threw at them, so that some of the
Swedes received serious injuries. Rising then sent Lieutenant
Gyllengren and Peter Lindeström to the governor to make
complaints, whereupon he commissioned one of his principal
servants to send an officer with several drummers beating the
drum all round the city and at the entrance of all streets to
proclaim peace, and that, if any person dared to attack the
Swedes in any manner whatsoever, he should forfeit his life.”
This had the desired effect, and from now on the Swedes were
unmolested. Refreshments of various kinds which were supplied to them
revived their spirits. The majority recuperated, “but many died in the
harbor.”
On March 25 they gave a farewell salute to the Canaries, being favored
with “a north-east wind.” Fresh supplies, increased by quantities of
fish and sea crabs caught on the journey, added somewhat to the comfort
of the passengers, but as the heat increased on their south-western
course violent disease broke out among the passengers, some being so
affected with dysentery and intermittent fever “that they jumped into
the sea.... Those who did so in the day time were pulled out again, but
those who jumped through the port holes at night were not rescued.”
But “_Nulla calamitas sola_,” exclaims Lindeström, who goes on
to relate that three Turkish ships pursued them for some distance
with the purpose of attacking them. Every man able to hold a gun was
ordered on deck, and brandy was distributed to strengthen them. As the
Turks discovered the great force on the vessel, they withdrew, leaving
the _Örn_ to go on its journey. After the Turks had disappeared
thanksgiving services were conducted on board.
When they approached the Caribbees, three weeks later, it became
necessary to land, “for their misery was increasing daily”; and on
Sunday, April 16, they put into the harbor of St. Christopher. After
the Sabbath services Captain Skute with some soldiers went ashore to
present their passport to Governor Everett, who received them well,
and sent them several boats full of refreshments. On April 17, the
officers were invited to dinner by the widow of the former governor,
now the wife of George Marsh. On the following day Rising hired two
horses from Marsh, and rode, with Lindeström, to the residence of the
French Governor General, a distance of twenty-five miles, to inquire
about the shipwrecked Swedes at St. Cruz. The governor received them
very courteously, saying that the Swedes had left long before, but if
any still remained they would be free to depart. When Rising returned,
his people were very ill, longing for fresh food. To mitigate their
suffering he bought a large ox (“for three pieces of Holland cloth”),
which was butchered and roasted and distributed among them.
On April 19, they continued the voyage, and twelve days later were
close to the American coast. In the morning of May 2 they entered the
Bay of Virginia. Here a severe thunderstorm overtook them. The sails
were quickly removed; yet the ship turned on her side with the masts in
the water, making it necessary to cut the main mast, before the ship
righted herself. “Several men on the upper deck were thrown into the
sea and lost.” As a result of the misfortunes the Swedes were delayed
several days in the bay. On the fifth they again turned north with a
favorable wind, but the weather was cloudy, making it impossible for
the mariners to take their bearings. On the ninth day of sailing, the
captain, thinking that they had passed the Bay of New Sweden, gave
orders to go south again. On the twelfth they arrived at Cape Henry,
supposing they were in the mouth of the South River. In the bay they
experienced another gust of wind. The ship was pressed down till her
nettings were almost under water. Her masts stood, but the fore and
mizzen sails snapped from the rigging like paper and were carried far
out to sea.
After an unsuccessful attempt to establish connections with two English
vessels, which fled from them in the belief that they were pirates,
information as to their whereabouts was gained from an Englishman, who
came on board the _Örn_. The passengers were now very sick, some
dying daily, but the fresh water, which was brought on board, revived
them a little. On May 16 they continued their journey, and reached New
Sweden Bay two days later. “Here the wind again betrayed them,” but on
May 20 the sails were swelled, and in the evening they arrived before
Fort Elfsborg, where they cast anchor.
When the commander of Fort Casimir observed the _Örn_ riding at
anchor before Elfsborg, he raised the Prince’s flag and sent Andrian
van Tienhoven with four freemen on board the ship “to ascertain whence
she came.” They remained on board over night, “being well treated,”
and from these Rising learnt the condition of the Swedish colony and
the weakness of the Dutch fort. He told the Dutch that he would demand
the surrender of Fort Casimir, which had been placed on land belonging
to the crown of Sweden, while they in turn assured him “that they cared
not who possessed the fort as long as they were allowed to dwell there
safely and freely.”
As the wind was favorable the following morning (Trinity Sunday)
Rising gave orders to proceed. In a council which was held on board
it was decided that they “should try at this opportunity [to gain
possession of Fort Casimir], yet without force and hostility but with
proper remonstrances ... of their rights.” At about eleven o’clock the
ship anchored before the Dutch fort, whereupon Rising sent Captain
Sven Skute and Lieutenant Elias Gyllengren ashore “with three files
of Musketeers” to demand the surrender of the stronghold. Commander
Bicker, who saw the uselessness of resistance, met the Swedes on the
shore, “welcomed [them] as friends, and brought Sven Skute into the
fort” for a conference. Skute presented the Swedish rights to the
land and fort, “promising Bicker, his soldiers and colonists all
liberty and good offers,” if he would capitulate without resistance.
Bicker, however, desiring a little time for consultation, “sent Van
Tienhoven on board the _Örn_ with three others to request three
days delay.” In the meantime Gyllengren marched his soldiers into the
fort, as the gates were open and poorly guarded. “When the Hollanders
wanted to use their guns,” they were told to put them down again, “and
thus the Swedes took possession of Fort Casimir without hostility.” A
Swedish flag, taken from the _Örn_, was then raised above the fort
instead of the Dutch, which, it is said, “Bicker caused his own boy to
haul down.” Thereupon another salute was fired from the _Örn_,
answered by the guns of the fort. The name was changed to Fort Trinity
“because it was taken on Trinity Sunday,” and Lieutenant Gyllengren
with some soldiers was ordered to remain there. Twenty-one houses
surrounded the fortress, some of which were occupied by freemen. The
fort at the time of its surrender was garrisoned by nine soldiers, and
armed with thirteen cannon; but there was no powder and the muskets
were with the gunsmith.
After the capture the conditions were read to the Dutch, upon which
they would be taken under the protection of the Swedish crown. “They
were well satisfied with their remonstrance,” promising to appear at
the earliest opportunity before the Swedish council to swear their oath
of allegiance.
On May 22 the _Örn_ arrived at Christina. About a month and a half
later the ship was ready to return to Sweden, and on July 15, the sails
were loosened from the yards, and opened to invite the breeze. The
return voyage was a long and dangerous one. The ship went to St. Martin
for repairs, thence to Firth, and arrived at Gothenburg about July 24.
II.
In the beginning of 1654 as soon as the _Örn_ had gone to sea
preparations for the _Gyllene Haj_ were begun again. But matters
progressed slowly, and as late as February 10 Ankerhjelm reported that
the ship was leaking. The admiral seemed to have had doubts as to the
success of the journey. “I know not how the voyage with the _Gyllene
Haj_ will turn out,” he wrote; “the captain pays little attention to
the ship, and each officer, is, I understand his own master, so that
one will not give in to the other. A short time ago a soldier gave the
mate two black eyes, on account of which I have placed the former under
arrest on the crown’s ship _Hercules_.”
Captain Amundsson, who had been appointed head of the expedition,
was finally removed from his post, as he had proved himself utterly
incompetent. It seems, however, that too many duties had been assigned
to him, and two men Sven Höök and Hendrick von Elswick were assigned
to his post. Höök was to command the vessel on the voyage, and to
supervise the shipbuilding in New Sweden. Hendrick von Elswick, who
had been recommended by Rising to the position of “head merchant” in
the colony, was to have superior command on the voyage, and was to
argue the claims of the _Katt_ expedition before the governor of
Porto Rico.
As Captain Hans Amundsson had private claims in Porto Rico to look
after, he was permitted to go on the _Haj_ with his family and two
servants, promising to assist Elswick as much as he could.
In the beginning of March, definite information reached the commercial
college that Printz was in Holland on his way home. A commission,
appointing Johan Rising director of New Sweden and Sven Skute,
commander of the military forces, was drafted in the beginning of
March, and entrusted to Elswick, who was to deliver it on his arrival
in New Sweden.
Obstacles of many kinds delayed the expedition. Elswick found that the
ship was poorly armed and without ammunition. Time was consumed before
these things could be supplied. Finally a ship carpenter and a couple
of sailors were lacking. Both Elswick and Admiral Ankerhjelm did their
utmost to supply these wants, but days and weeks passed, and the ship
had to ride at anchor, waiting for insignificant necessities. Finally,
on March 31, Elswick’s luggage was brought on board, the people took
their oath of allegiance, and a good wind was the only thing lacking.
“But some of the people were bad”, the mate was incompetent and a
“rascal”, and many things foreboded an unhappy journey.
A few of the emigrants, who could not find room on the _Örn_, went
with this ship, and a number of soldiers and servants were also on the
boat. Unfavorable weather delayed the _Haj_ for another two weeks,
but on April 15 she at last got under way “with a good wind.” Three
days later contrary winds compelled the Swedes to run into a Norwegian
harbor, but on the following day they were able to resume their
journey, and arrived at Villa Franca of the Azores on the thirteenth of
May. Here they remained for a week, replenishing their stores of water
and provisions. The seal of their letter from the King of Spain, was
broken by the governor of the island, who suspected their mission to
Porto Rico, and other troubles met them.
During the night of May 20 the anchor was heaved, the _Haj_
was covered with canvass and the ship was soon making for America.
But calms and irregular winds were encountered, and many of the
passengers became sick on the wearisome journey. After three weeks the
water-supply became very low, but the Swedes were fortunately drawing
near the Caribbees and on the seventeenth of June they landed on the
island of St. Christopher--twenty-eight days after their departure
from Villa Franca. On June 26, when new supplies had been brought on
board, they continued their journey, arriving at Porto Rico four days
later. Governor Jacobus de Aquilera “waited on the shore with his
_Carethe_ and many prominent persons, immediately sending a large
boat which took ... [Elswick] ashore.” The passengers and crew went
ashore the following day (July 1). Hans Amundsson died on the island
July 2, and was buried outside the city. The mate attempted “to run
away,” but was kept in irons in the prison by Elswick until the ship
sailed.
On August 15 the _Haj_ left Porto Rico for New Sweden. The people
were well, supplies were plentiful, and all were in a happy mood;
but the expedition was destined to fail in its purpose. By a mistake
the ship passed Delaware Bay, and “through carelessness or rather
wickedness of the mate” she was led into “an unknown passage behind
Staten Island towards the Raritans Kill,” where she was siezed by order
of Director Stuyvesant. The officers of the ship were arrested and
kept in custody for some time. Elswick protested orally and in writing
against the action of the Dutch; but to no avail. The _Haj_ and
its cargo remained in possession of the Dutch West India Company. The
name of the ship was changed to _Diemen_, and she was used “for
the West Indian trade.” The majority of the passengers and crew of the
ship, including the carpenter, remained in New Amsterdam, persuaded
thereto by Stuyvesant. When Elswick had done all in his power to effect
a settlement he left for New Sweden.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE COLONY UNDER RISING AND PAPEGOJA, 1653–1655.
I.
Conditions in the colony did not improve after the departure of
Printz. Several settlers, having been politely refused citizenship
in New Netherland, applied secretly to the authorities in Virginia
and Maryland for permission to go there. Here they received a hearty
welcome, and fifteen settlers deserted to the English colony on the
south. When Papegoja became aware of their flight, he hired Indians “to
bring them back”; but they resisted, “and put themselves on the defence
against the savages who had been sent after them, [so that two] ...
were struck down, whose heads were brought into Fort Christina.” The
assistant commissary, Gotfried Harmer, seems to have been the leader.
He wrote letters to some of the Swedes after his arrival in Virginia,
advising them to leave the colony and join the English. It was also
said that Henrick Huygen played false to the Swedes, Nothing further is
known of the events in New Sweden from October, 1653, until May, 1654,
except that the Indians fired Fort Korsholm.
On Sunday morning, May 21, 1654, the colonists on their way to church
were startled by the roar of cannon. It was the _Örn_ giving
the Swedish salute before Fort Casimir! A ship had arrived at last!
“Vice-Commissary Jacob Svensson with some Swedish freemen” was ordered
down the river to confirm the hopes. A little later the yacht bringing
Vice-Governor Johan Papegoja was sailing down the stream. As soon as
Rising had made provisions for the proper maintenance of Fort Casimir
he sailed up to Christina. The emigrants “were now very ill on the
ship, and the smell was so strong that it was impossible to endure
it any longer. It was therefore agreed that Papegoja should bring
the people ashore in the morning with the sloop, the yacht and other
crafts, which was accordingly done on the twenty-second. Some of the
people were distributed among the freemen up in the river, others taken
to Fort Christina, where they were nursed with all care.” The sailors
were also so sick and weak that “they could not lift the anchor nor row
the boat, without the aid of the old colonists.”
In the afternoon of May 23, Bicker accompanied by the Dutch soldiers
and colonists of the Sandhook presented himself at Fort Christina. The
new and liberal concessions granted to settlers in New Sweden were read
to them, and contrasted with the less favorable privileges enjoyed in
New Netherland. The injuries they had caused the Swedes were recounted;
but these would all be forgotten, and they would be treated as friends
and good neighbors, if they would swear allegiance to the Swedish crown
and the New Sweden Company, and become faithful subjects of Her Royal
Majesty. “Thereupon all begged pardon” for what they had done in the
past against the Swedish colony, “blaming everything on to General
Stuyvesant,” and expressed “with one mouth” a desire to remain in New
Sweden as Swedish subjects. “They then took the oath in the open air
with a waving banner overhead,” signing their names to the documents,
after which they were welcomed as subjects of the crown, and invited to
join in a festive meal in honor of the occasion. Two of the Dutch were
ordered to leave, as they were undesirable citizens. Another Hollander,
“Alexander Boyer, was declared to be an evil and ill reputed man, but
[he] had a Swedish wife. Simon Lane and Thomas Brown, two Englishmen,
were also placed in the same register. There was some hesitation about
these three, whether they should be accepted or not, but on their large
promises that they would be faithful and honest” they were allowed to
stay.
Rising, being anxious to learn how Stuyvesant would regard the
surrender of the fort, sent a messenger to the Dutch governor on May
27 with a letter, informing him that Fort Casimir had been summoned to
surrender according to the commands of Her Royal Majesty, and that the
Dutch colonists had “repaired under the obedience of the government
of Sweden.” “Since this is a matter of greater consequence,” the
letter goes on, “than can be decided among servants who must only obey
orders, the sovereigns on both sides have to settle this matter among
themselves, and agree among themselves about it.”
The instructions and memorials given to Rising before his departure
from Upsala in December, 1653, authorized him, in case Governor Printz
had left the country or would not remain, to take charge “of the
political and judicial affairs of the colony,” leaving the military
management in other hands. Rising, as well as other officers, were
indisposed the first few days after their arrival, due to the hardships
and inconveniences of the journey and the change of climate, yet the
day following his landing he called the officers, soldiers and freemen
to Christina, and caused the orders and instructions to be read in
their presence. Thereupon he formally assumed the leadership of the
colony with the title of Director of New Sweden, and appointed Sven
Skute and Johan Papegoja his assistants. The new royal privileges
concerning the settlement were also proclaimed. Private colonists were
granted the right to trade freely with neighbors and Indians, they
could buy land direct from the savages or from the company, and, by
paying an export duty of 2 per cent., they could export every form of
produce as well as “gold and silver” (other minerals being excluded)
to Sweden and its dependencies duty free. Land bought by an individual
freeman from the company or from the savages would become his
unqualified perpetual property, and he “would enjoy allodial privileges
for himself and his descendants for ever.”
“After the sermon” on June 4, “the freemen were [again] assembled, and
it was presented to them how Her Royal Majesty intended hereafter to
continue the colony through the South Company by sending good and early
succor.” A general day of fasting and prayer was proclaimed for the
ninth “over the whole land.” On that day everybody “went to church at
Tinicum and after the services the freemen, old and young, were called
together.” They were told once more that additional aid was expected
from Sweden, and that the outlook for the future was bright. Since
there had been mutinies and much trouble during Printz’s time, it would
be necessary to examine into the various charges and counter-charges
which had been made, and it was hoped that all the inhabitants of New
Sweden from now on would act as “true subjects of Her Royal Majesty and
honest colonists.” An oath of allegiance and promise of good conduct
was thereupon read to them and signed by forty-eight persons, eight of
whom were widows of freemen.
By the arrival of the _Örn_ the population of New Sweden was
increased more than five fold. About twenty-five colonists and soldiers
left the settlement with Printz, while others deserted, so that the
total number of inhabitants were only about seventy when Rising
arrived. About three hundred and fifty embarked on the _Örn_ at
Gothenburg; but nearly one hundred died on the journey, and a few
succumbed in the colony shortly after their landing, making the total
population about the middle of July only “three hundred and sixty-eight
souls with the Hollanders and all.” But so large an increase without
additional provisions and merchandise for the trade made the situation
critical. To relieve the condition “the council found it expedient to
butcher one of the company’s young bulls, of which the lands’ people
and ship’s people received one-half part each, and were refreshed
by it.” The relief, was only temporary, however. The illness of the
people continued for weeks. To aggravate matters disease spread to the
Indians, who “avoided all communication with the Swedes for a time and
consequently brought them few supplies of meat and fish.” One of the
first duties of the council was therefore to obtain “provisions for all
the people, since they were entirely destitute, and would either die of
starvation or desert. Hence it was resolved that Vice-Commissary Jacob
Svensson should be sent for this, purpose to North [New] England, as
he had good and intimate friends there.... On July 21, Jacob Svensson
returned with the sloop from Hartford, New England, bringing grain and
provisions purchased from Mr. Richard Lord.”
* * * * *
Rising endeavored to regain the confidence and good will of the
Indians. He sent merchandise down to the Horn Kill for trading purposes
and distributed presents among the savages for the confirmation of the
land purchase in that part of the river. He also called the Indians
living above Fort Christina to appear for a conference.
“On Saturday, June 17,” says Rising, “twelve sachems or princes
of the Renapi, that is the natives who dwell on the western hank
of our river, came together [in Printz Hall] on Tinnicum, and
when they had all seated themselves,” an oration was delivered
to them on behalf of the Great Queen of Sweden through Gregorius
Van Dyck, the interpreter. They were reminded of the former
friendship, which existed between themselves and the Swedes,
and they were assured that it would be for their mutual benefit
to renew the old compact. “If any bad man,” the speech went on,
“had given them suspicions that we have evil in mind against
them (as was whispered among them), they should not believe
such a one, but if they would make and keep a treaty with us,
we would keep it irrevocably.” Then we reminded them of the
land, which we had bought from them, that they should keep the
purchase intact, whereupon they all unanimously answered with
one sound ‘Yes.’ Then our presents were brought in and placed
on the floor before them, but they indicated that the presents
should be portioned out to each one, which we also did. And each
sachem was given one yard of frieze, one kettle, one axe, one
hoe, one knife, one pound of powder, one stick of lead and six
awl points. To the other followers, who were sixteen or twenty
in number, some of each kind was given. “When they had thus
received it, some of them went out to take counsel what they
should answer. [When these returned] their field-marshal called
Hackeman spoke in their behalf, saying to them. ‘See how good
friends these are, who have given us such gifts, reproaching
them that they had spoken ill about us, and at times done us
harm. Now, however, they promised that hereafter they would all
be our good friends and stroked himself a few times down the arm
as a sign of great friendship.’” Then he expressed his thanks
for the gifts on behalf of them all, “and said that, if they had
hitherto in the time of Governor Printz been as one body and one
heart, striking his breast [as he said it,] they would hereafter
be as one head with us, grasping his head [and] twisting round
with his hands, as if he wished to tie a secure knot. Thereupon
he made a ridiculous comparison saying that as a _calabash_
is a round growth without crack or break, thus we should
hereafter be as one head without a crack.” Then the Indians were
asked “if they all meant it thus, whereupon they all made a cry
of assent. Thereafter the Swedish salute was fired from a couple
of cannon which pleased them much. Then they fired with their
guns and promised that they would do us no harm, nor kill our
people nor cattle. [They also] offered us permission to build
a fort and house at Passayunk, which is their principal place
of abode, where the greatest number of them live, and they
promised that they would keep all our land purchases [intact]
... The land deeds were thereupon brought forth (although only
some of them were at hand, the rest [being] at Stockholm),
but only the names signed to them were read. When the savages
heard their names, they were much pleased; but when anyone was
mentioned who was dead, they bent down their heads.” A defensive
league was thereupon made, the Indians promising that they would
regard the enemies of the Swedes as their own enemies, and that
they would report any danger to the settlement, which they might
by chance hear of. But, although they were well satisfied with
the Swedes, “yet they remarked that they had received sickness
from the ship, through which they feared that all their people
would perish.” Fire had been seen around the ship at night, and
the savages believed that an evil spirit had come in the vessel.
“A chief sitting on a table asked for a boat for two medicine
men, who should go down to take the spirit away,” but no boat
seems to have been available. “We gave them, however, the best
comfort we could,” says Rising, “that the Lord God [would help
them], and, if they put their trust in him, the plague would not
harm them.”
To further satisfy the Indians “two large kettles and other vessels”
full of _sappan_ or porridge of Indian maize were placed before
them upon the floor, and some strong drinks, “which they love
exceedingly,” were given them. During the conference they were much
offended because Van Dyck contradicted them, but he appeased them by
praising their qualities, and they left Printz Hall well satisfied and
in the best of humor.
* * * * *
On the morrow, which was Sunday, a sachem of the Minquas, called
Agaliquanes, “a brother of the former general,” came to Christina.
Presents were given to him and he promised to keep good peace with
the Swedes, for they treated the Indians well, unlike the English of
Virginia, “who used to shoot them to death, wherever they found them.”
When conditions had somewhat changed for the better Rising could turn
his attention to expansion and necessary betterments. He had been
instructed to observe “that the land should be properly portioned
out to the colonists, so that each one would receive as much ground
as could be given to him.” After an inspection of the country Rising
decided that certain old farms should be improved and a number of new
tracts be reclaimed from the forest. He also caused a map to be made of
the river, “as good as was possible in a hurry, from the bay up to the
falls.”
On June 10, Rising writes in his journal: “This and the following
[days] we settled the people who were well [enough] to cultivate the
land.” These colonists were supported by the company, until they
could make a start, and were given cows on rental for half of the
offspring and eighteen pounds of butter yearly. Several donations of
land had been made to officers in New Sweden, but as some of these
tracts had been cultivated for years, the freemen who owned them were
greatly displeased. Several of the old settlers desired to sell their
homesteads in Order to occupy “new lands, encouraged thereto by the
privileges given by Her Royal Majesty ... [to private settlers]; but
none of the new-comers had means to redeem them.” A few cultivated
farms were purchased for the company, and in the summer and autumn
tenure of land was given to freemen at Upland, Printztorp and on the
Schuylkill. Servants were also assigned to the estate of Printz at
Tinicum Island “to guard the hall against the savages ..., and to do
all that was necessary for the fields and meadows, besides whatever
else might be required.”
The majority of the new settlers were assigned places between Christina
and Fort Trinity along the shores of the Delaware. A few were located
upwards along the banks of Christina River “in order to protect the
colony against Virginia,” and to lay the foundations for a “commercial
road” from the Swedish settlement to the Elk River and the Chesapeake.
Several new appointments were made in the summer. The gunner Johan
Stålkofta was commissioned to “prepare material and planks for the
buildings, that were to be erected from time to time”; the corporal
Anders Olofsson to superintend the agriculture of the colony, and the
ensign Peter Hansson Wendel to manage the plantation and the clearing
of the land. No special wages accompanied these offices. “There was
some dislike against the arrangement among the people,” says Rising,
“but for what reason could not be ascertained.”
Mindful of the other paragraphs of his instructions Director Rising
selected “suitable places where villages ... as well as towns and
trading places could be established.” Lindeström was ordered “to divide
the fields [north of and next unto Christina] into lots.” The town
proper was laid out into a rectangular plot (broken by the encroachment
of the low lands) with square blocks and with streets running
parallel and at right angles to each other--antidating William Penn’s
Philadelphia plan about thirty years. A map of the fort and the town
plan were finished by Engineer Lindeström on July 8, and sent to Sweden
with the _Örn_.
Towards the middle of July the preparations for the return voyage
of the _Örn_ were completed. Some tobacco had been bought from
Virginia merchants, but a sufficient cargo could not be secured. “On
July 15 the dispatches were finished, and, as Papegoja had in mind to
go home with the ship,” a recommendation to the government was prepared
for him by the director. The settlers assembled on the shore at Fort
Christina during the day to wish a happy voyage and bid farewell to the
ship and its passengers, and in the afternoon the _Örn_ (Eagle)
spread her wings, and glided down Christina river amid the cheers of
the people on the bank. Rising went over land to Fort Trinity, where
he boarded the ship, and remained over night. On the sixteenth he went
ashore together with Madam Papegoja, (who had accompanied the vessel as
far as Fort Trinity to see her husband off), and the _Örn_ made
her final start for the return journey.
In his report sent on the ship Rising gave a brief review of the
conditions in the colony as he found them, and proposed several
reforms, complaining that he was in want of potters, brickmakers,
lime-burners, cabinet-makers, tanners, shoemakers, and turners, but
above all of provisions and supplies and colonists. He thought it a
pity that a country with so many advantages, where expenses would be
rewarded a thousand fold, should be neglected, when “one often spent
both property and _blood_ on land, which could not by far be
compared with this. Why should one not risk the expense of money and
property, _without_ the shedding of blood” on a settlement that
“in the future in case of need, would be able to do good service to
the fatherland, and become a jewel in the Royal Crown, if aid should
now be sent at an early date.” As yet he had made no progress in the
establishment of manufactories and the founding of towns, on account of
the bad health of the people and the small resources; but he promised
to do his best as soon as opportunity occurred, since there were many
localities where towns could be built and several waterfalls, where
mills could be erected. He was particularly planning to construct a
dam at the great fall of Christina river, “when everything had been
harvested and sown” in the autumn.
As a result of the troubles of the previous autumn, dissatisfaction
was rife among the colonists. A court was convened at Tinicum in the
summer to examine the charges against the Rev. Lars Lock and Olof
Stille; but no definite evidence could be established in Locke’s case,
and Stille produced bondsmen, who were accepted by the court. “The
great majority complained about the severity of Governor Printz,” and
the director, who handled the case as delicately as possible, being
unwilling to offend them, requested the dissatisfied ones “to draw up
their complaints themselves, which they later did.”
Rising also attempted to bring back the deserted colonists from
Virginia and Maryland; and, when two Swedish officials were sent to
Severn in May, 1654, on a commercial mission, he instructed them to
demand “the return of the proselytes.” An open and general passport
was issued, assuring them an unmolested journey to New Sweden, “if
they came and explained their affairs, howsoever they were.” But none
returned.
The English continued to lay claim to the Delaware. In June, 1654,
commissioners from Maryland visited Christina to confer about the
boundary between the colonies. Commander Lloyd on behalf of the
commission presented the English rights to the entire river, basing
them on original discovery and King James’ grant to Lord Baltimore;
but Lloyd was no match for the Swedish director “in the noble school
of argument.” Rising was in his own element, in his special field,
and prepared with delight a learned refutation, to which “Mr. Lloyd
answered not a word.”
Rising endeavored to promote friendly correspondence with the New
England settlements, and wrote “letters to the governor and magistrate
in that district as well as to the former Governor-General Endicott.”
At the general court of New Haven in July it was ordered that Governor
Eaton should write a letter “to the Swedes at Delaware Bay, informing
them of the property, which some in this colony have to large tracts
of land on both sides of Delaware Bay and river, and desiring a
neighborly correspondence with them, both in trading and planting there
and an answer hereof.” Upon the arrival of the letter at Christina,
July 22, Rising took immediate steps to refute the New Haven claims.
The council was convened and “the oldest [settlers] in the country
were called together” for the purpose of drafting an adequate reply
to Governor Eaton’s missive. Copies of the Indian donation of land
were made, and “an attestation, signed by the oldest [colonists was
drawn up, stating] that the English held no tract of land in the
river by proper purchase.” These documents were sent to the English
governor, who presented them at the meeting of the commissioners of the
united colonies at Hartford in September. The commissioners promptly
formulated a detailed answer to Rising’s statements, “which appeared a
little strange to them.” They affirmed that the New Haven people had a
just claim to certain lands on the Delaware, and they hoped that “the
friendship and good accord in Europe betwix England and Sweden would
have a powerful influence on Rising’s spirits and carriages in these
parts of America.”
Meanwhile the New Haven proprietors continued their activity, holding
several meetings about their claims, and sent agents and commissioners
to inspect the country and to treat with the Swedes directly, but their
efforts were in vain, and ten years were to pass before the English
could obtain a foothold on the South River.
[Illustration:
“Swedish log cabin” situated “on the west bank of Darby creek
about a quarter of a mile above Clifton.” The above (built
in the 18th century) shows many characteristics to be found
in the log cabins erected by the Swedes and Finns in their
native country; the extension of the second story, “the
porch-roof,” etc.]
The defence of the country was naturally one of the first concerns of
Rising. Since Fort Trinity was the key to the river, its old ramparts
were greatly strengthened, and new walls were erected. Four fourteen
pound metal cannon, which had been taken from the _Örn_, were
placed behind an entrenchment constructed before the palisade on
the river side, and balls, lead, powder and other ammunition to the
value of 92 D. were stored in the magazine of the fort. Captain Sven
Skute assisted by former Commander Bicker, worked all summer on the
fortifications with twenty men. “Fort Christina, being in a state of
entire delapidation,” was also repaired by the freemen and soldiers.
As Rising was to occupy Papegoja’s dwelling, which had been bought
for the company, Madam Papegoja “went up to Tinicum with her children
and household in a little sloop,” and settled on her father’s estate.
The ale house at Tinicum, “daily robbed of doors and clapboards by
the savages, was brought to Christina on the keel boat, where it was
erected outside of the fort ... for an inn.” A cellar was dug in
Christina, and masoned with stone, and a warehouse purchased from
Papegoja was placed above it.
On September 5, Rising entered in his journal:
“Five freemen from Kingsessing and some others ... repaired
the [principal] dwelling in Fort Christina (the sill and five
logs being decayed in the corner ...), and covered the whole
building below with planks, in order that the house would not
rot from water. Later they built the provision-house five rounds
[of logs] higher, covered it with boards and protected it below
with planks; and dug around the storehouse, which was likewise
cased with planks on account of the water. Lastly they removed
the roof of the bath-house ... raised the walls four rounds [of
logs] higher, [so as to make it useful] for a smokehouse of meat
and fish, and made a porch before it of planks.”
The other dwellings in the fort were likewise repaired, and four
clapboard rooms were made to provide more space for the people.
In the autumn the lots near Fort Christina were more accurately
measured off, and plans were projected for the building of a village,
“since there was little room in the fortress.” This was to be the
staple town of the colony, and skilled workmen, such as shoemakers,
blacksmiths, carpenters and the like were to reside there.[19]
Factories of various kinds were to be founded and the harbor was to be
improved and enlarged, so that it could meet the new conditions, and
maintain itself for all times, as the principal commercial port of the
country. Several men were appointed to “cut timber on the eastern bank”
of the Delaware (almost opposite Tinicum Island) under the direction of
Johan Stålkofta, “and later they brought a little timber raft to Fort
Christina.” Soon “some of the settlers commenced to build manors and
houses on their lots.” A plot was also prepared for an orchard, a sort
of a park, “planted with fruit trees and surrounded with palisades.”
The city thus begun was called Christinehamn, the forerunner of present
Wilmington.
A great many Indian chiefs visited the Swedish fortress during the
summer, and several conferences were held with them. Some of the old
land purchases were renewed, and a number of Indians from the eastern
bank promised to supply the Swedes with great quantities of hops. A
certain sachem “by the name of Mister, who pledged himself to gather
all the hops that grew along the river,” and deliver them to Rising,
was given some gifts and a bag in which to carry the hops; but he never
returned the sack nor did he bring any hops to the fort.
The usual commercial relations were established with the savages in
the fall. The sloops were sent up and down the river to fetch hops and
to purchase provisions, and over a thousand bushels of Indian corn and
several bushels of beans were bought. Twenty bushels of maize and a few
deer skins were presented to Rising as a gift from the sachems. Jacob
Svensson, although he had been ill several times during the summer, was
very successful in his transactions with the Indians and in December
we find him buying deer meat from the savages “for frieze, powder and
lead.”
The needs of the country and the failure of new supplies to arrive
made the purchasing of provisions from the neighbors imperative. On
September 24 Richard Lord from Hartford arrived at Christina “with
a cargo of provisions and other goods.” He also delivered letters
from Elswick, which told the sad story that the _Haj_, the one
hope of the colony in its want and distress, had been captured. “It
was a special injury to us,” says Rising in his journal, “and a blow
not easily repaired.” As Lord undertook to transmit letters to Sweden
via England, the director made his second report “to the commercial
college, in which he related their weak condition and the pressing
necessity of relief.”
We have seen that the settlers were well supplied with cattle, when
Printz departed from the colony, but with the arrival of the new
expedition the domestic animals became too few in proportion to the
number of freemen. When the English from Virginia visited Christina in
the summer a contract for the delivery of a number of cows was made
with them. Theodore Ringold from Maryland desired to buy five or six
mares, but so large a number could not be spared. The Swedish council
agreed, however, to exchange two mares with him for four cows that
were with calf. In like manner Marsh, “the richest man in his colony,”
promised to send over ten cows, when Ringold delivered his. Through
these purchases the value of a cow in New Sweden fell about 50 per cent.
On the last day of September a messenger from Elswick appeared with
the commissions, which appointed Rising director of the colony and
Sven Skute commander of the forts. Three days later these papers
were read to the people, who were assembled at a court in Fort
Christina. It seems that Rising and his council now took a bright
view of the situation, as they soon provided for the re-organization
of the internal government of the settlement and the adoption of a
constitution or rule of conduct. “On October 27 the best men of the
colony were called together at Fort Christina, and an _ordinance_
was drafted.” The ordinance was proclaimed among the Swedes and Dutch,
“but it could not be enforced and followed, before aid would arrive
from the fatherland.”
About the end of November a boat with provisions and people was sent
up to [Trenton] falls to meet Hendrick von Elswick, who was expected
overland from New Amsterdam. On November 30 he arrived at Christina
in company with Sven Höök, a servant, a secretary and a soldier. The
account books, bills and the like were now turned over to Elswick, who
was given charge of the storehouse in the fort.
In the autumn the council issued an order “that every freeman [at the
Sandhook] should enclose his plantation, and watch his cattle that
they did no damage to others, on penalty of punishment.” Orders for
the clearing of certain lands were likewise given to the freemen.
“The field at Fort Christina was ploughed, and manure was brought upon
it.... The land across Christina River [opposite the fort, called the
low-land], was cleared and sown with wheat” by some freemen, who were
to have one-third of the crop for their labor. Horses and oxen were
taken to the Sandhook for the ploughing and cultivation of certain
farms, which had been forfeited to the company by Dutch colonists. In
October, November and December “the new freemen were ordered to clear
their lands at various places, for the purpose of planting maize in the
coming spring; and several fields at Sandhook, at Fort Christina and
up at the [Christina] River were cleared and sown for the benefit of
the company with the grain which Mr. Lord had brought in.... A pair of
young oxen belonging to the company was assigned to Måns Månsson, the
Finn, who had rented a farm at Upland.... Some old freemen were also
ordered to help with their oxen, so that sufficient land was cleared
for the sowing of about sixty to seventy bushels (about seventy to
eighty acres), part of it being sown with wheat, the other part to be
planted with maize in the spring. Various kinds of fruit trees were
also planted in the autumn both by Rising and the freemen.”
Director Rising had received a grant of land in the colony large enough
for the settlement of twenty to thirty peasants; but it was located
at Fort Trinity, “somewhat remote from Christina, so that he could not
superintend it daily,” and he therefore requested a grant on Timber
Island instead of it. He did not wait for an answer from Sweden, but
proceeded to clear it off at his own expense with the assistance of the
officers and servants. Then he “caused a house with two stories to be
built thereon and a dwelling as well as a cellar below it.”
The mill-dam and mill were repaired, and towards the end of October
Rising went up to Naaman’s Kill “in company with several good men,”
where he found “a serviceable little waterfall for a sawmill.” Such
a mill, able to supply the needs of the country and produce lumber
for export, had been planned by Printz. Now it could be erected, as
saw-blades had been imported on the _Örn_; but the director
decided to wait until the following spring.
A great calamity threatened the colony in the fall. A fire broke
out in Christina one night, endangering the entire fort; but it was
fortunately extinguished without loss of property or life. A little
later a storm of tremendous velocity accompanied by “an exceptionally
high flood” damaged Fort Trinity, “washing away the wall up to the
palisades.”
As winter approached the dwellings were thoroughly repaired, and the
old barns were improved, while new ones were built, for indications
pointed to a cold season. Large stores of Indian corn and game were
purchased from the aborigines, and other provisions made for the
winter. The new-comers were now somewhat acclimatized. They had erected
their log cabins, which gave them sufficient shelter, and they had
learnt many new customs and usages from the old settlers.
Regular religious services were continued in the church at Tinicum.
Holidays and daily prayers were observed as before, and special days
of fasting and prayer were proclaimed. Rising suggested plans for
building schools and churches and for meeting the expenses “of the
congregations.” He recommended that tithes of grain and cattle be paid,
“willingly by the people ..., the half part of it to be used for the
salaries of the preachers and the other half part for the erection and
support of a school building and a church.” Rev. Lars Lock was alone
in the colony from 1649 until 1654. But now new preachers, Matthias
Nertunius and Peter Hjort arrived with the _Örn_. Rev. Nertunius,
who was assigned to Upland, where he lived on a tract of cleared land
belonging to the company, conducted services at Tinicum. He “was indeed
the best” preacher in the colony at this period, and Rising proposed
to the government that the land “at Upland on which he lived [large
enough for the sowing] of twenty or thirty bushels of seed, should be
given [to him] for a parsonage with the few houses there ..., in which
case he would need no other salary from the company.” Peter L. Hjort
was stationed at Fort Trinity, where he preached, until the capture of
the stronghold by the Dutch; but, as he was “a preacher worldly and
spiritually poor,” his labors were probably of small result. It seems
that Rev. Lock was transferred to Christina in the summer of 1654.
Since he had been accused of mutiny, Rising decided to send him to
Sweden on the _Örn_ “to defend and free himself”; but he became
severely ill, when the ship was about to sail, and the charges against
him seem to have been dropped.
“The poor are always with us,” and they were not absent from New
Sweden. During the governorship of Printz “Karin the Finnish woman”
was compelled to beg for the support of herself and her children
and perhaps others were reduced to similar circumstances. Rising
established a charity fund and appointed “the preacher” (probably
Nertunius) to distribute food and clothing according to the needs of
the poor. The colonists were invited to contribute to the fund, and
one of the blacksmiths gave 19:15 florins to the “poor account.” “The
children of Paul Malich, the little Pole, the blind Kirstin with her
two children,” Anders ..., Per Paulsson’s mother and the daughter of
Klas Johansson are especially numerated among those receiving aid,
and food, clothes, shoes and other articles were given to them. The
accounts, were kept by Elswick in a special book, not known to exist,
but they were also entered in the general _Schuldt und Cargason
Buch_.
Slavery was not employed to any extent by the settlers. The slave
brought to Christina in 1639 lived for many years, but beyond this
single case, there is no definite record of slaves in New Sweden.
Lars Svartz (Lars the Black) might have been a negro slave, but it is
more likely that _Svartz_ simply referred to his complexion as
_Snöhvit_ (_Snow-white_) in the case of Jöran Kyn.
The winter of 1654–55 became so severe that the river froze over, and
when the ice broke in January Christina Kill rose far above its usual
level. The heavy flood carried the ice down towards the fort, “a large
part of which would have been swept away had not the new palisades
prevented it,” and the sloop lying on the bank was carried far up on
the land. In February warm and pleasant weather returned, causing the
ice to disappear. During the winter the colony was disturbed by the
savages. A certain tribe became restless, “killed a woman not far
from Fort Christina ..., and stole what they could get hold of. Later
they promised to make it good, but gave no more than ten yards of
_sewant_ as an indemnity.”
Director Rising exhibited an unusual activity, and almost the
entire male population of New Sweden was engaged in clearing the
forests in January, February and March. The settlers occasionally
made use of a peculiar means of removing the forest, the so-called
_svedjebruket_ (agriculture by burning). The method was very old
both in Sweden and Finland, being referred to in the _Kalevala_
as well as by old Scandinavian writers. It has been employed by the
American Indians and other primitive peoples. The old Romans made use
of it, and the Swedes, Finns, Swiss, Germans and other Europeans have
preserved the method down to our present day.
The _svedging_ or burning served two purposes, it cleared away
the forest and produced a splendid fertilizer. When a tract of wooded
land was to be made into field by this means, the trees were felled in
a certain order and allowed to dry for about a year, when the branches
were removed from the trunks, and all useful timber was cut into logs.
The following summer the branches and trees were burnt; “among the
Finns,” after certain incantations had been read. Men and women dressed
in their poorest clothes superintended the burning, and saw to it that
every part of the surface was singed. In the autumn or some weeks after
the burning, rye was sown in the ashes among the stumps and the large
tree trunks, that had not been removed or that would not burn. When the
crop had been harvested all the trunks and logs were rolled or carried
into piles to be burnt. The ground was then prepared more carefully,
and grain (oats, rye or wheat) was again sown. Soil that had thus been
enriched with ashes through burning, could bear good crops for five or
six years without manuring or new burning. Hence logs, branches and the
like were sometimes carried from the woods, and spread over the old
fields. When these had been burnt, grain was sown as before.
In Sweden and Finland this method became so common during the
seventeenth century, that ordinances were passed against it by the
government, and many Finns were sent to New Sweden for violating the
laws forbidding the practice. The Finns, and in some cases the Swedes,
continued the _svedging_ (burning) on the South River, and several
tracts were thus cleared in 1654–55.
When spring came the improved land of New Sweden was large enough to
support the people, but the winter frost ruined the grain, which had
been sown in the autumn. There was no corn in the colony for a new
seeding, but Richard Lord promised to supply the want. As he arrived
rather late, however, the old fields were planted with tobacco in
March and April, and many new plots were prepared.
[Illustration: Storehouses in Finland. Near the corner to the
right of the central storehouse is a harrow, made of “long
wooden teeth,” and to the left is the sled loaded with hay.
R.]
About the beginning of May Isaac Allerton was in New Sweden with his
skipper Michel Tentor. He sold a hogshead of French wine, twenty-six
cups and saucers, one hundred pounds of butter, forty pairs of shoes,
twenty-three undershirts, several gallons of vinegar, a quantity of
hops and a variety of other goods. On May 7 Skipper William King
sold three hundred and twenty yards of frieze for 1,144 florins.
The two bills were paid for by drafts, one due in three months from
date, the other in August. A few days later Richard Lord finally
came to Christina with his ketch and a cargo, “consisting of grain,
fish, cloth, clothes, salt, hops, bread, meat and other goods.” His
prices were exorbitant, but, as the Swedes were in extreme need, they
contracted a purchase. He would not sell the merchandise on the same
terms as formerly, and also presented some old bills for payment.
Finally he accepted a draft for the amount of the new purchase, drawn
on the commercial college to be cashed one month after sight. Eight per
cent. were to be paid him on the new as well as on the old debt, and
all damages, which he would suffer as a result of the bills not being
settled before August, were assumed by Rising. About the same time
Thomas Sanford from Boston arrived at Christina with a quantity of
bread, dried meat, brandy, salt and other things which he sold to the
Swedes.
During his stay Lord also “promised to import English sheep and other
cattle, as well as bees and all sorts of fruit trees.” Again, as he
had done in the previous autumn, he agreed to transport mail through
his correspondents to Sweden and to the Swedish agents in Holland.
Accordingly Rising wrote letters to his principals in Stockholm as well
as to Peter Trotzig in Amsterdam, and made his _third relation_,
dated June 16, 1655. He reported that the colony was in a fairly good
condition. Much land had been cleared, corn and tobacco had been
planted, and the territory of New Sweden had been greatly increased.
But provisions, clothes and the like were sorely needed; and, if new
supplies would not soon arrive to cheer the people, many would desert
as some had already done, so that “affairs would have a speedy end.”
More colonists were desired, and requests for skilled workmen were
repeated (but “house carpenters, who understood how to cut all kinds
of timber,” Rising expected to find in New England). He proposed that
a large sum of money should be employed for the development of the
colony according to plans submitted by Elswick, and he suggested a
new route for the expeditions. The journey by way of the Canaries was
long and troublesome on account of the severe heat; the route further
north used by the English was many hundred miles shorter, and could be
accomplished in from five to ten weeks. Plans for the establishment of
factories were still unaccomplished, but as soon as supplies arrived
beginnings would be made. Threats of the Dutch and dangers from the
English and the savages disturbed the colony somewhat, but not to any
alarming degree.
Except for the outbreak mentioned above the colony had been at peace
with “the denizens of the forest” for a long time. Rising treated them
with kindness and forbearance, permitting them “to pass freely in and
out.” Thomas Ringold warned the Swedes not to allow the Indians so
much liberty in coming and going, “because they were murderous men,”
but Rising’s policy proved a correct one. The Minquas always remained
friendly, and called themselves “the protectors of the Swedes.” Rising
wished to buy a large tract of land from them bordering on Chesapeake
Bay, and it was proposed that the Swedes “should build a fortress
at Chakakitque, for the purpose of trading with those from Severn,
Kent and the whole of Virginia.” The English had also set their
heart on this district. But Jacob Svensson, who had been sent to the
Susquehannas in the beginning of June succeeded in bringing about an
understanding with the Indians, and on June 6, “four sachems or chiefs
from the Minquesser,” who intimated that they had important matters to
present from their entire council, accompanied him to Christina. They
remained in the fort over night, and on the following day a conference
took place, of which Rising gives the following account:
“On the seventh of this month (June) they, with a long oration,
on behalf of the joint council of the Minquesser and of their
united nations, presented to us Swedes all the land which is
located on the east side of the Virginia River (called Elk River
in English), all [the way] from the beginning of Chakakitque
Falls unto the end of Amisacken Falls; a land[20] ... of
choice soil, endowed with beautiful fresh rivers, so that many
thousand families, who might be settled there, can find their
nourishment. And they gave us this with special ceremonies
for an everlasting possession, the land with everything that
might be upon it, woods, the ground, birds and animals, soil
and everything that might be in it and could be found useful,
the water and everything therein of fish, birds and animals
(of which they enumerated a large number and designated with
particular signs). [They] also promised that, whenever we would
send our people there to settle said land, they would supply all
the Swedish people with venison and maize for a year without any
remuneration, on the condition that they could buy there from us
cloth, guns and other merchandise, which they now purchase from
the Hollanders and English, and that we would settle blacksmiths
and tanners there, who could make their guns and other things
for good pay. As a sign that this donation would be legal, they
presented some beavers, and then they caused their guns to be
discharged, upon which they were answered by a Swedish salute
from two cannon. Thereupon a deed was made, which they signed
with their marks, namely _Chakcorietchiaque_, who was sent
by the Tehaque and Skonedidehaga nation; _Svanahändäz_,
sent by the true Minqueser; _Waskanäquäz_ [sent] by the
lower quarter of the Minques; _Sahagoliwatquaz_, sent by
the Serosquacke [tribe] ... And Mr. Richard Lord, who was there
with us, was greatly astonished on account of the liberality and
the speeches of these Minqueser, for they presented to us the
lands, which the English desired to have long ago ... [But] we,
[who are] mentioned below, also signed this letter of donation,
Johannes Rising, Hend[rick] Elswick, Jacob Svensson, Sven Höök,
the ship-lieutenant, Sven Hansson, the ensign. When all this was
completed, these Minquese sachems took us all by the hand; and
_Svanahändäz_, who had been spokesman, took me by the hand,
and led me forward on the floor, and said, ‘as I now lead you by
the hand, thus we will bring your people into the country, and
[we] will sustain you there and defend you against Indians and
against Christian enemies. Thereupon we confirmed this donation
with our gifts.’”
By this purchase the territory of New Sweden was increased westward.
It now included the present state of Delaware, parts of Pennsylvania,
New Jersey and Maryland, and bordered on two great bays with splendid
possibilities for developing trade and shipping. If sufficient
resources had been at hand, Rising would have laid the foundation for a
strong and prosperous colony, which could have opposed the attacks of
the neighbors. As it was the donation proved useless. Two former land
grants were also confirmed about this time, and the relations with the
savages continued to be friendly during the summer and autumn.
As rumors were circulated in the summer that Stuyvesant had decided to
attack New Sweden a plan of defence was outlined. “Hereafter,” says
Rising in his journal, “we let the soldiers and other people of the
company work on the fortifications as much as we could; and [about June
19, they] cut and harvested the hay at Fort Christina and Fort Trinity,
as well as the grain, which had grown this year.”
Shortly after harvest Rising, in company with “Lindeström as engineer”
and three other men, “sailed down to the entrance of the bay in order
to observe the situation of the river” for the purpose of making a
correct map of it; and a few days later he went up to the Falls at
Trenton “with some men who were acquainted there ..., so as to make a
sketch of the whole river.” He believed that there were minerals in
this region, as a sachem told him “that a large mountain was situated
a day’s journey from the falls, where the savages find lead-ore, with
which they color themselves on the body and on the face.”
[Illustration: Peter Stuyvesant.]
The settlers gradually laid out roads between the homesteads, and
began to use wagons at this time for the transportation of goods,
increasing the comfort of the pioneers and solidifying the colony.
The merchandise bought from the English and Dutch did not suffice.
Provisions apparently were plentiful, but clothes gave out. “Linen,”
writes Elswick in the late summer (1655), “is so scarce here, that
some soldiers already go without shirts. As long as _buldan_ or
sailcloth remained, shirts were made for them from it, but now this is
also gone.” The old freemen as usual fared better. The majority had
enough for their daily needs, and some were prosperous.
II.
It was August. Dutch preparations for the overthrow of New Sweden had
been in progress for a long time. The friendly relations which existed
between Sweden and Holland in the early days of the colony had to a
large extent disappeared. Peace had been made with England, removing
imminent danger from that quarter. When therefore the directors of the
Dutch West India Company heard of the capture of Fort Casimir, they
at once resolved to retaliate. They decided to send renforcements to
Stuyvesant, who had proposed to retake the fortress, as soon as he
received orders from his superiors. “The drum was daily beaten” in
Amsterdam to call men to enlist for service in New Netherland, the
directors being “in hopes of sending over a detachment of soldiers
in the ship _Groote Christoffel_ together with an arquebusier
and two carpenters.” Letters and lengthy instructions were dispatched
to Governor Stuyvesant, who, in case the winter should interfere
with their plans, and prevent the sending of the re-enforcements, was
advised to proceed to the South River with such forces, as he could
command, since it was thought that these were “about strong enough
for the occupation of New Sweden, especially if the said expedition
should be undertaken speedily and before the Swedes were relieved.”
He was advised to hire two or three private ships, in addition to
the _Swarte Arent_ (Black Eagle), placed at his disposal by the
company, and to engage “all such freemen as offered themselves [freely
at a stated wage] or might be induced by some other means.” Haste
was imperative, for it was “feared, not without reason, that ... the
Swedes ... might get assistance and reinforcements” in the near future.
Stuyvesant was ordered to transmit “not only authenticated copies of
the conveyance and titles of the purchased lands on the ... South
River, executed in the year 1651, but also such other authentical
documents and papers, as may be found necessary for the confirmation of
the indecency of these proceedings [of the Swedes] and the violation of
the so lawful possession of the company.”
The directors expected the conquest of New Sweden to be accomplished
in the early part of 1655, and their disappointment was great, when
they learned that Stuyvesant had sailed for the Barbadoes in January,
without their knowledge and consent. In April they began anew to
prepare for the long planned attack on the Swedish settlements, at
this time “concluding not only to take up again the expedition in
question but also to undertake and carry it out with more assurance of
success.” For this purpose a ship was chartered called _De Waag_
(the _Scales_). About two hundred men under the command of Captain
Frederick de Coeninck having embarked, the vessel set sail about
the beginning of June, and reached New Amsterdam on August 3 (13).
Immediately upon the arrival of the ship final arrangements for the
expedition were begun; and on the sixth (sixteenth) Stuyvesant, who
was indisposed, ordered the council and Captain de Coeninck to take
charge of the preparations. At the same time a “proclamation appointing
the fifteenth (twenty-fifth) of August a day of prayer and fasting to
invoke God’s blessing on the expedition [was issued].” A few days later
a call for volunteers was published, offering “a reasonable salary and
board money” to the applicants, and promising them a “proper reward”
in case of injury. The Jews were exempted from military service, but
on the condition “that each male person over 16 and under 60 years
[should] contribute, for the aforesaid freedom towards the relief
of the general municipal taxes, sixty-five stivers every month.” A
special commissary was appointed August 9 (19), who should “see to it
and supervise that all ammunition and victuals needed for the intended
expedition ... be ordered, shipped and properly taken care of.” On
the same date a resolution was passed by the council “friendly to ask
some merchant-ships ... [then at New Amsterdam] into the service of
the country with the promise of a proper compensation for it,” but “in
case the skippers refused [they should be pressed] into the service
... with their ships, ammunition, the people with them, provisions and
implements.”
In accordance with this resolution Captain Douwes was ordered on the
fourteenth (twenty-fourth) to “keep himself ready” to embark, upon
receiving orders; and certain captains of vessels in the harbor were
commanded to furnish each “two men and their surplus of provisions and
ammunition of war.” Cornelis van Tienhoven and Frederick de Coeninck
were commissioned to proceed on board the ships, the _Bontekoe_ (_The
Spotted Cow_), the _Beaver_ and the _New Amsterdam_ to enforce the
orders. Three sloops and a French privateer were hired, and a loan of
“fifteen hundred guilders in black and white wampum” was floated by the
council for the expenses of the campaign and presents to the natives.
Towards the end of August preparations were completed, and on
Sunday, the twenty-sixth (September 5), the fleet weighed anchor
“after the sermon.” “The fleet was composed of two yachts called the
_Hollanse Tuijn_ (Holland Garden), the _Prinses Royael_, a
galiot called the _Hoop_ (Hope), mounting four guns, the flyboat
_Liefde_ (Love), mounting four guns, the vice-admiral’s yacht the
_Dolphijn_ with four guns, the yacht _Abrams Offerhande_
(Abraham’s Offering), as rear admiral, mounting four guns” and the
_Waag_ (Balance), and it carried a force of “three hundred and
seventeen soldiers besides a company of sailors.”[21]
Every precaution was taken to prevent the Swedes from obtaining
knowledge of the preparations. Shortly before the expedition left New
Amsterdam Edmund Scarborough desired to return to Virginia with his
vessel, but he was granted permission to do so only by furnishing bail
to the amount of £5,000 sterling as a guarantee that he would not enter
the South Bay or South River either directly or indirectly and that
his people would promise under oath not to give information to anyone
on sea or on land. These and other precautions were so successful that
Rising was not aware of the impending danger before it was almost on
him.
About the beginning of August, however, news of Stuyvesant’s intentions
reached the Indians, who straightway carried the intelligence to New
Sweden. Rising immediately called the council together, who decided
to despatch two spies, Jacob Sprint and Hans Månsson, to Manhattan.
“About the same time Sven Höök with four men was sent down the river to
reconnoitre, but he returned on the tenth of August, having observed
nothing.” Månsson and Sprint, however, returned five days later from
“Staten Island ... bringing a complete and sure intelligence that the
director general of New Netherland intended to come ... [to New Sweden]
with four large and several small ships and seven or eight hundred men.”
Sven Höök was again sent down the Bay with some soldiers on the
sixteenth, but he soon returned without news. Having been ordered down
the river a third time to watch the enemy, he appeared on August 30,
reporting that he had seen two or three ships in the Bay the previous
evening.
A council of war was instantly called. It was decided to defend Fort
Trinity, in case the Dutch should attack it, and a written instruction
was given to Skute, setting forth his duties. When the Hollanders
approached, he “should send [a messenger] to their ships ... to find
out, if they came as friends; and in any case warn them not to pass
the above mentioned fort, for if they did he would fire at them, which
they should not look upon as [an act of] hostility.” “150 lbs. of
powder, a number of muskets, swords, pikes, bullets and other necessary
things” were taken into the fort on the same day, and the soldiers and
freemen were supplied with powder and other ammunition. Provisions were
also collected, and forty-seven bushels of rye, fourteen gallons of
brandy, quantities of beer and other necessaries were carried into the
storehouse of Trinity Fort within the next few days.
Stuyvesant arrived in the bay about three o’clock in the afternoon of
August 27 (September 6), but on account of the tide and a calm he was
unable to proceed up the river before the following day. In the evening
of August 29 he cast anchor before Fort Elfsborg, landed his men and
bivouacked for the night, while his little force was reviewed and
divided into five companies, “each under its own colors.”[22] During
the night, which was very dark, hiding the manoeuvres of the Dutch, a
sloop was sent up to Sandhook. Here a number of Swedish freemen were
captured, who gave information about the condition of the colony. On
August 31 the fleet moved on, “passed Fort Casimir [Trinity] about 8
or 9 P. M. without any act of hostility on either side, [and] cast
... anchor above the fortress.” Skute with his officers and men were
at the guns, but though every Dutch vessel was within range of the
Swedish cannon, the commander withheld orders to fire, for he saw the
hopelessness of the situation. The Dutch troops were soon landed, and
“the passage to Christina [was] occupied by fifty men” to prevent the
exchange of communication between the Swedes. Shortly after the fleet
had come to anchor, Lieutenant Smith with a drummer and a white flag
was sent ashore to demand the surrender of the fort. Smith, being met
on the bank by Lieut. Gyllengren with two musketeers, delivered the
orders of his commander, stating that the Dutch were informed through
the Swedish authorities that Fort Casimir had been taken “neither by
the orders nor the consent of the Swedish government or of the Swedish
Crown,” and that it was therefore the duty of the commander to return
the fort to its rightful owners. But Gyllengren informed him that since
they had received no instructions to that effect, they would fight to
the last man. Smith, desiring to speak with the Swedish commander,
was thereupon blindfolded and led through the fortress into Skute’s
dwelling. Skute wished to write to Director Rising, and requested some
delay; but it was denied, and Smith returned to the ships.
Meanwhile Stuyvesant landed his artillery, and prepared to besiege the
fortress. Smith was sent with a second message, requesting Skute “not
to wait the attack of their troops,” but to give up the fort. “The
Dutch envoy” was again met by Gyllengren, who made the same reply as
before to his demands, warning him not to come a third time, “for the
land belonged to the crown of Sweden.” Later the armorer Kämpe was sent
to confer with the Dutch governor, who requested a personal interview
with Skute. Skute, having agreed to a conference, met his opponent
with four musketeers in the valley about half way between the fortress
and the Dutch battery. A second request for permission to send an open
letter to Director Rising was refused, but an hour’s delay for a final
answer to the summons of Stuyvesant was granted. After an hour Kämpe
once more appeared at the Dutch camp, requesting a delay until the next
morning. This concession was likewise granted, but on the condition
that Skute would again meet the Dutch governor at eight o’clock;
“because we could not finish our battery [before that time],” says
Stuyvesant.
Skute now encouraged his people, tried to arouse them to a sense
of duty and exhorted them to make all possible resistance, but the
soldiers were mutinous and would not obey orders.[23] Several escaped
over the walls, carrying news to Stuyvesant of the conditions in the
fort. One of these fugitives, Gabriel Forsman, was shot through the leg
by Lieutenant Gyllengren, as he climbed over the embankment and died
from the wounds (the only casualty through “the war”). About fifteen
soldiers were then placed under arrest, whereupon order and obedience
was restored. During the night Anders Dalbo and Karl Julius were sent
in a canoe to Fort Christina with reports and requests for aid. Rising
directed Skute to hold out, as assistance would soon arrive, but if
he was compelled to capitulate he should do so on as good terms as
possible.
The Swedish commander “did not go to the camp of the Hollanders” on
Saturday morning (September 1), as Governor Stuyvesant had requested.
In his stead, however, he despatched Anders Kämpe at the appointed
hour, but the Dutch governor insisted on Skute’s coming. Accordingly a
second conference was arranged by the two commanders half way between
the fort and the Dutch batteries. Governor Stuyvesant once more
demanded the surrender of the stronghold, but Skute still talked of
resistance, promising to make it uncomfortable for the Dutch soldiers,
if they should dare to approach within reach of a Swedish bullet.
Stuyvesant replied with characteristic vigor. If he lost a man, he
said, he would not spare a soul in the fort. At last Skute came to
terms, “but he desired to see Stuyvesant’s orders before he would agree
to anything.” Having been brought on board the ship _De Waag_,
where the orders of the Dutch West India Company were laid before
him, he resolved to surrender, whereupon the conditions and terms of
capitulation were discussed.
In the meantime Rising “sent nine or ten of the best freemen to aid
in defending Fort Trinity”; but as they had crossed Christina River
they were surrounded by about forty Dutch soldiers and ordered to
surrender. The Swedes made opposition and a fight ensued, but they were
overpowered and captured except two, who escaped across the river in a
boat amid a shower of bullets. These reached Fort Christina in safety,
while the soldiers who pursued them were caused to withdraw into the
woods, by a ball from one of the guns on the battlements.
Finally the conditions of surrender between Skute and Stuyvesant were
agreed upon and the capitulation was signed on board the _Waag_
the same day (September 1, 1655). “When the clock struck two in the
afternoon,” says Lindeström, “a Dutch salute was given in their camp,
and answered ... from the ships, and it was easy to understand that an
accord had been made with our commander.” The capitulation consisted
of four articles, which contain two general conditions. In the first
place, all property including cannon and ammunition, belonging to the
New Sweden Company, the Swedish Crown or private persons, was to be
preserved intact, and could be removed by the owners at any time; but
“all pieces of ammunition, materials and other effects, belonging to
the General Incorporated West India Company,” must be delivered into
the hands of the Dutch commander; secondly, the garrison was accorded
the honors of war. But two important points were omitted: Skute
neglected to insert an article, specifying the time of the capitulation
and the treatment of the soldiers after the surrender.
When Skute returned to the fort about 75 Dutch soldiers followed
him.[24] Some time between two and four the gates were opened; and the
commander marched out of Fort Trinity with the Swedish flag and twelve
men in full accoutrements as his bodyguard, the others having only
their side arms. Thereupon the Dutch troops filed into the fortress,
the Swedish flag was replaced by the Dutch, the Dutch salute was
given and Fort Trinity was again called Fort Casimir.[25] The Swedish
soldiers were retained on board the ships, and September 7 they were
taken to New Amsterdam on the flyboat _Liefde_; but the officers
were guarded in the fort, each in charge of two musketeers, being well
treated by Stuyvesant, who dined them at his own table.
After the surrender the Dutch forces were given a rest. On September
2 (12) Divine services were celebrated in Fort Casimir. Thereupon
Stuyvesant reported his success to the council of New Amsterdam,
ordering the same to appoint “a special day” of thanksgiving for the
victory.
Meanwhile Rising had been busy preparing to receive the enemy at Fort
Christina. In the early morning of August 31 Elswick visited the
settlements northward along the river.[26] At Kingsessing he called
together the colonists and told them “that the time had now come in
which they could show their fidelity to Her Royal Majesty of Sweden by
helping to defend Her Majesty’s fortresses.” The people were ready and
willing to aid in the defence, and five men, Mats Hansson, Peter Rambo,
Sven Gunnarsson, Hans Månsson and Mats Bengtsson, followed him at once.
At “Tenakong Island” they were joined by a few soldiers and settlers,
and from there they went by boat and canoes to Christina, arriving at
the fortress an hour before daybreak the next morning.
When Rising saw that the Dutch were getting the upper hand at Fort
Trinity, he delegated Hendrick Elswick[27] to enquire what their
real intentions were. “Factor Elswick came from Fort Christina,”
says Stuyvesant, “and asked in a friendly way and in the name of his
director the cause of our coming, and ... [desired to see] the orders
of our superiors.... He requested us to be satisfied with what we had
accomplished, without advancing further upon the other Swedish fort,
using at first persuasive and friendly words, afterwards mingled with
menaces.” Stuyvesant was on the point of detaining Elswick as a spy,
but finally dismissed him with the reply that he had come to occupy the
whole of New Sweden, and would not desist before he had accomplished
his object. On receiving this message Rising collected his people
in the fort, and set them to work on the walls and battlements day
and night. On Sunday, September 2, divine services were conducted as
usual, but afterwards they “worked busily on the fort.” During the
day an Indian, who sold a pig in the fort, related that he had seen
the Swedish soldiers of Fort Trinity carried prisoners to the Dutch
vessels. This disheartened the garrison and only with difficulty could
Rising keep up its courage.
On the same day a division of the Dutch force was marched up within
sight of Christina, but Stuyvesant remained at Fort Casimir. On Monday
morning the Dutch raised their flag on the Swedish sloop in the river
above the Swedish fort, and since they prepared to take a stand by
a house in the neighborhood Lieutenant Höök with a drummer was sent
there to inquire what their intentions were, and why they stationed
themselves there. From his boat he was assured by the Dutch that he
would be treated according to the rules governing the reception of
messengers by belligerents, but upon landing he was made a prisoner
and sent to Fort Casimir in chains.[28] The Dutch rushed the work on
the trenches to such an extent during the night that their battery
was ready the following day. The Swedes now supposed that Stuyvesant
intended to build a fort there, so as to be able to control the whole
district below Christina River, for it was not yet believed that he had
come to subjugate the entire colony.
On September 5 Fort Christina was surrounded on all sides. Three
companies were entrenched to the southwest across the river around the
little batteries with four cannon which were erected there,[29] at
some hundred feet apart to the north-west were four companies and two
batteries, each with three cannon;[30] directly north of the fortress,
on the ground laid out for the city of Christinehamn there were six
companies with two batteries and six cannon[31]; two companies were
stationed on Timber Island, a little to the east of the town with two
batteries (one “in a new house”) and four cannon.[32] The river was
closed a short distance below the fort by the ships _De Waag_ and
the _Spiegel_ (_Dolphijn?_). The other vessels were anchored
below these. The strength of Christina had been somewhat increased
when the Dutch began to invest it, but provisions were scarce, and the
director as well as Elswick were obliged to supply various wants by
their own means. Beer was especially used in large quantities and five
barrels of it came from Rising’s private store during the siege.
When Stuyvesant had enclosed Christina on every side, and cut off
all means of escape, he sent an Indian to the Swedish director
with a letter, stating that the fort and the entire river must be
surrendered, and all the Swedes must leave the country or come under
the jurisdiction of the Dutch government. Rising replied with the
Indian that a deputation would call on Governor Stuyvesant to answer
his demands in full. A council of war was then convened to decide on
a course of action. The walls of the fort were in poor condition,
and only one round of ammunition remained. The soldiers were out of
spirits, some were mutinous, a few had escaped over the embankments,
and the besieged were in miserable plights. Yet there was no thought
of surrender at present. On the contrary it was decided to hold out
against the enemy as long as possible. No hostilities should be begun
by the Swedes, and no occasion for action should be given; but all
attacks should be repulsed, until resistance was useless.
The Dutch soldiers were now overrunning the territory above Christina
River, killing the cattle, swine and goats of the settlers, breaking
open the houses and plundering everything they could get at. Several of
the colonists had stored their possessions in Printz Hall for better
protection; but the Dutch went there also, carried off the property of
Madam Papegoja and the others, and broke into the church, taking away
“the cordage and sails for a new ship.” The Indians did their share of
the depredation, and on September 2 they ransacked the house of Clement
Mickelsson and stole all his belongings.[33]
Every hour the Dutch lines were drawn closer around the doomed fort. On
September 7 a Dutch flag was raised on the new ship in Fish River, and
“Dutch banners were waving everywhere.” In the morning a commission
from Rising waited on Stuyvesant at Fort Casimir. The deputation
consisted of Hendrick von Elswick, Gregorious van Dyck, and Peter
Rambo. A memorial in seven paragraphs had been given to them, defining
their powers and method of their procedure. Elswick, who was to give
an oral answer to Stuyvesant’s demand of surrender, should see to it
that the honor of the crown of Sweden and of the Commercial College
was respected, and that Rising and the other officers were given their
proper titles for the dignity of their superiors. The commissioners
were to refute Stuyvesant’s demands by presenting the Swedish claims to
the country, saying that they would defend it to the last; they were
to endeavor to persuade him to desist from further hostilities, on
the ground that a continuation of the siege would cause a rupture in
the relations of the two nations in Europe, and as they were closely
akin in religion they ought to be friends, the country being large
enough for both. Elswick was further to insist that the dispute about
the boundaries could best be settled in Europe, and lastly he should
protest against the imprisonment of Höök. The deputation presented
these remonstrances as well as several other protests and demanded
that Stuyvesant should withdraw his troops from the fort at once. But
Stuyvesant simply replied that he was following the orders of his
superiors, who must shoulder the consequences. On September 9 Elswick
was ordered in the name of his superiors to protest in writing against
the robberies and atrocities of the Dutch soldiers. Stuyvesant answered
the letter the same day. He allowed the Swedes _no rights_
in the river, refuted Rising’s arguments, and again demanded the
surrender of the fort. Another council of war was thereupon called.
It was decided that Rising should request an interview with the
Dutch governor, “especially since he had on two successive days ...
demanded a conference,” and a messenger was sent informing Stuyvesant
of this decision. As the proposal was agreeable to Stuyvesant, the
two governors met for a conference between the fort and the Dutch
camp.][34] “A complete reply was made to ... [Stuyvesant’s] lengthy
letter of the previous day,” and more vigorous protests were uttered
against his procedure. But they could come to no terms, and Rising
returned to Christina to await further developments. On the following
day the Dutch batteries were brought to completion. Stuyvesant “daily
demanded Rising’s surrender with great threats”; sent a drummer on
the twelfth (twenty-second) and thirteenth (twenty-third), requiring
another colloquy with Rising, and demanded that the fort should be
surrendered before sunset on the last mentioned day.
The condition of the besieged was daily growing worse. Some were
mutinous and many were ill. The fort had been reduced to its last
extremity, the guns of the Dutch were pointed at the walls, and
everything was ready for an attack. The officers saw the futility of
further resistance. It was decided to capitulate on the best terms
that could be had. At sunset Stuyvesant was informed that Rising was
willing to meet him on the fourteenth. Time and place of meeting
having been agreed upon, the “director of New Sweden” and the general
director of New Netherland met “on the place of parole between Fort
Christina and the headquarters of General Peter Stuyvesant in a large
and beautiful tent erected for that purpose.” Rising was accompanied
by Von Elswick and Jacob Svensson and Stuyvesant was followed by
Vice-Governor de Sille and Major Friedrich de Coeninck. The conference
lasted for about an hour. Rising warned his opponent not to press his
demands too far, as the consequences might have far-reaching results in
Europe, but Stuyvesant would listen to no other terms than “complete
and unconditional” surrender. Finally Rising agreed to give up the
fort. The articles of surrender, which had been drafted by Elswick
at Rising’s request, undoubtedly according to the propositions and
suggestions of the different members of the council of war, were
presented to Stuyvesant for his approval. Very few changes were made,
it seems, so that the treaty became a most favorable one to the Swedes.
The capitulation (in eleven articles), which was to be signed by the
two governors the next day (September 15), contained the following main
points: The garrison should march out of the fort to Timber Island with
all the honors of war; all chattels, “belonging to the High Crown of
Sweden and the South Company ... in and about Fort Christina,” should
remain the property of said parties and should be turned over to the
owners, whenever demanded; likewise “all writings, letters, documents
and deeds of the High Crown of Sweden and the South Company or of
private persons, found in Fort Christina,” were to “remain untouched
without hindrance and visitation in the hands of the governor and his
people, to take them away, whenever they please”; “the officials,
officers, soldiers and freemen ... [were to be allowed to] keep their
own movable goods unhindered and undamaged,” and they were permitted
to dispose of them in any manner they saw fit; the Swedes were to
have liberty to leave the country without restriction, and all who
returned home should be transported to Gothenburg free of expense;
Rising should have the right to admonish his own people to return to
their native land in case some were inclined to remain, the length of
1½ years to be granted to such as could not go at once, in which “to
dispose of their movable and immovable property”; all who wished to
remain in the country under Dutch jurisdiction could do so, and they
were to “enjoy the privilege of the Augsburg Confession and [have] a
person to instruct them therein”; none of the officers, who might have
contracted debts in behalf of the crown or of the company, should “be
arrested on account of them, within the jurisdiction of the general
[director] and finally Rising was to have full liberty to “inquire
into the behavior of Skute and other officers during the surrender of
the Fort on the Sandhook,” and the capitulation should take effect
on September 15 (25). “A secret article” was also included, which,
however, Rising maintained was not secret, but made with the knowledge
of his people and signed by Stuyvesant “in their presence on the place
of parole.” According to this “secret and separate article,” Rising
and Elswick were to be landed either in England or in France, and
Stuyvesant promised “to advance to Director Rising either in cash or
in bills of exchange the sum of £300 Flanders.” Property of equivalent
value, belonging to the Swedish crown and the New Sweden Company, were
to be mortgaged and left in the hands of the general director against
receipt, and Rising promised to repay the sum at Amsterdam within six
months.
In the forenoon of September 15 (25) the two governors again repaired
to the place of parole. The articles “were re-examined and found to
be correct,” whereupon two copies were signed, and New Sweden was a
Swedish colony no more. At three o’clock in the afternoon the little
garrison (“about thirty men”) marched out of the fort “with beating
drums, playing of fifes, flying banners, burning matches, musketballs
in their mouths and hand and sidearms.”[35] The Dutch soldiers took
possession of Christina as soon as the Swedes had departed, and raised
their flag above it. The Swedish soldiers were quartered in the houses
on Timber Island, but the officers were lodged in their own dwellings
in the fort.
Stuyvesant was lenient in his demands, but he had special reasons
for being so. A few days after his leaving New Amsterdam the Indians
attacked several settlements in the Dutch colony, “murdering 100 men
in nine hours.” On September 2 (12), the day after the surrender of
Fort Trinity and the date on which Stuyvesant reported his success,
the council informed the governor by letter that the Indians had
begun hostilities and committed many murders.[36] They questioned the
sagacity of subduing distant places at the risk of losing “the old
property.” They promised to do their utmost in defending the colony
against the savages, leaving it with Stuyvesant to act according to
his judgment in the matter; but they requested him to send a speedy
reply, and from the tenure of the missive it is clear that they would
rather have him return to defend New Netherland than to gain some
slight advantage on the Delaware. The letter was handed to him in
the afternoon of September 13 (23), the day before Rising agreed to
surrender. It is clear that these misfortunes influenced Stuyvesant’s
dealings with the Swedes, and had the letter arrived shortly after Fort
Trinity was captured and before Christina was besieged, it is more than
likely that he would have returned to New Amsterdam, without further
molesting the Swedish colony.
The council sent a second letter to the governor some time after
September 3 (13), advising him to destroy Fort Christina in case it
was given into his hands, causing the Swedes to remove from there,
otherwise “for the preservation of the most important object and the
consolation of the inhabitants ... [to] make speedily a provisional
treaty with the governor of the Swedes in regard to the fort and
the land of Christina ... and then ... [return home] on the first
opportunity with the ships and troops, to preserve what is left.” It
is not known whether or not this letter reached him before the treaty
was signed, but it may have come into his hands on the fifteenth
(twenty-fifth). At any rate half an hour after the Swedish soldiers
had marched out of the fort, he appeared “with his officers and entire
council” before Rising in Christina, offering to hand over the fort
to the Swedes and to make with them an offensive and defensive league
on the condition that the Dutch be allowed to dwell undisturbed in
possession of the land below Christina River and that the present
troubles “be forgotten and forgiven.” The Swedes were to remain in
possession of all the land north of the fortress along the Delaware,
“the country was large enough for them both.” Rising was naturally
surprised at this unexpected turn of affairs, and answered the Dutch
governor that the proposition seemed somewhat strange to him. He
thought it was too late to come to any such agreement, but he requested
Stuyvesant to present the offers in writing, and promised that a reply
would be delivered as soon as the Swedish council had considered the
matter.[37]
As it was late and since all the members of the Swedish council were
not in the fort, it was decided to postpone the decision until the
next day. The council, which assembled in the forenoon of September 16
(26), consisted of Director Rising, Lieutenant Sven Höök (who had been
released), Hendrick von Elswick, Gregorius van Dyck, Johan Danielsson,
Peter Wendell and Peter Rambo, besides some other freemen. The
unanimous opinion of the council was, however, that Stuyvesant’s offer
could not be accepted. The arguments of the different members against
repealing the capitulation may be summed up as follows. They had no
authority to enter into an alliance with Stuyvesant, guaranteeing that
no consequences would follow as a result of the Dutch attack, nor to
waive the rights and pretences of the Swedish crown to damages for the
losses caused by the Dutch; they could not subsist in the country,
since their provisions were gone, a great part of their cattle and
swine were killed and many of the plantations laid waste; and finally
it would be disgraceful to their superiors to reoccupy the fort. A
vote was taken and an answer was drafted to Stuyvesant’s proposal.
The reply stating that the Swedish council had decided to abide by the
capitulation was carried to the Dutch governor by two soldiers.
The Dutch therefore arranged to carry out the articles of surrender.
An inventory of the property belonging to the Swedish company and
the Swedish government was made (from September eighteenth to the
twenty-second). After it had been signed and sealed, the keys of the
storehouse were delivered to Stuyvesant’s servants by the gunner Johan
Danielsson.
The Dutch soldiers plundered many of the plantations at Finland and
Upland during the siege, and committed other acts of violence, but
order was restored soon after the signing of the treaty, and most of
the settlers returned to their homes.
By an article of the treaty Rising retained the right to inquire into
the conduct of the Swedish officers at the surrender of Fort Trinity.
Accordingly a court-martial was held on Timber Island September 24.
Lieutenant Sven Skute was made the scapegoat. He was blamed for not
giving orders to fire on the Dutch ships as they passed, although
Lindeström and Stålkofta stood by the guns ready to apply the match; he
was accused of not taking council with his officers and Rising told him
openly that he had disobeyed his orders, while several other charges
were made against him by Utter and Räf. But he denied them all, and it
was brought out during the examination that the soldiers were mutinous,
and that he had tried to encourage them to “fight like men.” It seems
that Skute expected that he would be held to account for giving up the
fort, as he prepared a statement, which, being signed by Lieutenant
Elias Gyllengren, Rev. Peter Hjort, Constaple Johan Andersson and
others, exonerated him from all blame. It was sent with a report of the
surrender to Eric Oxenstierna on September 29, 1655, and is preserved
in the Royal Archives at Stockholm.
“Preparations were now made with all diligence for the departure of
the Swedes.” Some of the property belonging to the New Sweden company
was sold to the servants and freemen on credit, while the remainder
was placed under the care of the Vice-Commissioner Jacob Svensson to
be sold in the best way possible. Only a small number of the colonists
desired to return to Sweden. Those who remained, however, were required
to swear allegiance to the Dutch. A “call upon the Swedes to take the
oath” was drawn up, but only nineteen freemen signed the documents
preserved to us. It is likely that many other inhabitants of New Sweden
took the oath later.
From September 25 to 29 the baggage of the officers, soldiers and
colonists, who returned to the fatherland, was loaded upon the Dutch
ships and, when Rising had gone on board the _Waag_ with his
men on October 1 (11), the vessels set sail for New Amsterdam, where
they arrived nine days later. Rising remained on the _Waag_ until
Sunday afternoon, October 14 (24). He was then advised by Elswick
to make complaints in person to Governor Stuyvesant about various
damages done to the property of the New Sweden Company. He also accused
Stuyvesant of breaking “the stipulated capitulation”, because he did
not provide proper lodgings, “and disputes with [unfriendly] words
were said to have occurred between them.” Two days later Stuyvesant
drew up “an answer and counter-protest”, which was presented to Rising
on October 18 (28). Rising replied the following day, denied the
accusations of Stuyvesant, repeated some of his former complaints,
“requested in all justice that, according to the capitulation, the
troops ... should not be influenced to remain, while those, conformable
to ... [the] agreement [who desired to go], ought to come with [him]
in the same ship”, and finally he again protested against all that had
been done “to His Majesty’s subjects by the invasion, beleaguering
and taking of the whole South River.” The protest was delivered to
Stuyvesant by Elswick, who was accompanied by Lieutenant Sven Höök and
Peter Hansson Wendell; but it seems to have remained unanswered.
Preparations were now speedily made for the transportation of Rising
and his men to Europe. Orders concerning their passage and landing were
given to the skippers in whose vessels they were to go, but the Dutch
prevailed on most of the Swedes to locate in the colony. The officers
and people (37 in all),[38] who desired to leave were finally placed on
board three vessels[39] with their baggage, and on October 23 (November
2) they went to sea.
The weather was fair and the wind seems to have been favorable, for
the vessels managed to keep close together and crossed the Atlantic in
about four weeks. Peter Lindeström gives the following account of his
voyage:
“By a misunderstanding my belongings and bed-clothes got onto
the ship called the _Spotted Cow_ and I, with Commissary
Rising, onto the ship _Bern_. As we neared the western
passage tame doves, which were on the _Spotted Cow_, always
came flying onto our ship. Once I enticed the doves onto the
deck with a few peas and captured one of them, whereupon I wrote
a letter to the Ensign Peter Wendel (who was on the ship The
_Spotted Cow_) binding it around the neck of the dove,
and let her free. The dove immediately flew back to her ship.
When the passengers there saw that the dove had a letter round
her neck they enticed her onto the deck and took the letter.
Thus while we were in the western passage, I and the ensign
continuously corresponded with one another, and the doves were
the letter carriers.
Finally I wrote to Wendel, requesting him to send my things, if
possible, from his ship to mine. Hence the first of November,
1655, sailors from the ship the _Spotted Cow_ let down
their boat, and the said Wendel came with my things to our
ship. As the sailors were to hoist the chest, which was large
and heavy, from the boat onto the ship, they pulled with such
vigor that the chest swung and struck against the side of the
ship four times. The fifth times it struck, the cover flew open,
so that all my things fell into the sea; and I thus lost all
my instruments of fortification, which were very beautiful,
and cost me 150 R. D.; my library of books on fortification,
together with many other valuable things, which cost me big
money. And I saw with anguish how they were sucked under
the ship by a wave and went down to the bottom. I did not
reclaim more than the drafts of my maps and sketches and other
documents, which floated on the waves. These were picked up and
I dried them in the sun.”
The ships arrived at Plymouth on December 7 (17), whence Elswick wrote
to Commissioner Joachim Pötter, briefly relating the circumstances of
the capture of New Sweden. Rising went “overland to London,” drew his
money and made a report to Christer Bonde, the Swedish Ambassador to
England. From there he went to Amsterdam.
[Illustration: Passport for Peter Lindeström given by Johan
Rising “on board the Dutch ship _Bern_, in the Channel,
December 1, 1655.”]
The other passengers were taken direct to Holland, where they arrived
in January. Here they were cared for by Commissioner Croon at the
expense of the Dutch West India Company. Shortly after their arrival
Lieutenant Höök made a report before Peter Trotzig in Amsterdam, and
several officers, soldiers and servants, who had money due them from
services in the colony, applied for aid. Elswick almost immediately set
out for Stockholm, where he arrived February 6. The following day he
appeared before the Commercial College, presented a letter from Rising
and made a report.[40]
PART V.
The American Company and the Twelfth Expedition; the Swedish
Settlements Under Dutch Rule, 1654–1664.
CHAPTER IX.
THE AMERICAN COMPANY, THE LAST EXPEDITION
AND THE EFFORTS OF SWEDENTO REGAIN
THE COLONY.
I.
Shortly after the sailing of the _Haj_ (April 15, 1654) Printz and
Huygen arrived in Stockholm and delivered written and oral reports to
the commercial college. The soldiers and servants, who had accompanied
the governor, gradually made their appearance in the capital also. The
condition of the colony was therefore well known to the authorities and
officers of the company, and Eric Oxenstierna, who continued to be the
leading spirit in the effort to promote the interest of New Sweden,
brought the matter before the commercial college; but although the
company had decided as early as the previous March to despatch a new
ship to the Delaware, no immediate journey became possible, due to the
impoverishment of the treasury, which in April was heavily drawn upon
by the returning people. The government still owed the company several
thousand R. D., but the political situation was not favorable for
presenting these bills. The pleasure loving Queen no longer attended
to the duties of a sovereign. The state treasury was empty, owing
to her extravagances, and everything was in confusion. But a change
came. Christina surrendered her sceptre to the great Carl X. Order was
restored in the various departments of the government, and the King
found time to direct his attention even to New Sweden.
[Illustration: Queen Christina.]
In the autumn (1654) the _Örn_ returned from the South River,
bringing Rising’s report and letters. On October 4, letters from
Bockhorn and Papegoja, written in Gothenburg, were read at a meeting
of the commercial college (which was still the legal director of the
New Sweden Company), and the colony was discussed at several other
sessions. The oral and written reports of Papegoja and Bockhorn,
presented in the autumn, helped to increase the awakened interest
in the colony, and serious efforts to prosecute the enterprize with
real vigor were now manifested. Since most of the old members of the
corporation had not furnished the full amount of their shares, the
officers endeavored to collect the outstanding money and also to
increase the capital--that is to re-organize the company. The case was
presented to the King, who instructed the commercial college to remind
stockholders that their shares must be paid in full and that they
should take more interest in the company. The officers also applied for
a monopoly on tobacco, and December 23 the King granted the “American
Company” exclusive right to import tobacco, “as an expedient and means
whereby it was hoped that _Nova Svecia_ at that time not only
would be preserved, increased and improved, but also that the nation by
this would find a better opportunity and occasion to become acquainted
with the American navigation and trade, and to use it for its great
profit and prosperity”. To make the monopoly effective certain fines,
increased in geometrical progression for each offence, were imposed on
anyone, importing or selling tobacco.
In the beginning of 1655 the re-organization of the company was taken
up in earnest. Daniel Junge was appointed factor to fill the place,
which had been vacated by Bonnell, and the bookkeeper, Hans Kramer,
was made treasurer to receive the funds. Letters were written to the
heirs of Klas Fleming and the Oxenstiernas with request that they not
only pay the remainder of their shares, but also “resolve to increase
the capital stock as much as each house was able and the colony of New
Sweden should need.” New subscribers were also invited to join.
The Swedish African Company, which was paying a dividend of about
28%, tended to divert stockholders and capital from the New Sweden
Company, where profits had proved uncertain; but the activity of the
commercial college in behalf of the smaller organization was not in
vain. Eric Oxenstierna and his co-heirs as well as the heirs of Gabriel
Gustafsson Oxenstierna increased their subscription by one-half and
paid or promised definitely to pay their shares. A subscription list
was drafted for new members, and Henrick Huygen and the city of Viborg
in Finland joined by subscribing 3,000 D. each, while Olof Anderson
Strömsköld subscribed 1,200 D. Strömsköld was appointed director with
a salary of 600 D. per year (partly because Eric Oxenstierna, who had
been the soul and spirit of the company, was about to go to Prussia),
and Hans Kramer, who retained his position as bookkeeper and treasurer,
was to act as co-director. A new budget for the company at Stockholm
was estimated as follows:
One director, 600 D.
One bookkeeper, 450 D.
One office boy, 100 D.
Office rent per year, 60 D.
Eight cords of wood, 12 D.
Two lispund (36 lbs.) of candles, 6 D.
Three reams of paper, 18 D.
Ink and sealing wax, 6 D.
--------
1,252 D.
A new budget was also made for the colony, estimated at 6,606 D.
The reports and letters of Johan Rising seem to have pleased the
government, for he was appointed _Commandant of New Sweden_.
About this time or a little later a new charter was drafted, in several
respects resembling the one given to the Old South Company.[41] The
charter (or copy of the same, dated May, 1655) as we have it is not
signed by the King, nor entered in the _Royal Copy Book_, but this
is no certain proof that it was not issued by His Majesty, for royal
documents and letters were not always copied into the copy book.
II.
Strömsköld and Kramer were directed to draw up proposals and make
estimates and inventories of the available means of the company,
which could be presented to the members of the college for their
consideration. It was also decided to appoint a special factor at
Gothenburg to look after the interests of the company there. Ulrick
Stenkamp was selected for this position. No salary was attached to his
office, but he was to have “a reasonable commission.”
As early as January 13, Peter Trotzig was instructed by letter to
buy a cargo in Holland for about 6,000 florins and in the beginning
of February preparations for another expedition were begun with
earnest in Sweden. The letters of Elswick and Rising, which arrived on
February 16 (relating the capture of the _Haj_), gave fresh life
to the activities. Trotzig was directed to buy a new ship or one not
more than three years old “of 90 or 100 lasts, with good room, six or
eight gun-holes and with double sails”. He was also to hire sailors
and a mate. Trotzig was unable, however, to find a new ship for sale,
answering the requirements of the directors, but he bought an old
one instead, the _Mercurius_, which “he caused to be built anew
entirely”. The vessel was despatched to Gothenburg with a cargo at the
earliest possible date. When the ship came to port in July she was
leaky, however, making it necessary to unload and careen her. Further
inconvenience was caused by the skipper who deserted, taking charge of
a Dutch vessel. The crew was also short, and it was very difficult to
engage sailors; but some Danes and Swedes were finally hired by Admiral
Anckerhjelm. About the middle of August the ship was again sea-worthy.
Stones were taken on board for ballast, “as sand was not serviceable on
such long voyages”, and the cargo was hurriedly loaded into the holds.
Thus while Stuyvesant was advancing on the forts of New Sweden, the
company of Old Sweden was making strenuous efforts to send out a large
expedition.
But the expedition suffered the usual fate. The _Mercurius_ was
delayed for weeks. Neither cannon nor ammunition could be obtained
at Gothenburg, “even if we would pay their weight in money”, writes
Ankerhjelm, and various other supplies were wanted. It was therefore
necessary to buy guns, powder and balls at Stockholm, and provisions
and materials for the journey at Västervik. A new skipper was hired at
the capital, and Henrick Huygen, a barber surgeon and several colonists
were there, waiting for passage to Gothenburg. Finally, towards the end
of August, they embarked on a sloop, which carried cannon and supplies.
The sloop encountered unfavorable weather and did not reach Gothenburg
harbor before October 4.
The colonists, who had been gathered from various parts of northern
Sweden, were also slow in arriving. On October 5, Ankerhjelm writes
that “six families, as the enclosed list shows, have come from
Lytestegen (Letstigen?), who relate that eighty persons, small and big,
will arrive from other places.” On October 10, some 64 emigrants had
made their appearance, and a few days later their number had swelled to
about 200. Kramer warned the admiral, however, not to allow too many
passengers on board for fear of sickness, and advised him in one letter
after another to get the ship ready and send her off. One hundred
and five persons were selected from the whole number, as the most
desirable. “A hundred persons or more were left behind”, and “it was
a pity and shame that they could not all go along”, writes Papegoja.
“Here was seen such a lamentation and weeping, for the unfortunate
ones had sold all they possessed; yea they had done away with home and
ground for half of the value, journeyed such a long way at their own
expense, and are now compelled to take up the beggar’s staff, the one
going here, the other there.”
The _Mercurius_ had been riding at anchor with her cargo for
two months, from about the middle of September to the first week
of November. The outlook was gloomy. Alternating westerly and
south-westerly gales, which had interfered with the sailing for a
month, continued to blow. But at last there was a flicker of hope.
The wind began to turn, and the colonists were reviewed and ordered
to embark. Some changes were made, and the list was finally increased
to 110 (12 of whom were old settlers), making 130 souls on the ship
including the sailors. Henrick Huygen who was in command, returned
to the colony as commissary, and a clergyman, the Rev. Matthias, and
the barber surgeon, Hans Janeke, were among the passengers. Johan
Papegoja (to whose care were entrusted the commission of Rising and
other documents) went in the capacity of commander of the people. Johan
Classon Rising, a brother of Director Rising, was also on the ship; and
he had charge of some merchandise, which was consigned to his brother
in New Sweden.
On Saturday, November 10, the ship drifted down to Elfsborg, but on
Sunday the wind reversed and continued contrary for nearly two weeks.
On the 23rd the vessel “again set sail before noon with a lot of other
ships”, but she was retarded by winds and fog for two days. On November
25 the _Mercurius_ finally left port for its long voyage across
the Atlantic. The journey was of nearly four months’ duration, but
seems to have been rather free from casualties and sufferings so common
to former voyages, for there is no mention of sick people, when the
vessel sailed up the Delaware on March 14 (24), 1656.
III.
The relations and letters sent from New Sweden in the summer of 1655
by Elswick and Rising were received by the commercial college in the
late autumn, shortly after the sailing of the _Mercurius_. On
November 30 the officers of the college, ignorant of the calamity that
had befallen the colony, and not knowing that Rising was approaching
the shores of Europe, wrote a letter in answer to that of the director.
On the following day Christer Bonde, the Swedish ambassador in London
(to whom copies of Rising’s letters with replies to the same were
sent), was instructed to try to effect some agreement with the English
government “in the disputes about the limits and titles of land in
America, so that no confusion may arise from it in the future.”
Soon reports of the capture of the colony reached Stockholm, however,
and in the beginning of February, as we have already seen, Hendrick
von Elswick appeared before the commercial college, reported orally
and presented written relations by Rising and himself. The matter
received the immediate attention of the commercial college and of the
council of state, and Harald Appelbom, the Swedish resident at the
Hague, was instructed to protest against the Dutch occupation, and to
demand indemnity as well as the restitution of the colony. On March 12
(22), 1656 Appelbom presented a memorial to the States General, which
immediately resolved that the case should be investigated and referred
to the Dutch West India Company.
The efforts, however, led to no settlement. Appelbom reported the state
of affairs to his government, but the question was dropped for a time.
Sweden was now engaged in larger activities. Carl X was extending the
boundaries of his kingdom and shaping its final geographical form. As
soon as the smoke from his victorious cannon had blown away, however,
his far reaching plans even included the recapture of the colony on
the Delaware. That the King had serious intentions of regaining New
Sweden, either through diplomatic means or by the sword, is clear from
his remarks in the council, April 15, 1658, and especially by the
privileges given to the American Company about a month later, for the
retaking of the colony is then looked upon as a foregone conclusion.
Johan Rising presented plans for its recapture and reasons for doing
so, but wars with the neighbors absorbed the energies of the nation.
In 1663 an opportunity for renewing the claims presented itself to the
Stockholm government, and accordingly the Swedish representatives were
instructed, “in their conferences with Heinsius, the resident of the
States General”, to demand the restitution of New Sweden as well as an
indemnity. But the Dutch had no such intentions. They strained every
effort to keep intact what they had won, and were greatly concerned
about certain preparations in Sweden. Vice-Admiral Sjöhjelm fitted out
two vessels in 1663 for an expedition, which was thought to be destined
for the Delaware. One of the ships, however, foundered on her way from
Stockholm to Gothenburg and the other vessel did not go to the South
River but to Africa.
In the beginning of 1664 a number of Finnish families from Sweden
and probably a few from Finland landed in Holland en route for New
Sweden. They had made their way across Norway to Christiania, whence
they were taken to Holland on a Dutch vessel, hired by themselves
they said, but as Trotzig supposed (and which seems most probable)
at the expense of the Dutch, interested in the colony on the South
River. They were fed and housed by the city officials of Amsterdam and
rumors reached the Swedish representative that the emigrants had been
enticed to migrate by special agents. These rumors were reported to the
Swedish government, which immediately sent letters to the governors
of the northern provinces, instructing them to keep a close watch on
Dutch agents, decoying people out of the country. Peter Trotzig was
to present the matter to the States General and to demand that the
fugitives should be returned to Sweden at the expense of those who
had prevailed upon them to leave the country. These events caused the
Swedish government to consider the question of regaining the colony
with more earnestness. Troubles with England ware brewing and the
States General treated the Swedish demands with much respect, but there
was no settlement in sight. In the Autumn of 1664 further conferences
were held. It was decided that the claims of the African Company
would be settled, but that the New Sweden troubles should once more be
referred to the Dutch West India Company.
In the meantime New Netherland passed into the hands of England.
The relations of Sweden and England were cordial, several treaties
of friendship having been concluded between them, and one of the
articles in the treaty of March, 1665, stated “that perpetual peace
should subsist between the two crowns, both at home and in Africa and
America”. It could not be expected, however, that England should turn
over to Sweden the territory she had captured from the Dutch, and hence
the Swedish government still pressed its claims at the Hague. In the
autumn the States General sought the friendship of Sweden in the war
with England and sent a special envoy to Stockholm. The Swedish claims
in America were now presented to him, but he gave evasive answers,
declaring that Rising through his acts of hostility was to blame for
the capture of New Sweden. At the conference between the Swedish and
Dutch envoys in the spring of 1667, claims and counter-claims were
again presented. The treaty of April, 1667, contained a paragraph
relating to the American Company, and in the treaty of friendship three
months later, the sixth paragraph stated that the American claims
should be settled according to justice and as soon as possible. During
the following years claims were presented to England as well as to
Holland, and in June, 1672, Ambassador Lejonberg was instructed “to try
in a polite way to prevail upon England to restore New Sweden. If they
would not want to give back the land, then they ought to be requested
to allow Sweden to bring her colonists away from there”. The next year
the question was taken up with Holland and the third paragraph of the
commercial treaty between Sweden and Holland (April 22, 1673), is
devoted to the encroachment which Sweden suffered in America. But it
was all wasted energy. No indemnity was ever obtained and the colony
was forever lost to Sweden.
IV.
The company discontinued its preparations to send supplies to Rising,
when information was received that the colony had been captured. But
the tobacco trade, which had been of great importance and proved
most profitable, could still become a source of large income to the
stockholders, if it were conducted on a practical and businesslike
basis. In February, 1655, Daniel Junge, the factor, now also the
treasurer of the company, offered to pay 16,000 R. D. for the exclusive
right of selling tobacco in the kingdom; but no agreement was reached,
and the company retained its control of the trade. Importation of
tobacco from Hamburg and Amsterdam continued, and from the time the
company received its new privileges (December, 1654) until the end of
February, 1656, 15,390 lbs. of raw tobacco were sold. Spinning played
an important part and nearly 16,000 lbs. were spun by February of the
above mentioned year. But much smuggling was done in spite of repeated
efforts to regulate the trade. Consequently the business was not always
what it might have been, and, when the officers and soldiers returned
from New Sweden to demand their pay, the finances of the company were
in a deplorable state.
Several proposals and plans for the re-organization of the company
were presented by Kramer and Junge, but they met with little support
from the King and the government. By the end of 1658 the company
had imported 107,914 lbs. of tobacco on which a liberal profit was
realized. Smuggling, however, increased appallingly, making it more
difficult than ever to sell tobacco, and one of two things became
absolutely necessary,--the dissolution or the re-organization of the
company. The officers accordingly decided to re-organize, and the King,
at their suggestion, published an “ordinance concerning the importation
and trade of tobacco.” One of the principal reasons given for granting
the privileges was “that the productive colony in New Sweden might
he preserved and maintained, [which will become] of great benefit to
us, our kingdom and subjects, as well on account of the navigation,
as on account of trade and commerce and the accompanying profit and
advantage.” The entire tobacco trade of the nation was now conducted by
the company and the traffic was extended to almost every city, village,
and hamlet in the kingdom and to the principal centers in Finland and
the other provinces. In consequence the business attained tremendous
proportions. The searchers and inspectors, who were appointed to guard
the rights of the company and to “inspect the tobacco trade”, prevented
smuggling or secret sales in any considerable degree, although the many
fines, collected from “revenue-cutters”, prove that illegal importation
was by no means stamped out.
Complaints, however, were soon made against the company and its
methods. As a consequence its privileges were withdrawn in the autumn
of 1660, and two years later it was dissolved. But the company (often
confused with the African Company) and its directors figured in claims
and lawsuits as late as 1736.
CHAPTER X.
THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS
UNDER DUTCH RULE AND THE COMING OF
THE _Mercurius_, 1655–1656.
When the articles of surrender had been accepted, and Rising with his
men was about to leave the country in October, 1655, Stuyvesant made
provisions for a temporary form of government. The seat of power was
transferred from Christina to Fort Casimir, and Captain Dirck Smith
was appointed commander, until other arrangements could be made, an
instruction doubtless being given him.
In the meantime the Swedes who remained in the country made the best of
their situations, repaired the damage caused by the invasion as far as
they could, and settled down to their former peaceful occupations.
Of Smith’s rule we know very little. He ordered lands to be sown
and cultivated, and he made other provisions for the welfare of the
settlement; but he was summoned to appear before the council at New
Amsterdam for “grave reasons”, which indicates that complaints were
made against him, and he seems to have done nothing for the improvement
of the forts.
In November Jeal Paul Jacquet was made vice-director, with “supreme
command and authority”, and he should govern the colony with a council
under the guidance of Peter Stuyvesant. In his instruction (issued
at New Amsterdam) he was charged to enforce the observance of the
Sabbath, the regulations concerning the sale of liquor to the Indians,
and to keep peace and order among the people. He should require the
soldiers and officers to remain in the fort over night, debarring
all freemen from the same, especially the Swedes; he was to allow
no vessels to pass above the stronghold, which he was to keep “in a
becoming state of defense”; he should take care in distributing lands
that “at least 16 or 20 persons or families” were placed together, so
as to form villages, and, in order to prevent an immoderate desire
for land, he “should impose a tax of 12 stivers annually for each
_morgen_ (acre)”; he was to lay out a town on the south side of
Fort Casimir, where lots were to be assigned; and he was to provide for
the expenses of the government by imposing excises on goods sold by the
tavern-keepers as follows:
For a hogshead of French or Rhenish wine, fl. 20
For an anker of the same wine, fl. 4
For an anker of brandy, Spanish wine or distilled water, fl. 7
For a barrel of imported beer, fl. 6
For a barrel of New Netherland beer, fl. 4
Finally he should “look well after the Swedes,” and he was to try to
remove such as were “not friendly disposed to the Honorable Company” by
sending them to New Amsterdam, if possible.
On December 8 (18), Jacquet took the oath of office before Peter
Stuyvesant, and ten days later he assumed the Vice-Directorship in Fort
Casimir. Certain articles in Jacquet’s instruction, if forced, would
have interfered with the rights of the old settlers; but caution was
exercised, and “the letter of the law” was never followed.
Allerton, and probably other traders, visited the river in the autumn,
winter and spring; and several Jews, “who had put goods on board a
ship for the South River”, requested permission to trade there; a
right which was _conditionally_ granted them. The Swedish barks
and yachts surrendered by Rising were used on trading expeditions, but
the _Eindracht_[42] stranded at Sandy Hook in January, 1656. The
council at New Amsterdam authorized Jan Teunissen, the carpenter, to
save the vessel, promising him 200 florins if successful.
A law court was established by Jacquet shortly after his arrival, at
which several settlers presented their grievances, while others were
summoned to appear in suits. In January, 1656, some Swedish freemen
living near Fort Casimir appeared before Jacquet and his council, and
requested permission to remain on their lands until the expiration of
one year and a half, agreeable to the capitulation, as they had not
then any inclination to change their place of abode nor to build in the
new town. Their petition was granted, and they remained undisturbed on
their homesteads.
About March 13 the ship _Mercurius_ arrived, as we have seen.
Henrick Huygen and Johan Papegoja went ashore, presented themselves
to the commander at Fort Casimir, and reported their instructions and
intentions, requesting permission to land the people somewhere in the
river, until further orders were received from Sweden. This was denied
them, and Huygen was arrested as an enemy of the state. Johan Papegoja
appealed o Stuyvesant in a letter, dated March 14 (24), informing
the latter of the arrival of the ship and requesting permission to
revictual and return unmolested to Europe, also remonstrating against
the treatment accorded Huygen. Vice-Director Jacquet likewise made a
report to his superior at New Amsterdam.
The letters, which were “brought to Manhattan by Allerton’s ketch,”
arrived there in the night of March 18–19 (28–29), it seems, and a
meeting of the council was immediately called. The council concluded
to deny the Swedes the privilege of landing, but they should be free
to return unmolested, and they were allowed to provide themselves with
necessary provisions for their homeward journey. A pass was issued
for the ship, granting her an unhampered passage to New Amsterdam,
where necessary supplies could be obtained. It was decided to send
several soldiers to the South River to prevent an uprising of the
Swedes, and such who had not hitherto taken an oath of allegiance,
should now be compelled to do so. Those “who refused or contravened
against it” should be sent away “by every opportunity.” Jacob Svensson
and Sven Skute were especially designated as “undesirable citizens”,
and regarded with suspicion since it was said that they held “secret
conferences” with the Indians, “who often came to the homes of the
Swedes and were, as usual, well received.”
When these instructions arrived in Fort Casimir, Huygen determined
to present his case at New Amsterdam in person. He went overland,
arriving at the Dutch fort about April 1 (11), and delivered a written
remonstrance to the Dutch council. The council replied that his
requests could not be granted, repeating their former promises of an
unmolested return voyage, and stated that, if the Swedes persisted in
their designs and would not leave the river, force would be used to
expel them. To show that they were in earnest the warship _Waag_
was ordered to proceed to the Delaware with the first favorable
wind. Finding that he could accomplish nothing, Huygen accepted the
proposals, making it unnecessary for _De Waag_ to sail. The
outcome was reported to Papegoja, and the _Mercurius_ was soon
expected to arrive at New Amsterdam. But over two weeks passed and no
ship was heard of. Rumors were circulated that difficulties had arisen
on the South River, and on April 18 (28) it was decided at a hurried
meeting of the council to send Ensign Smith overland with twelve to
sixteen soldiers to ascertain the state of affairs there. When Smith
arrived there, however, the immigrants had disembarked and the ship had
been unloaded.
Papegoja gives the following description of these events in his letter
of July 30 (August 9), 1656. In accordance with Stuyvesant’s orders
“we decided to set sail for Manhattan. But as soon as the savages or
Indians observed this, they speedily collected in great numbers, came
down to us and reminded us of the former friendship and love which they
had had for us Swedes, above all other nations, and said that they
would destroy and exterminate both Swedes and Hollanders, unless we
remained with them and traded as in the past. Then all our Swedes, who
feared the savages, came to us also and protested strongly against us
in writing, saying that we would be the cause of their destruction if
we departed....” Papegoja was therefore in a quandary, but, seeing the
danger of refusing the request of the angry savages, he commanded the
skipper to head up stream. (It has also been said that a large number
of Indians and some old Swedish colonists went on board the vessel.)
Papegoja then gave the Swedish salute (which was answered by one
discharge from the fort), and sailed up to New Gothenborg,[43] where
the people were put ashore.
Letters were thereupon written to Huygen, informing him of the
occurrences. Jacquet wrote to the Dutch governor also, at the same time
sending Hudde to make an oral report. Hudde arrived at Manhattan on
April 21 (May 1). The same day the council read and re-read the letters
and declarations, and resolved to dispatch the _Waag_ with troops
for the place of disturbance in order to bring the _Mercurius_
from there and settle the difficulty with the natives. Huygen as well
as Papegoja were exonerated, and the former was permitted to return
on the _Waag_ to his ship, after he had given bond of good
behavior and promised to settle the differences between the savages
and the Christians. The councillors De Sille and Van Tienhoven were
commissioned to investigate the matter.
The _Waag_ set sail as soon as the wind permitted, but in the
South River she ran on a sand-bank. When the commander observed, says
Papegoja, that the Swedes showed no hostile intentions, he requested
them to aid in floating the _Waag_ as well as in pacifying the
savages. The _Mercurius_ was therefore ordered down the river to
the assistance of the _Waag_; but when she arrived in the bay the
Dutch vessel was afloat. Some merchandise was then brought on board of
the latter ship and presented to the savages in the name of the Dutch,
and thus peace was restored.
In the late spring the _Mercurius_ was brought to New Amsterdam,
where the cargo was sold in July, after a certain import duty had been
paid. Papegoja desired to return with the ship, but differences arose
between him and Huygen, and the former departed from Europe on a Dutch
vessel on June 13 (23), arriving in Amsterdam about the beginning of
August. Having been loaded with a return cargo the _Mercurius_
set sail for Europe some time during the summer; but Huygen remained
in the colony, and we find him variously employed for a number of
years in the service of the Dutch. It seems that the great majority of
the new-comers also settled in the colony. They were given land, and
gradually built homes and cleared new fields.
CHAPTER XI.
THE LAST PERIOD OF THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS
UNDER THE DUTCH, 1656–1664.
As the Swedes and the Finns gave no trouble, Fort Christina was allowed
to decay, and Papegoja says that it “was robbed of gates, windows
and chimneys.” Elias Gyllengren, Sven Skute and Gregorius van Dyck
(who remained) naturally became the leaders of their countrymen. They
were farmers like the rest, and seem to have prospered. Disturbances
of a milder kind arose from time to time, and sometimes murders and
graver misdemeanors were committed (“the sister of Elias Gyllengren’s
wife” being shot in the autumn of 1656). Madam Papegoja remained at
New Gothenborg, and also retained Printztorp by consent of the Dutch;
but she experienced some difficulty in finding people, willing to
cultivate her land on the terms she offered. The grants of many of
the other Swedes, some of whom had “deeds from Queen Christina,”[44]
were confirmed by the New Amsterdam authorities. The Dutch achieved
various improvements, which bettered the condition of “their subjects”;
they caused bricks to be made, roads to be improved, bridges to be
built, fences to be constructed, overseers and tobacco inspectors to be
appointed, etc.
In the summer of 1656 the Dutch West India Company, for financial
reasons, was compelled to surrender part of the South River to the
City of Amsterdam.[45] The seat of government of the city’s colony was
to be Fort Casimir, the name of which was changed to New Amstel,[46]
while Christina (changed to Altena) was to be the center of power for
the company’s colony, and Stuyvesant was ordered to garrison the latter
place as well as Fort New Gothenborg with eight or ten soldiers.
Jacob Alrichs was appointed director of New Amstel and the Amsterdam
colony in December; but, being delayed by a shipwreck and other
misfortunes, he did not reach his destination before the spring of
1657. A considerable number of colonists arrived with him.
In the meantime complaints had been made against Jacquet, who was
removed from office, and put under arrest, leaving the place open for
Alrichs. With the latter’s arrival Fort Christina was restored to a
state of defense, as the Swedes were still mistrusted, and the new
director was commanded to watch them closely.
In the spring of 1658 Governor Stuyvesant went in person to arrange
matters at the Delaware. The Swedes were required to swear a new oath
of allegiance, but at their request they were exempt from taking sides,
if trouble should arise between their respective nations in Europe.
Under the supervision of certain officers, the country was divided into
court jurisdictions. They were given a sort of self-government with
headquarters at Tinicum Island, and Sven Skute was elected captain;
Anders Dalbo, lieutenant; Jacob Svensson, ensign; Gregorius van Dyck,
sheriff; and Olof Stille, Matts Hansson, Peter Rambo and Peter Cock
magistrates. On May 8, (1658) these officers appeared before Stuyvesant
with a petition for certain privileges. They requested instructions for
their guidance, and they desired a court messenger; they asked for free
access to Fort Altena, so that they could get assistance in case of
necessity, and they petitioned that nobody should be allowed to leave
the colony without the knowledge of the magistrates.
The Swedes and Finns gradually gained the confidence of the Dutch
authorities and performed many valuable services for them as
interpreters and guides. They cut masts and other timber and furnished
bricks for buildings; and by their thrift were able to supply much of
the provisions for the soldiers.
The crops were poor in 1658, due to an over-abundance of rain, butter,
cheese and salt were scarce; and sickness was general. The total
number of inhabitants was now about 600 souls, but it is not possible
to say how many of these were Swedes and Finns. The cattle and horses
belonging to the Dutch West India Company were given out for half of
the increase to settlers, a custom employed by Rising as we have seen,
but complaints were made that the horses were ill-treated.
On July 20 (30), 1658, Willem Beeckman was appointed commissary and
vice-director for the West India Company at Fort Altena with highest
authority over the company’s officers, “except in the district ... of
New Amstel,” and his instruction in eight articles was given to him
on October 18 (28). He was to have special oversight and supervision
of the Swedes; he was to be the custom officer and the auditor in the
country, and obliged to be present at New Amstel, when ships arrived
there or whenever his duties so required.
Beeckman proposed a tax on the Swedes and Finns to the amount of 400
guilders a year, thus providing for the current expenses, and the
directors of the Dutch West India Company disapproved of giving them
officers of their own. Stuyvesant, however, replied to their orders for
discharging these officers and appointing Hollanders in their stead,
that he thought the hearts of the Swedes could best be won by methods
of lenient government. They were also called upon to do military duty,
but objected strongly, and the Dutch had no power to force them, while
Beeckman reported that in an emergency “they would be more cumbersome
than useful.” Troubles arose with the English as well as the savages,
keeping the Dutch in constant alarm, who, as a consequence were forced
to treat “their foreign subjects” with more respect and consideration
than would otherwise have been the case.
Attempts were made from time to time to settle them in villages, so as
to simplify the jurisdiction over them; and in the spring of 1660 the
fiscal, De Sille, was instructed to engage some of them as soldiers,
or to persuade them to settle near New Amsterdam as freemen, asking,
“with all imaginable and kindly persuasive reasons,” the “help and
intercessions” of the Swedish sheriff and commissaries. But the Swedes
were opposed to removal, and De Sille was unsuccessful in his mission.
Jacob Alrichs died December 20 (30), 1659, and Alexander d’Hinoyossa
was made provisory director in his stead. The Swedes and Finns who
could bear arms now numbered about 130, according to the report of
Van Dyck. Disputes as to the distribution of land arose among them
about this time, perhaps largely occasioned by the fact that many
of the Finns understood neither Swedish nor Dutch, making business
transactions difficult. In the spring of 1660 some twenty Swedish and
Finnish families desired to remove to the neighborhood of New Amstel,
but it appears that they were forbidden to do so. Later, however,
D’Hinoyossa invited others to settle there.
The Swedes and Finns contrived throughout this period of trade with
the savages, but they were somewhat restricted in their freedom by
D’Hinoyossa, giving rise to complaints and dissatisfactions. They were
particularly successful farmers, and many of them attained prosperity.
Hence they were very desirable colonists, and when requests for
additional agriculturists were sent to Amsterdam, the comment was
appended, “not Hollanders, however, but other nations and especially
Finns and Swedes, who are good farmers.” A grist mill was built by
Johan Stålkofta (Stalcop), L. Petersson and Hans Block in the summer of
1662 at the Falls of Turtle Kill, and the old mill erected by Printz
was kept in repair.
In the autumn of 1663 the entire Delaware population[47] had erected
about 110 good boweries, stocked with some 200 cows and oxen, 20
horses, 80 sheep and several thousand swine. Some of the Swedes as we
have seen, wrote to relatives and friends in the old country, praising
the land and inviting them over, and the Dutch authorities encouraged
such migrations, often with good results. About thirty Swedes arrived
with the skipper, Peter Lukassen in the summer of 1663, and thirty-two
or more Finns and probably some Swedes came with Alexander d’Hinoyossa
in December.
The settlers were peaceful, as a rule, also during this period. A few
minor disturbances arose, however, and Evert Hindricksson, the Finn,
was accused of maltreating Jöran Kyn, and other grave complaints were
made against him. He was brought into court, tried and banished from
the colony as a dangerous character. Peter Meyer was also accused of
disturbance and assaults, and several other cases of like nature were
taken into court. The Swedes and Finns continued to have their own
officers and a few were even employed in the forts. Timon Stidden,
who remained in the country, continued to act as barber-surgeon, and
he treated the ill and wounded as far as he was able. Witchcraft also
played its part, and Margareta Matsson was said to be a witch, as Henry
Drystreet was told about this time. The fish in the river continued
to be plentiful, and the settlers obtained some provisions from this
source as well as from hunting. Many deserted the colony on account
of debts or for other reasons and a number went to settle among the
English in Maryland;[48] but a few returned from time to time.
Little is known about the religious history of the Swedes at this
time. According to the articles of surrender they were allowed to
retain a minister of the Gospel of their own confession and were to be
undisturbed in their services, a concession which was later regretted
by some of the Dutch. Rev. Lars Lock remained among them, and he
seems to have conducted regular services in the church at Tinicum.
He was given a salary by the Swedish commissaries, probably raised
by voluntary collections. He had more than his share of troubles,
and in 1661 his wife eloped with another man, causing inconvenience
and law suits. Having obtained a divorce, he married again, but the
marriage was declared null and void by the Dutch authorities, because
he performed the ceremony himself. Later he was fined 50 florins for
marrying a young couple without proclamation in the church and against
the will of the parents. He as well as Olof Stille objected to the
interference of the Dutch court, saying that the consistory of Sweden
alone had jurisdiction over the case. At another time he was “fearfully
beaten and marked in his face” by Peter Meyer, who was summoned to
appear in court, but the affair was settled between the parties
privately. Acrelius asserts that a priest by the name of Matthias
came out here on the ship _Mercurius_, but he returned to Sweden
with the vessel, according to the same authority. The many Lutherans
residing at New Amstel engaged a young man by the name of Abelius
Zetskorn or Setskorn to serve them. The Swedish commissaries at Tinicum
desired him to preach in their church, but Rev. Lock objected “to it
with all his influence.” Setskorn preached there on the second day of
Pentecost, however, and received a call as schoolmaster with the same
salary as the preacher enjoyed; but the people “of New Amstel would
not let him go,”[49] and Rev. Lock remained the only Lutheran preacher
north of New Amstel. The population, however, was now too large for one
pastor and the language question complicated matters. Many of the Finns
could not understand the Swedish language during the first years, and
these were without religious instruction. As time went on, however,
Swedish became predominant, the Finns and Dutch gradually acquiring it.
In the autumn of 1663 the entire Delaware district was transferred to
the city of Amsterdam, and D’Hinoyossa was made commander. The Swedes
and Finns were absolved from their former oaths and required to swear
new allegiance. This they refused to do, unless they were granted “the
same privileges in trading and other matters as they had had under the
government of the Honorable Company,” being inclined rather to remove
than to submit to the conditions offered them.
The customs and manners remained the same as in the former period, the
bath-house, the Finnish and Swedish log-cabins, the splinter-sticks,
and all other utensils and implements we have learned to know in
previous chapters, continued to be used. The domestic animals had
greatly increased, the fields were comparatively numerous and in many
cases large, and the settlement had acquired a certain stability and
form. The colony had not been a financial success from the Dutch point
of view, however. Thousands of florins were borrowed and expended, and
thousands more were needed.
In 1664 rumors of a Swedish attempt at recapturing the river were
afloat in Holland, as we have seen, causing some uneasiness, until it
was reported that the expedition had been wrecked. A large number
of Finns had been “enticed” to migrate to the colony in the spring,
and other measures were taken to build up the settlement. But Dutch
rule, except for a short interval, was drawing to a close on the
Delaware and in America. The English forces, sailing up the Hudson in
the autumn, compelled Stuyvesant to surrender on September 3. On the
same day Sir Robert Carre was commissioned to proceed to the Delaware
for the purpose of bringing that colony under the power and authority
of the English crown. Carre arrived in the river on September 30 and
on October 1 (11), the articles of capitulation were signed. The
inhabitants were to be protected in their estates under the authority
of the English King; the old magistrates were to continue in their
jurisdiction as formerly, and “the sheriff and other inferior” officers
should remain in power for six months, until other steps could be
taken; all the people were to enjoy religious liberty and be free “as
any Englishman” upon the taking “of the oath,” and any one was allowed
to depart from the settlement within six months after the date of the
articles. We are now at the beginning of a new era and the following
years belong to another treatise.
INDEX.
Names of ships are printed in italics. The letters å, ä, ö and ü are
treated like a, o and u and follow the English order.
For a detailed index and full bibliography see the author’s “_The
Swedish Settlements_,” II, 767ff, 815ff.
A
Acrelius, 242
Africa, 21, 23, 47, 68
African Company, Swedish, 345
Agriculture, 182ff, 190ff, 200ff, 299ff
Aldrichs, J., 371
Allerton, I., 208ff, 301
Altmark, 14
America, 47, 53, 68, 252
Amundsson, H., 156, 164ff, 252ff, 267ff
Amsterdam, 68, 77, etc.
Anckerhjelm, 268ff, 348
Animals, domestic, 121, 129, 191ff, 193, 220ff, 372
Antigua, 145, 157
Appelbom, H., 352ff
Artenzen, 149
Asia, 53
Atlantic, 36
Austria, 19
Aquilera, Gov. de, 270ff
Azores, 269ff
B
Barbadoes, 233, 309, etc.
Barben, J., 78
Barns, 193, etc.
_Beaver_, 210
Beeckman, 370ff
Beier, J., 46, 92, 143
Bergkvarna, 41
Berkeley, 131
_Bern_, 337
Bernhard, Duke, 62
Beversreede (Fort), 229ff
Bicker, 265ff, 274ff
Black Minquas, 115, etc.
Blockhouses, 223
Blommaert, S., 69, 71ff
Bockhorn, 156, 250ff
Bogaert, J. van, 93ff, 125, 133
Boender, 164
Boije, C., 143, 180
Bonde, C., 21, 335
Bonnell, B., 41, 57, 90, 100, 173
_Bontekoe_, 310
Boston, 301
Boyer, A., 225ff, 275ff
Brahe, 31, 205, 232
Bricks, 213ff, etc.
Brömsebro, 17
Bruggen, P. van, 118
Bureus, 29
C
Calais, 259
Campanius, J. 143ff, 227ff
Canaan, 242
Canaries, 47, 262, 302
Caribbees, 79, 147ff, 262
Carl IX., 11
Carl X., 18, 352
Carre, R., 377
Casimir, 236ff, 274ff, 319
_Charitas_, 98ff
Charter of South Co., 54ff
Chesapeake, 283
Christian II., 49
Christian IV., 14, 16
Christina (Queen), 15, 17, 18n., 20, etc.
Christina (Fort), 88ff, 98ff, 110ff, 148, 175ff, 179ff
Christina (Island), 79
Christina Kill, 298, etc.
Christinehamn, 291
Christopher, the Rev., 134
Churches, 134ff, 212
Clausen, A., 163ff
Clausen, J., 163ff
Clemet, 241
Clerk, J., 209ff
Cock, 187
Coeninck, F. de, 309ff
College of the Exchequer, 23
College of Mines, 23
College of War, 23
Cominius (Komensky), 31
Commercial College, 24, 169, etc.
Companies, 49ff
Copenhagen, 150, 251
Copper Company, 67
Corn fields, 116, etc.
Corsen, A., 107
Courts, 196ff, etc.
Cox, W., 187ff
Coyet, 20
Cromwell, 19, 21
Cuba, 79
D
Dalarna, 32n.
Delaware, 22, 29, 32, 35, 39, 42, 103ff, 175, etc.
Delaware Bay, 145
Danzig, 52
Deal, 259
Denmark, 11, 13, 16, 20, 39, 151
Diedricksen, D., 160
_Deimen_, 270
Dincklage, van, 230ff
Dirschau, 57
Disalago, Gov., 260ff
Dorpat, 30
Douwes, Capt., 310
_Dove_, 84
Dover, 258ff
Dufva, J., 161ff
Dutch, 21, 93ff, 125, 133, 169ff, 213ff, 233ff, 307ff
Dutch West India Company, 51, 70ff, 75, 82, 93, 149, 215
Dyck, G. van, 88ff, 143
E
Eaton, Gov., 287
Education in Sweden, 26ff
Elbe, 110
Elfsborg (Fort), 153, 179, 185, 202ff, etc.
Elk River, 283
Elsingburg Fort Point, 179
Elswick, H. von, 165ff, 268ff, 293ff
Endicott, Gov., 287
England, 14, 20ff, 40, 47, 68, 79
English, 21, 46, 185ff, 194ff
English trade, 126ff, 130ff, 199ff, 208ff
Europe, 11, 13, 34, 40, 61
Everet, Gov., 262
F
Falkenburg, von, 56, 68
_Fama_, 144ff, 176ff, 183ff, 198
Fehmern, 149
Finland, 12, 35, 36, 44, 45, 60, etc.
Finns, 144, 241ff
Fish Kill, 176
Fleetwood, 21
Fleming, 16, 49, 76ff, 139ff, 150
Florida, 80
_Flying Deer_, 82
_Fogel Grip_, 78ff
Forsman, 316
France, 14, 19ff, 39, 68
Frankfurt, 62
Fur trade, 84, 171
G
Gangunkel, 41
Geer, L. de, 40
Germany, 14, 61
Gold Coast, 75
Gothenburg, 27, 44, 52, 55, 77ff, 144ff, 254ff
Gothland, 17
_Grip_, see _Fogel Grip_, 78ff
_Groote Christoffel_, 307ff
Guinea, 69
Guinean Company, 74
Gustavus Adolphus, 11, 12, 13, 14, 27ff, 40, 52, 55, 59, 61, etc.
_Gyllene Haj_, 152ff, 167ff, 169ff, 218, 250ff, 267ff, 292
Gyllengren, E., 233, 254, 315, 367ff
H
Hague, the, 68
_Haj_, see _Gyllene Haj_, 152ff, 167ff, 169ff, 218, 250ff, 267ff,
292
Hamburg, 46
Härjedalen, 17
Harmer, G., 187ff, 273
Hartford, 292
Heckemak, 186
Heilbronn, 62
Helsingör, 251
Hendricksen, C., 105
Henlopen, Cape, 153, 178
Henry, Cape, 186, 264
Henry, Prince, 59
_Hercules_, 267
Herrman, A., 231ff
Hinoyossa, de, 371ff
Hjort, Rev., 296ff
Holland, 13, 14, 20ff, 40ff, 47, 56, 61, 68ff
_Hollanse Tuin_, 311
Höök, 267ff, 312
Horn, 106ff
Horn, Fieldmarshal, 62
Horn Kill, 279, etc.
Houses, 133, etc.
Hudde, A., 216ff
Hudson, H., 104
Huygen, H., 70, 78, 88ff, 184ff, 191ff, 229ff, 273ff
I
Iceland, 258
Indians, 108ff, 114ff, 126, 183, 206ff
Indian chiefs, 108, 126ff, 224, 235ff, 279ff, 291ff, 303ff
Indian trade, 115ff, 122ff, 183ff, 192ff, 204ff, 208, 219ff, 224ff
Ingermanland, 11
Innsbruck, 18n.
J
Jacquet, J. P., 360ff
Jamestown, 113
Jämtland, 17
Jansen, J., 112ff
Jansen, P., 89
Jönsson, A., 240
Jöransson, 78
Judicial system, 25, 26
Jutland, 154
K
Kagg, 156
Kalevala, 299
Kalm, 133
_Kalmar Nyckel_, 60, 77ff, 147ff
Kämpe, 315, 317ff
_Katt_ (the Cat), 32, 155ff, 250
Kexholm, 12
Kieft, W., 214ff
Kikitan, 186
Kingsessing, 241
King, W., 301
Kling, M. N., 78, 223
Korsholm, 200, 237
Kramer, 92, 146, 343ff
Krober, N. A., 78
L
Lamberton, 126ff, 187ff
Land purchases, 108ff, 124, 126, 127, 303ff
Langdonk, J. van, 89ff
Leksand, 32
Lenâpe, 114ff
Liljehök, 147
Lindeström, 115, 254ff, 316ff
Lloyd, 287
Lock, L., 225ff, 286ff, 297
London, 21, 252
Loof, 86
Lord, R., 187ff, 279ff, 292, 300ff
Lucifer, C., 156
Lützen, 15, 61
Lycke, 164
M
Macklier, H., 153ff
Magellanica, 53
Malmö, 150
Manathans, 205
Månsson, M., 294
Maryland, 286
Manufactories, 202
Marsh, G., 263
_Marie_, 252
Matsson, J., 147
Matthias, Rev., 350
May, C., of Horn, 106
May, P., 112ff
Melancthon, 31
Menius, 31
_Mercurius_, 348ff, 352ff
Mill Creek, 179
Mills, 209ff, 217ff, 295, 372
Minquas Country, 116
Minquas (Indians), 114ff
Minquas Kill, 79, 97
Minuit, P., 70ff, 107ff
Mölndal, 218ff
Money, 48
Moses, 26
N
Naaman’s Kill, 295
Nacka, 68
Nassau (Fort), 106ff, 194ff, 229ff
Nederhorst, H. van der, 93
Nelsson, M., 143
Nertunius, M., 156, 159
Netherlands, 19, 214
New Albion, 133
New Amsterdam, 80, 208, etc.
New Castle, 236
New Elfsborg, 237, etc.
New England, 287, etc.
Newfoundland, 113
New Gothenborg, 180ff
New Haven, 125ff, 194ff, 288
New Korsholm (Fort), 223, etc.
New Netherland, 70, 93ff, etc.
New South Company, 71ff
New Stockholm, 80
New Sweden, 21, 32, 41, 49, 63, 73, 79ff, 88ff, etc.
New Sweden Company, 61, 69, 139ff
New Vasa, 218ff
North America, 63, 71
O
_Old King David_, 61
Old South Company, 347
Öresund, 16
_Örn_, 250ff, 274ff, 284ff, 344
Oxenstierna, A., 16, 31, 56, 61, 68ff, 150, 294
Oxenstierna, E., 24, 249ff, 343
P
Palbitsky, M., 164ff
Papegoja, J., 143, 146, 184, 225ff, 273ff, 350ff, 362ff
Papegoja, Madam, 285, 324, 367ff
Paris, 68
Patronat, 93ff
Paulinus, 30
Penn, W., 284
Persia, 20
Philadelphia, 222
Plowden, Sir Ed., 131ff, 185ff
Plymouth, 154
Poland, 11, 12, 18, 52
Porto Rico, 158ff, 268
Portugal, 40, 47
_Prinses Royael_, 311
Printz Hall, 211ff, 324
Printz, J., 26, 35, 98, 132ff, 135, 142ff, 149, 169, 178, 194ff,
239, 273ff
Prussia, 57
R
Räf, 335
Raritan Kill, 270
Reed, G. van, 93
Reformation, 26
Religious life, 134ff, 227ff, 374ff
Rensselaer, K. van, 81
Rhine, 70
Richelieu, 68
Ridder, P. H., 88ff, 142, 146, 175
Riga, 13
Ringold, 292, 303
Rising, J., 26, 37, 253ff, 276ff
Roads, 306
Rome, 18n.
Rotterdam, 82, 163
Rudbeck, 33
Rudbeckius, 30
Rudberus, J., 156, 161ff
Russia, 19ff, 47, 50, 76
Ruttens, P., 83
S
Sable Island, 79
St. Christopher, 82, 157, 161
St. Cruz, 161ff, 263
St. Martin, 157ff, 267
St. Peer, 150
Sandhook, 314
Sanford, T., 301
Sankikan Kill, 79, 178
Scarborough, 311
Schotting (en), T. van, 85ff
Schuylkill, 107, 215, 222ff
Scotland, 79
Settlements, 181ff, 282ff
Settlers, 241ff, 275, 286, 297, 316, 320, 335, 369, 372
Ship Company, 59ff
Sigismund, 12
Skute, S., 168, 179, 232, 255ff, 276ff
Sjöhjelm, 353ff
Skytte, J., 31
Smith, 314, 349ff
Smith’s Island, 186
Smythe, R., 92
South Company, 51ff, 59ff
South River, 79, 105, 178, 195ff
Spaniola, 79
Spain, 20, 47, 60
Spens, 20
Spindle, 209
Spiring, P., 40, 72ff, 141ff
Stäk, 41
Stålkofta, J., 283
Staten Island, 312
Stettin, 61
Stidden, T., 156, 164
Stiernhjelm, 29
Stockholm, 12, 19, 20, 40, 42ff, 45, 47, 84, 252
Stolbova, 12
Stralsund, 61, 74
Strängnäs, 41
Strömsköld, 346ff
Stuyvesant, P., 167, 228ff
Symonsen, 78
_Swan_, 144ff, 153ff, 183ff, 205, 225, 238
_Swarte Arent_, 308
Sweden, 11, 16, 20ff, 31, 33, 35, 39ff, 44ff, 60ff, 194ff
T
Tentor, M., 301
Terserius, 32
Thickpenny, 195ff
Tienhoven, A., 264ff
Tinicum Island, 180, 211ff
Tobacco trade, 171ff
Torkillus, R., 134
Torstensson, 16
Trinity (Fort), 288, 312, 319
Trotzig, P., 146, 167ff, 232, 302
Turkey, 20
Turner, N., 196
Tyresö, 41
U
Up(p)sala, 30, 33, 41, 42, etc.
Usselinx, W., 51ff, 56ff, 61ff, 84ff, 106ff
Utrecht Colony, 93ff
V
Varkens Kill, 178ff
Värmland, 143
Vass, S., 210ff
Västerås, 251
Västervik, 43
Venice, 58
Viborg, 344
Viborg Castle, 148
Villa Franca, 269ff
Virginia, 20, 113, 187
Vischer (?), 20
Vlie, 82
Vliet, Cornelis, van, 86ff
W
Waag, De, 309ff
Water, J. H. van der, 78
Weis, Hans, 85
Welshuisen, 58
Wendel, P., 283
Wesel, 70
West Indies, 94ff
Westphalian Treaty, 17
Weymouth, 260
White Minquas, 115
Whitelocke, 20, 45
Wicacoa, 222
Wilcox, J., 209ff
Wilmington, 290
Winthrop, 126, 195ff
Wismar, 250
Wivallius, 29
Woollen, J., 188ff
Wrangel, H., 143
Y
Young, M., 41
Z
Zuyder Zee, 52
[Map of New Sweden]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] These campaigns, however, did more than bring about a truce and
place several important cities under Swedish sovereignty; they prepared
Gustavus Adolphus and his soldiers for the greater struggle about to
begin, and furnished means for its prosecution.
[2] The motives of Gustavus Adolphus for taking part in the Thirty
Years’ War are clearly stated in the minutes--they were religious,
political and commercial. Cf. Fries, _Svenska Kulturbilder_, p. 19
ff.
[3] Christina was born at Stockholm on December 8, 1626. Her education
was thorough and extensive. At the age of 16 she could write and speak
German and Latin fluently and had a good knowledge of Greek.
In Innsbruck she formally accepted the Catholic faith in 1655 and
settled in Rome for the rest of her days except at short intervals.
She revisited her native land in 1660 and again in 1667 and made
pretentions to the throne. She died at Rome in April, 1689.
[4] For a more complete account of the _Commercial College_, see
the author’s _Swedish Settlements on the Delaware_, I, 15 ff.
[5] For a more complete account of the language, see the author’s
_Swedish Settlements on the Delaware_, I, 23–25.
[6] A district in Dalarna, northern Sweden (see map.)
[7] For a more complete statement about Swedish money, weights and
measures, see the author’s _Swedish Settlements on the Delaware_,
I, 41–42.
[8] For a more complete list and account of the trading companies in
Sweden before 1664, see the author’s _Swedish Settlements on the
Delaware_, I, 44–51.
[9] See below, p. 92ff.
[10] Cp. also p. 109ff., below.
[11] The Swedes claimed some time later that they bought the land “from
the rightful owner three days before” the English purchase.
[12] The principles followed were that persons, “who had not committed
such crimes that other people shunned their company”, could be sent to
New Sweden.
[13] See the author’s _Swedish Settlements_, I, 313.
[14] For a detailed account see the author’s _Swedish Settlements_, I,
382 ff.
[15] Iron cannon throwing stone bullets.
[16] For an account of the services of Rev. Fluviander, see the
author’s _Swedish Settlements_, I, 371–72.
[17] For a more complete account of Holm., see the author’s _Swedish
Settlements_, I, 372–73; II, 560–61, 678–79.
[18] Tradition of the tyranny of Printz lived on among the settlers for
generations. In 1759 Acrelius writes: “Some blame was put on Printz
that he was too strict with the people, made slaves of the Swedes, kept
them to work on the fort and his Tinakongh estate. And although this
gossip is still circulated, it can nevertheless not be looked upon
otherwise than as groundless.” _Beskrif._, p. 82; the author’s
_Swedish Settlements_, I, 465.
[19] See above, p. 33ff.
[20] “About 22 Dutch miles in length and 12 (Dutch) miles in breadth.”
[21] According to Rising the force consisted of about 600 to 700
men (in another place he says from 400 to 500, _Journal_), and
this number (600 to 700) has been accepted as the correct one by the
writers. Lindeström goes further. He says: “Anno 1655 den 30 Aug.
kom General Stuyvessandh medh en armé á 1,500 _man_ stack.”
_Geogr._, p. 223. Stuyvesant said in 1664 that there were forty
soldiers and 150 to 160 militia, in all about 200 men. _Doc._, II,
223; 442.
[22] “The general’s [Stuyvesant’s] company, of which Lieut. Nuijtingh
was captain, and Jan Hagel ensign-bearer, was ninety strong. The
general’s second company, of which Dirck Smit was captain, and Don
Pouwel ensign-bearer, was sixty strong. Nicolaes de Silla, the
marshal’s company, of which Lieut. Pieter Ebel was captain and William
van Reijnevelt ensign-bearer, was fifty-five strong. Frederick de
Koningh, the major’s company, of which Pieter de Coningckx was
ensign-bearer, was sixty-two strong. The major’s second company,
which was composed of seamen and pilots, with Dirck Jansz Verstraten
of Ossanen as their captain, boatswain’s mate Dirck Claesz [en], of
Mannikendam as ensign-bearer, and the sail-maker, Jan Illisz of Honsum
as lieutenant, consisted of fifty men, making altogether 317 men.”
[23] “Soldaterne ... som dock på sistone alle giorde sigh Rebellyske
och goffwe sigh alle dhe 1,000 dieflar, som i Helwete bor, at dhee
icke skulle ståå, fast dhee wille partera dhem i 1,000 styken.” Signed
statement of Gyllengren, Rev. Hiort, Peter Lindeström and others,
August 31, 1655, enclosed with letter to E. Oxenstierna. The document
was discovered by Dr. Malmsten in _Kammararkivet_ during the
author’s visit to Stockholm in 1909. It is now preserved in _Ox.
Saml._ (R.A.)
[24] Lindeström accuses Skute of capitulating without consulting the
other officers and relates how he and Gyllengren gave the soldiers a
barrel of beer and put them to work on the fortifications, while Skute
was conferring with Stuyvesant. At four in the afternoon the work on
the fort was ready to withstand an attack of the enemy, but then Skute
had already surrendered and all was lost. _Geogr._, pp. 225–30.
[25] Lindeström says: “Gafs Hollenskt lösen på Fort Treefaldigheet,
sedan swarades uthi lägret, och på Skieppen, thereafter strax låssades
heela umgången på Fort Treeefaldigheet samt uthanwärket, suarades
så åter medh alle styckene I lägret och omgång (erne) på Skippen.”
_Geogr._, p. 231.
[26] Upland, Finland and Tinicum.
[27] Elswick was compelled to wait for two hours before the interview
was granted as Skute was on board discussing the terms of capitulation.
[28] It is probable that he offended the Dutch in some way. Lindeström
says: “And what words he spoke against the Dutch (för nähr talat och
fäldt hafwer), one cannot really know, [but] he was seized and brought
on board the ship _Amsterdams Waag_ and there locked into heavy
chains.” Bogaert says: “The 13th was taken prisoner the Lieutenant of
Fort Crist[ina], with a drummer, it being supposed that he had come as
a spy upon the army, in consequence of the drummer’s having no drum.”
[29] The batteries, according to Lindeström, were made from sod and
protected by gabions and breastworks. They were called “Slangenborg.”
[30] These batteries were built out of logs, protected by breast works
and gabions. This battery which was nearest the fort (see the map
in the author’s _Swedish Settlements_, II, 602–603) was called
“Myggenborgh,” because there was “such a fearful amount of mosquitoes
there.”
[31] The batteries were built of logs, filled in with earth and covered
with sod. On account of the large number of rats there, it was called
“Rottenbourgh.”
[32] The kitchen (see map) was enclosed in a fortified square.
[33] “Hausset nu die Hollender sehr übell mit Todtschlagung des Vihes,
und plündrung der Heüsser aussen fünr dieser Fortresse.” Elswich’s
_Relation_.
[34] Rising was accompanied by Von Elswick and Stuyvesant by the
Vice-Governor of New Netherland, De Sille. Elswick’s _Relation_.
There is no mention of this meeting in Rising’s _Journal_.
[35] Elswick says: “Dreij Uhr nachmittag zogen die Hollander ein und
unsere Völker mit fligender Fahne, slagende Trummell, rürende Pfeiffe,
brandende Leüte sampt Ober- und Unter-gewehr, etc., auss dieser
Fortresse Christina.” _Relation._
[36] The council reported to Stuyvesant that one Mr. Willet believed
that the Swedes had bribed these savages and that through Swedish
influence these troubles had fallen upon them, _Doc._, XII. 99.
The report was, of course, without foundation. Lindeström states
that the Indians had a conference, when they found the Dutch were
attacking New Sweden, and decided to attack New Netherland in revenge.
_Geogr._
[37] Lindeström says: “Den 18 September on mårgonen kom eneral
Styfvessandh inn till oss på Fort Christina medh sitt Trääben
styltandes rächte oss handen, till bödh oss wårt landh igen och all
giord skada wedhergiälla willia.”
[38] Elswick says: “35 personen von uns Volk.” He evidently excludes
himself and Director Rising. Pufendorf says: “Eodem anno id quoque
insensi a Belgis Sveciae illatum, quod hujus Colonos Nova Svecia plane
ejecerint, cujus Gubernator Risinguis cum _triginta sex hominibus_
mense Decembri Pleimuthensi in portu Angliae Adpellebat.” _De Rebus a
Carolo Gustavo_, etc., Liber II, §85 (p. 120).
[39] The _N[ew] Bern_, the _Spotted Cow_ (_Bonte Koe_), and the _White
Horse_.
[40] For an account of Director Rising and the other officers see the
author’s _Swedish Settlements_, II, 616, notes; 673ff.
[41] See above, p. 43ff.
[42] Perhaps the same as the Swedish _Endräkt_ (harmony).
[43] Papegoja met his wife there and probably remained in Printz Hall
during his stay in the country.
[44] As for instance Gyllengren (through Amundsson) and Sven Skute.
[45] The States General ratified the transfer in August and
arrangements for the organization of the city’s colony were soon
thereafter made. The company retained the land above Ft. Christina
along the Delaware. It has been stated by some that the “city’s colony”
was above Ft. Christina. Ferris, p. 106, etc.
[46] Nieuer-Amstel after one of the suburbs of Amsterdam.
[47] Swedes, Finns, Dutch and a few Germans and Danes.
[48] For a list of these see the author’s _Swedish Settlements_,
II, 667–68.
[49] There is no direct evidence that the Swedes tried to get rid of
Lock as is stated by Norberg, p. 6; Smith, _Hist. of Del. Co._, p.
90.
Transcriber’s Notes:
1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been
corrected silently.
2. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have
been retained as in the original.
3. Italics are shown as _xxx_.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SWEDES ON THE DELAWARE, 1638-1664 ***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™
Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.
The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
