The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Unexpurgated Case Against Women Suffrage, by
Almroth E. Wright
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: The Unexpurgated Case Against Women Suffrage
Author: Almroth E. Wright
Posting Date: September 20, 2012 [EBook #5183]
Release Date: February, 2004
First Posted: May 31, 2002
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CASE AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE ***
Produced by Thomas Pollock
THE UNEXPURGATED CASE AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE
BY SIR ALMROTH E. WRIGHT M.D., F.R.S.
1913
CONTENTS
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION
Programme of This Treatise--Motives from which Women Claim the
Suffrage--Types of Men who Support the Suffrage--John Stuart Mill.
PART I
ARGUMENTS WHICH ARE ADDUCED IN SUPPORT OF WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE
I
ARGUMENTS FROM ELEMENTARY NATURAL RIGHTS
Signification of the Term "Woman's Rights"--Argument from
"Justice"--Juridical Justice--"Egalitarian Equity"--Argument from
Justice Applied to Taxation--Argument from Liberty--Summary of
Arguments from Elementary Natural Rights.
II
ARGUMENTS FROM INTELLECTUAL GRIEVANCES OF WOMAN
Complaint of Want of Chivalry--Complaint of "Insults"--Complaint of
"Illogicalties"--Complaint of "Prejudices"--The Familiar Suffragist
Grievance of the Drunkard Voter and the Woman of Property Who is a
Non-Voter--The Grievance of Woman being Required to Obey Man-Made
Laws.
III
ARGUMENTS WHICH TAKE THE FORM OF "COUNSELS OF PERFECTION" ADDRESSED TO
MAN
Argument that Woman Requires a Vote for her Protection--Argument that
Woman ought to be Invested with the Responsibilities of Voting in
Order that She May Attain Her Full Intellectual Stature.
PART II
ARGUMENTS AGAINST THE CONCESSION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SUFFRAGE TO
WOMAN
I
WOMAN'S DISABILITY IN THE MATTER OF PHYSICAL FORCE
International Position of State would be Imperilled by Woman's
Suffrage--Internal Equilibrium of State would be Imperilled.
II
WOMAN'S DISABILITY IN THE MATTER OF INTELLECT
Characteristics of the Feminine Mind--Suffragist Illusions with
Regard to the Equality of Man and Woman as Workers--Prospect for
the Intellectual Future of Woman--Has Woman Advanced?
III
WOMAN'S DISABILITY IN THE MATTER OF PUBLIC MORALITY
Standards by which Morality can be Appraised--Conflict between
Different Moralities--The Correct Standard of Morality--Moral
Psychology of Man and Woman--Difference between Man and Woman in
Matters of Public Morality.
IV
MENTAL OUTLOOK AND PROGRAMME OF THE FEMALE LEGISLATIVE REFORMER
V
ULTERIOR ENDS WHICH THE WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT HAS IN VIEW
PART III
IS THERE, IF THE SUFFRAGE IS BARRED, ANY PALLIATIVE OR CORRECTIVE FOR
THE DISCONTENTS OF WOMAN?
I
PALLIATIVES OR CORRECTIVES FOR THE DISCONTENT OF WOMAN
What are the Suffragist's Grievances?--Economic and Physiological
Difficulties of Woman--Intellectual Grievances of Suffragist and
Corrective.
APPENDIX
LETTER ON MILITANT HYSTERIA
PREFACE
It has come to be believed that everything that has a bearing upon the
concession of the suffrage to woman has already been brought forward.
In reality, however, the influence of women has caused man to leave
unsaid many things which he ought to have said.
Especially in two respects has woman restricted the discussion.
She has placed her taboo upon all generalisations about women, taking
exception to these on the threefold ground that there would be no
generalisations which would hold true of all women; that
generalisations when reached possess no practical utility; and that
the element of sex does not leave upon women any general imprint such
as could properly be brought up in connexion with the question of
admitting them to the electorate.
Woman has further stifled discussion by placing her taboo upon
anything seriously unflattering being said about her in public.
I would suggest, and would propose here myself to act upon the
suggestion, that, in connexion with the discussion of woman's
suffrage, these restrictions should be laid aside.
In connexion with the setting aside of the restriction upon
generalising, I may perhaps profitably point out that all
generalisations, and not only generalisations which relate to women,
are _ex hypothesi [by hypothesis]_ subject to individual exceptions.
(It is to generalisations that the proverb that "the exception proves
the rule" really applies.) I may further point out that practically
every decision which we take in ordinary life, and all legislative
action without exception, is based upon generalisations; and again,
that the question of the suffrage, and with it the larger question as
to the proper sphere of woman, finally turns upon the question as to
what imprint woman's sexual system leaves upon her physical frame,
character, and intellect: in more technical terms, it turns upon the
question as to what are the _secondary sexual character[istic]s_ of
woman.
Now only by a felicitous exercise of the faculty of successful
generalisation can we arrive at a knowledge of these.
With respect to the restriction that nothing which might offend
woman's _amour propre [self love]_ shall be said in public, it may be
pointed out that, while it was perfectly proper and equitable that no
evil (and, as Pericles proposed, also no good) should be said of woman
in public so long as she confined herself to the domestic sphere, the
action of that section of women who have sought to effect an entrance
into public life, has now brought down upon woman, as one of the
penalties, the abrogation of that convention.
A consideration which perhaps ranks only next in importance to that
with which we have been dealing, is that of the logical sanction of
the propositions which are enunciated in the course of such
controversial discussions as that in which we are here involved.
It is clearly a precondition of all useful discussion that the author
and reader should be in accord with respect to the authority of the
generalisations and definitions which supply the premisses for his
reasonings.
Though this might perhaps to the reader appear an impractical ideal, I
would propose here to attempt to reach it by explaining the logical
method which I have set myself to follow.
Although I have from literary necessity employed in my text some of
the verbal forms of dogmatism, I am very far from laying claim to any
dogmatic authority. More than that, I would desire categorically to
repudiate such a claim.
For I do not conceal from myself that, if I took up such a position, I
should wantonly be placing myself at the mercy of my reader. For he
could then, by merely refusing to see in me an authority, bring down
the whole edifice of my argument like a house of cards.
Moreover I am not blind to what would happen if, after I claimed to be
taken as an authority, the reader was indulgent enough still to go on
to read what I have written.
He would in such a case, the moment he encountered a statement with
which he disagreed, simply waive me on one side with the words, "So
you say."
And if he should encounter a statement with which he agreed, he would
in his wisdom, censure me for neglecting to provide for that
proposition a satisfactory logical foundation.
If it is far from my thoughts to claim a right of dictation, it is
equally remote from them to take up the position that I have in my
arguments furnished _proof_ of the thesis which I set out to
establish.
It would be culpable misuse of language to speak in such connexion of
_proof_ or _disproof_.
Proof by testimony, which is available in con-nexion with questions of
fact, is unavailable in connexion with general truths; and logical
proof is obtainable only in that comparatively narrow sphere where
reasoning is based--as in mathematics--upon axioms, or--as in certain
really crucial experiments in the mathematic sciences--upon
quasi-axiomatic premisses.
Everywhere else we base our reasonings on premisses which are simply
more or less probable; and accordingly the conclusions which we arrive
at have in them always an element of insecurity.
It will be clear that in philosophy, in jurisprudence, in political
economy and sociology, and in literary criticism and such like, we are
dealing not with certainties but with propositions which are, for
literary convenience, invested with the garb of certainties.
What kind of logical sanction is it, then, which can attach to
reasonings such as are to be set out here?
They have in point of fact the sanction which attaches to reasonings
based upon premisses arrived at by the method of _diacritical
judgment._
It is, I hasten to notify the reader, not the method, but only the
name here assigned to it, which is unfamiliar. As soon as I exhibit it
in the working, the reader will identify it as that by which every
generalisation and definition ought to be put to the proof.
I may for this purpose take the general statements or definitions
which serve as premisses for my reasonings in the text.
I bring forward those generalisations and definitions because they
commend themselves to my diacritical judgment. In other words, I set
them forth as results which have been reached after reiterated efforts
to call up to mind the totality of my experience, and to de-tect the
factor which is common to all the individual experiences.
When for instance I propose a definition, I have endeavoured to call
to mind all the different uses of the word with which I am
familiar--eliminating, of course, all the obviously incorrect uses.
And when I venture to attempt a generalisation about woman, I
endeavour to recall to mind without distinction all the different
women I have encountered, and to extricate from my impressions what
was common to all,--omitting from consideration (except only when I am
dealing specifically with these) all plainly abnormal women.
Having by this procedure arrived at a generalisation--which may of
course be correct or incorrect--I submit it to my reader, and ask from
him that he should, after going through the same mental operations as
myself, review my judgment, and pronounce his verdict.
If it should then so happen that the reader comes, in the case of any
generalisation, to the same verdict as that which I have reached, that
particular generalisation will, I submit, now go forward not as a
datum of my individual experience, but as the intellectual resultant
of two separate and distinct experiences. It will thereby be immensely
fortified.
If, on the other hand, the reader comes to the conclusion that a
particular generalisation is out of conformity with his experience,
that generalisation will go forward shorn of some, or perchance all,
its authority.
But in any case each individual generalisation must be referred
further.
And at the end it will, according as it finds, or fails to find,
acceptance among the thoughtful, be endorsed as a truth, and be
gathered into the garner of human knowledge; or be recognised as an
error, and find its place with the tares, which the householder, in
time of the harvest, will tell the reapers to bind in bundles to burn
them.
A. E. W.
1913.
INTRODUCTION
Programme of this Treatise--Motives from which Women Claim the
Suffrage--Types of Men who Support the Suffrage--John Stuart Mill.
The task which I undertake here is to show that the Woman's Suffrage
Movement has no real intellectual or moral sanction, and that there
are very weighty reasons why the suffrage should not be conceded to
woman.
I would propose to begin by analysing the mental attitude of those who
range themselves on the side of woman suffrage, and then to pass on to
deal with the principal arguments upon which the woman suffragist
relies.
The preponderating majority of the women who claim the suffrage do not
do so from motives of public interest or philanthropy.
They are influenced almost exclusively by two motives: resentment at
the suggestion that woman should be accounted by man as inherently his
inferior in certain important respects; and reprehension of a state of
society in which more money, more personal liberty (In reality only
more of the personal liberty which the possession of money confers),
more power, more public recognition and happier physiological
conditions fall to the share of man.
A cause which derives its driving force so little from philanthropy
and public interest and so much from offended _amour propre_ and
pretensions which are, as we shall see, unjustified, has in reality no
moral prestige.
For its intellectual prestige the movement depends entirely on the
fact that it has the advocacy of a certain number of distinguished
men.
It will not be amiss to examine that advocacy.
The "intellectual" whose name appears at the foot of woman's suffrage
petitions will, when you have him by himself, very often Make
confession:--"Woman suffrage," he will tell you, "is not the grave and
important cause which the ardent female suffragist deems it to be. Not
only will it not do any of the things which she imagines it is going
to do, but it will leave the world exactly where it is. Still--the
concession of votes to women is desirable from the point of view of
symmetry of classification; and it will soothe the ruffled feelings of
quite a number of very worthy women."
It may be laid down as a broad general rule that only two classes of
men have the cause of woman's suffrage really at heart.
The first is the crank who, as soon as he thinks he has discerned a
moral principle, immediately gets into the saddle, and then rides
hell-for-leather, reckless of all considerations of public expediency.
The second is that very curious type of man, who when it is suggested
in his hearing that the species woman is, measured by certain
intellectual and moral standards, the inferior of the species man,
solemnly draws himself up and asks, "Are you, sir, aware that you are
insulting my wife?"
To this, the type of man who feels every unfavourable criticism of
woman as a personal affront to himself, John Stuart Mill, had
affinities.
We find him writing a letter to the Home Secretary, informing him, in
relation to a Parliamentary Bill restricting the sale of arsenic to
male persons over twenty-one years, that it was a "gross insult to
every woman, all women from highest to lowest being deemed unfit to
have poison in their possession, lest they shall commit murder."
We find him again, in a state of indignation with the English marriage
laws, preluding his nuptials with Mrs. Taylor by presenting that lady
with a formal charter; renouncing all authority over her, and
promising her security against all infringements of her liberty which
might proceed from _himself_.
To this lady he is always ascribing credit for his eminent
intellectual achievements. And lest his reader should opine that woman
stands somewhat in the shade with respect to her own intellectual
triumphs, Mill undertakes the explanation. "Felicitous thoughts," he
tells us, "occur by hundreds to every woman of intellect. But they
are mostly lost for want of a husband or friend . . . to estimate them
properly, and to bring them before the world; and even when they are
brought before it they generally appear as his ideas."
Not only did Mill see woman and all her works through an optical
medium which gave images like this; but there was upon his retina
a large blind area. By reason of this last it was inapprehensible
to him that there could be an objection to the sexes co-operating
indiscriminately in work. It was beyond his ken that the sex element
would under these conditions invade whole departments of life which
are now free from it. As he saw things, there was in point of fact a
risk of the human race dying out by reason of the inadequate
imperativeness of its sexual instincts.
Mill's unfaithfulness to the facts cannot, however, all be put down to
constitutional defects of vision. When he deals with woman he is no
longer scrupulously conscientious. We begin to have our suspicions of
his uprightness when we find him in his _Subjection of Women_ laying
it down as a fundamental postulate that the subjection of woman to man
is always morally indefensible. For no upright mind can fail to see
that the woman who lives in a condition of financial dependence upon
man has no moral claim to unrestricted liberty. The suspicion of
Mill's honesty which is thus awakened is confirmed by further critical
reading of his treatise. In that skilful tractate one comes across,
every here and there, a _suggestio falsi [suggestion of a falsehood],_
or a _suppressio veri [suppression of the truth],_ or a fallacious
analogy nebulously expressed, or a mendacious metaphor, or a passage
which is contrived to lead off attention from some weak point in the
feminist case.[1] Moreover, Mill was unmindful of the obligations of
intellectual morality when he allowed his stepdaughter, in connexion
with feminist questions, to draft letters [2] which went forward as
his own.
[1] _Vide [See]_ in this connexion the incidental references to Mill
on pp. 50, 81 footnote, and 139.
[2] Vide _Letters of John Stuart Mill,_ vol. ii, pp. 51, 79, 80, 100,
141, 157, 238, 239, 247, 288, and 349. There is yet another factor
which must be kept in mind in connexion with the writings of Mill. It
was the special characteristic of the man to set out to tackle concrete
problems and then to spend his strength upon abstractions.
In his _Political Economy_, where his proper subject matter was man
with his full equipment of impulses, Mill took as his theme an
abstraction: an _economic man_ who is actuated solely by the desire of
gain. He then worked out in great elaboration the course of conduct
which an aggregate of these puppets of his imagination would pursue.
Having persuaded
himself, after this, that he had in his possession a _vade mecum_
_[handbook]_ to the comprehension of human societies, he now took it
upon himself to expound the principles which govern and direct these.
Until such time as this procedure was unmasked, Mill's political
economy enjoyed an unquestioned authority.
Exactly the same plan was followed by Mill in handling the question of
woman's suffrage. Instead of dealing with woman as she is, and with
woman placed in a setting of actually subsisting conditions, Mill
takes as his theme a woman who is a creature of his imagination. This
woman is, _by assumption_, in mental endowments a replica of man. She
lives in a world which is, _by tacit assumption_, free from
complications of sex. And, if practical considerations had ever come
into the purview of Mill's mind, she would, _by tacit assumption_, be
paying her own way, and be making full personal and financial
contributions to the State. It is in connexion with this fictitious
woman that Mill sets himself to work out the benefits which women
would derive from co-partnership with men in the government of the
State, and those which such co-partnership would confer on the
community. Finally, practising again upon himself the same imposition
as in his _Political Economy_, this unpractical trafficker in
abstractions sets out to persuade his reader that he has, by dealing
with fictions of the mind, effectively grappled with the concrete
problem of woman's suffrage.
This, then, is the philosopher who gives intellectual prestige to the
Woman's Suffrage cause.
But is there not, let us in the end ask ourselves, here and there at
least, a man who is of real account in the world of affairs, and who
is--not simply a luke-warm Platonic friend or an opportunist
advocate--but an impassioned promoter of the woman's suffrage
movement? One knows quite well that there is. But then one suspects--one
perhaps discerns by "the spirit sense"--that this impassioned
promoter of woman's suffrage is, on the sequestered side of his life,
an idealistic dreamer: one for whom some woman's memory has become,
like Beatrice for Dante, a mystic religion.
We may now pass on to deal with the arguments by which the woman
suffragist has sought to establish her case.
PART I
ARGUMENTS WHICH ARE ADDUCED IN SUPPORT OF WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE
I
ARGUMENTS FROM ELEMENTARY NATURAL RIGHTS
Signification of the Term "Woman's Rights"--Argument from
"Justice"--Juridical Justice-"Egalitarian Equity"--Argument from Justice
Applied to Taxation--Argument from Liberty--Summary of Arguments from
Elementary Natural Rights.
Let us note that the suffragist does not--except, perhaps, when she is
addressing herself to unfledged girls and to the sexually
embittered--really produce much effect by inveighing against the legal
grievances of woman under the bastardy laws, the divorce laws, and the
law which fixes the legal age of consent. This kind of appeal does not
go down with the ordinary man and woman--first, because there are many
who think that in spite of occasional hardships the public advantage
is, on the whole, very well served by the existing laws; secondly,
because any alterations which might be desirable could very easily be
made without recourse to woman's suffrage; and thirdly, because the
suffragist consistently acts on the principle of bringing up against
man everything that can possibly be brought up against him, and of
never allowing anything to appear on the credit side of the ledger.
The arguments which the woman suffragist really places confidence in
are those which are provided by undefined general principles,
apothegms set out in the form of axioms, formulae which are vehicles
for fallacies, ambiguous abstract terms, and "question-begging"
epithets. Your ordinary unsophisticated man and woman stand almost
helpless against arguments of this kind.
For these bring to bear moral pressure upon human nature. And when
the intellect is confused by a word or formula which conveys an
ethical appeal, one may very easily find oneself committed to action
which one's unbiased reason would never have approved. The very first
requirement in connexion with any word or phrase which conveys a moral
exhortation is, therefore, to analyse it and find out its true
signification. For all such concepts as justice, rights, freedom,
chivalry--and it is with these that we shall be specially
concerned--are, when properly defined and understood beacon-lights,
but when ill understood and undefined, stumbling-blocks in the path of
humanity.
We may appropriately begin by analysing the term "Woman's Rights" and
the correlative formula "Woman has a right to the suffrage."
Our attention here immediately focuses upon the term _right_. It is
one of the most important of the verbal agents by which the suffragist
hopes to bring moral pressure to bear upon man.
Now, the term _right_ denotes in its juridical sense a debt which is
owed to us by the State. A right is created when the community binds
itself to us, its individual members, to intervene by force to
restrain any one from interfering with us, and to protect us in the
enjoyment of our faculties, privileges, and property.
The term is capable of being given a wider meaning. While no one
could appropriately speak of our having a _right_ to health or
anything that man has not the power to bestow, it is arguable that
there are, independent of and antecedent to law, elementary rights: a
right to freedom; a right to protection against personal violence; a
right to the protection of our property; and a right to the impartial
administration of regulations which are binding upon all. Such a use
of the term _right_ could be justified on the ground that everybody
would be willing to make personal sacrifices, and to combine with his
fellows for the purpose of securing these essentials--an understanding
which would almost amount to legal sanction.
The suffragist who employs the term "Woman's _Rights_" does not employ
the word rights in either of these senses. Her case is analogous to
that of a man who should in a republic argue about the divine _right_
of kings; or that of the Liberal who should argue that it was his
_right_ to live permanently under a Liberal government; or of any
member of a minority who should, with a view of getting what he wants,
argue that he was contending only for his rights.
The woman suffragist is merely bluffing. Her formula "_Woman's
Rights_" means simply "_Woman's Claims_."
For the moment--for we shall presently be coming back to the question
of the enforcement of rights--our task is to examine the arguments
which the suffragist brings forward in support of her claims.
First and chief among these is the argument that the _Principle of
Justice_ prescribes that women should be enfranchised.
When we inquire what the suffragist understands under the Principle of
Justice, one receives by way of answer only the _petitio principii
[question begging]_ that Justice is a moral principle which includes
woman suffrage among its implications.
In reality it is only very few who clearly apprehend the nature of
Justice. For under this appellation two quite different principles are
confounded.
The primary and correct signification of the term Justice will perhaps
be best arrived at by pursuing the following train of considerations:--
When man, long impatient at arbitrary and quite incalculable
autocratic judgments, proceeded to build up a legal system to take the
place of these, he built it upon the following series of
axioms:--(_a_) All actions of which the courts are to take cognisance
shall be classified. (_b_) The legal consequences of each class of
action shall be definitely fixed. (_c_) The courts shall adjudicate
only on questions of fact, and on the issue as to how the particular
deed which is the cause of action should be classified. And (_d_) such
decisions shall carry with them in an automatic manner the appointed
legal consequences.
For example, if a man be arraigned for the appropriation of another
man's goods, it is an axiom that the court (when once the questions of
fact have been disposed of) shall adjudicate only on the issue as to
whether the particular appropriation of goods in dispute comes under
the denomination of larceny, burglary, or other co-ordinate category;
and that upon this the sentence shall go forth: directing that the
legal consequences which are appointed to that particular class of
action be enforced.
This is the system every one can see administered in every court of
justice.
There is, however, over and above what has just been set out another
essential element in Justice. It is an element which readily escapes
the eye.
I have in view the fact that the classifications which are adopted and
embodied in the law must not be arbitrary classifications. They must
all be conformable to the principle of utility, and be directed to the
advantage of society.
If, for instance, burglary is placed in a class apart from larceny, it
is discriminated from it because this distinction is demanded by
considerations of public advantage. But considerations of utility
would not countenance, and by consequence Justice would not accept, a
classification of theft into theft committed by a poor man and theft
committed by a rich man.
The conception of Justice is thus everywhere interfused with
considerations of utility and expediency.
It will have become plain that if we have in view the justice which is
administered in the courts--we may here term it _Juridical
Justice_--then the question as to whether it is _just_ to refuse the
suffrage to woman will be determined by considering whether the
classification of men as voters and of women as non-voters is in the
public interest. Put otherwise, the question whether it would be just
that woman should have a vote would require the answer "Yes" or "No,"
according as the question whether it would be expedient or inexpedient
that woman should vote required the answer "Yes" or "No." But it would
be for the electorate, not for the woman suffragist, to decide that
question.
There is, as already indicated, another principle which passes under
the name of Justice. I have in view the principle that in the
distribution of wealth or political power, or any other privileges
which it is in the power of the State to bestow, every man should
share equally with every other man, and every woman equally with every
man, and that in countries where Europeans and natives live side by
side, these latter should share all privileges equally with the
white--the goal of endeavour being that all distinctions depending
upon natural endowment, sex, and race should be effaced.
We may call this principle the _Principle of Egalitarian
Equity_--first, because it aims at establishing a quite artificial
equality; secondly, because it makes appeal to our ethical instincts,
and claims on that ground to override the distinctions of which formal
law takes account.
But let us reflect that we have here a principle which properly
understood, embraces in its purview all mankind, and not mankind only
but also the lower animals. That is to say, we have here a principle,
which consistently followed out, would make of every man and woman _in
primis [at first]_ a socialist; then a woman suffragist; then a
philo-native, negrophil, and an advocate of the political rights of
natives and negroes; and then, by logical compulsion ant
anti-vivisectionist, who accounts it _unjust_ to experiment on an
animal; a vegetarian, who accounts it _unjust_ to kill animals for
food; and findly one who, like the Jains, accounts it unjust to take
the life of even verminous insects.
If we accept this principle of egalitarian equity as of absolute
obligation, we shall have to accept along with woman's suffrage all
the other "isms" believed in, and agitated for, by the cranks who are
so numerously represented in the ranks of woman suffragists.
If, on the other hand, we accept the doctrine of egalitarian equity
with the qualification that it shall apply only so far as what it
enjoins is conformable to public advantage, we shall again make
expediency the criterion of the justice of woman's suffrage.
Before passing on it will be well to point out that the argument from
Justice meets us not only in the form that Justice requires that woman
should have a vote, but also in all sorts of other forms. We encounter
it in the writings of publicists, in the formula _Taxation_ _carries
with it a Right to Representation_; and we encounter it in the
streets, on the banners of woman suffrage processions, in the form
_Taxation without Representation is Tyranny_.
This latter theorem of taxation which is displayed on the banners of
woman suffrage is, I suppose, deliberately and intentionally a
_suggestio falsi_. For only that taxation is tyrannous which is
diverted to objects which are not useful to the contributors. And even
the suffragist does not suggest that the taxes which are levied on
women are differentially applied to the uses of men.
Putting, then, this form of argument out of sight, let us come to
close quarters with the question whether the payment of taxes gives a
title to control the finances of the State.
Now, if it really did so without any regard to the status of the
claimant, not only women, but also foreigners residing in, or holding
property in, England, and with these lunatics and miners with
property, and let me, for the sake of a pleasanter collocation of
ideas, hastily add peers of the realm, who have now no control over
public finance, ought to receive the parliamentary franchise. And in
like manner if the payment of a tax, without consideration of its
amount, were to give a title to a vote, every one who bought an
article which had paid a duty would be entitled to a vote in his own,
or in a foreign, country according as that duty has been paid at home
or abroad.
In reality the moral and logical nexus between the payment of taxes
and the control of the public revenue is that the solvent and
selfsupporting citizens, and only these, are entitled to direct its
financial policy.
If I have not received, or if I have refunded, any direct
contributions I may have received from the coffers of the State; if I
have paid my _pro rata_ share of its establishment charges--_i.e._ of
the costs of both internal administration and external defence; and I
have further paid my proportional share of whatever may be required to
make up for the deficit incurred on account of my fellow-men and women
who either require direct assistance from the State, or cannot meet
their share of the expenses of the State, I am a _solvent citizen_;
and if I fail to meet these liabilities, I am an _insolvent citizen_
even though I pay such taxes as the State insists upon my paying.
Now if a woman insists, in the face of warnings that she had better
not do so, on taxing man with dishonesty for withholding from her
financial control over the revenues of the State, she has only herself
to blame if she is told very bluntly that her claim to such control is
barred by the fact that she is, as a citizen insolvent. The taxes paid
by women would cover only a very small proportion of the
establishment charges of the State which would properly be assigned to
them. It falls to man to make up that deficit.
And it is to be noted with respect to those women who pay their full
pro rata contribution and who ask to be treated as a class apart from,
and superior to, other women, that only a very small proportion of
these have made their position for themselves.
Immeasurably the larger number are in a solvent position only because
men have placed them there. All large fortunes and practically all the
incomes which are furnished by investments are derived from man.
Nay; but the very revenues which the Woman Suffrage Societies devote
to man's vilification are to a preponderating extent derived from
funds which he earned and gave over to woman.
In connexion with the financial position of woman as here stated, it
will be well to consider first the rich woman's claim to the vote.
We may seek light on the logical and moral aspects of this claim by
considering here two parallel cases.
The position which is occupied by the peer under the English
Constitution furnishes a very interesting parallel to the position of
the woman who is here in question.
Time out of mind the Commons have viewed with the utmost jealousy any
effort of the House of Lords to obtain co-partnership with them in the
control of the finances of the State; and, in pursuance of that
traditional policy, the peers have recently, after appeal to the
country, been shorn of the last vestige of financial control. Now we
may perhaps see, in this jealousy of a House of Lords, which
represents inherited wealth, displayed by a House of Commons
representing voters electing on a financial qualification, an
unconscious groping after the moral principle that those citizens who
are solvent by their own efforts, and only these, should control the
finances of the State.
And if this analogy finds acceptance, it would not--even if there were
nothing else than this against such proposals--be logically possible,
after ousting the peers who are large tax-payers from all control over
the finances of the State, to create a new class of voters out of the
female representatives of unearned wealth.
The second parallel case which we have to consider presents a much
simpler analogy. Consideration will show that the position occupied in
the State by the woman who has inherited money is analogous to that
occupied in a firm by a sleeping partner who stands in the shoes of a
deceased working partner, and who has only a small amount of capital
in the business. Now, if such a partner were to claim any financial
control, and were to make trouble about paying his _pro rata_
establishment charges, he would be very sharply called to order. And
he would never dream of appealing to Justice by breaking windows,
going to gaol, and undertaking a hunger strike.
Coming back from the particular to the general, and from the logical
to the moral aspect of woman's claim to control the finances of the
State on the ground that she is a tax-payer, it will suffice to point
out that this claim is on a par with the claim to increased political
power and completer control over the finances of the State which is
put forward by a class of male voters who are already paying much less
than their _pro rata_ share of the upkeep of the State.
In each case it is a question of trying to get control of other
people's money. And in the case of woman it is of "trying on" in
connexion with her public partnership with man that principle of
domestic partnership, "All yours is mine, and all mine's my own."
Next to the plea of justice, the plea which is advanced most
insistently by the woman who is contending for a vote is the plea of
liberty.
We have here, again, a word which is a valuable asset to woman
suffrage both in the respect that it brings moral pressure to bear,
and in the respect that it is a word of ambiguous meaning.
In accordance with this we have John Stuart Mill making propaganda for
woman suffrage in a tractate entitled the_ Subjection of_ _Women_; we
have a Woman's _Freedom_ League--"freedom" being a question-begging
synonym for "parliamentary franchise"--and everywhere in the
literature of woman's suffrage we have talk of woman's "emancipation";
and we have women characterised as serfs, or slaves--the terms _serfs_
and _slaves_ supplying, of course, effective rhetorical synonyms for
non-voters.
When we have succeeded in getting through these thick husks of untruth
we find that the idea of liberty which floats before the eyes of woman
is, not at all a question of freedom from unequitable legal
restraints, but essentially a question of getting more of the personal
liberty (or command of other people's services), which the possession
of money confers and more freedom from sexual restraints.
The suffragist agitator makes profit out of this ambiguity. In
addressing the woman worker who does not, at the rate which her labour
commands on the market, earn enough to give her any reasonable measure
of financial freedom, the agitator will assure her that the suffrage
would bring her more money, describing the woman suffrage cause to her
as the cause of liberty. By juggling in this way with the two meanings
of "liberty" she will draw her into her toils.
The vote, however, would not raise wages of the woman worker and bring
to her the financial, nor yet the physiological freedom she is
seeking.
The tactics of the suffragist agitator are the same when she is
dealing with a woman who is living at the charges of a husband or
relative, and who recoils against the idea that she lies under a moral
obligation to make to the man who works for her support some return of
gratitude. The suffragist agitator will point out to her that such an
obligation is slavery, and that the woman's suffrage cause is the
cause of freedom.
And so we find the women who want to have everything for nothing, and
the wives who do not see that they are beholden to man for anything,
and those who consider that they have not made a sufficiently good
bargain for themselves--in short, all the ungrateful women--flock to
the banner of Women's Freedom--the banner of financial freedom for
woman at the expense of financial servitude for man.
The grateful woman will practically always be an anti-suffragist.
It will be well, before passing on to another class of arguments, to
summarise what has been said in the three foregoing sections.
We have recognised that woman has not been defrauded of elementary
natural rights; that Justice, as distinguished from egalitarian
equity, does not prescribe that she should be admitted to the
suffrage; and that her status is not, as is dishonestly alleged, a
status of serfdom or slavery.
With this the whole case for recrimination against man, and _a
fortiori [for greater reason]_ the case for [a] resort to violence,
collapses.
And if it does collapse, this is one of those things that carries
consequences. It would beseem man to bethink himself that to give in
to an unjustified and doubtfully honest claim is to minister to the
demoralisation of the claimant.
II
ARGUMENTS FROM INTELLECTUAL GRIEVANCES OF WOMAN
Complaint of Want of Chivalry--Complaint of "Insults"--Complaint of
"Illogicalities"--Complaint of "Prejudices"--The Familiar Suffragist
Grievance of the Drunkard Voter and the Woman of Property Who is a
Non-Voter--The Grievance of Woman being Required to Obey Man-Made
Laws.
We pass from the argument from elementary natural rights to a
different class of arguments--intellectual grievances. The suffragist
tells us that it is unchivalrous to oppose woman's suffrage; that it
is insulting to tell woman that she is unfit to exercise the
franchise; that it is "illogical" to make in her case an exception to a
general rule; that it is mere "prejudice" to withhold the vote from
her; that it is indignity that the virtuous and highly intelligent
woman has no vote, while the drunkard has; and that the woman of
property has no vote, while her male underlings have; and, lastly,
that it is an affront that a woman should be required to obey
"man-made" laws.
We may take these in their order.
Let us consider chivalry, first, from the standpoint of the woman
suffragist. Her notion of _chivalry_ is that man should accept every
disadvantageous offer which may be made to him by woman.
That, of course, is to make chivalry the principle of egalitarian
equity limited in its application to the case between man and woman.
It follows that she who holds that the suffrage ought, in obedience to
that principle of justice, to be granted to her by man, might quite
logically hold that everything else in man's gift ought also to be
conceded.
But to do the woman suffragist justice, she does not press the
argument from chivalry. Inasmuch as life has brought home to her that
the ordinary man has quite other conceptions of that virtue, she
declares that "she has no use for it."
Let us now turn to the anti-suffragist view. The anti-suffragist (man
or woman) holds that chivalry is a principle which enters into every
reputable relation between the sexes, and that of all the civilising
agencies at work in the world it is the most important.
But I think I hear the reader interpose, "What, then, is chivalry if
it is not a question of serving woman without reward?"
A moment's thought will make the matter clear.
When a man makes this compact with a woman, "I will do you reverence,
and protect you, and yield you service; and you, for your part, will
hold fast to an ideal of gentleness, of personal refinement, of
modesty, of joyous maternity, and to who shall say what other graces
and virtues that endear woman to man," that is _chivalry_.
It is not a question of a purely one-sided bargain, as in the
suffragist conception. Nor yet is it a bargain about purely material
things.
It is a bargain in which man gives both material things, and also
things which pertain perhaps somewhat to the spirit; and in which
woman gives back of these last.
But none the less it is of the nature of a contract. There is in it
the inexorable _do ut des; facio ut facias [give me this, and I will
give you that; do this for me, and I will do that for you]._
And the contract is infringed when woman breaks out into violence,
when she jettisons her personal refinement, when she is ungrateful,
and, possibly, when she places a quite extravagantly high estimate
upon her intellectual powers.
We now turn from these almost too intimate questions of personal
morality to discuss the other grievances which were enumerated above.
With regard to the suffragist's complaint that it is _"insulting"_ for
woman to be told that she is as a class unfit to exercise the
suffrage, it is relevant to point out that one is not insulted by
being told about oneself, or one's class, untruths, but only at being
told about oneself, or one's class, truths which one dislikes. And it
is, of course, an offence against ethics to try to dispose of an
unpalatable generalisation by characterising it as "insulting." But
nothing that man could do would be likely to prevent the suffragist
resorting to this aggravated form of intellectual immorality.
We may now turn to the complaint that it is "illogical" to withhold
the vote from women.
This is the kind of complaint which brings out in relief the logical
endowment and legislative sagacity of the suffragist.
With regard to her logical endowment it will suffice to indicate that
the suffragist would appear to regard the promulgation of a rule which
is to hold without exception as an essentially logical act; and the
admission of any class exception to a rule of general application as
an illogicality. It would on this principle be "illogical" to except,
under conscription, the female population from military service.
With regard to the suffragist's legislative sagacity we may note that
she asks that we should put back the clock, and return to the days
when any arbitrary principle might be adduced as a ground for
legislation. It is as if Bentham had never taught:--
"What is it to offer a _good reason_ with respect to a law? It is to
allege the good or evil which the law tends to produce; so much good,
so many arguments in its favour; so much evil, so many arguments
against it.
"What is it to offer a _false reason?_ It is the alleging for, or
against a law, something else than its good or evil effects."
Next, we may take up the question as to whether an unwelcome
generalisation may legitimately be got out of the way by
characterising it as a prejudice. This is a fundamentally important
question not only in connexion with such an issue as woman suffrage,
but in connexion with all search for truth in those regions where
crucial scientific experiments cannot be instituted.
In the whole of this region of thought we have to guide ourselves by
generalisations.
Now every generalisation is in a sense a _prejudgment_. We make
inferences from cases or individuals that have already presented
themselves to such cases or individuals of the same class as may
afterwards present themselves. And if our generalisation happens to be
an unfavourable one, we shall of necessity have prejudged the case
against those who are exceptions to their class.
Thus, for example, the proposition that woman is incapable of usefully
exercising the parliamentary franchise prejudges the case against a
certain number of capable women. It would none the less be absolutely
anarchical to propose to abandon the system of guiding ourselves by
prejudgments; and unfavourable prejudgments or prejudices are
logically as well justified, and are obviously as indispensable to us
as favourable prejudgments.
The suffragist who proposes to dispose of generalisations which are
unfavourable to woman as prejudices ought therefore to be told to
stand down.
It has probably never suggested itself to her that, if there were a
mind which was not stored with both favourable prejudgments and
prejudices, it would be a mind which had learned absolutely nothing
from experience.
But I hear the reader interpose, "Is there not a grave danger that
generalisations may be erroneous?"
And I can hear the woman suffragist interject, "Is there not a grave
danger that unflattering generalisations about woman may be
erroneous?"
The answer to the general question is that there is of course always
the risk that our generalisations may be erroneous. But when a
generalisation finds wide acceptance among the thoughtful, we have
come as close to truth as it is possible for humanity to come.
To the question put by the suffragist the reply is that experience
with regard to the capacity of woman has been accumulating in all
climes, and through all times; and that the belief of men in the
inherent inferiority of women in the matter of intellectual morality,
and in the power of adjudication, has never varied.
I pass now to the two most familiar grievances of the suffragist; the
grievance that the virtuous and intelligent woman has no vote, while
the male drunkard has; and the grievance that the woman of property
has no vote, while her male underlings have.
All that is worth while saying on these points is that the suffragist
is here manufacturing grievances for herself, _first_, by reasoning
from the false premiss that every legal distinction which happens to
press hardly upon a few individuals ought for that to be abrogated;
and, _secondly_, by steady leaving out of sight that logical
inconsistencies can, for the more part, be got rid of only at the
price of bringing others into being.
The man who looks forward to the intellectual development of woman
must be brought near to despair when he perceives that practically
every woman suffragist sees in every hard case arising in connexion
with a legal distinction affecting woman, an insult and example of the
iniquity of man-made laws, or a logical inconsistency which could with
a very little good-will be removed.
We have come now to the last item on our list, to the grievance that
woman has to submit herself to "_man-made laws_."
This is a grievance which well rewards study. It is worth study from
the suffragist point of view, because it is the one great injury under
which all others are subsumed. And it is worth studying from the
anti-suffragist point of view, because it shows how little the
suffragist understands of the terms she employs; and how unreal are
the wrongs which she resents.
Quite marvelously has the woman suffragist in this connexion
misapprehended; or would she have us say misrepresented?
The woman suffragist misapprehends--it will be better to assume that
she "misapprehends"--when she suggests that we, the male electors,
have framed the laws.
In reality the law which we live under--and the law in those States
which have adopted either the English, or the Roman law--descends from
the past. It has been evolved precedent, by precedent, by the
decisions of generation upon generation of judges, and it has for
centuries been purged by amending statutes. Moreover we, the present
male electors--the electors who are savagely attacked by the
suffragist for our asserted iniquities in connexion with the laws
which regulate sexual relations--have never in our capacity as
electors had any power to alter an old, or to suggest a new law;
except only in so far as by voting Conservative or Liberal we may
indirectly have remotely influenced the general trend of legislation.
"Well but"--the suffragist will here rejoin--"is it not at any rate
true that in the drafting of statutes and the framing of judicial
decisions man has always nefariously discriminated against woman?"
The question really supplies its own answer. It will be obvious to
every one who considers that the drafting of statutes and the
formulating of legal decisions is almost as impersonal a procedure as
that of drawing up the rules to govern a game; and it offers hardly
more opportunity for discriminating between man and woman.
There are, however, three questions in connexion with which the law
can and does make a distinction between man and woman.
The _first_ is that of sexual relations: rape, divorce, bastardy, and
the age of consent. In connexion with _rape_, it has never been
alleged that the law is not sufficiently severe. It is, or has been,
under colonial conditions, severe up to the point of ferocity. In the
matter of _divorce_ the law of a minority of man-governed States
differentiates in favour of man. It does so influenced by tradition,
by what are held to be the natural equities, and by the fact that a
man is required to support his wife's progeny. The law of _bastardy
[illegitimate childbirth]_ is what it is because of the dangers of
blackmail. The law which fixes the age of consent discriminates
against man, laying him open to a criminal charge in situations where
woman--and it is not certain that she is not a more frequent
offender--escapes scot-free.
The _second_ point in which the law differentiates is in the matter of
exacting personal service for the State. If it had not been that man
is more prone to discriminate in favour of woman than against her,
every military State, when exacting personal military service from
men, would have demanded from women some such equivalent personal
service as would be represented by a similar period of work in an army
clothing establishment, or ordnance factory, or army laundry; or would
at any rate have levied upon woman a ransom in lieu of such service.
The _third_ point in which the law distinguishes between man and woman
is with reference to the suffrage. The object of this book is to show
that this is equitable and in the interests of both.
The suffragist further misapprehends when she regards it as an
indignity to obey laws which she has not herself framed, or
specifically sanctioned. (The whole male electorate, be it remarked,
would here lie under the same dignity as woman.)
But in reality, whether it is a question of the rules of a game, or of
the reciprocal rights and duties of members of a community, it is, and
ought to be, to every reasonable human being not a grievance, but a
matter of felicitation, that an expert or a body of experts should
have evolved a set of rules under which order and harmony are
achieved. Only vanity and folly would counsel amateurs to try to draw
up rules or laws for themselves.
Again, the woman suffragist takes it as a matter of course that she
would herself be able to construct a system of workable laws. In point
of fact, the framing of a really useful law is a question of divining
something which will apply to an infinite number of different cases
and individuals. It is an intellectual feat on a par with the framing
of a great generalisation. And would woman--that being of such short
sight, whose mind is always so taken up with whatever instances lie
nearest to her--be capable of framing anything that could pass muster
as a great generalisation?
Lastly, the suffragist fails to see that the function of framing the
laws is not an essential function of citizenship.
The essential functions of citizenship are the shaping of public
policy, and the control of the administrative Acts of Government.
Such directive control is in a state of political freedom exercised
through two quite different agencies.
It is exercised--and it is of the very essence of political freedom
that this should be the normal method of control--in the first place,
through expressed public opinion. By this are continuously regulated
not only momentous matters of State, such as declarations of war and
the introduction of constitutional changes, but also smaller and more
individual matters, such as the commutation of a capital sentence, or
the forcible feeding of militant suffragists.
In the background, behind the moral compulsion of expressed public
opinion, there is, in the case of a Parliamentary State, also another
instrument of control. I have in view that periodical settlement of
the contested rulership of the State by the force of a majority of
electors which is denoted a general election.
The control exercised by the suffrages of the electors in a general
election is in certain important respects less effective than that
exercised by the everyday public expression of opinion. It falls short
in the respect that its verdicts are, except only in connexion with
the issue as to whether the Government is to be retained in office or
dismissed, ambiguous verdicts; further, in the respect that it comes
into application either before governmental proposals have taken
definite shape, or only after the expiration of a term of years, when
the events are already passing out of memory.
If we now consider the question of woman's franchise from the wider
point of view here opened up, it will be clear that, so far as
concerns the control which is exercised through public opinion on the
Government, the intelligent woman, and especially the intelligent
woman who has made herself an expert on any matter, is already in
possession of that which is a greater power than the franchise. She
has the power which attaches to all intelligent opinion promulgated in
a free State. Moreover, wherever the special interest of women are
involved, any woman may count on being listened to if she is voicing
the opinions of any considerable section of her sex.
In reality, therefore, woman is disfranchised only so far as relates
to the confirmation of a Government in office, or its dismissal by the
_ultima ratio [ultimate reason]_ of an electoral contest. And when we
reflect that woman does not come into consideration as a compelling
force, and that an electoral contest partakes of the nature of a civil
war, it becomes clear that to give her the parliamentary vote would be
to reduce all those trials of strength which take the form of
electoral contests to the level of a farce.
With this I have, I will not say completed the tale of the
suffragist's grievances--that would be impossible--but I have at any
rate dealt with those which she has most acrimoniously insisted upon.
III
ARGUMENTS WHICH TAKE THE FORM OF "COUNSELS OF PERFECTION" ADDRESSED TO
MAN
Argument that Woman Requires a Vote for her Protection--Argument that
Woman ought to be Invested with the Responsibilities of Voting in
Order that She May Attain Her Full Intellectual Stature.
There, however, remains still a further class of arguments. I have in
view here arguments which have nothing to do with elementary natural
rights, nor yet with wounded _amour propre._ They concern ethics, and
sympathy, and charitable feelings.
The suffragist here gives to man "counsels of perfection."
It will be enough to consider here two of these:--the _first_, the
argument that woman, being the weaker vessel, needs, more than man,
the suffrage for her _protection_; the _second_, that woman, being
less than man in relation to public life, ought to be given the vote
for _instructional purposes_.
The first of these appeals will, for instance, take the following
form:--"Consider the poor sweated East End woman worker. She knows
best where the shoe pinches. You men can't know. Give her a vote; and
you shall see that she will very soon better her condition."
When I hear that argument I consider:--We will suppose that woman was
ill. Should we go to her and say: "You know best, know better than any
man, what is wrong with you. Here are all the medicines and remedies.
Make your own selection, for that will assuredly provide what will be
the most likely to help."
If this would be both futile and inhuman, much more would it be so to
seek out this woman who is sick in fortune and say to her, "Go and
vote for the parliamentary candidate who will be likely to influence
the trend of legislation in a direction which will help."
What would really help the sweated woman labourer would, of course, be
to have the best intellect brought to bear, not specially upon the
problem of indigent woman, but upon the whole social problem.
But the aspect of the question which is, from our present point of
view, the fundamentally important one is the following: Granting that
the extension of the suffrage to woman would enable her, as the
suffragist contends, to bring pressure upon her parliamentary
representative, man, while anxious to do his very best for woman,
might very reasonably refuse to go about it in this particular way.
If a man has a wife whom he desires to treat indulgently, he does not
necessarily open a joint account with her at his bankers.
If he wants to contribute to a charity he does not give to the
managers of that charity a power of attorney over his property.
And if he is a philanthropical director of a great business he does
not, when a pathetic case of poverty among his staff is brought to his
notice, imperil the fortunes of his undertaking by giving to his
workmen shares and a vote in the management.
Moreover, he would perhaps regard it as a little suspect if a group of
those who were claiming this as a right came and told him that "it was
very _selfish_ of him" not to grant their request.
Precious above rubies to the suffragist and every other woman who
wants to apply the screw to man is that word _selfish_. It furnishes
her with the _petitio principii_ that man is under an ethical
obligation to give anything she chooses to ask.
We come next--and this is the last of all the arguments we have to
consider--to the argument that the suffrage ought to be given to woman
for instructional purposes.
Now it would be futile to attempt to deny that we have ready to hand
in the politics of the British Empire--that Empire which is swept
along in "the too vast orb of her fate"--an ideal political
training-ground in which we might put woman to school. The woman voter
would there be able to make any experiment she liked.
But one wonders why it has not been proposed to carry woman's
instruction further, and for instructional purposes to make of a woman
let us say a judge, or an ambassador, or a Prime Minister.
There would--if only it were legitimate to sacrifice vital national
interests--be not a little to say in favour of such a course. One
might at any rate hope by these means once for all to bring home to
man the limitations of woman.
PART II
ARGUMENTS AGAINST THE CONCESSION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SUFFRAGE TO
WOMAN
I
WOMAN'S DISABILITY IN THE MATTER OF PHYSICAL FORCE
International Position of State would be Imperilled by Woman's
Suffrage--Internal Equilibrium of State would be Imperilled.
The woman suffrage movement has now gone too far to be disposed of by
the overthrow of its arguments, and by a mere indication of those
which could be advanced on the other side. The situation demands the
bringing forward of the case against woman's suffrage; and it must be
the full and quite unexpurgated case.
I shall endeavour to do this in the fewest possible words, and to be
more especially brief where I have to pass again over ground which I
have previously traversed in dealing with the arguments of the
suffragists.
I may begin with what is fundamental. It is an axiom that we should in
legislating guide ourselves directly by considerations of utility and
expediency. For abstract principles--I have in view here _rights,
justice, egalitarian equity, equality, liberty, chivalry, logicality,_
and such like--are not all of them guides to utility; and each of
these is, as we have seen, open to all manner of private
misinterpretation.
Applying the above axiom to the issue before us, it is clear that we
ought to confine ourselves here to the discussion of the question as
to whether the State would, or would not, suffer from the admission of
women to the electorate.
We can arrive at a judgment upon this by considering, on the one hand,
the class-characters of women so far as these may be relevant to the
question of the suffrage; and, on the other hand, the legislative
programmes put forward by the female legislative reformer and the
feminist.
In connexion with the class-characters of woman, it will be well,
before attempting to indicate them, to interpolate here the general
consideration that the practical statesman, who has to deal with
things as they are, is not required to decide whether the characters
of women which will here be considered are, as the physiologist (who
knows that the sexual products influence every tissue of the body)
cannot doubt, "secondary sexual characters"; or, as the suffragist
contends, "acquired characters." It will be plain that whether defects
are "secondary sexual characters" (and therefore as irremediable as
"racial characters"); or whether they are "acquired characters" (and
as such theoretically remediable) they are relevant to the question of
the concession of the suffrage just so long as they continue to be
exhibited.[1]
[1] This is a question on which Mill (vide _Subjection of Women_, last
third of Chapter I) has endeavoured to confuse the issues for his
reader, first, by representing that by no possibility can man know
anything of the "nature," _i.e._, of the "secondary sexual
characters" of woman; and, secondly, by distracting attention from the
fact that "acquired characters" may produce unfitness for the
suffrage.
The primordial argument against giving woman the vote is that that
vote would not represent physical force.
Now it is by physical force alone and by prestige--which represents
physical force in the background--that a nation protects itself
against foreign interference, upholds its rule over subject
populations, and enforces its own laws. And nothing could in the end
more certainly lead to war and revolt than the decline of the military
spirit and loss of prestige which would inevitably follow if man
admitted woman into political co-partnership.
While it is arguable that such a partnership with woman in government
as obtains in Australia and New Zealand is sufficiently unreal to be
endurable, there cannot be two opinions on the question that a virile
and imperial race will not brook any attempt at forcible control by
women.
Again, no military foreign nation or native race would ever believe in
the stamina and firmness of purpose of any nation that submitted even
to the semblance of such control.
The internal equilibrium of the State also would be endangered by the
admission to the register of millions of electors whose vote would not
be endorsed by the authority of physical force.
Regarded from this point of view a Woman's Suffrage measure stands on
an absolutely different basis to any other extension of the suffrage.
An extension which takes in more men--whatever else it may do--makes
for stability in the respect that it makes the decrees of the
legislature more irresistible. An extension which takes in any women
undermines the physical sanction of the laws.
We can see indications of the evil that would follow such an event in
the profound dissatisfaction which is felt when--in violation of the
democratic principle that every man shall count for one, and no man
for more than one--the political wishes of the large constituencies
which return relatively few members to Parliament, are overborne by
those of constituencies which, with a smaller aggregate population,
return more members.
And we see what such evil finally culminates in when the
over-representation of one part of a country and the corresponding
under-representation of other portions has led a large section of the
people to pledge themselves to disregard the eventual ordinances of
Parliament.
If ever the question as to whether the will of Ulster or that of the
Nationalists is to prevail is brought to the arbitrament of physical
force, it will be due to the inequalities of parliamentary
representation as between England and Ireland, and as between the
Unionist and Nationalist population of Ulster.
The general lesson that all governmental action ought to be backed by
force, is further brought home to the conscience when we take note of
the fact that every one feels that public morality is affronted when
senile, infirm, and bedridden men are brought to the poll to turn the
scale in hotly contested elections.
For electoral decisions are felt to have moral prestige only when the
electoral figures quantitatively represent the physical forces which
are engaged on either side. And where vital interests are involved, no
class of men can be expected to accept any decision other than one
which rests upon the _ultima ratio_.
Now all the evils which are the outcome of disparities between the
parliamentary power and the organised physical force of contending
parties would "grow" a hundredfold if women were admitted to the
suffrage.
There would after that be no electoral or parliamentary decision which
would not be open to challenge on the ground that it was impossible to
tell whether the party which came out the winner had a majority which
could enforce its will, or only a majority obtained by the inclusion
of women. And no measure of redistribution could ever set that right.
There may find place here also the consideration that the voting of
women would be an unsettling element in the government of the State,
forasmuch as they would, by reason of a general lack of interest in
public affairs, only very; seldom come to the poll: would, in fact,
come to the poll in full strength only when some special appeal had
come home to their emotions.
Now an electorate which includes a very large proportion of quite
uninterested voters would be in the same case as a legislature which
included a very large proportion of members who made a practice of
staying away. It would be in the same case, because the absentees, who
would not have acquired the training which comes from consecutive
attention to public affairs, might at any moment step in and upset the
stability of State by voting for some quite unconsidered measure.
Coming back in conclusion to our main issue, I would re-emphasise an
aspect of the question upon which I have already elsewhere insisted.[1]
I have in view the fact that woman does, and should, stand to physical
violence in a fundamentally different relation to man. Nothing can
alter the fact that, the very moment woman resorts to violence, she
places herself within the jurisdiction of an ethical law, which is as
old as civilisation, and which was framed in its interests.
[1] _Vide_ Appendix, pp. 176-179.
II
WOMAN'S DISABILITY IN THE MATTER OF INTELLECT
Characteristics of the Feminine Mind--Suffragist Illusions with Regard
to the Equality of Man and Woman as Workers--Prospect for the
Intellectual Future of Woman--Has Woman Advanced?
The woman voter would be pernicious to the State not only because she
could not back her vote by physical force, but also by reason of her
intellectual defects.
Woman's mind attends in appraising a statement primarily to the mental
images which it evokes, and only secondarily--and sometimes not at
all--to what is predicated in the statement. It is over-influenced by
individual instances; arrives at conclusions on incomplete evidence;
has a very imperfect sense of proportion; accepts the congenial as
true, and rejects the uncongenial as false; takes the imaginary which
is desired for reality, and treats the undesired reality which is out
of sight as non-existent--building up for itself in this way, when
biased by predilections and aversions, a very unreal picture of the
external world.
The explanation of this is to be found in all the physiological
attachments of woman's mind:[1] in the fact that mental images are in
her over-intimately linked up with emotional reflex responses; that
yielding to such reflex responses gives gratification; that
intellectual analysis and suspense of judgment involve an inhibition
of reflex responses which is felt as neural distress; that precipitate
judgment brings relief from this physiological strain; and that woman
looks upon her mind not as an implement for the pursuit of truth, but
as an instrument for providing her with creature comforts in the form
of agreeable mental images.
[1] Certain of these have already been referred to in the letter printed
in the Appendix (_ vide_ p.167 _infra_).
In order to satisfy the physical yearning for such comforts, a
considerable section of intelligent and virtuous women insist on
picturing to themselves that the reign of physical force is over, or as
good as over; that distinctions based upon physical and intellectual force
may be reckoned as non-existent; that male supremacy as resting upon these
is a thing of the past; and that Justice means Egalitarian Equity--means
equating the weaklings with the strong and the incapable with the capable.
All this because these particular ideas are congenial to the woman of
refinement, and because it is to her, when she is a suffragist,
uncongenial that there should exist another principle of justice which
demands from the physically and intellectually capable that they shall
retain the reins of government in their own hands; and specially
uncongenial that in all man-governed States the ideas of justice of
the more forceful should have worked out so much to the advantage of
women, that a large majority of these are indifferent or actively
hostile to the Woman's Suffrage Movement.
In further illustration of what has been said above, it may be pointed
out that woman, even intelligent woman, nurses all sorts of
misconceptions about herself. She, for instance, is constantly
picturing to herself that she can as a worker lay claim to the same
all-round efficiency as a man--forgetting that woman is notoriously
unadapted to tasks in which severe physical hardships have to be
confronted; and that hardly any one would, if other alternative
offered, employ a woman in any work which imposed upon her a combined
physical and mental strain, or in any work where emergencies might
have to be faced.
In like manner the suffragist is fond of picturing to herself that
woman is for all ordinary purposes the intellectual equal, and that
the intelligent woman is the superior of the ordinary man.
These results are arrived at by fixing the attention upon the fact
that an ordinary man and an ordinary woman are, from the point of view
of memory and apprehension, very much on a level; and that a highly
intelligent woman has a quicker memory and a more rapid power of
apprehension than the ordinary man; and further, by leaving out of
regard that it is not so much a quick memory or a rapid power of
apprehension which is required for effective intellectual work, as
originality, or at any rate independence of thought, a faculty of
felicitious generalisations and diacritical judgment, long-sustained
intellectual effort, an unselective mirroring of the world in the
mind, and that relative immunity to fallacy which goes together with a
stable and comparatively unresponsive nervous system.
When we consider that the intellect of the quite ungifted man works
with this last-mentioned physiological advantage, we can see that the
male intellect must be, and--_pace [with the permission of]_ the woman
suffragist--it in point of fact is, within its range, a better
instrument for dealing with the practical affairs of life than that of
the intelligent woman.
How far off we are in the case of woman from an unselective mirroring
of the world in the mind is shown by the fact that large and important
factors of life may be represented in woman's mind by lacunae [gaps]
of which she is totally unconscious.
Thus, for instance, that not very unusual type of spinster who is in a
condition of retarded development (and you will find this kind of
woman even on County Council's), is completely unconscious of the
sexual element in herself and in human nature generally. Nay, though
one went from the dead, he could not bring it home to her that
unsatisfied sexuality is an intellectual disability.
Sufficient illustration will now have been given of woman's incapacity
to take a complete or objective view of any matter in which she has a
personal, or any kind of emotional interest; and this would now be the
place to discuss those other aspects of her mind which are relevant to
her claim to the suffrage. I refer to her logical endowment and her
political sagacity.
All that I might have been required to say here on these issues has,
however, already been said by me in dealing with the arguments of the
suffragist. I have there carefully written it in between the lines.
One thing only remains over.--We must, before we pass on, consider
whether woman has really, as she tells us, given earnest for the
future weeding out of these her secondary sexual characters, by making
quite phenomenal advances within the lifetime of the present
generation; and, above all, whether there is any basis for woman's
confident assurance that, when for a few generations she shall have
enjoyed educational advantages, she will at any rate pull up level
with man.
The vision of the future may first engage our attention; for only this
roseate prospect makes of any man a feminist.
Now the basis that all this hope rests upon is the belief that it is a
law of heredity that acquired characteristics are handed down; and,
let it be observed, that whereas this theory found, not many decades
ago, under the influence of Darwin, thousands of adherents among
scientific men, it finds to-day only here and there an adherent.
But let that pass, for we have to consider here, not only whether
acquired characteristics are handed down, but further whether, "if we
held that doctrine true," it would furnish scientific basis for the
belief that educational advantages carried on from generation to
generation would level up woman's intellect to man's; and whether, as
the suffragist also believes, the narrow education of past generations
of women can be held responsible for their present intellectual
shortcomings.
A moment's consideration will show--for we may here fix our eyes only
on the future--that woman could not hope to advance relatively to man
except upon the condition that the acquired characteristics of woman,
instead of being handed down equally to her male and female
descendants, were accumulated upon her daughters.
Now if that be a law of heredity, it is a law which is as yet unheard
of outside the sphere of the woman suffrage societies. Moreover, one
is accustomed to hear women, when they are not arguing on the
suffrage, allege that clever mothers make clever sons.
It must, as it will have come home to us, be clear to every thoughtful
mind that woman's belief that she will, through education and the
cumulation of its effects upon her through generations, become a more
glorious being, rests, not upon any rational basis, but only on the
physiological fact that what is congenial to woman impresses itself
upon her as true. All that sober science in the form of history and
physiology would seem to entitle us to hope from the future of woman
is that she will develop _pari passu [step by step]_ with man; and
that education will teach her not to retard him overmuch by her
lagging in the rear.
In view of this larger issue, the question as to whether woman has, in
any real sense of the word, been making progress in the course of the
present generation, loses much of interest.
If to move about more freely, to read more freely, to speak out her
mind more freely, and to have emancipated herself from traditionary
beliefs--and, I would add, traditionary ethics--is to have advanced,
woman has indubitably advanced.
But the educated native too has advanced in all these respects; and he
also tells us that he is pulling up level with the white man.
Let us at any rate, when the suffragist is congratulating herself on
her own progress, meditate also upon that dictum of Nietzsche,
"Progress is writ large on all woman's banners and bannerets; but one
can actually see her going back."
III
WOMAN'S DISABILITY IN THE MATTER OF PUBLIC MORALITY
Standards by which Morality can be Appraised--Conflict between
Different Moralities--The Correct Standard of Morality--Moral
Psychology of Men and Woman--Difference between Man and Woman in
Matters of Public Morality.
Yet a third point has to come into consideration in connexion with the
woman voter. This is, that she would be pernicious to the State also
by virtue of her defective moral equipment.
Let me make clear what is the nature of the defect of morality which
is here imputed to woman.
Conduct may be appraised by very different standards.
We may appraise it by reference to a transcendental religious ideal
which demands that the physical shall be subordinated to the
spiritual, and that the fetters of self should be flung aside.
Or again, we may bring into application purely mundane utilitarian
standards, and may account conduct as immoral or moral according as it
seeks only the happiness of the agent, or the happiness of the narrow
circle of humanity which includes along with him also his relatives
and intimate friends, or again, the welfare of the wider circle which
includes all those with whom he may have come into contact, or whom he
may affect through his work; or again, the welfare of the whole
body-politic of which we are members; or lastly, that of the general
body of mankind.
Now it might be contended that all these different moralities are in
their essence one and the same; and that one cannot comply with the
requirements of any one of these systems of morality without
fulfilling in a measure the requirements of all the other moralities.
It might, for example, be urged that if a man strive after the
achievement of a transcendental ideal in which self shall be annulled,
he will _pro tanto [to such extent]_ be bringing welfare to his
domestic circle; or again, that it would be impossible to promote
domestic welfare without, through this, promoting the welfare of the
nation, and through that the general welfare of the world.
In like manner it might be argued that all work done for abstract
principles of morality like liberty and justice, for the advancement
of knowledge, and for whatever else goes to the building up of a
higher civilisation, will, by promoting the welfare of the general
body of mankind, redound to the advantage of each several nation, and
ultimately to the advantage of each domestic circle.
But all this would be true only in a very superficial and strictly
qualified sense. In reality, just as there is eternal conflict between
egoism and altruism, so there is conflict between the different
moralities.
To take examples, the attempt to actualise the transcendental
religious ideal may, when pursued with ardour, very easily conflict
with the morality which makes domestic felicity its end. And again--as
we see in the anti-militarist movement in France, in the history of
the early Christian Church, in the case of the Quakers and in the
teachings of Tolstoy--it may quite well set itself in conflict with
national ideals, and dictate a line of conduct which is, from the
point of view of the State, immoral.
We need no further witness of the divorce between idealistic and
national morality than that which is supplied in the memorable
utterance of Bishop Magee, "No state which was conducted on truly
Christian principles could hold together for a week."
And domestic morality will constantly come into conflict with public
morality.
To do everything in one's power to advance one's relatives and friends
irrespectively of all considerations of merit would, no doubt, be
quite sound domestic morality; it could, however, not always be
reconciled with public morality. In the same way, to take one's
country's part in all eventualities would be patriotic, but it might
quite well conflict with the higher interests of humanity.
Now, the point towards which we have been winning our way is that each
man's moral station and degree will be determined by the election
which he makes where egoism and altruism, and where a narrower and a
wider code of morality, conflict.
That the moral law forbids yielding to the promptings of egoism or to
those of the narrower moralities when this involves a violation of the
precepts of the wider morality is axiomatic. Criminal and anti-social
actions are not excused by the fact that motives which impelled their
commission were not purely egoistic.
But the ethical law demands more than abstention from definitely
anti-social actions. It demands from every individual that he shall
recognise the precepts of public morality as of superior obligation to
those of egoism and domestic morality.
By the fact that her public men recognised this ethical law Rome won
for herself in the ancient world spectacular grandeur. By an
unexampled national obedience to it glory has in our time accrued to
Japan. And, in truth, there is not anywhere any honour or renown but
such as comes from casting away the bonds of self and of the narrower
moralities to carry out the behests of the wider morality.
Even in the strongholds of transcendental religion where it was
axiomatic that morality began and was summed up in personal morality,
it is gradually coming to be recognised that, where we have two
competing moralities, it is always the wider morality which has the
prior claim upon our allegiance.
Kingsley's protest against the morality of "saving one's dirty soul"
marked a step in advance. And we find full recognition of the superior
claim of the larger morality in that other virile dictum of Bishop
Magee, "I would rather have England free, than England sober." That
is, "I would maintain the conditions which make for the highest
civilisation even at the price of a certain number of lapses in
personal and domestic morality."
What is here new, let it be noted, is only the acknowledgment by those
whose official allegiance is to a transcendental ideal of personal
morality that they are called upon to obey a higher allegiance. For
there has always existed, in the doctrine that guilty man could not be
pardoned and taken back into favour until the claims of eternal
justice had been satisfied, theoretical recognition of the principle
that one must conform to the precepts of abstract morality before one
may ethically indulge oneself in the lower moralities of philanthropy
and personal benevolence.
The view point from which I would propose to survey the morality of
woman has now been reached. It has, however, still to be pointed out
that we may appropriately, in comparing the morals of man and woman,
confine our survey to a comparatively narrow field. That is to say, we
may here rule out all that relates to purely personal and domestic
morality--for this is not relevant to the suffrage. And we may also
rule out all that relates to offences against the police laws--such as
public drunkenness and offences against the criminal law--for these
would come into consideration only in connexion with an absolutely
inappreciable fraction of voters.
It will be well to begin by signalising certain points in the moral
psychology of man.
When morality takes up its abode in a man who belongs to the
intellectual caste it will show itself in his becoming mindful of his
public obligations. He will consider the quality of his work as
affecting the interest of those who have to place dependence upon it;
behaviour to those who are casually brought into relations with him;
the discharge of his indebtedness to the community; and the proper
conduct of public affairs.
In particular, it will be to him a matter of concern that the law
shall be established upon classifications which are just (in the sense
of being conformable to public advantage); and that the laws shall
everywhere be justly, that is to say rigorously and impartially,
administered.
If we now turn to the man in the street we shall not find him
especially sensible to the appeals of morality. But when the special
call comes it will generally be possible to trust him: as an elector,
to vote uninfluenced by considerations of private advantage; and, when
called to serve on a jury, to apply legal classifications without
distinction of person.
Furthermore, in all times of crisis he may be counted upon to apply
the principles of communal morality which have been handed down in the
race.
The _Titanic_ disaster, for example, showed in a conspicuous manner
that the ordinary man will, "letting his own life go," obey the
communal law which lays it upon him, when involved in a catastrophe,
to save first the women and children.
Lastly, we come to the man who is intolerant of all the ordinary
restraints of personal and domestic morality. Even in him the seeds of
communal morality will often be found deeply implanted.
Time and again a regiment of scallawags, who have let all other
morality go hang, have, when the proper chord has been made to vibrate
in them, heard the call of communal morality, and done deeds which
make the ears of whosoever heareth of them to tingle.
We come into an entirely different land when we come to the morality
of woman. It is personal and domestic, not public, morality which is
instinctive in her.
In other words, when egoism gives ground to altruism, that altruism is
exercised towards those who are linked up to her by a bond of sexual
affection, or a community in blood, or failing this, by a relation of
personal friendship, or by some other personal relation.
And even when altruism has had her perfect work, woman feels no
interest in, and no responsibility towards, any abstract moral ideal.
And though the suffragist may protest, instancing in disproof of this
her own burning enthusiasm for justice, we, for our part, may
legitimately ask whether evidence of a moral enthusiasm for justice
would be furnished by a desire to render to others their due, or by
vehement insistence upon one's own rights, and systematic attempts to
extort, under the cover of the word "justice," advantages for oneself.
But it will be well to dwell a little longer on, and to bring out more
clearly, the point that woman's moral ideals are personal and
domestic, as distinguished from impersonal and public.
Let us note in this connexion that it would be difficult to conceive
of a woman who had become deaf to the appeal of personal and domestic
morality making it a matter of _amour propre_ to respond to a call of
public morality; and difficult to conceive of a woman recovering lost
self-respect by fulfilling such an obligation.
But one knows that woman will rise and respond to the call of any
strong human or transcendental personal affection.
Again, it is only a very exceptional woman who would, when put to her
election between the claims of a narrow and domestic and a wider or
public morality, subordinate the former to the latter.
In ordinary life, at any rate, one finds her following in such a case
the suggestions of domestic--I had almost called it animal--morality.
It would be difficult to find any one who would trust a woman to be
just to the rights of others in the case where the material interests
of her children, or of a devoted husband, were involved. And even to
consider the question of being in such a case intellectually just to
any one who came into competition with personal belongings like
husband and child would, of course, lie quite beyond the moral horizon
of ordinary woman.
It is not only the fact that the ideals of abstract justice and truth
would inevitably be brushed aside by woman in the interests of those
she loves which comes into consideration here; it is also the fact
that woman is almost without a moral sense in the matter of executing
a public trust such as voting or attaching herself to a political
association with a view to influencing votes.
There is between man and woman here a characteristic difference.
While it is, of course, not a secret to anybody that the baser sort of
man can at any time be diverted from the path of public morality by a
monetary bribe or other personal advantage, he will not, at any rate,
set at naught all public morality by doing so for a peppercorn. He
will, for instance, not join, for the sake of a daughter, a political
movement in which he has no belief; nor vote for this or that
candidate just to please a son; or censure a member of Parliament who
has in voting on female suffrage failed to consider the predilections
of his wife.
But woman, whether she be politically enfranchised as in Australasia,
or unenfranchised as at home; whether she be immoral in the sense of
being purely egoistic, or moral in the sense of being altruistic, very
rarely makes any secret or any shame of doing these things.
In this matter one would not be very far from the truth if one alleged
that there are no good women, but only women who have lived under the
influence of good men.
Even more serious than this postponement of public to private morality
is the fact that even reputedly ethical women will, in the interests
of what they take to be idealistic causes, violate laws which are
universally accepted as being of moral obligation.
I here pass over the recent epidemic of political crime among women to
advert to the want of conscience which permits, in connexion with
professedly idealistic causes, not only misrepresentations, but the
making of deliberately false statements on matters of public concern.
It is, for example, an illustration of the profoundly different moral
atmospheres in which men and women live that when a public woman
recently made, for what was to her an idealistic purpose, a
deliberately false statement of fact in _The Times_, she quite naively
confessed to it, seeing nothing whatever amiss in her action.
And it did not appear that any other woman suffragist could discern
any kind of immorality in it. The worst thing they could find to say
was that it perhaps was a little _gauche_ to confess to making a
deliberately false statement on a public question when it was for the
moment particularly desirable that woman should show up to best
advantage before the eyes of man.
We may now for a moment put aside the question of woman's public
morality and consider a question which is inextricably mixed up with
the question of the admission of woman to the suffrage. This is the
mental attitude and the programme of the female legislative reformer.
IV
MENTAL OUTLOOK AND PROGRAMME OF THE FEMALE LEGISLATIVE REFORMER
The suffragist woman, when she is the kind of woman who piques herself
upon her ethical impulses, will, even when she is intellectually very
poorly equipped, and there is no imprint of altruism upon her life,
assure you that nothing except the moral influence of woman, exerted
through the legislation, which her practical mind would be capable of
initiating, will ever avail to abate existing social evils, and to
effect the moral redemption of the world.
It will not be amiss first to try to introduce a little clearness and
order into our ideas upon those formidably difficult problems which
the female legislative reformer desires to attack, and then to
consider how a rational reforming mind would go to work in the matter
of proposing legislation for these.
_First_ would come those evils which result from individuals seeking
advantage to themselves by the direct infliction of injury upon
others. Violations of the criminal law and the various forms of
sweating and fleecing one's fellow-men come under this category.
_Then_ would come the evils which arise out of purveying physiological
and psychological refreshments and excitements, which are, according
as they are indulged in temperately or intemperately, grateful and
innocuous, or sources of disaster and ruin. The evils which are
associated with the drink traffic and the betting industry are typical
examples.
_Finally,_ there would come into consideration the evils of death or
physical suffering deliberately inflicted by man upon man with a view
to preventing worse evils. The evil of war would come under this
category. In this same category might also come the much lesser evil
of punitive measures inflicted upon criminals. And with this might be
coupled the evil of killing and inflicting physical suffering upon
animals for the advantage of man.
We may now consider how the rational legislative reformer would in
each case go to work.
He would not start with the assumption that it _must_ be possible by
some alteration of the law to abolish or conspicuously reduce any of
the afore-mentioned evils; nor yet with the assumption that, if a
particular alteration of the law would avail to bring about this
result, that alteration ought necessarily to be made. He would
recognise that many things which are theoretically desirable are
unattainable; and that many legislative measures which could perfectly
well be enforced would be barred by the fact that they would entail
deplorable unintended consequences.
The rational legislator whom we have here in view would accordingly
always take expert advice as to whether the desired object could be
achieved by legal compulsion; and as to whether a projected law which
satisfied the condition of being workable would give a balance of
advantages over disadvantages.
In connexion with a proposal for the prevention of sweating he would,
for instance, take expert advice as to whether its provisions could be
enforced; and whether, if enforceable, they would impose added
hardships on any class of employees or penalties on any innocent class
of employers.
In like manner in connexion with a proposed modification in criminal
procedure, the rational reformer would defer to the expert on the
question as to whether such modification would secure greater
certainty of punishment for the guilty without increasing the risk of
convicting the innocent.
In connexion with the second category of evils--the category under
which would come those of drinking and betting--the rational
legislative reformer would recognise the complete impracticability of
abolishing by legislative prohibition physiological indulgences and
the evils which sometimes attend upon them.
He would consider instead whether these attendant evils could be
reduced by making the regulating laws more stringent; and whether more
stringent restrictions--in addition to the fact that they would filch
from the all too small stock of human happiness--would not, by paving
the way for further invasions of personal liberty, cripple the free
development of the community.
On the former question, which only experts could properly answer, the
reasonable reformer would defer to their advice. The answer to the
last question he would think out for himself.
In connexion with the evils which are deliberately inflicted by man
with a view to reaping either personal profit, or profit for the
nation, or profit for humanity, the reasonable reformer would begin by
making clear to himself that the world we live in is not such a world
as idealism might conjure up, but a world of violence, in which life
must be taken and physical suffering be inflicted.
And he would recognise that the vital material interests of the nation
can be protected only by armed force; that civilisation can be
safeguarded only by punishing violations of the criminal law; and that
the taking of animal life and the infliction of a certain amount of
physical suffering upon animals is essential to human well-being,
comfort, and recreation; and essential also to the achievement of the
knowledge which is required to combat disease.
And the reasonable reformer will, in conformity with this, direct his
efforts, not to the total abolition of war, but to the prevention of
such wars as are not waged for really vital material interests, and to
the abatement of the ferocities of warfare.
In the case of punishment for criminals he would similarly devote his
efforts not to the abrogation of punishments, but to the
relinquishment of any that are not reformatory, or really deterrent.
In like manner the reasonable reformer would not seek to prohibit the
slaughtering of animals for food, or the killing off of animal pests,
or the trapping, shooting, or hunting of animals for sport or profit,
nor yet would he seek to prevent their utilisation of animals for the
acquirement of knowledge.
He would direct his efforts to reducing the pain which is inflicted,
and to preserving everywhere measure and scale--not sentimentally
forbidding in connexion with one form of utilisation of animals what
is freely allowed in connexion with another--but differentiating, if
differentiating at all in favour of permitting the infliction of
proportionately greater suffering in the case where national and
humanitarian interests, than in the case where mere recreation and
luxury and personal profit, are at stake.
Having recognised what reason would prescribe to the legislative
reformer, we have next to inquire how far the man voter conforms to
these prescriptions of reason, and how far the woman reformer would do
so if she became a voter.
Let it be noted that the man in the street makes no question about
falling in with the fact that he is born into a world of violence, and
he acquiesces in the principle that the State, and, failing the State,
the individual, may employ force and take life in defence of vital
material interests. And he frankly falls in with it being a matter of
daily routine to kill and inflict suffering upon animals for human
profit or advantage.
Even if these principles are not formulated by the man in the street
in quite such plain terms, he not only carries them out in practice,
but he conducts all his thinking upon these presuppositions.
He, for instance, would fall in with the proposition that morality
does not require from man that he should give up taking life or
inflicting physical suffering. And he would not cavil with the
statement that man should put reasonable limits to the amount of
suffering he inflicts, and confine this within as narrow a range as
possible--always requiring for the death or suffering inflicted some
tangible advantage.
Moreover, if the question should be raised as to whether such
advantage will result, the ordinary man will as a rule, where the
matter lies beyond his personal ken, take expert opinion before
intervening.
He will, for instance, be prepared to be so guided in connexion with
such questions as whether disease could, if more knowledge were
available, be to a large extent prevented and cured; as to how far
animal experiments would contribute to the acquirement of that
knowledge; and as to how far the physical suffering which might be
involved in these experiments can be minimised or abolished. But not
every man is prepared to fall in with this programme of inflicting
physical suffering for the relief of physical suffering. There is also
a type of spiritually-minded man who in this world of violence sets
his face uncompromisingly against the taking of any life and the
infliction of any physical suffering--refusing to make himself a
partaker of evil.
An idealist of this type will, like Tolstoy, be an anti-militarist.
He will advocate a general gaol delivery for criminals. He will be a
vegetarian. He will not allow an animal's life to be taken in his
house, though the mice scamper over his floors. And he will,
consistently with his conviction that it is immoral to resort to
force, refuse to take any part in legislation or government.
This attitude, which is that commended by the Hindoo and the Buddhist
religions, is, of course, a quite unpractical attitude towards life.
It is, in fact, a self-destructive attitude, unless a man's
fellow-citizens are prepared by forcible means to secure to him the
enjoyment of the work of his hands or of his inherited property, or
unless those who refuse to desist from the exercise of force are
prepared to untake the support of idealists.
We have not only these two classes of men--the ordinary man who has no
compunction in resorting to force when the requirements of life demand
it, and the idealist who refuses to have any lot or part in violence;
there is also a hybrid. This male hybrid will descant on the general
iniquity of violence, and then not only connive at those forms of
violence which minister to his personal comforts, but also make a
virtue of trying to abate by legal violence some particular form of
physical suffering which happens to offend in a quite special manner
his individual sensibility.
There is absolutely nothing to be said about this kind of reforming
crank, except only that anything which may be said in relation to the
female legislative reformer may be appositely said of him; and perhaps
also this, that the ordinary man holds him both in intellectual and in
moral contempt, and is resolved not to allow him to do any really
serious injury to the community.
To become formidable this quasi-male person must, as he recognises,
ally himself with the female legislative reformer.
Passing on to deal with her, it imports us first to realise that while
the male voter has--except where important constitutional issues were
in question--been accustomed to leave actual legislation to the
expert, the female reformer gives notice beforehand that she will, as
soon as ever she gets the suffrage, insist on pressing forward by her
vote her reforming schemes.
What would result from the ordinary voter legislating on matters which
require expert knowledge will be plain to every one who will consider
the evolution of law.
There stand over against each other here, as an example and a warning,
the Roman Law, which was the creation of legal experts: the praetor
and the jurisconsult; and the legal system of the Greeks, which was
the creation of a popular assembly--and it was a popular assembly
which was quite ideally intelligent.
Upon the Roman Law has been built the law of the greater part of the
civilised world. The Greek is a by-word for inconsequence.
How can one, then, without cold shudders think of that legal system
which the female amateur legal reformer would bring to the birth?
Let us consider her qualifications. Let us first take cognisance of
the fact that the reforming woman will neither stand to the principle
that man may, where this gives a balance of advantage, inflict on his
fellow-man, and _a fortiori_ upon animals, death and physical
suffering; nor yet will she stand to the principle that it is
ethically unlawful to do deeds of violence.
She spends her life halting between these two opinions, eternally
shilly-shallying.
She will, for instance, begin by announcing that it can never be
lawful to do evil that good may come; and that killing and inflicting
suffering is an evil. (In reality the precept of not doing evil that
good may come has relation only to breaking for idealistic purposes
moral laws of higher obligation.) She will then go back upon that and
concede that war may sometimes be lawful, and that the punishment of
criminals is not an evil. But if her emotions are touched by the
forcible feeding of a criminal militant suffragist, she will again go
back upon that and declare that the application of force is an
intolerable evil.
Or, again, she will concede that the slaughtering of animals for food
is not an evil, but that what is really unforgivable is the infliction
of physical suffering on animals. And all the time for her, as well as
for man, calves and lambs are being emasculated to make her meat
succulent; wild animals are painfully done to death to provide her
table with delicacies; birds with young in the nest are shot so that
she may parade in their plumage; or fur-bearing animals are for her
comfort and adornment massacred and tortured in traps.
When a man crank who is co-responsible for these things begins to talk
idealistic reforms, the ordinary decent man refuses to have anything
more to say to him.
But when a woman crank holds this language, the man merely shrugs his
shoulders. "It is," he tells himself, "after all, the woman whom God
gave him."
It must be confessed that the problem as to how man with a dual nature
may best accommodate himself to a world of violence presents a very
difficult problem.
It would obviously be no solution to follow out everywhere a programme
of violence. Not even the predatory animals do that. Tigers do not
savage their cubs; hawks do not pluck hawks' eyes; and dogs do not
fight bitches.
Nor would, as has been shown, the solution of the problem be arrived
at by everywhere surrendering--if we had been given the grace to do
this--to the compunctious visitings of nature.
What is required is to find the proper compromise. As to what that
would be there is, as between the ordinary man and woman on the one
side, and the male crank and the battalions of sentimental women on
the other, a conflict which is, to all intents and purposes, a sex
war.
The compromise which ordinary human nature had fixed upon--and it is
one which, ministering as it does to the survival of the race, has
been adopted through the whole range of nature--is that of making
within the world in which violence rules a series of enclaves in which
the application of violence is progressively restricted and limited.
Outside the outermost of the series of ring fences thus constituted
would be the realm of uncompromising violence such as exists when
human life is endangered by wild animals, or murderous criminals, or
savages. Just within this outermost fence would be civilised war--for
in civilised war non-combatants and prisoners and wounded are excluded
from the application of violence. In like manner we bring humanity in
general within a more sheltered enclosure than animals--pet animals
within a more sheltered enclosure than other animals. Again, we bring
those who belong to the white race within a narrower protecting circle
than mankind in general, and those of our own nation within a still
narrower one.
Following out the same principle, we include women and children within
a narrower shelter fence than our adult fellow-male; and we use the
weapon of force more reluctantly when we are dealing with our
relatives and friends than when we are dealing with those who are not
personally known to us; and finally, we lay it aside more completely
when we are dealing with the women of our households than when we are
dealing with the males.
The cause of civilisation and of the amenities, and the welfare of the
nation, of the family, and of woman, are all intimately bound up with
a faithful adherence to this compromise.
But this policy imposes upon those whom it shelters from violence
corresponding obligations.
In war non-combatants--not to speak of the wounded on the
battlefield--must desist from hostile action on the pain of being shot
down like wild beasts. And though an individual non-combatant might
think it a patriotic action for him to take part in war, the
thoughtful man would recognise that such action was a violation of a
well-understood covenant made in the interest of civilisation, and
that to break through this covenant was to abrogate a humanitarian
arrangement by which the general body of non-combatants immensely
benefits.
Exactly the same principle finds, as already pointed out, application
when a woman employs direct violence, or aspires to exercise by voting
indirect violence.
One always wonders if the suffragist appreciates all that woman stands
to lose and all that she imperils by resort to physical force. One
ought not to have to tell her that, if she had to fight for her
position, her status would be that which is assigned to her among the
Kaffirs--not that which civilised man concedes to her.
From considering the compromise by which man adapts his dual nature to
violence in the world, we turn to that which the female legislative
reformer would seek to impose by the aid of her vote.
Her proposal, as the reader will have discerned, would be that all
those evils which make appeal to the feminine emotions should be
legally prohibited, and that all those which fail to make this appeal
shall be tolerated.
In the former class would be included those which come directly under
woman's ken, or have been brought vividly before the eyes of her
imagination by emotional description. And the specially intolerable
evils will be those which, owing to the fact that they fall upon woman
or her immediate belongings, induce in the female legislative reformer
pangs of sympathetic discomfort.
In the class of evils which the suffragist is content to tolerate, or
say nothing about, would be those which are incapable of evoking in
her such sympathetic pangs, and she concerns herself very little with
those evils which do not furnish her with a text for recriminations
against man.
Conspicuous in this programme is the absence of any sense of
proportion. One would have imagined that it would have been plain to
everybody that the evils which individual women suffer at the hands of
man are very far from being the most serious ills of humanity. One
would have imagined that the suffering inflicted by disease and by bad
social conditions--suffering which falls upon man and woman
alike--deserved a first place in the thoughts of every reformer. And
one might have expected it to be common knowledge that the wrongs
individual men inflict upon women have a full counterpart in the
wrongs which individual women inflict upon men. It may quite well be
that there are mists which here "blot and fill the perspective" of the
female legislative reformer. But to look only upon one's own things,
and not also upon the things of others, is not for that morally
innocent.
There is further to be noted in connexion with the female legislative
reformer that she has never been able to see why she should be
required to put her aspirations into practical shape, or to consider
ways and means, or to submit the practicability of her schemes to
expert opinion. One also recognises that from a purely human point of
view such tactics are judicious. For if the schemes of the female
legislative reformer were once to be reviewed from the point of view
of their practicability, her utility as a legislator would come into
question, and the suffragist could no longer give out that there has
been committed to her from on High a mission to draw water for
man-kind out of the wells of salvation.
Lastly, we have to reflect in connection with the female legislative
reformer that to go about proposing to reform the laws means to
abandon that special field of usefulness which lies open to woman in
alleviating misery and redressing those hard cases which will, under
all laws and regulations of human manufacture and under all social
dispositions, inevitably occur. Now when a woman leaves a social task
which is commensurate with her abilities, and which asks from her
personal effort and self-sacrifice, for a task which is quite beyond
her abilities, but which, she thinks, will bring her personal kudos,
shall we impute it to her for righteousness?
V
ULTERIOR ENDS WHICH THE WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT HAS IN VIEW
We have now sufficiently considered the suffragist's humanitarian
schemes, and we may lead up to the consideration of her further
projects by contrasting woman's suffrage as it presents itself under
colonial conditions--_i.e._ woman's suffrage without the female
legislative reformer and the feminist--with the woman suffrage which
is being agitated for in England--_i.e._ woman suffrage with the
female legislative reformer and the feminist.
In the colonies and undeveloped countries generally where women are in
a minority, and where owing to the fact that practically all have an
opportunity of marrying, there are not for woman any difficult
economic and physiological conditions, there is no woman's question;
and by consequence no female legislative reformer or feminist. The
woman voter follows, as the opportunist politicians who enfranchised
her intended, the lead of her men-folk--serving only a pawn in the
game of politics. Under such conditions woman's suffrage kleaves
things as they are, except only that it undermines the logical
foundations of the law, and still further debases the standard of
public efficiency and public morality.
In countries, such as England, where an excess female population [1]
has made economic difficulties for woman, and where the severe sexual
restrictions, which here obtains, have bred in her sex-hostility, the
suffrage movement has as its avowed ulterior object the abrogation of
all distinctions which depend upon sex; and the achievement of the
economic independence of woman.
[1] In England and Wales there are, in a population of 8,000,000 women
between the ages of twenty and fifty, 3,000,000 unmarried women.
To secure this economic independence every post, occupation, and
Government service is to be thrown open to woman; she is to receive
everywhere the same wages as man; male and female are to work side by
side; and they are indiscriminately to be put in command the one over
the other. Furthermore, legal rights are to be secured to the wife over
her husband's property and earnings. The programme is, in fact, to give
to woman an economic independence out of the earnings and taxes of man.
Nor does feminist ambition stop short here. It demands that women
shall be included in every advisory committee, every governing board,
every jury, every judicial bench, every electorate, every parliament,
and every ministerial cabinet; further, that every masculine
foundation, university, school of learning, academy, trade union,
professional corporation and scientific society shall be converted
into an epicene institution--until we shall have everywhere one vast
cock-and-hen show.
The proposal to bring man and woman together everywhere into extremely
intimate relationships raises very grave questions. It brings up,
first, the question of sexual complications; secondly, the question as
to whether the tradition of modesty and reticence between the sexes is
to be definitely sacrificed; and, most important of all, the question
as to whether epicene conditions would place obstacles in the way of
intellectual work.
Of these issues the feminist puts the first two quite out of account.
I have already elsewhere said my say upon these matters.[1] With regard
to the third, the feminist either fails to realise that purely
intellectual intercourse--as distinguished from an intercommunion of
mental images--with woman is to a large section of men repugnant; or
else, perceiving this, she makes up her mind that, this
notwithstanding, she will get her way by denouncing the man who does
not welcome her as _selfish_; and by insisting that under feminism
(the quotation is from Mill, the italics which question his sincerity
are mine) "the mass of mental faculties available for the higher service
of mankind would be _doubled_."
[1] _Vide_ Appendix, pp. 169-173.
The matter cannot so lightly be disposed of. It will be necessary for
us to find out whether really intimate association with woman on the
purely intellectual plane is realisable. And if it is, in fact,
unrealisable, it will be necessary to consider whether it is the
exclusion of women from masculine corporations; or the perpetual
attempt of women to force their way into these, which would deserve to
be characterised as _selfish_.
In connexion with the former of these issues, we have to consider here
not whether that form of intellectual co-operation in which the man
plays the game, and the woman moves the pawns under his orders, is
possible. That form of co-operation is of course possible, and it has,
doubtless, certain utilities.
Nor yet have we to consider whether quite intimate and purely
intellectual association on an equal footing between a particular man
and a selected woman may or may not be possible. It will suffice to
note that the feminist alleges that this also is possible; but
everybody knows that the woman very often marries the man.
What we have to ask is whether--even if we leave out of regard the
whole system of attractions or, as the case may be, repulsions which
come into operation when the sexes are thrown together--purely
intellectual intercourse between man and the typical unselected woman
is not barred by the intellectual immoralities and limitations which
appear to be secondary sexual characters of woman.
With regard to this issue, there would seem to be very little real
difference of opinion among men. But there are great differences in
the matter of candour. There are men who speak out, and who enunciate
like Nietzsche that "man and woman are alien--never yet has any one
conceived how alien."
There are men who, from motives of delicacy or policy, do not speak
out--averse to saying anything that might be unflattering to woman.
And there are men who are by their profession of the feminist faith
debarred from speaking out, but who upon occasion give themselves
away.
Of such is the man who in the House of Commons champions the cause of
woman's suffrage, impassionately appealing to Justice; and then
betrays himself by announcing that he would shake off from his feet
the dust of its purlieus if ever women were admitted as
members--_i.e._ if ever women were forced upon _him_ as close
intellectual associates.
Wherever we look we find aversion to compulsory intellectual
co-operation with woman. We see it in the sullen attitude which the
ordinary male student takes up towards the presence of women students
in his classes. We see it in the fact that the older English
universities, which have conceded everything else to women, have made
a strong stand against making them actual members of the university;
for this would impose them on men as intellectual associates. Again we
see the aversion in the opposition to the admission of women to the
bar. But we need not look so far afield. Practically every man feels
that there is in woman--patent, or hidden away--an element of unreason
which, when you come upon it, summarily puts an end to purely
intellectual intercourse. One may reflect, for example, upon the way
the woman's suffrage controversy has been conducted.
Proceeding now on the assumption that these things are so, and that
man feels that he and woman belong to different intellectual castes,
we come now to the question as to whether it is man who is selfish
when he excludes women from his institutions, or woman when she
unceasingly importunes for admittance. And we may define as _selfish_
all such conduct as pursues the advantage of the agent at the cost of
the happiness and welfare of the general body of mankind.
We shall be in a better position to pronounce judgment on this
question of ethics when we have considered the following series of
analogies:
When a group of earnest and devout believers meet together for special
intercession and worship, we do not tax them with selfishness if they
exclude unbelievers.
Nor do we call people who are really devoted to music selfish if,
coming together for this, they make a special point of excluding the
unmusical.
Nor again would the imputation of selfishness lie against members of a
club for black-balling a candidate who would, they feel, be
uncongenial.
Nor should we regard it as an act of selfishness if the members of a
family circle, or of the same nation, or of any social circle, desired
to come together quite by themselves.
Nor yet would the term selfish apply to an East End music hall
audience when they eject any one who belongs to a different social
class to themselves and wears good clothes.
And the like would hold true of servants resenting their employers
intruding upon them in their hours of leisure or entertainments.
If we do not characterise such exclusions as selfish, but rather
respect and sympathise with them, it is because we recognise that the
whole object and _raison d' etre_ of association would in each case be
nullified by the weak-minded admission of the incompatible intruder.
We recognise that if any charge of selfishness would lie, it would lie
against that intruder.
Now if this holds in the case where the interests of religious worship
or music, or family, national, or social life, or recreation and
relaxation after labour are in question, it will hold true even more
emphatically where the interests of intellectual work are involved.
But the feminist will want to argue. She will--taking it as always
for granted that woman has a right to all that men's hands or brains
have fashioned--argue that it is very important for the intellectual
development of woman that she should have exactly the same
opportunities as man. And she will, scouting [rejecting with contempt]
the idea of any differences between the intelligences of man and
woman, discourse to you of their intimate affinity.
It will, perhaps, be well to clear up these points.
The importance of the higher development of woman is unquestionable.
But after all it is the intellect of man which really comes into
account in connexion with "the mass of mental faculties available for
the higher service of mankind."
The maintenance of the conditions which allow of man's doing his best
intellectual work is therefore an interest which is superior to that
of the intellectual development of woman. And woman might quite
properly be referred for her intellectual development to instructional
institutions which should be special to herself.
Coming to the question of the intimate resemblances between the
masculine and the feminine intelligence, no man would be venturesome
enough to dispute these, but he may be pardoned if he thinks--one
would hope in no spirit of exaltation--also of the differences.
We have an instructive analogy in connexion with the learned
societies.
It is uncontrovertible that every candidate for election into such a
society will have, and will feel that he has, affinities with the
members of that association. And he is invited to set these forth in
his application. But there may also be differences of which he is not
sensible. On that question the electors are the judges; and they are
the final court of appeal.
There would seem to be here a moral which the feminist would do well
to lay to heart.
There is also another lesson which she might very profitably consider.
A quite small difference will often constitute as effective a bar to a
useful and congenial co-operation as a more fundamental difference.
In the case of a body of intellectual workers one might at first sight
suppose that so small a distinction as that of belonging to a
different nationality--sex, of course, is an infinitely profounder
difference--would not be a bar to unrestricted intellectual
co-operation.
But in point of fact it is in every country, in every learned society,
a uniform rule that when foreign scientists or scholars are admitted
they are placed not on the ordinary list of working members, but on a
special list.
One discerns that there is justification for this in the fact that a
foreigner would in certain eventualities be an incompatible person.
One may think of the eventuality of the learned society deciding to
recognise a national service, or to take part in a national movement.
And one is not sure that a foreigner might not be an incompatible
person in the eventuality of a scientist or scholar belonging to a
nationality with which the foreigner's country was at feud being
brought forward for election. And he would, of course, be an
impossible person in a society if he were, in a spirit of chauvinism,
to press for a larger representation of his own fellow-countrymen.
Now this is precisely the kind of way man feels about woman. He
recognises that she is by virtue of her sex for certain purposes an
incompatible person; and that, quite apart from this, her secondary
sexual characters might in certain eventualities make her an
impossible person.
We may note, before passing on, that these considerations would seem
to prescribe that woman should be admitted to masculine institutions
only when real humanitarian grounds demand it; that she
should--following here the analogy of what is done in the learned
societies with respect to foreigners--be invited to co-operate with
men only when she is quite specially eminent, or beyond all question
useful for the particular purpose in hand; and lastly, that when
co-opted into any masculine institution woman should always be placed
upon a special list, to show that it was proposed to confine her
co-operation within certain specified limits.
From these general questions, which affect only the woman with
intellectual aspirations, we pass to consider what would be the effect
of feminism upon the rank and file of women if it made of these
co-partners with man in work. They would suffer not only because
woman's physiological disabilities and the restrictions which arise
out of her sex place her at a great disadvantage when she has to enter
into competition with man, but also because under feminism man would
be less and less disposed to take off woman's shoulders a part of her
burden.
And there can be no dispute that the most valuable financial asset of
the ordinary woman is the possibility that a man may be willing--and
may, if only woman is disposed to fulfil her part of the bargain, be
not only willing but anxious--to support her and to secure for her, if
he can, a measure of that freedom which comes from the possession of
money.
In view of this every one who has a real fellow-feeling for woman, and
who is concerned for her material welfare, as a father is concerned
for his daughter's, will above everything else desire to nurture and
encourage in man the sentiment of chivalry, and in woman that
disposition of mind that makes chivalry possible.
And the woman workers who have to fight the battle of life for
themselves would indirectly profit from this fostering of chivalry;
for those women who are supported by men do not compete in the limited
labour market which is open to the woman worker.
From every point of view, therefore, except perhaps that of the
exceptional woman who would be able to hold her own against masculine
competition--and men always issue informal letters of naturalisation
to such an exceptional woman--the woman suffrage which leads up to
feminism would be a social disaster.
PART III
IS THERE, IF THE SUFFRAGE IS BARRED, ANY PALLIATIVE OF CORRECTIVE FOR
THE DISCONTENTS OF WOMAN?
I
PALLIATIVES OR CORRECTIVES FOR THE DISCONTENTS OF WOMAN
What are the Suffragist's Grievances?--Economic and Physiological
Difficulties of Woman--Intellectual Grievances of Suffragist and
Corrective.
Is there then, let us ask ourselves, if the suffrage with its
programme of feminism is barred as leading to social disaster, any
palliative or corrective that can be applied to the present
discontents of woman?
If such is to be found, it is to be found only by placing clearly
before us the suffragist's grievances.
These grievances are, _first,_ the economic difficulties of the woman
who seeks to earn her living by work other than unskilled manual
labour; _secondly_, the difficult physiological conditions in which
woman is placed by the excess of the female over the male population
and by her diminished chances of marriage [1]; and _thirdly,_ the
tedium which obsesses the life of the woman who is not forced, and
cannot force herself, to work. On the top of these grievances comes
the fact that the suffragist conceives herself to be harshly and
unfairly treated by man. This last is the fire which sets a light to
all the inflammable material.
[1] _Vide_ footnote, p. 138.
It would be quite out of question to discuss here the economic and
physiological difficulties of woman. Only this may be said: it is
impossible, in view of the procession of starved and frustrated lives
which is continuously filing past, to close one's eyes to the urgency
of this woman's problem.
After all, the primary object of all civilisation is to provide for
every member of the community food and shelter and fulfilment of
natural cravings. And when, in what passes as a civilised community, a
whole class is called upon to go without any one of these our human
requirements, it is little wonder that it should break out.
But when a way of escape stands open revolt is not morally justified.
Thus, for example, a man who is born into, but cannot support himself
in, a superior class of society is not, as long as he can find a
livelihood abroad in a humbler walk in life, entitled to revolt.
No more is the woman who is in economic or physiological difficulties.
For, if only she has the pluck to take it, a way of escape stands open
to her.
She can emigrate; she can go out from the social class in which she is
not self-supporting into a humbler social class in which she could
earn a living; and she can forsake conditions in which she must remain
a spinster for conditions in which she may perhaps become a mother.
Only in this way can the problem of finding work, and relief of
tedium, for the woman who now goes idle be resolved.
If women were to avail themselves of these ways of escape out of
unphysiological conditions, the woman agitator would probably find it
as difficult to keep alive a passionate agitation for woman suffrage
as the Irish Nationalist agitator to keep alive, after the settlement
of the land question and the grant of old age pensions, a passionate
agitation for a separate Parliament for Ireland.
For the happy wife and mother is never passionately concerned about
the suffrage. It is always the woman who is galled either by
physiological hardships, or by the fact that she has not the same
amount of money as man, or by the fact that man does not desire her as
a co-partner in work, and withholds the homage which she thinks he
ought to pay to her intellect.
For this class of grievances the present education of woman is
responsible. The girl who is growing up to woman's estate is never
taught where she stands relatively to man. She is not taught anything
about woman's physical disabilities. She is not told--she is left to
discover it for herself when too late--that child and husband are to
woman physiological requirements. She is not taught the defects and
limitations of the feminine mind. One might almost think there were no
such defects and limitations; and that woman was not always
overestimating her intellectual power. And the ordinary girl is not
made to realise woman's intrinsically inferior money-earning capacity.
She is not made to realise that the woman who cannot work with her
hands is generally hard put to earn enough to keep herself alive in
the incomplete condition of a spinster.
As a result of such education, when, influenced by the feminist
movement, woman comes to institute a comparison between herself and
man, she brings into that comparison all those qualities in which she
is substantially his equal, and leaves out of account all those in
which she is his inferior.
The failure to recognise that man is the master, and why he is the
master, lies at the root of the suffrage movement. By disregarding
man's superior physical force, the power of compulsion upon which all
government is based is disregarded. By leaving out of account those
powers of the mind in which man is the superior, woman falls into the
error of thinking that she can really compete with him, and that she
belongs to the self-same intellectual caste. Finally, by putting out
of sight man's superior money-earning capacity, the power of the purse
is ignored.
Uninstructed woman commits also another fundamental error in her
comparison. Instead of comparing together the average man and the
average woman, she sets herself to establish that there is no defect
in woman which cannot be discovered also in man; and that there is no
virtue or power in the ordinary man which cannot be discovered also in
woman. Which having been established to her satisfaction, she is led
inevitably to the conclusion that there is nothing whatever to choose
between the sexes. And from this there is only a step to the position
that human beings ought to be assigned, without distinction of sex, to
each and every function which would come within the range of their
individual capacities, instead of being assigned as they are at
present: men to one function, and women to another.
Here again women ought to have been safeguarded by education. She
ought to have been taught that even when an individual woman comes up
to the average of man this does not abrogate the disqualification
which attaches to a difference of sex. Nor yet--as every one who
recognises that we live in a world which conducts itself by
generalisations will see--does it abrogate the disqualification of
belonging to an inferior intellectual caste.
The present system of feminine education is blameworthy not only in
the respect that it fails to draw attention to these disqualifications
and to teach woman where she stands; it is even more blameworthy in
that it fails to convey to the girl who is growing up any conception
of that absolutely elementary form of morality which consists in
distinguishing _meum_ and _tuum_ [_that which is mine_ and _that which
is yours_].
Instead of her educators encouraging every girl to assert "rights" as
against man, and put forward claims, they ought to teach her with
respect to him those lessons of behaviour which are driven home once
for all into every boy at a public school.
Just as there you learn that you may not make unwarranted demands upon
your fellow, and just as in the larger world every nation has got to
learn that it cannot with impunity lay claim to the possessions of its
neighbours, so woman will have to learn that when things are not
offered to her, and she has not the power to take them by force, she
has got to make the best of things as they are.
One would wish for every girl who is growing up to womanhood that it
might be brought home to her by some refined and ethically-minded
member of her own sex how insufferable a person woman becomes when,
like a spoilt child, she exploits the indulgence of man; when she
proclaims that it is his duty to serve her and to share with her his
power and possessions; when she makes an outcry when he refuses to
part with what is his own; and when she insists upon thrusting her
society upon men everywhere.
And every girl ought to be warned that to embark upon a policy of
recrimination when you do not get what you want, and to proclaim
yourself a martyr when, having hit, you are hit back, is the way to
get yourself thoroughly disliked.
Finally, every girl ought to be shown, in the example of the militant
suffragist, how revolt and martyrdom, undertaken in order to possess
oneself of what belongs to others, effects the complete
disorganisation of moral character.
No one would wish that in the education of girls these quite unlovely
things should be insisted upon more than was absolutely necessary. But
one would wish that the educators of the rising generation of women
should, basing themselves upon these foundations, point out to every
girl how great is woman's debt to civilisation; in other words, how
much is under civilisation done for woman by man.
And one would wish that, in a world which is rendered unwholesome by
feminism, every girl's eyes were opened to comprehend the great
outstanding fact of the world: the fact that, turn where you will, you
find individual man showering upon individual woman--one man in
tribute to her enchantment, another out of a sense of gratitude, and
another just because she is something that is his--every good thing
which, suffrage or no suffrage, she never could have procured for
herself.
APPENDIX
LETTER ON MILITANT HYSTERIA
Reprinted by permission from _The Times_ (London), March 28, 1912.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES
SIR,--For man the physiological psychology of woman is full of
difficulties.
He is not a little mystified when he encounters in her periodically
recurring phases of hypersensitiveness, unreasonableness, and loss of
the sense of proportion.
He is frankly perplexed when confronted with a complete alteration of
character in a woman who is child-bearing.
When he is a witness of the "tendency of woman to morally warp when
nervously ill," and of the terrible physical havoc which the pangs of
a disappointed love may work, he is appalled.
And it leaves on his mind an eerie feeling when he sees serious and
long-continued mental disorders developing in connexion with the
approaching extinction of a woman's reproductive faculty.
No man can close his eyes to these things; but he does not feel at
liberty to speak of them.
"For the woman that God gave him is not his to give away."[1]
[1 From "The Female of the Species" by Rudyard Kipling]
As for woman herself, she makes very light of any of these mental
upsettings.
She perhaps smiles a little at them. . . .[1]
[1] In the interests of those who feel that female dignity is
compromised by it, I have here omitted a woman's flippant overestimate
of the number of women in London society who suffer from nervous
disorders at the climacteric [i.e. menopause].
None the less, these upsettings of her mental equilibrium are the
things that a woman has most cause to fear; and no doctor can ever
lose sight of the fact that the mind of woman is always threatened
with danger from the reverberations of her physiological emergencies.
It is with such thoughts that the doctor lets his eyes rest upon the
militant suffragist. He cannot shut them to the fact that there is
mixed up with the woman's movement much mental disorder; and he cannot
conceal from himself the physiological emergencies which lie behind.
The recruiting field for the militant suffragists is the million of
our excess female population--that million which had better long ago
have gone out to mate with its complement of men beyond the sea.
Among them there are the following different types of women:--
(_a_) First--let us put them first--come a class of women who hold,
with minds otherwise unwarped, that they may, whenever it is to their
advantage, lawfully resort to physical violence.
The programme, as distinguished from the methods, of these women is
not very different from that of the ordinary suffragist woman.
(_b_) There file past next a class of women who have all their
life-long been strangers to joy, women in whom instincts long
suppressed have in the end broken into flame. These are the sexually
embittered women in whom everything has turned into gall and
bitterness of heart, and hatred of men.
Their legislative programme is license for themselves, or else
restrictions for man.
(_c_) Next there file past the incomplete. One side of their nature
has undergone atrophy, with the result that they have lost touch with
their living fellow men and women.
Their programme is to convert the whole world into an epicene
institution---an epicene institution in which man and woman shall
everywhere work side by side at the selfsame tasks and for the
selfsame pay.
These wishes can never by any possibility be realised. Even in
animals--I say _even,_ because in these at least one of the sexes has
periods of complete quiscence--male and female cannot be safely worked
side by side, except when they are incomplete.
While in the human species safety can be obtained, it can be obtained
only at the price of continual constraint.
And even then woman, though she protests that she does not require it,
and that she does not receive it, practically always does receive
differential treatment at the hands of man.
It would be well, I often think, that every woman should be clearly
told--and the woman of the world will immediately understand--that
when man sets his face against the proposal to bring in an epicene
world, he does so because he can do his best work only in surroundings
where he is perfectly free from suggestion and from restraint, and
from the onus which all differential treatment imposes.
And I may add in connexion with my own profession that when a medical
man asks that he should not be the yoke-fellow of a medical woman he
does so also because he would wish to keep up as between men and
women--even when they are doctors--some of the modesties and
reticences upon which our civilisation has been built up.
Now the medical woman is of course never on the side of modesty,[1] or
in favour of any reticences. Her desire for knowledge does not allow
of these.
[1] To those who have out of inadvertence and as laymen and women
misunderstood, it may be explained that the issue here discussed is
the second in order of the three which are set out on p. 139 (_supra_).
(_d_) Inextricably mixed up with the types which we have been
discussing is the type of woman whom Dr. Leonard Williams's recent
letter brought so distinctly before our eyes--the woman who is
poisoned by her misplaced self-esteem; and who flies out at every man
who does not pay homage to her intellect.
She is the woman who is affronted when a man avers that _for him_ the
glory of woman lies in her power of attraction, in her capacity for
motherhood, and in unswerving allegiance to the ethics which are
special to her sex.
I have heard such an intellectually embittered woman say, though she
had been self-denyingly taken to wife, that "never in the whole course
of her life had a man ever as much as done her a kindness."
The programme of this type of woman is, as a preliminary, to compel
man to admit her claim to be his intellectual equal; and, that done,
to compel him to divide up everything with her to the last farthing,
and so make her also his financial equal.
And her journals exhibit to us the kind of parliamentary
representative she desiderates. He humbly, hat in hand, asks for his
orders from a knot of washerwomen standing arms a-kimbo.[2]
[2] I give, in response to a request, the reference: _Votes for Women,_
March 18, 1910, p. 381.
(_e_) Following in the wake of these embittered human beings come
troops of girls just grown up.
All these will assure you, these young girls--and what is seething in
their minds is stirring also in the minds in the girls in the colleges
and schools which are staffed by unmarried suffragists--that woman has
suffered all manner of indignity and injustice at the hands of man.
And these young girls have been told about the intellectual, and
moral, and financial value of woman--such tales as it never entered
into the heart of man to conceive.
The programme of these young women is to be married upon their own
terms. Man shall--so runs their scheme--work for their support--to
that end giving up his freedom, and putting himself under orders, for
many hours of the day; but they themselves must not be asked to give
up any of their liberty to him, or to subordinate themselves to his
interests, or to obey him in anything.
To obey a man would be to commit the unpardonable sin.
It is not necessary, in connexion with a movement which proceeds on
the lines set out above, any further to labour the point that there is
in it an element of mental disorder. It is plain that it is there.
There is also a quite fatuous element in the programmes of the
militant suffragist. We have this element, for instance, in the
doctrine that, notwithstanding the fact that the conditions of the
labour market deny it to her, woman ought to receive the same wage as
a man for the same work.
This doctrine is fatuous, because it leaves out of sight that, even if
woman succeeds in doing the same work as man, he has behind him a much
larger reserve of physical strength. As soon as a time of strain
comes, areserve of strength and freedom from periodic indisposition is
worth paying extra for.
Fatuous also is the dogma that woman ought to have the same pay for
the same work--fatuous because it leaves out of sight that woman's
commercial value in many of the best fields of work is subject to a
very heavy discount by reason of the fact that she cannot, like a male
employee, work cheek by jowl with a male employer; nor work among men
as a man with his fellow employees.
So much for the woman suffragist's protest that she can conceive of no
reason for a differential rate of pay for man.
Quite as fatuous are the marriage projects of the militant suffragist.
Every woman of the world could tell her--whispering it into her
private ear--that if a sufficient number of men should come to the
conclusion that it was not worth their while to marry except on the
terms of fair give-and-take, the suffragist woman's demands would have
to come down.
It is not at all certain that the institution of matrimony--which,
after all, is the great instrument in the levelling up of the
financial situation of woman--can endure apart from some willing
subordination on the part of the wife.
It will have been observed that there is in these programmes, in
addition to the element of mental disorder and to the element of the
fatuous, which have been animadverted upon, also a very ugly element
of dishonesty. In reality the very kernel of the militant suffrage
movement is the element of immorality.
There is here not only immorality in the ends which are in view, but
also in the methods adopted for the attainment of those ends.
We may restrict ourselves to indicating wherein lies the immorality of
the methods.
There is no one who does not discern that woman in her relations to
physical force stands in quite a different position to man.
Out of that different relation there must of necessity shape itself a
special code of ethics for woman. And to violate that code must be for
woman immorality.
So far as I have seen, no one in this controversy has laid his finger
upon the essential point in the relations of woman to physical
violence.
It has been stated--and in the main quite truly stated--that woman in
the mass cannot, like man, back up her vote by bringing physical force
into play.
But the woman suffragist here counters by insisting that she as an
individual may have more physical force than an individual man.
And it is quite certain--and it did not need suffragist raids and
window-breaking riots to demonstrate it--that woman in the mass can
bring a certain amount of physical force to bear.
The true inwardness of the relation in which woman stands to physical
force lies not in the question of her having it at command, but in the
fact that she cannot put it forth without placing herself within the
jurisdiction of an ethical law.
The law against which she offends when she resorts to physical
violence is not an ordinance of man; it is not written in the statutes
of any State; it has not been enunciated by any human law-giver. It
belongs to those unwritten, and unassailable, and irreversible
commandments of religion, [_Greek_ 1], which we suddenly and
mysteriously become aware of when we see them violated.
[1 From _Antigone_ by Sophocles; "_the unwritten and unassailable
statutes given to us by the gods._" Sir Almroth had it in the original
Greek with Greek fonts.]
The law which the militant suffragist has violated is among the
ordinances of that code which forbade us even to think of employing
our native Indian troops against the Boers; which brands it as an
ignominy when a man leaves his fellow in the lurch and saves his own
life; and which makes it an outrage for a man to do violence to a
woman.
To violate any ordinance of that code is more dishonourable than to
transgress every statutory law.
We see acknowledgment of it in the fact that even the uneducated man
in the street resents it as an outrage to civilisation when he sees a
man strike a blow at a woman.
But to the man who is committing the outrage it is a thing simply
unaccountable that any one should fly out at him.
In just such a case is the militant suffragist. She cannot understand
why any one should think civilisation is outraged when she scuffles in
the street mud with a policeman.
If she asks for an explanation, it perhaps behoves a man to supply it.
Up to the present in the whole civilised world there has ruled a truce
of God as between man and woman. That truce is based upon the solemn
covenant that within the frontiers of civilisation (outside them of
course the rule lapses) the weapon of physical force may not be
applied by man against woman; nor by woman against man.
Under this covenant, the reign of force which prevails in the world
without comes to an end when a man enters his household.
Under this covenant that half of the human race which most needs
protection is raised up above the waves of violence.
Within the terms of this compact everything that woman has received
from man, and everything man receives from woman, is given as a free
gift.
Again, under this covenant a full half of the programme of
Christianity has been realised; and a foundation has been laid upon
which it may be possible to build higher; and perhaps finally in the
ideal future to achieve the abolition of physical violence and war.
And it is this solemn covenant, the covenant so faithfully kept by
man, which has been violated by the militant suffragist in the
interest of her morbid, stupid, ugly, and dishonest programmes.
Is it wonder if men feel that they have had enough of the militant
suffragist, and that the State would be well rid of her if she were
crushed under the soldiers' shields like the traitor woman at the
Tarpeian rock [in ancient Rome where traitors were killed]?
We may turn now to that section of woman suffragists--one is almost
inclined to doubt whether it any longer exists--which is opposed to
all violent measures, though it numbers in its ranks women who are
stung to the quick by the thought that man, who will concede the vote
to the lowest and most degraded of his own sex, withholds it from
"even the noblest woman in England."
When that excited and somewhat pathetic appeal is addressed to us,
we have only to consider what a vote really gives.
The parliamentary vote is an instrument--and a quite astonishly
disappointing instrument it is--for obtaining legislation; that is,
for directing that the agents of the State shall in certain defined
circumstances bring into application the weapon of physical
compulsion.
Further, the vote is an instrument by which we give to this or that
group of statesmen anthority to supervise and keep in motion the whole
machinery of compulsion.
To take examples. A vote cast in favour of a Bill for the prohibition
of alcohol--if we could find opportunity for giving a vote on such a
question--would be a formal expression of our desire to apply, through
the agency of the paid servants of the State, that same physical
compulsion which Mrs. Carrie Nation put into application in her
"bar-smashing" crusades.
And a vote which puts a Government into office in a country where
murder is punishable by death is a vote which, by agency of the
hangman, puts the noose round the neck of every convicted murderer.
So that the difference between voting and direct resort to force is
simply the difference between exerting physical violence in person,
and exerting it through the intermediary of an agent of the State.
The thing, therefore, that is withheld from "the noblest woman in
England," while it is conceded to the man who is lacking in nobility
of character, is in the end only an instrument by which she might
bring into application physical force.
When one realises that that same noblest woman of England would shrink
from any personal exercise of violence, one would have thought that it
would have come home to her that it is not precisely her job to
commission a man forcibly to shut up a public-house, or to hang a
murderer.
One cannot help asking oneself whether, if she understood what a vote
really means, the noblest woman in England would still go on
complaining of the bitter insult which is done to her in withholding
the vote.
But the opportunist--the practical politician, as he calls
himself--will perhaps here intervene, holding some such language as
this:--"Granting all you say, granting, for the sake of argument,
that the principle of giving votes to woman is unsound, and that evil
must ultimately come of it, how can you get over the fact that no very
conspicuous harm has resulted from woman suffrage in the countries
which have adopted it? And can any firm reasons be rendered for the
belief that the giving of votes to women in England would be any whit
more harmful than in the Colonies?"
A very few words will supply the answer.
The evils of woman suffrage lie, _first,_ in the fact that to give the
vote to women is to give it to voters who as a class are quite
incompetent to adjudicate upon political issues; _secondly,_ in the
fact that women are a class of voters who cannot effectively back up
their votes by force; and, _thirdly,_ in the fact that it may
seriously embroil man and woman.
The first two aspects of the question have already in this controversy
been adequately dealt with. There remains the last issue.
From the point of view of this issue the conditions which we have to
deal with in this country are the absolute antithesis of those ruling
in any of the countries and States which have adopted woman suffrage.
When woman suffrage was adopted in these countries it was adopted in
some for one reason, in others for another. In some it was adopted
because it appealed to the _doctrinaire [theoretical]_ politician as
the proper logical outcome of a democratic and Socialistic policy. In
others it was adopted because opportunist politicians saw in it an
instrument by which they might gain electioneering advantages. So much
was this the case that it sometimes happened that the woman's vote was
sprung upon a community which was quite unprepared and indifferent to
it.
The cause of woman suffrage was thus in the countries of which we
speak neither in its inception nor in its realisation a question of
revolt of woman against the oppression of man. It had, and has, no
relation to the programmes of the militant suffragists as set out at
the outset of this letter.
By virtue of this, all the evils which spring from the embroiling of
man and woman have in the countries in question been conspicuously
absent.
Instead of seeing himself confronted by a section of embittered and
hostile women voters which might at any time outvote him and help to
turn an election, man there sees his women folk voting practically
everywhere in accordance with his directions, and lending him a hand
to outvote his political opponent.
Whether or no such voting is for the good of the common weal is beside
our present question. But it is clearly an arrangement which leads to
amity and peace between a man and his womenkind, and through these to
good-will towards all women.
In England everything is different.
If woman suffrage comes in here, it will have come as a surrender to
a very violent feminist agitation--an agitation which we have traced
back to our excess female population and the associated abnormal
physiological conditions.
If ever Parliament concedes the vote to woman in England, it will be
accepted by the militant suffragist, not as an eirenicon, but as a
victory which she will value only for the better carrying on of her
fight _a outrance [to the bitter end]_ against the oppression and
injustice of man.
A conciliation with hysterical revolt is neither an act of peace; nor
will it bring peace.
Nor would the conferring of the vote upon women carry with it any
advantages from the point of view of finding a way out of the material
entanglements in which woman is enmeshed, and thus ending the war
between man and woman.
One has only to ask oneself whether or not it would help the
legislator in remodelling the divorce or the bastardy laws if he had
conjoined with him an unmarried militant suffragist as assessor.
Peace will come again. It will come when woman ceases to believe and
to teach all manner of evil of man despitefully. It will come when she
ceases to impute to him as a crime her own natural disabilities, when
she ceases to resent the fact that man cannot and does not wish to
work side by side with her. And peace will return when every woman for
whom there is no room in England seeks "rest" beyond the sea, "each
one in the house of her husband," and when the woman who remains in
England comes to recognise that she can, without sacrifice of dignity,
give a willing subordination to the husband or father, who, when all
is said and done, earns and lays up money for her.
A. E. WRIGHT.
_March_ 27, 1912.
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Unexpurgated Case Against Women
Suffrage, by Almroth E. Wright
*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CASE AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE ***
***** This file should be named 5183.txt or 5183.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/8/5183/
Produced by Thomas Pollock
Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.
Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.
*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that
- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License. You must require such a user to return or
destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
Project Gutenberg-tm works.
- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
of receipt of the work.
- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at 809
North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email
contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the
Foundation's web site and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
For additional contact information:
Dr. Gregory B. Newby
Chief Executive and Director
[email protected]
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
www.gutenberg.org
This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
