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Title: Our Presidents and how we make them
Author: Alexander K. McClure
Release date: January 3, 2025 [eBook #75024]
Language: English
Original publication: New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1900
Credits: Carlos Colon, Daniel Lowe, The Lincoln Financial Foundation and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OUR PRESIDENTS AND HOW WE MAKE THEM ***
[Illustration: A. K. McCLURE]
OUR PRESIDENTS
AND
HOW WE MAKE THEM
BY
A. K. McCLURE, LL.D.
ILLUSTRATED
NEW YORK AND LONDON
HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS
1900
Copyright, 1900, by A. K. MCCLURE.
_All rights reserved._
CONTENTS
PAGE
THE WASHINGTON ELECTIONS, 1789–92 1
THE ADAMS-JEFFERSON CONTEST, 1796 7
THE JEFFERSON-ADAMS-BURR CONTEST, 1800–1 12
THE JEFFERSON-PINCKNEY CONTEST, 1804 21
THE MADISON-PINCKNEY-CLINTON CONTESTS, 1808–12 25
THE MONROE ELECTIONS, 1816–20 32
THE ADAMS-JACKSON-CRAWFORD-CLAY CONTEST, 1824 39
THE JACKSON-ADAMS-CLAY CONTESTS, 1828–32 47
THE VAN BUREN-HARRISON CONTEST, 1836 59
THE HARRISON-VAN BUREN CONTEST, 1840 65
THE POLK-CLAY CONTEST, 1844 75
THE TAYLOR-CASS-VAN BUREN CONTEST, 1848 94
THE PIERCE-SCOTT CONTEST, 1852 115
THE BUCHANAN-FRÉMONT-FILLMORE CONTEST, 1856 130
THE LINCOLN-BRECKENRIDGE-DOUGLAS-BELL CONTEST, 1860 154
THE LINCOLN-MCCLELLAN CONTEST, 1864 183
THE GRANT-SEYMOUR CONTEST, 1868 202
THE GRANT-GREELEY CONTEST, 1872 221
THE HAYES-TILDEN CONTEST, 1876 244
THE GARFIELD-HANCOCK CONTEST, 1880 270
THE CLEVELAND-BLAINE CONTEST, 1884 288
THE HARRISON-CLEVELAND CONTEST, 1888 316
THE CLEVELAND-HARRISON-WEAVER CONTEST, 1892 337
THE MCKINLEY-BRYAN CONTEST, 1896 361
ILLUSTRATIONS
A. K. McCLURE _Frontispiece_
GEORGE WASHINGTON _Facing p._ x
JOHN ADAMS “ 12
THOMAS JEFFERSON “ 20
JAMES MADISON “ 24
JAMES MONROE “ 32
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS “ 38
ANDREW JACKSON “ 46
MARTIN VAN BUREN “ 58
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON “ 64
JOHN TYLER “ 70
JAMES K. POLK “ 74
ZACHARY TAYLOR “ 94
MILLARD FILLMORE “ 106
FRANKLIN PIERCE “ 114
JAMES BUCHANAN “ 130
ABRAHAM LINCOLN “ 154
ANDREW JOHNSON “ 182
ULYSSES S. GRANT “ 202
RUTHERFORD B. HAYES “ 244
JAMES A. GARFIELD “ 270
CHESTER A. ARTHUR “ 274
GROVER CLEVELAND “ 288
BENJAMIN HARRISON “ 316
WILLIAM McKINLEY “ 360
INTRODUCTION
The crux of American politics is the quadrennial election of President.
In the ebb and flow of our political activity the flood-tide comes
in the Presidential contests. There are often tumultuous struggles
and decisive events in the intervals, but their political effect and
all the issues and movements of parties crystallize in the recurring
conflict for the possession of the chief executive power.
Our American system makes the President the centre and focus of
political life. He is at once Prime Minister and independent executive.
He blends the functions of what in parliamentary government is the head
of the Cabinet, and what in other government is the head of the State.
He is a vital part of the legislative power without being amenable to
its control or dependent on its life. He is the framer of policies and
the arbiter of parties. All this makes the election of President the
central chord and the arterial force of our broad political action.
The history of Presidential elections, if not the history of the
nation, is at least the history of its determining periods. The
successive epochs of our national progress, with their passionate
struggles and controlling influences, are fully reflected in these
contests. After the retirement of Washington the battles from 1800
for a quarter of a century, which gave the succession of Jefferson,
Madison, and Monroe, marked the reaction from federal authority and
the rise of the democratic impulse in the young Republic. Then came
the period running through the three contests and two elections of
Jackson, the heirship of Van Buren, and the cyclonic reversal under
“Tippecanoe and Tyler too” in 1840, which turned on practical questions
of internal polity and signalized the transition from the formative
stage of the government to the inevitable clash between the sections.
This was followed by the long political and moral contention between
freedom and slavery, which began with the success of Polk and the Texas
annexation policy in 1844 and ended with the defeat of the divided
Democracy and the election of Lincoln in 1860, when the political
combat culminated in the armed and colossal struggle of the civil war.
Since its conclusion and its settlements the nation has been engaged in
the mighty work of internal upbuilding, never equalled anywhere else in
the world, and the elections have involved the contending theories.
The narrative of these elections, with the rise and fall of parties,
their divisions and their creeds, presents the outlines of the national
development. For this work Colonel McClure, by experience, taste,
and special knowledge, is peculiarly and pre-eminently fitted. It
is doubtful if any other living American has borne so active and so
intimate a part in so many Presidential elections. Not yet of age,
but already a zealous and eager observer of political movements as
a young editor, he attended the Whig National Convention of 1848 in
Philadelphia, and witnessed the nomination of General Taylor. From
that time he has been personally familiar with the inner workings of
every national convention and campaign. Including this year, there have
been twenty-nine Presidential contests in our history. Colonel McClure
has actively participated in fourteen, or practically one-half of the
entire number.
He was born at Centre, Perry County, Pennsylvania, on the 9th of
January, 1828. Spending his youth on his father’s farm, he became a
tanner’s apprentice at fifteen, and remained at this trade for three
years. His schooling was very limited, and his mental equipment
was almost wholly the rich endowment nature had given him and the
attainments which his extraordinary intellectual force brought
in after-years. At nineteen he became the editor of the Juniata
_Sentinel_, and his natural ability and vigorous pen soon gave him a
recognized position and a distinct influence. Before he was twenty-one
he served as a conferee for Andrew G. Curtin in his Congressional
candidacy, and laid the foundations of his long and intimate friendship
with the great War Governor. Speedily called to the editorship of
a more important paper at Chambersburg, his impress broadened, and
in 1853, at the age of twenty-five, he was nominated by the Whigs
for Auditor-General, the youngest man ever named by any party in
Pennsylvania for a State office. Four years later he was elected to the
Legislature, serving in the House and then in the Senate for several
years. His career in that body was brilliant and distinctive. He was
independent, fearless, and aggressive, a ready and trenchant debater,
and he displayed political and parliamentary abilities of the highest
order.
In the Republican National Convention of 1860 he played a prominent
part. He and Curtin were potential in leading the Pennsylvania break
from Cameron to Lincoln, and in promoting the nomination of the
latter. With that success he accepted the chairmanship of the State
Committee, and made a dashing and energetic campaign, which resulted
in the October State victory that assured and portended the election
of Lincoln. This relation to the contest and subsequent service with
Governor Curtin, in directing Pennsylvania’s part in the war, placed
him on an intimate footing with the President, and during those
dramatic and trying years he was a commanding figure in the State.
Later he settled in Philadelphia in the practice of the law; became
one of the leading spirits in the Republican revolt of 1872 which led
to the Greeley movement; returned to the Legislature, where, free from
party shackles, he waged unsparing war against jobbery and wrong,
and where his forensic talent, his bold attacks, and rare powers of
invective and sarcasm made him at once respected and feared. Finally,
he found what was to prove his higher and truer place, and entered
upon what was to be his main life-work in the establishment of the
Philadelphia _Times_, where he has had an ample and conspicuous arena
for the editorial genius which has ranked him among the foremost
journalists of the country. Here, for twenty-five years, with ripened
experience and mellowed spirit, but with unabated passion for political
movements, Colonel McClure has been both the actor and the critic in
the great and constantly changing drama of public events. Standing
between both parties, bound by neither, but in the counsels of each,
he has been exceptionally informed on all the currents of political
activity. No one has had a broader acquaintance with the public men of
his time, or has been more thoroughly behind the scenes in the shifting
transformations of public action. From his earliest years politics has
had an extraordinary fascination for his fertile mind, and his taste
and talent for it have been equally marked. There has been no national
convention of either party for years that he has not attended, and the
episodes and influences which have turned the decision of the hour have
been as familiar to him as the broader principles which have moulded
the general course of action.
Colonel McClure is thus peculiarly qualified, not only to present the
large history of Presidential contests, but to illuminate it with
the instructive side-lights which are as entertaining as they are
suggestive. Comprehensive in its treatment, infused with the very life
and spirit of political action, prepared with complete knowledge, and
written in a style of singular charm and force, this work is not only a
labor of love, but a valuable contribution to the historical literature
of American politics.
CHARLES EMORY SMITH
WASHINGTON, _April, 1900_
PREFACE
I have endeavored in this volume to supply a want in our political
history by giving not only a detailed and reliable report of the
nomination and election of every President of the United States, but by
giving with it many important sidelights relating to the selection and
character of our Chief Magistrates.
With a personal knowledge of national conventions covering over half
a century, and an intimate acquaintance with the chief actors of both
parties in selecting Presidential candidates, I am able to give the
inside movements of some of our important national struggles which are
imperfectly understood. The inspiration and organization of all the
various political parties, great and small, are concisely presented,
and the personal reminiscences of the struggles of the great men of the
country have been most carefully prepared.
Absolute accuracy in the preparation of political history covering
a period of one hundred and twelve years is not to be expected, as
record evidence is at times either imperfectly preserved or entirely
destroyed; but no pains have been spared to make this volume a complete
and reliable history of our Presidents and how we make them.
I am indebted to Edward Stanwood’s “History of Presidential Elections”
and to Greeley’s “Political Text-Book of 1860” for valuable data
of the earlier conflicts for the Presidency. Many of the personal
and political reminiscences given are an elaboration of a series of
articles originally prepared for the _Saturday Evening Post_, of
Philadelphia.
A. K. M.
PHILADELPHIA, March 1, 1900.
THE WASHINGTON ELECTIONS
1789–1792
The first election for President of the United States was held on the
first Wednesday of January, 1789, and it was an election in which the
people took no part whatever in most of the States. The election should
have been held in November, 1788, but the Constitution of 1787, that
required ratification by nine States to make it the supreme law of
the nation, did not receive the approval of the requisite number of
States until the 21st of June, 1788, when New Hampshire made up the
ninth State approving it. Vermont followed five days later, and New
York, after a bitter struggle, ratified the Constitution on the 26th
of July. There was then ample time for Congress to make provisions for
a Presidential election in November, but many weeks were wasted in a
struggle for the location of the national capitol, and it was not until
the 13th of September that Congress was prepared to pass a resolution
declaring the ratification of the Constitution, and directing the
election of Presidential electors.
[Illustration: GEORGE WASHINGTON]
Communication was at that time very slow and uncertain between the
several States, and as Congress did not fix the time for an election
until the middle of September, the first Wednesday of January,
1789, was deemed the earliest period at which an election could be
had. Considering the length of time required to communicate with
the different States, and the extreme difficulty in the States
communicating with their people and Legislatures, it was practically
impossible to have a Presidential election in which the people of the
country generally could participate.
None of the States had made any preparation for an election, and the
only practical method for choosing electors was by the Legislatures, as
the Constitution provided then, as it does now, that each State shall
appoint Presidential electors “in such manner as its Legislature may
direct.” Attempts were made to hold popular elections in New Hampshire,
Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, but even in New
Hampshire and Massachusetts, after elections had been held after a
fashion, the Legislatures of those States finally chose the electors.
There were next to no votes cast in Pennsylvania,[1] Maryland, and
Virginia, as there was no contest, the election of Washington being
conceded by all; and whatever votes were cast in the States have never
found their way into the political statistics of the country. Rhode
Island and North Carolina had not ratified the Constitution and did
not choose electors, and in New York a bitter contest arose in the
Legislature between the friends and opponents of the Constitution,
resulting in a disagreement between the Senate and House that was not
adjusted in time for the Legislature to choose electors. Thus, New
York, Rhode Island, and North Carolina gave no votes for President in
the Electoral College of 1789.
[1] Imperfect returns at Harrisburg show 5930 votes cast in
Pennsylvania for Washington in 1789 and 4576 in 1792.
There had been no formal nomination of Washington for President
and Adams for Vice-President in any part of the country. In later
Presidential elections it was common for Legislatures and mass-meetings
to present candidates for President, but I cannot find a record of
any formal presentation of either the name of Washington or Adams
as candidates at the first Presidential election. Washington was
accepted as the logical ruler of the Republic, whose sword had won its
independence, and Massachusetts, the State of Lexington and Bunker
Hill, was conceded the second place on the ticket by general assent.
Both were pronounced Federalists, and Washington was much more positive
in his partisanship than is now generally believed. He was consulted
about the choice of a Vice-President, and he answered that while he
took it for granted that “a true Federalist” would be elected to the
Vice-Presidency, he was unwilling to indicate any preference; but it
was generally known that he and his immediate friends preferred John
Adams, who had been one of the committee with Jefferson to prepare
the Declaration of Independence, and who had written a very vigorous
pamphlet in favor of the adoption of the Constitution.
It is now generally assumed that there was no shade of opposition to
Washington’s election to the Presidency, but the anti-Federalists, many
of whom were opposed to the Constitution, made several ineffectual
efforts to defeat him. It is known that Franklin was approached on the
question of being Washington’s competitor, but there is little doubt
that he peremptorily refused. At that time the Presidential electors
did not vote directly for President and Vice-President as they do now.
Each elector voted for two men for President, both of whom could not be
a resident of the same State, and the candidate receiving the largest
vote, if a majority, was chosen President, and the candidate receiving
the second largest vote for President became Vice-President. Several
movements were made, without ever attaining the dignity of importance,
to have votes quietly taken from Washington and given to Adams, and
other movements were made to defeat Adams for Vice-President, but all
of them were signal failures. It is understood that Hamilton, the
closest friend of Washington, was not friendly to Adams. There is some
reason to believe that he would have seconded the movement of the
anti-Federalists to make George Clinton Vice-President had it given any
promise of success.
The electoral colleges met on the first Wednesday of February, 1789,
and elected Washington President, he receiving 69 votes, being the full
number of electors, and John Adams received 34 votes for President,
which made him Vice-President, although he did not receive a majority
of the electoral votes. The following table shows the vote in detail
as cast by the Electoral College, all of the men having been voted for
only as Presidential candidates:
══════════════╤═══════════╤══════╤═══════════╤════╤════════╤═════════╤════════╤═════════╤═══════╤══════════╤════════╤════════
│ George │ John │ Samuel │John│ John │Robert H.│ George │ John │ John │ James │ Edward │Benjamin
STATES. │Washington.│Adams.│Huntington.│Jay.│Hancock.│Harrison.│Clinton.│Rutledge.│Milton.│Armstrong.│Telfair.│Lincoln.
──────────────┼───────────┼──────┼───────────┼────┼────────┼─────────┼────────┼─────────┼───────┼──────────┼────────┼────────
New Hampshire │ 5 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ 10 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 7 │ 5 │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 6 │ 1 │ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 10 │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 10 │ 5 │ ―― │ 1 │ 1 │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina│ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ 1 │ 1 │ 1
├───────────┼──────┼───────────┼────┼────────┼─────────┼────────┼─────────┼───────┼──────────┼────────┼────────
Total │ 69 │ 34 │ 2 │ 9 │ 4 │ 6 │ 3 │ 6 │ 2 │ 1 │ 1 │ 1
══════════════╧═══════════╧══════╧═══════════╧════╧════════╧═════════╧════════╧═════════╧═══════╧══════════╧════════╧════════
The Congress of the Confederation had provided that the new Congress
chosen under the Constitution should meet in New York on the first
Wednesday of March to declare the result of the Presidential election
and inaugurate the new Republic, but a quorum of the Senate did not
appear until the 6th of April, and on that day the electoral vote was
counted in the presence of the two Houses, and Washington and Adams
declared elected. They were notified of their election as speedily
as possible, but it was not until the 30th of April that they were
inaugurated.
* * * * *
Washington’s second election was quite as unanimous as the first,
both at the polls and in the electoral colleges. No opposition
electoral tickets were formed in any of the States, as the re-election
of Washington and Adams was universally accepted. The Presidential
electors of that day were appointed in accordance with the obvious
spirit of the Constitution, that meant to provide an entirely
dispassionate and independent tribunal in the Electoral College to
exercise the soundest discretion in the choice of a President and
Vice-President. No pledges were asked or given by any one named as an
elector, and each one was free to vote according to the dictates of his
own judgment. Had there been opposition electoral tickets, they would
have logically run on opposing lines with distinct obligations on the
part of each side as to how their votes would be cast, but no such
question arose until the first battle between Adams and Jefferson in
1796.
There was no organized opposition to the administration of Washington
at the close of his first term, but the Democratic sentiment, so
ardently cherished by Jefferson, had been steadily growing, and
with two such able and aggressive opposing partisans as Jefferson
and Hamilton in the Washington Cabinet, it was only natural that
opposition to the Federal policy would gradually take shape to be
effective when the overshadowing personality of Washington became
eliminated from the politics of the country. Jefferson and Hamilton
often had serious differences in the Cabinet, and Washington uniformly
sided with Hamilton. Washington had little personal and no political
sympathy whatever with Jefferson, and only one of Jefferson’s rare
tact and sagacity could have remained in the Washington Cabinet and
fashioned the great opposition party that carried him triumphantly
into the Presidential chair four years after Washington’s retirement.
As opposition to the re-election of Washington and Adams would have
been entirely fruitless, it was wisely not attempted, and the election
passed off in almost as perfunctory a manner as did the first election
in 1789.
Rhode Island and North Carolina had ratified the Constitution, and
Vermont became a State on the 4th of March, 1791, and Kentucky on the
1st of June, 1792, giving fifteen States to participate in the second
Presidential election. In nine of the States Presidential electors
were chosen by the Legislatures, and by popular vote in New Hampshire,
Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland, North Carolina, and Virginia,
but there were very few votes polled, and what were cast indicated
nothing politically, as there were no opposing electoral tickets.
Washington again received the unanimous vote in the electoral
colleges—132 in number—and Adams became Vice-President by receiving
77 votes for President. When the two Houses met to declare the
vote, Vice-President Adams presided in the House, opened and read
the certificates of the votes of the several States, and declared
Washington and himself elected President and Vice-President. The
following is the official vote in the electoral colleges as cast in
1792:
══════════════╤══════════╤═════╤═══════╤═════════╤════
STATES. │Washington│Adams│Clinton│Jefferson│Burr
──────────────┼──────────┼─────┼───────┼─────────┼────
New Hampshire │ 6 │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ 3 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ 16 │ 16 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 4 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 9 │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 12 │ ―― │ 12 │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 7 │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 15 │ 14 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ 3 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 8 │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 21 │ ―― │ 21 │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina│ 12 │ ―― │ 12 │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina│ 8 │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1
Georgia │ 4 │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ――
├──────────┼─────┼───────┼─────────┼────
Total │ 132 │ 77 │ 50 │ 4 │ 1
══════════════╧══════════╧═════╧═══════╧═════════╧════
THE ADAMS-JEFFERSON CONTEST
1796
While it was generally accepted that Washington would not be a
candidate for a third term, he gave no definite expression on the
subject until he issued his farewell address a short time before the
election of 1796. Washington was an extremely reticent man, and it
is possible that, in view of the serious complications between this
country and France, he may have anticipated a contingency that would
make him accept a third election to the Presidency, but it seems to
have been well understood by those nearest to him in official circles
that he earnestly desired to retire to private life at the expiration
of his second term. He was then the richest man in the country, his
wealth being almost wholly composed of land and slaves, and for twenty
years he had been unable to give any attention to his large business
interests. While his election and re-election to the Presidency by a
unanimous vote were very gratifying to him, he greatly preferred the
life upon his plantation, where he gave most careful attention to all
the details of its management.
As early as 1793 it was generally accepted by the public that
Washington would not be a candidate for re-election, and that Jefferson
and Adams would be the logical competitors for the succession.
Jefferson had cleared his decks for the battle by resigning his office
as Secretary of State early in 1794. He was not in harmony with the
severe Federal policy of Washington, and was very positively hostile
to the policy of the administration in failing to support the French
Revolution. Jefferson led the Democratic forces of the country;
Washington, and Adams as his logical successor, led the Federal forces,
and between them there was an irreconcilable dispute as to the form
of government the new Republic should assume. Washington, Adams,
Hamilton, and their associates did not believe in the capacity of
the people for self-government. They favored the strongest possible
government, with checks and balances which could effectually restrain
what they regarded as positive and dangerous ebullitions of public
sentiment. They would have made Senators for life and given only the
semblance of government to the people. Jefferson, on the other hand,
took the broad ground that the people were sovereign and should rule.
He logically supported the French Revolution against the Bourbon Kings,
and cherished the strongest prejudices against England. As Secretary
of State he could not well have remained in the Washington Cabinet the
last two years of the administration, but he doubtless resigned to be
entirely free to make his great battle for the Presidency in 1796.
Neither Jefferson nor Adams was nominated for the Presidency in 1796
by any Legislature or mass-meeting of which there is any record as far
as I have been able to ascertain. Adams was the choice of Washington,
and the logical successor to Washington as the Federal candidate
for President, and Jefferson stood head and shoulders over all the
Republicans of that day. The title of Republican was adopted by the
friends of Jefferson, and the Democratic party was founded in 1796 by
Jefferson under the name of Republican, established as the majority
party of the nation four years later, and it fought and won the
Democratic battles under that name until 1824, when the Jackson party
changed the title to Democracy.
If the overshadowing individuality of Washington could have been
eliminated from the contest of 1796, Jefferson would have defeated
Adams by a decided majority, but Washington was earnestly enlisted
in the support of Adams, and all the power of the administration was
wielded in favor of the Federal candidate. While Washington was not
charged with violent partisanship in his appointments, it is none the
less true that when the issue came between Adams and Jefferson, every
Federal official of the country felt bound to support, with all the
power he possessed, the candidate preferred by Washington. Had Grover
Cleveland lived in that day, he would have had ample opportunity to
denounce the “pernicious activity” of office-holders with as much
reason as he denounced them a century later in his support of civil
service reform.
Not only were the Federal officials aggressively enlisted in favor
of Adams, but the personal influence of Washington, that was greater
than that ever wielded by any other official or citizen of the Republic
down to the present time, was a serious obstacle to Jefferson’s
success. The people loved Jefferson as the author of the Declaration
of Independence, and a large majority of them sympathized with his
liberal ideas of popular government, but the name of Washington was
sacred to a large majority, and his wishes were paramount in deciding
their political action. Such were the conditions under which Jefferson
entered the contest against Adams in 1796.
In this contest, for the first time, there were two candidates
distinctly declared as competitors for the Presidency, and other
candidates as distinctly declared as competitors for Vice-President,
although all had to be voted for as candidates for President in the
Electoral College. At that time Aaron Burr was in the zenith of
his power. He was one of the most astute politicians of that day,
inordinately ambitious, unscrupulous in his methods, and he was
generally accepted by the friends of Jefferson as the candidate for
Vice-President.
New York was a Federal State, but it was hoped that by the masterly
ability of Burr the electoral vote of New York might be won for
Jefferson, although while there was entire unanimity among the
Republicans in support of Jefferson, there was not equal unanimity in
the support of Burr. He failed to carry New York for Jefferson, but
succeeded in carrying it for Jefferson and himself in 1800, and his
victory was won so early in the contest by the election of a Republican
Legislature in that State in May, 1800, that he practically decided the
battle against Adams.
The Presidential contest between Jefferson and Adams developed into
the most defamatory campaign ever known in the history of American
politics, unless the second campaign of 1800 between the same leaders
may be accepted as equalling it. In no modern national campaign have
candidates and parties been so maliciously defamed as were candidates
and parties when Jefferson and Adams fought for power in the contest of
the Fathers of the Republic. Jefferson was denounced as an unscrupulous
demagogue, and Adams was denounced as a kingly despot without sympathy
with the people, and opposed to every principle of popular government.
There were few newspapers, but it was the age of the pamphleteer, and
the political pamphlets of those days, if compared with the political
asperities of the present age, would make the partisan vituperation of
the evening of the nineteenth century appear as tame and feeble. Nor
were political leaders of that day any less unscrupulous than are the
political leaders of the present. The struggles of mean ambition were
as common then as now, and political leaders jostled each other in the
most vituperative assaults to give victory to their cause.
The contest ended in November, when the elections were held in the
various States. Tennessee had been admitted to the Union on the 1st of
June, 1796, making sixteen States to participate in the choice of a
President. Of these, six States held some form of popular elections,
while ten chose their electors by the Legislature. The popular vote
cast at these elections had no material significance. There was but one
ticket voted for in nearly or quite all of the six States which assumed
to choose electors by popular vote, as the New England States were
solid for Adams, and the Southern States, where elections were held,
were strong in the support of Jefferson. The result was the election of
Adams in the Electoral College by a vote of 71 to 68 for Jefferson, who
thereby became Vice-President. The following is the vote in detail, as
cast in the Electoral College, the electors voting only for President:
══════════════╤══════╤══════════╤═════════╤══════╤══════╤══════════╤════════╤═════╤════════╤═══════════╤═════════╤══════╤══════════
│ John │ Thomas │ Thomas │Aaron │Samuel│ Oliver │ George │John │ James │ George │ Samuel │ John │Charles C.
STATES. │Adams,│Jefferson,│Pinckney,│Burr, │Adams,│Ellsworth,│Clinton,│ Jay,│Iredell,│Washington,│Johnston,│Henry,│Pinckney,
│ Mass.│ Va. │ S. C. │ N. Y.│Mass. │ Conn. │ N. Y. │N. Y.│ N. C. │ Va. │ N. C. │ Md. │ S. C.
──────────────┼──────┼──────────┼─────────┼──────┼──────┼──────────┼────────┼─────┼────────┼───────────┼─────────┼──────┼──────────
New Hampshire │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ 4 │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ 16 │ ―― │ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 9 │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 12 │ ―― │ 12 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 7 │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 1 │ 14 │ 2 │ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ 3 │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 7 │ 4 │ 4 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ――
Virginia │ 1 │ 20 │ 1 │ 1 │ 15 │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina│ 1 │ 11 │ 1 │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1
South Carolina│ ―― │ 8 │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├──────┼──────────┼─────────┼──────┼──────┼──────────┼────────┼─────┼────────┼───────────┼─────────┼──────┼──────────
Total │ 71 │ 68 │ 59 │ 30 │ 15 │ 11 │ 7 │ 5 │ 3 │ 2 │ 2 │ 2 │ 1
══════════════╧══════╧══════════╧═════════╧══════╧══════╧══════════╧════════╧═════╧════════╧═══════════╧═════════╧══════╧══════════
It will be seen by the foregoing table that Pennsylvania,[2] Maryland,
Virginia, and North Carolina cast divided electoral votes for the
Presidency between Jefferson and Adams. In Pennsylvania, Adams received
1 electoral vote to 14 for Jefferson. In Maryland, Adams received 7 to
4 for Jefferson. In Virginia, Jefferson’s own State, Adams received 1
to 20 for Jefferson, and in North Carolina the vote was 1 for Adams to
11 for Jefferson. In all of these States the electors were chosen by
popular vote, and they were doubtless selected with reference to their
character and intelligence without pledges as to how they should cast
their ballots in the electoral colleges. One of the Virginia electors
exercised his admitted right to vote against Jefferson, who had the
largest popular following in the State. It was this independent action
of a few electors in 1796 that made both parties draw their lines
severely in the selection of the candidates for electors, and from
that time until the present all electoral tickets have been made up
of men who were accepted as solemnly pledged to vote for their party
candidates in the Electoral College.
[2] The popular vote, as imperfectly preserved at Harrisburg, gives
Adams 11,552 and Jefferson 8373, but as 14 of the 15 electors voted for
Jefferson the vote of record is incomplete and misleading.
THE JEFFERSON-ADAMS-BURR CONTEST
1800–1
The Presidential contest of 1800 was as revolutionary in its aim and
in its accomplishment as was the Republican revolution of 1860. The
Federalists had practically undisputed control of the Government for
twelve years, under Washington and John Adams, and the power of the
Federal party, with the overwhelming individuality of Washington in its
favor, accomplished the election of Adams over Jefferson in 1796. When
the battle of 1800 opened, Washington was dead, and Hamilton, one of
the ablest of the Washington political lieutenants, was not in hearty
sympathy with Adams.
The Federalists held both branches of Congress, and a tidal wave of
partisan bitterness and personal defamation ran riot, both in Congress
and throughout the country. Our foreign complications with France had
become very serious, and Congress approved what was then regarded as
very extensive preparations for a war that was bitterly opposed by the
Republican minority, the followers of Jefferson. So violent were the
political discussions of the country that Adams, acting in accord with
the Federal theory of a strong suppressive government, demanded and
secured the passage of what are known as the Alien and Sedition laws,
which now rank among the most odious legislative acts in the history of
the Republic.
While the Alien and Sedition laws were apparently aimed at those who
were open enemies of the country in war, they were, in fact, intended
to suppress criticism of the administration and to impose the severest
penalties for open hostility to its policy. The first session of the
Congress of 1797–98 lasted eight months, and even in the fierce
passions of civil war the Congressional debates did not equal the
asperities of the Congressional debates of a century ago. The first
Alien law lengthened the period for naturalization to fourteen years,
and all emigrants were required to be registered and the certificate of
registration to be the only proof of residence. All alien enemies were
forbidden the right of citizenship under any circumstances.
[Illustration: JOHN ADAMS]
Another of the series gave the President the power in case of war to
seize or expel all resident aliens of the nation at war with us, and
yet another gave the President power to deport any alien whom he might
think dangerous to the country, and if after being ordered away he
remained in the country, he was subject to imprisonment for three years
and forbidden citizenship. In addition to these provisions, aliens
so imprisoned could be removed from the country by the President’s
order. Such were the general provisions of the Alien law. The Sedition
bill, that was part of the same policy, declared that any who hindered
officers in the discharge of their duties or opposed any of the laws of
the country were guilty of high crime and misdemeanor, punishable by
fine and imprisonment. Those who were guilty of writing or publishing
any false and malicious writings against Congress or the President, or
aided therein, were made punishable by a fine of $2000 and imprisonment
for two years.
These measures were in harmony with the Federal theory of government.
The Federal leaders did not believe the people capable of
self-government, and Adams felt justified in imposing the severest
penalties upon all who severely criticised or violently opposed the
administration. Washington was yet alive and in full mental and
physical vigor when these laws were passed, and it is reasonable to
assume that he approved of them, as he could have defeated them if he
had opposed their enactment. Hamilton vainly protested against the
Alien and Sedition laws as a fatal political blunder, but Federalism
had never suffered defeat, and President Adams never doubted his
re-election until the vote was declared against him.
The contest of 1800 had its lines so well defined from the outset that
candidates for President and Vice-President were as clearly indicated,
although without any formal declaration, as national tickets would be
indicated by a national convention of modern times. There is no record
of the Congressional caucus in 1800, but it seems to be an accepted
tradition that the Federals, who had a majority of the House, first
called a secret caucus to confer about the management of the campaign.
They did not formally name candidates, but by general consent Adams
was accepted as the candidate for President and Charles C. Pinckney,
of South Carolina, for Vice-President. Apparently well-authenticated
reports tell of a Republican Congressional caucus held during the
same year, but there is no preserved record of it. If such a caucus
was held, candidates were not nominated nor was any declaration of
principles made. The chief object of the Republican caucus seems
to have been to harmonize the friends of Jefferson on Burr as the
accepted candidate for Vice-President, but no preference was expressed
in any formal way. When the Federalists held their first caucus the
Republicans denounced it as a “Jacobinical conclave,” and so severe
were the criticisms of the Philadelphia _Aurora_, the leading Jefferson
organ, that its editor was at one time arraigned before the bar of the
Senate.
The contest of 1800 opened early in the year, the reported
Congressional caucuses having been held in February or March, and from
that time until the election the political discussions were acrimonious
to a degree that would surprise the present generation. Jefferson had
cordially united his friends in the support of Burr, and it was Burr’s
magnificent leadership that carried the electoral vote of New York by
winning the Legislature of that State as early as May. New York had
voted for Adams in 1796, and the loss to Adams of one of the leading
States of the Union and its transfer to Jefferson made the battle next
to hopeless for Adams, but he and his friends fought it out to the
bitter end.
No new States had been admitted during the Adams administration,
and the same sixteen States which had elected Adams over Jefferson
were then to pass a second judgment upon the great leaders of the
two opposing political theories of that day. In Pennsylvania the
Federalists controlled the Senate chiefly by hold-over Senators, as
the popular sentiment of the State was strongly for Jefferson. In the
three previous elections for President the Pennsylvania Legislature
had passed special acts authorizing a popular vote for President, but
in 1800, the Federals having control of the Senate, refused to pass a
bill for an election whereby the choice of electors was thrown into
the Legislature, and it required joint action of the Federal Senate
and the largely Republican House to provide for a choice of electors
even by the Legislature. The Federal Senators refused to go into joint
convention except upon conditions which would divide the electoral
vote, and the Republicans of the House were compelled to choose between
disfranchising the State, as New York had been disfranchised in 1789,
or to concede a large minority of the electors to Adams.
It was finally agreed that each House should nominate 8 electors,
and that the Houses should then meet jointly and each member should
vote together for 15 of the 16 thus nominated. The result was that
the Federalists forced the election of 7 Adams electors with 8 for
Jefferson. The Federal Senators, 13 in number, who controlled the
Senate against the 11 Republicans, were heralded by their party papers
and leaders as grand heroes, because by the accident of power in one
body of the Legislature not immediately chosen by the people they had
wrested 7 electors from Jefferson, which would have been given to him
either by a popular vote or by a joint vote of the Legislature.
Rhode Island at this election for the first time chose electors by
popular vote, making 6 States which chose electors by the vote of the
people and 10 which chose electors by the Legislature. As the electoral
colleges could vote only for candidates for President, Jefferson and
Burr received precisely the same vote, 73 in number, and Adams received
65, with 64 for Pinckney and 1 for John Jay. The following is the table
of the vote as cast in the electoral colleges:
══════════════╤══════════╤══════╤══════╤═════════╤══════
│ Thomas │Aaron │ John │ C. C. │John
STATES. │Jefferson,│ Burr,│Adams,│Pinckney,│ Jay,
│ Va. │N. Y. │ Mass.│ S. C. │N. Y.
──────────────┼──────────┼──────┼──────┼─────────┼──────
New Hampshire │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ 6 │ ――
Vermont │ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ 4 │ ――
Massachusetts │ ―― │ ―― │ 16 │ 16 │ ――
Rhode Island │ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ 3 │ 1
Connecticut │ ―― │ ―― │ 9 │ 9 │ ――
New York │ 12 │ 12 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ 7 │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 8 │ 8 │ 7 │ 7 │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ 3 │ ――
Maryland[3] │ 5 │ 5 │ 5 │ 5 │ ――
Virginia │ 21 │ 21 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina│ 8 │ 8 │ 4 │ 4 │ ――
South Carolina│ 8 │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ 4 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ 4 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ 3 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├──────────┼──────┼──────┼─────────┼──────
│ 73 │ 73 │ 65 │ 64 │ 1
══════════════╧══════════╧══════╧══════╧═════════╧══════
[3] One Maryland elector did not attend.
It is impossible to give anything like an intelligent presentation of
the popular vote between Jefferson and Adams. In most of the States
which chose electors by popular vote there was practically no contest,
as the New England States voted solidly for Adams, and the Southern
States south of Maryland voted as solidly for Jefferson, with the
exception of North Carolina, where an electoral ticket seems to have
been chosen on the original theory that electors should exercise sound
discretion in the choice of a President, and in the exercise of that
discretion 4 of the North Carolina electors voted for Adams and 8 for
Jefferson. Had Pennsylvania been permitted to give expression either
to the popular will or to the decided Republican majority of the
Legislature, 7 of the Pennsylvania votes would have been taken from
Adams and added to Jefferson, which would have made him 80 electoral
votes to 58 for Adams.
Jefferson had won his election, and there should have been no question
about according it to him. Under the electoral system of that day, by
which each elector voted for two candidates for President, Jefferson
and Burr each received 73 votes for the Presidency, and upon the face
of the returns were equally entitled to claim the highest honor of
the Republic. True, Burr had not been discussed or seriously thought
of as a candidate for President. He was accepted by the Republicans
distinctly as the candidate for Vice-President, and the whole battle
was fought out on the issue between Jefferson and Adams. Had Burr been
honest and manly, he would have ended the struggle at once by declaring
that the people had elected Jefferson to the Presidency, and that Burr
could not consent to be presented to the country and the world as
seeking to wear the stolen honors of the Government; but Burr developed
his true character as soon as he discovered that his vote was equal
to that given to Jefferson. While he did not make any open or visible
effort to elect himself over Jefferson, he silently assented to the use
of his name, and thus made the Presidency hang in uncertainty from the
time of the election in November until the 17th of February, when the
contest was finally decided in favor of Jefferson, and Burr stamped
with infamy. That he wished to be elected over Jefferson cannot be
reasonably doubted. If he had not permitted the use of his name without
protest as a candidate against Jefferson, there would have been no
discussion and no uncertainty, as the House would have chosen Jefferson
on the 1st ballot.
Jefferson could have accomplished his own election without a serious
contest if he had accepted the proposition of the Federalists to
give him the election, to which he was entitled by the vote of
the people, if he would agree not to remove the Federalists who
then filled all the offices of the Government. Under Washington
and Adams, the Republicans were practically proscribed in national
appointments, and Adams had been specially proscriptive in dispensing
the patronage of his administration. One of the most discreditable
acts of his administration was the creation, by his Federal Congress
in the expiring hours of Federal rule, of a number of judges, to whom
commissions were issued by Adams at midnight before his retirement
from office. They were known in political discussions of that day
as the “midnight judges,” and the measure was so odious that it
speedily destroyed itself. Jefferson, while not specially proscriptive
in political appointments, regarded it as inconsistent with his
appreciation of executive duties to give any pledge to the opposition
to retain their friends in office. They naturally assumed that
Jefferson would be as proscriptive as Adams had been, and that their
only safety was in making terms with Jefferson, whose election they
could accomplish without difficulty.
It is quite probable that they could have made such terms with Burr,
and it is possible that such conditions were proposed and accepted,
but the Federalists knew that the defeat of Jefferson would be a
monstrous perversion of the popular will; and Hamilton and Bayard,
of Delaware, and other prominent Federalists earnestly opposed all
affiliation with Burr. Burr having failed to announce that Jefferson
had been elected President by the people, and should be elected by the
House, and Jefferson having refused to make terms with the Federalists,
the election went into the House under rules which had been adopted
by Congress to meet the special case. Under the rules, the House was
required to retire to its own chamber after the announcement of the
electoral vote showing no choice, and proceed to ballot for President,
and to continue to ballot without adjournment until a choice was
effected. That session of the House continued for seven days. The
balloting began on the 11th of February and ended on the 17th, as the
House, instead of adjourning, simply took recesses from time to time.
Each State could cast but one vote in the House, and that vote was
determined by a majority of the delegation. Where the delegation was
evenly divided the State had no vote. The following is the vote of the
States on the 1st ballot, February 11, 1801:
════════════════╤════════════╤═══════╤═════════════════
STATES. │ Jefferson. │ Burr. │ State voted for.
────────────────┼────────────┼───────┼─────────────────
New Hampshire │ ―― │ 4 │ Burr.
Vermont │ 1 │ 1 │ Divided—Blank.
Massachusetts │ 3 │ 11 │ Burr.
Rhode Island │ ―― │ 2 │ Burr.
Connecticut │ ―― │ 7 │ Burr.
New York │ 6 │ 4 │ Jefferson.
New Jersey │ 3 │ 2 │ Jefferson.
Pennsylvania │ 9 │ 4 │ Jefferson.
Delaware │ ―― │ 1 │ Burr.
Maryland │ 4 │ 4 │ Divided—Blank.
Virginia │ 16 │ 3 │ Jefferson.
North Carolina │ 9 │ 1 │ Jefferson.
South Carolina │ ―― │ 5 │ Burr.
Georgia │ 1 │ ―― │ Jefferson.
Kentucky │ 2 │ ―― │ Jefferson.
Tennessee │ 1 │ ―― │ Jefferson.
├────────────┼───────┼─────────────────
Total │ 55 │ 49 │
────────────────┴────────────┴───────┴─────────────────
Nineteen ballots were taken on the same day, then a recess was taken
until the 12th, when 9 additional ballots were taken, and 1 ballot
was taken on the 13th, 4 on the 14th, 1 on the 16th (the 15th being
Sunday), and 1 on the 17th, making an aggregate of 35 ballots, all
of which were precisely a repetition of the 1st ballot given in the
foregoing table. Jefferson received the vote of 8 States, Burr of 6,
and 2 were blank, because of divided delegations. The vote of 9 States
was necessary to an election, and there was no choice.
On the 2d ballot cast on the 17th, being the 36th ballot in all,
Jefferson was successful, receiving the votes of 10 States to 4 for
Burr and 2 blank. The changes in favor of Jefferson were made by one
Vermont member declining to vote, thus allowing his colleague to
cast the vote of the State for President, and by four from Maryland
also declining to vote, by which the tie in that State was broken in
Jefferson’s favor.
In addition to these changes South Carolina and Delaware cast blank
votes, but they did not help Jefferson, as he required the positive
vote of 9 States to accomplish his election. It was James A. Bayard, of
Delaware, a leading Federalist, who changed his vote on the last ballot
from a vote for Burr to a blank ballot. Jefferson was thus declared
elected President, and Burr became Vice-President by the mandate of
the Constitution, he having received the highest electoral vote for
President excepting that cast for Jefferson.
It can be readily understood that Burr’s permission of the use of
his name to defeat the election of Jefferson in the House made an
impassable gulf between them, and that contest dated the decline of
Burr’s power in the land. He knew that there could be no future for
him, and his restless genius sought new fields in which to gratify
his ambition, ending in his arrest and trial for treason, and also
staining his skirts with the murder of Hamilton. Hamilton was open in
his hostility to Burr in the contest between Jefferson and Burr in the
House, and it was Burr’s resentment of Hamilton’s hostility to his
election that made him seize upon a trivial pretext to force Hamilton
into a duel, in which Hamilton fell mortally wounded at the first fire.
Burr’s public career was thus ended by the Jefferson-Burr contest, and
although he lived many years thereafter, he drank the bitterest dregs
of sorrow, and died in poverty and unlamented.
Adams accepted his defeat most ungracefully. He remained in the
Executive Mansion until midnight of the 3d of March, 1801, when he
and his family deserted it, leaving it vacant for Jefferson to enter,
without a host to welcome him. It was the only instance in which the
retiring President did not personally receive the incoming President in
the Executive Mansion, with the single exception of President Johnson,
who did not remain at the White House to receive Grant; but Johnson
was excusable from the fact that Grant had expressed his purpose not
to permit Johnson to accompany him in the inauguration ceremonies.
Jefferson, in marked contrast with the pomp and ceremony of Federal
inaugurations, appeared on the 4th of March clad in home-spun, and rode
his own horse unattended to the Capitol, and after the inauguration
ceremonies returned to the Executive Mansion in like manner. Both
Jefferson and Adams lived for more than a quarter of a century after
their great battle terminated in 1800, and time greatly mellowed
the asperities of their desperate political conflicts. In the later
years of their life, when both had lived long in retirement, they had
friendly correspondence; and it is one of the most notable events in
our political annals that Jefferson and Adams, who stood side by side
in presenting the Declaration of Independence to Congress, and who
had fought the fiercest political battles of the nation as opposing
leaders, both died on the same day—the natal day of the Republic—July
4, 1826.
THE JEFFERSON-PINCKNEY CONTEST
1804
The election of Jefferson in 1800 was a complete revolution in the
political policy of the new Republic, and it maintained its supremacy
for sixty years. The Republican party that triumphed with Jefferson
never suffered a defeat until after the name of the party had been
changed to Democracy under Jackson. John Quincy Adams, who was elected
President in 1824, was nominated and supported as a Republican, as
were Jackson, Crawford, and Clay, and the Whig triumphs of 1840 and
1848 stand in our history as accidental victories without changing
the general policy of the Government in any material respect. It may
be accepted as a fact that from 1800 until 1900, the full period of a
century, there have been but two political policies established and
maintained in the government of this country. The Democratic policy
ruled from 1800 to 1860, and from 1860 to 1900 the Republican policy
has maintained its supremacy, notwithstanding the two Democratic
administrations of Cleveland. They were but temporary checks upon
Republican mastery, as the Whig successes of 1840 and 1848 were mere
temporary checks upon Democratic rule.
[Illustration: THOMAS JEFFERSON]
With Jefferson’s success in 1800 came, for the first time, the control
of the Republicans in both branches of Congress, and Jefferson thus had
the entire legislative power of the Government in thorough sympathy and
harmony with himself. He was bitterly opposed by the Federalists at
every step. They justly criticised his hostility to an American navy;
they complained vehemently of his removals from office in partisan
interests, and they specially assailed his ostentatious attempts to
limit the authority and powers of the General Government to give the
supreme sovereignty of the nation to the people.
The one act of his administration that was most violently assailed
was his purchase of Louisiana in 1803. It was proclaimed by the
Federalists as the most flagrant usurpation of authority, as an utter
overthrow of the Constitution, and as the beginning of the end of the
Union. There is not an argument made to-day against the acquisition of
the Philippines and Puerto Rico that is not the echo of the earnest
arguments made by the Federalists against the acquisition of Louisiana.
The ablest of the Federalists proclaimed in the Senate and House that
the Union was practically destroyed by the acquisition of a distant
country, containing a people with no sympathy with our interests or
institutions; who were generally strangers to our language and could
never be educated to the proper standard of American citizenship. But
the country then, as now, believed in expansion, and the acquisition
of Louisiana stands out as one of the grandest achievements of
statesmanship exhibited by any administration, from Washington to
McKinley.
The contest between Jefferson and Burr for the Presidency, after
one had been distinctly supported as a candidate for President and
the other as distinctly as a candidate for Vice-President, taught
the necessity of changing the method of choosing a President in the
Electoral College, but the Federalists bitterly opposed the change,
chiefly on the ground that it was desired solely to gratify the
personal ambition and interests of Jefferson. The proposed amendment
prevailed, however, and was ratified by thirteen of the sixteen States
in ample time for the contest of 1804. The dissenting States in the
ratification of the amendment were Massachusetts, Connecticut, and
Delaware. Under that amendment the electors voted for President and
Vice-President as they do to-day, and the candidate for Vice-President
must now have a majority of the electoral vote as well as the candidate
for President to be successful.
The Congressional caucus that made Presidents for many years became
an accepted institution in 1804, when the Republican or Jeffersonian
members of Congress were publicly invited to meet on the 25th of
February. They unanimously nominated Mr. Jefferson for re-election,
and as Burr was unthought of for Vice-President, they nominated
George Clinton, of New York, for that office. This was the first
open political caucus or convention to nominate national candidates.
The caucuses of 1800 were held in secret by both the Federalists and
Republicans, and no record was preserved of their actions. Those who
called the caucus, appreciating the prejudice that would likely be
provoked by Congress attempting to dictate the candidates for President
and Vice-President, distinctly declared that the caucus or conference
was called solely as individuals, and not as official representatives
of the Senate and House. If the Federalists held a caucus in 1804,
there is no record of it that I have been able to find, but they
united on Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, for President, and
Rufus King, of New York, for Vice-President. Both of the parties gave
the second place on their respective tickets to New York, clearly
indicating that they regarded New York as one of the pivotal States of
the conflict.
Ohio had been admitted into the Union in 1802, making 17 States to take
part in the election of 1804, and the new apportionment, shaped by
the census of 1800, enlarged the number of electoral votes. While the
Federalists had greatly diminished in popular strength by the loss of
power and the steadily gaining approval of Jefferson and his Republican
policy, they did not abate in any degree the intensity of their
hostility to Jefferson, and in a few States where contests were made,
the campaigns were conducted on the old defamatory lines which marked
the two great battles between Jefferson and Adams.
In most of the States there was practically no contest, but in
Massachusetts and Connecticut, where Federalism had always maintained
its supremacy, the Federalists fought with an earnestness and
desperation such as might have been expected in a hopeful struggle.
The fiercest battle was fought in Massachusetts, where for the first
time the Republicans defeated the Federalists in the largest vote ever
cast in the State. Jefferson electors received 29,310 votes to 25,777
for the Pinckney ticket, giving Jefferson a majority of 3533. This
was a terrible blow to Adams, and it was aggravated by the fact that
while Massachusetts faltered, Connecticut gave her electoral vote to
the Federal ticket. Delaware, with her three electoral votes, was the
only other State that maintained her devotion to the Federal cause,
and the electoral votes of those 2 States, with 2 added from the 11
votes of Maryland, summed up the entire vote of the Federal candidate
for President in the Electoral College, the vote being 162 for
Jefferson to 14 for Pinckney, and a like vote for Clinton and King for
Vice-President. The following table presents the official vote cast in
the electoral colleges:
═══════════════╤═════════════════════════╦══════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
STATES. ├────────────┬────────────╫──────────┬───────
│ Thomas │ Charles C. ║ George │ Rufus
│ Jefferson. │ Pinckney. ║ Clinton. │ King.
───────────────┼────────────┼────────────╫──────────┼───────
New Hampshire │ 7 │ ―― ║ 7 │ ――
Vermont │ 6 │ ―― ║ 6 │ ――
Massachusetts │ 19 │ ―― ║ 19 │ ――
Rhode Island │ 4 │ ―― ║ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ ―― │ 9 ║ ―― │ 9
New York │ 19 │ ―― ║ 19 │ ――
New Jersey │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 20 │ ―― ║ 20 │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ 3 ║ ―― │ 3
Maryland │ 9 │ 2 ║ 9 │ 2
Virginia │ 24 │ ―― ║ 24 │ ――
North Carolina │ 14 │ ―― ║ 14 │ ――
South Carolina │ 10 │ ―― ║ 10 │ ――
Georgia │ 6 │ ―― ║ 6 │ ――
Kentucky │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ――
Tennessee │ 5 │ ―― ║ 5 │ ――
Ohio │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ――
├────────────┼────────────╫──────────┼───────
Total │ 162 │ 14 ║ 162 │ 14
═══════════════╧════════════╧════════════╩══════════╧═══════
THE MADISON-PINCKNEY-CLINTON CONTESTS
1808–12
The election of Jefferson ended the line of the succession to the
Presidency from the Vice-Presidency. Adams as Vice-President succeeded
Washington as President, and Jefferson as Vice-President succeeded
Adams, but the Burr fiasco made it impossible for the succession
to be maintained, and for many years the line of succession to the
Presidency was in the Premiers of the administration. Indeed during
the entire century from 1800 to 1900 but one Vice-President has been
elected to the Presidency. That single exception was Martin Van Buren,
and he started under the Jackson administration as Premier. Madison,
who was Secretary of State under Jefferson, succeeded Jefferson to the
Presidency; Monroe, Secretary of State under Madison, succeeded Madison
as President; John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State under Monroe,
succeeded Monroe as President, and since that time Buchanan was the
only Secretary of State who reached the Presidency, although Webster,
Cass and Blaine, who were Premiers under several administrations, were
defeated in Presidential contests.
[Illustration: JAMES MADISON]
Madison was generally regarded as the favorite of Jefferson for the
succession, and Jefferson’s power at that time was second only to
the power of Washington in dictating who should succeed him to the
highest honor of the Republic. Irritating opposition to Madison came
from his own State of Virginia, where the friends of Monroe were quite
aggressive. Two caucuses had been held in the Virginia Legislature,
one by the friends of Madison, and the other, much smaller in number,
by the friends of Monroe, and both were thus formally presented to the
country to succeed Jefferson.
A caucus of the Republican members of both branches of Congress was
called to meet on the 23d of January, 1808. It was known that the
friends of Madison largely outnumbered the friends of Monroe in
Congress, and the active supporters of Monroe earnestly opposed a
nomination by the Congressional caucus. The caucus was held, however,
and was attended by a majority of the Senators and Representatives,
and Madison was nominated on the 1st ballot, receiving 83 votes to 3
for Monroe and 3 for George Clinton. Monroe had a considerably larger
strength in Congress, but the result was predetermined, and a number of
them did not participate. George Clinton was nominated by substantially
the same vote for Vice-President. The caucus system was under fire,
and the caucus, in justification of its own act, adopted a resolution
declaring that in making the nominations the members had “acted only in
their individual characters as citizens,” and because it was “the most
practical mode of consulting and respecting the interests and wishes
of all upon a subject so truly interesting to the people of the United
States.”
It was a considerable time before the friends of Monroe gave a cordial
adhesion to the caucus nominations, but Jefferson, who was friendly
to both Madison and Monroe, interposed and reconciled the friends of
Monroe by the expectation that Monroe would succeed Madison; and as
there was practically no serious opposition to Madison presented by
the Federalists, the campaign drifted into the general acceptance of
Madison’s election long before the election was held. The Federalists
did not hold any caucus or formally present candidates, but accepted
Pinckney and King, for whom they had voted in the last contest against
Jefferson.
In the New England States vigorous contests were made by the
Federalists to regain the supremacy they had lost, and New Hampshire,
Massachusetts and Rhode Island, which had voted for Jefferson, were
regained by the Federalists, but the struggle was not made with any
hope of defeating Madison for President. There had been no increase in
the number of States nor in the vote of the electoral colleges. Madison
won an easy and decisive victory, receiving 122 electoral votes to 47
for Pinckney and 6 for George Clinton, who was the regular nominee of
the Republicans for Vice-President, and who was elected to that office
by 113 electoral votes to 47 for King and 15 scattering. New York was
obviously disaffected, as while the Republican caucus had accorded to
Clinton of that State the second place on the ticket, and elected him
Vice-President, the electoral vote of New York was divided, Madison
receiving 13 to 6 cast for Clinton, and in the same electoral college
Clinton received 13 votes for Vice-President to 3 for Madison and 3 for
Monroe. The votes of North Carolina and Maryland were also divided, but
that was not unusual, as after Washington retired the electoral votes
of those States were divided, because their electors were chosen by
Congressional districts.
There is no intelligent record of the popular vote, and it would be
needless to attempt to present it, as outside of New England the States
which were contested generally chose their electors by the Legislature.
The following is the vote in detail as cast in the Electoral College:
══════════════╤═══════════════════════════╦════════════════════════════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
├────────┬────────┬─────────╫────────┬────────┬────────┬───────┬─────
STATES. │James │George │C. C. ║George │James │John │James │Rufus
│Madison,│Clinton,│Pinckney,║Clinton,│Madison,│Langdon,│Monroe,│King,
│Va. │N. Y. │S. C. ║N. Y. │Va. │N. H. │Va. │N. Y.
──────────────┼────────┼────────┼─────────╫────────┼────────┼────────┼───────┼─────
New Hampshire │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 7
Vermont │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ ―― │ ―― │ 19 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 19
Rhode Island │ ―― │ ―― │ 4 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 4
Connecticut │ ―― │ ―― │ 9 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 9
New York │ 13 │ 6 │ ―― ║ 13 │ 3 │ ―― │ 3 │ ――
New Jersey │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 20 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 20 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ ―― │ 3 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3
Maryland │ 9 │ ―― │ 2 ║ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2
Virginia │ 24 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 24 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina│ 11 │ ―― │ 3 ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3
South Carolina│ 10 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky[4] │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ――
├────────┼────────┼─────────╫────────┼────────┼────────┼───────┼─────
│ 122 │ 6 │ 47 ║ 113 │ 3 │ 9 │ 3 │ 47
══════════════╧════════╧════════╧═════════╩════════╧════════╧════════╧═══════╧═════
[4] One Kentucky elector did not attend. The State was entitled to 8
votes.
The battle for Madison’s second election in 1812 began in the early
period of our second war with Great Britain. Many complicated foreign
questions excited earnest discussion and renewed the partisan
bitterness of the earlier national contests, while the struggle for the
renewal of the charter of the United States bank convulsed financial
and business circles. The bill was lost by indefinite postponement in
the House in 1811 by a single vote, and soon thereafter a like bill
was rejected in the Senate by the casting vote of the Vice-President.
Madison did not possess the breadth of statesmanship so grandly
exhibited by Jefferson, and he lacked in the positive qualities needed
to meet the grave issues which confronted him. He parried our foreign
questions with almost endless diplomatic correspondence, and in the
conduct of the war he lacked in the settled purpose and methods which
are always necessary to sustain a government in such a crisis.
It was then that Clay came to the front as Commoner of the nation, and
it was his able, eloquent, and inspiring utterances and actions, aided
by Senator Crawford, of Georgia, that saved the administration when it
was apparently threatened with defeat. Madison was unwilling to accept
war with England until it became clearly evident that he must declare
war or give the Federalists a restoration to power, and it was only
after he had been very earnestly appealed to by the men upon whom he
had most to depend, that he sent a message to Congress pointing out the
necessity of a declaration of war, to which both branches in secret
sessions gave their approval.
It was not until after Madison had decided upon an aggressive war
policy with England that the Congressional caucus was called to
nominate Republican candidates for President and Vice-President. The
caucus met on the 12th of May apparently without objection, and Madison
was renominated by a unanimous vote, only one member present declining
to vote. Clinton had died in office, and a new nomination had to be
made for Vice-President. John Langdon, of New Hampshire, who was the
first Senator to be President _pro tem._ of the body, was nominated
for Vice-President, receiving 64 votes to 16 for Elbridge Gerry and
2 scattering. Langdon declined the nomination, and the second caucus
was convened when Gerry was nominated by a vote of 74 to 3 scattering.
While the proceedings of the caucus were apparently very harmonious,
there was significance in the fact that some 50 Republican Senators
and Representatives did not attend, only one being present from New
York State.
The reason for the New York members declining to attend the caucus
was soon developed by a counter movement, made in New York, to bring
out DeWitt Clinton, who was the leader of the Republicans of that
State, as the candidate in opposition to Madison. The Federalists had
no part in making him the competitor of Madison, but they were quite
willing, in their utter helplessness, to support any bolt against
the omnipotence of the Republican caucus. Many of the Republicans
thought that the administration was not sufficiently aggressive in its
opposition to England, and many others opposed Madison and were ready
to support Clinton or any other promising candidate who was entirely
opposed to the war. Had Clinton acted in harmony with the Republicans
and supported Madison, he would have been a very formidable competitor
of Monroe for the succession, but in allowing himself to be made
a candidate of the opposition, he entirely lost his position as a
Republican leader.
Madison had been nominated by the Republican Congressional caucus on
the 12th of May, and on the 29th of May a caucus of the Republican
members of the New York Legislature was held, at which 91 of the 93
members were present, and they unanimously nominated Clinton as a
candidate for President, and the Federalists gradually dropped into his
support. The Federalists took no formal action for the selection of
candidates until September, when a conference of the leaders of that
party was held in New York, with representatives from 11 States, and
that conference nominated Clinton for President with Jared Ingersoll
for Vice-President.
The campaign logically drifted into a square issue between the war
and the peace parties, and even with all the factional hostility to
Madison in the Republican ranks, such an issue could result only in
the success of the party that sustained the Government in its war with
England. The Federalists carried a solid New England vote for Clinton
with the exception of Vermont, that broke loose from her Federal
moorings and cast her entire electoral vote for Madison. New York,
with the largest electoral vote of any State, was carried chiefly by
Clinton’s personal popularity, and New Jersey was lost to Madison in
disregard of the popular vote of the State by a Federal Senate and
House that was successful against a Republican majority by reason of
the peculiar shaping of the legislative districts. The Legislature
repealed the law for the choice of electors by a popular vote, and
elected Federal electors by the Legislature. Had the popular vote of
New Jersey prevailed, the vote between Madison and Clinton in the
Electoral College would have been 136 for Madison to 81 for Clinton.
The following is the vote as cast by the electoral colleges:
═══════════════╤═════════════════════╦══════════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
├──────────┬──────────╫──────────┬───────────
STATES. │ James │ DeWitt ║ Elbridge │ Jared
│ Madison, │ Clinton, ║ Gerry, │ Ingersoll,
│ Va. │ N. Y. ║ Mass. │ Penn.
───────────────┼──────────┼──────────╫──────────┼───────────
New Hampshire │ ―― │ 8 ║ 1 │ 7
Vermont │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ――
Massachusetts │ ―― │ 22 ║ 2 │ 20
Rhode Island │ ―― │ 4 ║ ―― │ 4
Connecticut │ ―― │ 9 ║ ―― │ 9
New York │ ―― │ 29 ║ ―― │ 29
New Jersey │ ―― │ 8 ║ ―― │ 8
Pennsylvania │ 25 │ ―― ║ 25 │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ 4 ║ ―― │ 4
Maryland │ 6 │ 5 ║ 6 │ 5
Virginia │ 25 │ ―― ║ 25 │ ――
North Carolina │ 15 │ ―― ║ 15 │ ――
South Carolina │ 11 │ ―― ║ 11 │ ――
Georgia │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ――
Kentucky │ 12 │ ―― ║ 12 │ ――
Tennessee │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ――
Louisiana │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ――
Ohio │ 7 │ ―― ║ 7 │ ――
├──────────┼──────────╫──────────┼───────────
Total │ 128 │ 89 ║ 131 │ 86
═══════════════╧══════════╧══════════╩══════════╧═══════════
Louisiana was admitted into the Union on the 8th of April, 1812, and
participated in the Presidential election, making 18 States. It will
be seen that there was but one State that cast a divided electoral
vote. Maryland continued to choose all but the electors at large by
Congressional districts, and gave 6 votes to Madison and 5 to Clinton.
North Carolina changed her method of electing by districts to the
choice of electors by the Legislature, thus making her electoral vote
solid. Gerry, the candidate for Vice-President on the ticket with
Madison, received 3 more votes in the Electoral College than were
given to Madison, one of which came from New Hampshire and two from
Massachusetts.
THE MONROE ELECTIONS
1816–20
The election of James Monroe to the Presidency in 1816 and his
re-election in 1820 did not rise to the dignity of political contests.
The Federal party was practically overthrown by the success of the war
with England, and after the close of the war Federalism never asserted
itself as a political factor in national affairs. There were murmurings
of discontent in the Republican organization, but the Federalists were
then in the unenviable attitude of having sympathized with the enemy
in a foreign war, and the prejudices of the patriotic people of the
country were intensified against the action of the Hartford convention,
for which the Federalists were held responsible.
Whether justly or unjustly, it was believed by the Republicans
throughout the country that the Hartford conventionists had given
“blue-light” signals to the enemy’s ships, and thereby hindered
the escape of American vessels which were blockaded. The overthrow
of Federalism was so complete that the party never again formally
presented candidates for President and Vice-President, and the first
Monroe election of 1816 would probably have been as unanimous in the
Electoral College as was his second election but for the fact that the
three Federal States which voted against Monroe did not hold popular
elections for President at all, but chose their electors by the
Legislature. Massachusetts, the home of Adams, that had always chosen
Presidential electors by popular vote, repealed the law in 1816, so
that there was not a single elector chosen by the people against Monroe.
While Monroe’s two elections and administrations are now pointed to
as the “era of good feeling,” that has never been repeated in this
country. Monroe himself did not reach the Presidency by the rosy
path that would now be naturally accepted for him in his journey
to the highest civil trust of the nation. The usual Congressional
caucus was called on the 10th of March, 1816, asking the Republican
Senators and Representatives to meet on the 12th for the purpose of
nominating candidates for President and Vice-President. Only 58 of
the 141 Republican members attended this meeting, and, instead of
taking action, a resolution was passed calling a general caucus for
the 16th, and at that caucus 118 members appeared. There were strong
and widespread prejudices against the Congressional caucus system, and
it was denounced by many prominent Republicans as “King Caucus” that
sought to control the people in the selection of the highest officers.
[Illustration: JAMES MONROE]
Senator Crawford, of Georgia, who had been the leading Senator, as
Clay was the leading Representative, in the support of the war during
the Madison administration, was an aggressive candidate for President,
and was more popular with the politicians generally throughout the
country than was Monroe. Great anxiety was felt about the probable
action of the caucus, as it was feared that Monroe might be overthrown,
notwithstanding the fact that he was favored by both Jefferson and
Madison. When the caucus met with twenty-three Republican absentees,
the majority of whom absented themselves because they were positively
opposed to the caucus system, Mr. Clay offered a resolution declaring
it inexpedient to nominate candidates, but his proposition failed. He
thus put himself on record as early as 1816 against the caucus system,
and he rejected and took the field against it as a candidate in 1824.
The canvass between Monroe and Crawford was very animated, and Monroe
succeeded by only 11 majority, the vote being 65 for Monroe and 54 for
Crawford. Governor Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, was nominated for
Vice-President, receiving 20 votes more than were given to Monroe.
The Crawford sentiment was strong in New York and New Jersey, as well
as in North Carolina, Kentucky, and his native State of Georgia, and
public meetings were held in different sections of the country after
the nominations had been made, denouncing the caucus system, at one of
which Roger B. Taney, who later became Chief Justice, was one of the
aggressive opponents.
Had there been a formidable Federal party, it is doubtful whether
Monroe’s election might not have been seriously imperilled,
but the war feeling was too fresh in the minds of the people to
tolerate anything that was in sympathy with that expiring political
organization. The Republicans who were opposed to Monroe had to choose
between falling in with the caucus nomination, and giving Monroe a
unanimous support, or making a square fight as a bolting Republican
faction, without permitting the aid of the Federalists. As that was
impracticable, the Republican discontent gradually subsided and the
election of Monroe was conceded by all.
The Federalists made no nomination, but supported Rufus King, one
of their old national candidates, and scattered their few votes
for Vice-President, no two of the three States voting for the same
candidate. Indiana had adopted a State Constitution in June, but was
not formally admitted to the Union until the 11th of December, after
the Presidential election had been held. The State, however, had voted
for President, and elected three Republican electors for Monroe, but
an animated dispute arose in Congress about counting the vote, because
of the alleged ineligibility of Indiana to vote for President when not
formally admitted into the Union, even though the people had adopted a
State Constitution several months before the election. The two bodies
separated, to enable the House to decide the issue, but finally the
question was postponed by a nearly unanimous vote, and the Senate
invited to return, when the vote was declared as follows:
══════════════╤═════════════╦═══════════════════════════════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
├───────┬─────╫─────────┬───────┬─────┬─────────┬─────────
STATES. │James │Rufus║Daniel D.│John E.│James│John │Robert G.
│Monroe,│King,║Tompkins,│Howard,│Ross,│Marshall,│Harper,
│Va. │N. Y.║N. Y. │Md. │Penn.│Va. │Md.
──────────────┼───────┼─────╫─────────┼───────┼─────┼─────────┼─────────
New Hampshire │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ ―― │ 22 ║ ―― │ 22 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 4 │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ ―― │ 9 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 29 │ ―― ║ 29 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 25 │ ―― ║ 25 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ 3 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3
Maryland │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 25 │ ―― ║ 25 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina│ 15 │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina│ 11 │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ 12 │ ―― ║ 12 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├───────┼─────╫─────────┼───────┼─────┼─────────┼─────────
Total │ 183 │ 34 ║ 183 │ 22 │ 5 │ 4 │ 3
══════════════╧═══════╧═════╩═════════╧═══════╧═════╧═════════╧═════════
Monroe’s re-election in 1820 presents the singular political spectacle
of his success without having been formally nominated by any party,
and without a single electoral vote being chosen against him. That
had occurred in Washington’s two elections, but it was not believed
possible that, with the bitter partisan disputes which immediately
followed Washington’s retirement, any man could ever be chosen for the
Presidency without more or less of a contest. Monroe’s administration
had no serious political or diplomatic problem to confront it, and
the country was rapidly recovering from the war and proud of the
achievements of the American army and navy in the second contest with
the English.
Monroe was naturally cautious and conservative. There was nothing
aggressive in the policy of his administration, and really no occasion
to invite aggression. The Federal Party was practically extinct, and
the Republicans were in thorough accord with the Monroe administration.
A feeble movement was made early in 1820 to supersede Monroe, but
it never attained importance, and even those who attempted it denied
responsibility for it. The usual Republican Congressional caucus was
called, and very few members took the trouble to attend it, as there
was really nothing to do; and it was deemed better for the party
to accept Monroe and Tompkins for re-election than to have formal
nominations made by a very few representatives of the party. Monroe and
Tompkins were thus accepted without any formalities whatever as the
Republican candidates for President and Vice-President, and no opposing
candidates were presented in any way whatever of which I can find any
record or tradition. Monroe thus ran in 1820, as Washington did at both
his elections, without opposition, and every electoral vote of the
nation was chosen for him.
Five new States had been admitted and participated in the election
of 1820. Mississippi came in December, 1817; Illinois in December,
1818; Alabama in December, 1819; Maine in March, 1820, and Missouri
had adopted a Constitution in July, 1820, and although not formally
admitted into the Union until August, 1821, the vote of that State
was counted, as was the vote of Indiana in 1816. The following is the
official vote as announced by Congress:
═══════════════╤═══════════════════╦══════════════════════════════════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
├───────┬───────────╫─────────┬─────────┬─────────┬───────┬────────
STATES. │James │John Quincy║Daniel D.│Richard │Robert G.│Richard│Daniel
│Monroe,│Adams, ║Tompkins,│Stockton,│Harper, │Rush, │Rodney,
│Va. │Mass. ║N. Y. │N. J. │Md. │Penn. │Del.
───────────────┼───────┼───────────╫─────────┼─────────┼─────────┼───────┼────────
Maine │ 9 │ ―― ║ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire │ 7 │ 1 ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ――
Vermont │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ 15 │ ―― ║ 7 │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 4 │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 9 │ ―― ║ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 29 │ ―― ║ 29 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania[5]│ 24 │ ―― ║ 24 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ 4 │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 4
Maryland │ 11 │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 25 │ ―― ║ 25 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina │ 15 │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina │ 11 │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Alabama │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Mississippi[5] │ 2 │ ―― ║ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ 12 │ ―― ║ 12 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee[5] │ 7 │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├───────┼───────────╫─────────┼─────────┼─────────┼───────┼────────
Total │ 231 │ 1 ║ 218 │ 8 │ 1 │ 1 │ 4
═══════════════╧═══════╧═══════════╩═════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═══════╧════════
[5] One elector in each of the States of Pennsylvania, Mississippi,
and Tennessee died after appointment, and before the meetings of the
electors.
It will be seen that a single electoral vote was cast against Monroe in
the New Hampshire Electoral College. The whole 8 electors were chosen
as Monroe men, and would have voted for him had it been necessary to
elect him, but one of the New Hampshire electors gave as his reason
for voting for John Quincy Adams for President and Richard Rush, of
Pennsylvania, for Vice-President, that he was unwilling that any other
President than Washington should receive a unanimous electoral vote.
Monroe’s administrations were uneventful beyond the assertion of what
has ever since been known as the Monroe Doctrine, that was evolved by
Monroe and John Quincy Adams, his Secretary of State, and the first
serious contest in Congress over the Slavery issue, growing out of the
admission of Missouri as a State. After the admission of Louisiana as a
State the remainder of the territory embracing the Louisiana purchase
was organized as the Territory of Missouri, and in 1818 the portion
of the territory now embraced in the State of Missouri applied for
admission into the Union as a State. In 1819 the House passed a bill
for the admission of Missouri, with a clause prohibiting slavery, but
it was not accepted by the Senate.
In 1820 the Senate sent a bill to the House for the admission of
Maine, and authorizing the organization of the State of Missouri. The
House had already passed a bill for the admission of Maine, but it
refused to accept the Senate’s provision relating to Missouri. There
was very violent agitation on the Slavery question for some time, and
many feared that it would end in the disruption of the Union; but Clay
became the pacificator, and chiefly by his efforts what has ever since
been known as the Missouri Compromise was accepted, admitting Missouri
as a slave State, but prohibiting slavery in all of the Louisiana
territory north of 36 degrees and 30 minutes north latitude. This
compromise did not fully satisfy either side, but it was accepted, and
on the 10th of August, 1821, President Monroe proclaimed the admission
of Missouri into the Union.
Monroe had the most unruffled period of rule ever known in the history
of the Republic. Washington, with all his omnipotence, was fearfully
beset by factional strife and the wrangles of ambition on every side,
and there was no period of his two administrations in which he was
not greatly fretted by the persistent and often desperate disputes
among those who should have been his friends; but Monroe had an
entirely peaceful reign, with the single exception of the slavery
dispute over the Missouri question, and at the close of his term he
retired to his home in Virginia entirely exhausted in fortune. For
several years he acted as a Justice of the Peace, but his severely
straitened circumstances finally compelled him to make his home with
his son-in-law in New York, where he died in 1831, and, like Jefferson
and Adams, on the 4th of July.
THE ADAMS-JACKSON-CRAWFORD-CLAY CONTEST
1824
With the re-election of Monroe in 1820, the Federal party had perished
as a political factor; “King Caucus,” as the Congressional caucus for
nominating national candidates had been generally designated, had
fulfilled its mission, and none pretended that it could be revived to
name the successor of Monroe. As Federalism was unfelt and unfeared,
and as the Congressional caucus had lost its prestige and power,
the Presidential field of 1824 invited a free-for-all race, and the
discussion of the succession began actively as early as 1822. It seems
unaccountable that the Republicans, after having had the benefit of the
Congressional caucus to concentrate their vote on national candidates,
did not conceive the idea of a general conference of representative
Republicans from the different States to unite them on candidates for
President and Vice-President, but no national convention was ever held
by any party until the anti-Masons inaugurated it in Philadelphia in
1830, two years before the Presidential election of 1832.
[Illustration: JOHN QUINCY ADAMS]
As there was practically no Federal party, none but Republicans were
discussed for the succession to Monroe. It is a common but erroneous
idea that John Quincy Adams was in harmony with the Federal sentiment
of his State and New England generally. After having filled a number of
important offices, principally in diplomatic circles, he was elected
to the United States Senate as a Federalist by the Massachusetts
Legislature in 1802, but he heartily supported the administration
of Jefferson, resulting in instructions passed by the Legislature
demanding that he should change his political policy. He refused to
obey the Legislative instructions, but resigned his seat in the Senate,
and thenceforth he acted uniformly with the Republicans, and was
Secretary of State during the eight years of Monroe’s administration.
While very many candidates were discussed for the succession, when
the time came for concentration only six names remained, and three of
those were members of the Monroe Cabinet. They were John Quincy Adams,
Secretary of State; John C. Calhoun, Secretary of War; William H.
Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury; Henry Clay, of Kentucky, who had
been Speaker of the House; Ex-Governor De Witt Clinton, of New York,
who was not then in official position, and General Andrew Jackson, of
Tennessee, who had been Senator, Representative, and Supreme Judge. Mr.
Clay was presented to the people as a candidate for President by the
Kentucky Legislature as early as the 18th of November, 1822, or two
years before the election, and the Missouri Legislature also adopted
a resolution about the same time recommending Mr. Clay. During the
year 1823 the Legislatures of Illinois, Ohio, and Louisiana had also
formally favored Clay.
General Jackson was first formally named for the Presidency by a
mass-meeting in Blount County, Tenn., early in 1823, and that was
followed up by various mass-meetings and local conventions in different
parts of the Union. Mr. Adams, although not in sympathy with the
Federalists, having earnestly supported the war with England against
the Federal sentiment of his State, was presented as a candidate by the
Legislature of Massachusetts, and it was seconded by most of the New
England States during the early part of the year 1824.
Clinton was nominated by local mass-meetings in New York and Ohio.
Calhoun was presented by the Legislature of South Carolina, and
Crawford by the Legislature of Virginia. It is worthy of note
that while Adams was the Premier of the administration, Crawford
was obviously the favorite candidate of President Monroe, as the
Legislature of Virginia recommended Crawford, and Virginia voted for
him at the election.
All of these candidates were opposed to the Congressional caucus
excepting Crawford, who had been the competitor of Monroe in the caucus
in 1816. His friends made earnest effort to get the prestige of a
caucus nomination, and 6 Senators and 5 Representatives from different
States called a caucus to meet on the 14th of February, 1824, “to
recommend candidates to the people of the United States for the office
of President and Vice-President.” That call was met by a card signed by
24 Republican Senators and members declaring that of the 261 Senators
and Representatives there were 81 who were opposed to the caucus. The
caucus was held, however, but only 66 members appeared, a majority of
whom were from 4 States, and 8 States were not represented at all.
A motion to adjourn to meet some weeks later was opposed by Mr. Van
Buren and rejected. A ballot was then had for President, when Crawford
received 64, Adams 2, Jackson 1, and Macon 1. Albert Gallatin, of
Pennsylvania, was also nominated for Vice-President.
The caucus nomination was certainly a hindrance rather than a help
to Crawford, as it concentrated his opponents to a very large
extent. The caucus system had become very odious, and with 5 of the
6 candidates openly hostile to the caucus, it placed Crawford at a
decided disadvantage. Gallatin, who was of foreign birth, was bitterly
assailed, and a month before the election he withdrew his name as a
candidate, but no attempt was made to give formal nomination to a
successor for him on the ticket.
Strange as it may appear, Pennsylvania, the home of Gallatin, did not
cordially respond to his nomination, and there was a decided preference
in that State in favor of Calhoun for Vice-President. Calhoun and
Clinton, being without any large measure of support, gradually dropped
out of the Presidential contest, leaving Adams, Jackson, Crawford,
and Clay to make the scrub race. There were 24 States to participate
in the election, and New York, Vermont, Delaware, South Carolina,
Georgia and Louisiana chose their electors by their Legislatures, while
Maine, Massachusetts, Maryland, Illinois, and Kentucky chose electors
by districts, and in the other States popular elections were held and
electors chosen by general ticket.
An incident that occurred in the selection of electors by the
Legislature of New York resulted in making Clay the fourth candidate
in the Electoral College instead of the third. There were 3 of the
electors chosen by the Legislature who were elected as Clay men by
a combination between the Clay and Adams men, who in the Electoral
College divided their votes between Adams, Crawford, and Jackson, and
had they voted for Clay, as it was expected they would, Clay would
have had 40 votes in the electoral colleges and Crawford only 38. As
only the three highest candidates in the Electoral College could be
returned to the House from which a choice had to be made, Crawford was
thus returned instead of Clay, and if Clay had been returned, it is
probable that Adams would not have been chosen President. The New York
Legislature had a protracted contest in choosing electors. The combined
strength of the candidates in the two Houses as shown by the 1st
ballot was 60 for Crawford, 57 for Adams, and 39 for Clay. Finally a
combination was made between the friends of Adams and Clay, and divided
electors were chosen, by which Adams received 26 votes, Crawford 5,
Clay 4, and Jackson 1. In Delaware the electors were divided by a like
dispute in the Legislature.
The contest was not one of great bitterness, and in some States there
was practically no contest at all. Massachusetts and Virginia, for
instance, did not poll half their votes, as they were really not
contested, one being conceded to Adams and the other to Crawford. The
following is the popular vote of the States except where the electors
were chosen by the Legislature, as nearly as it can be ascertained
after the most exhaustive investigation of the records:
═════════════════╤═════════╤═════════╤═════════╤═════════
STATES. │ Jackson.│ Adams. │Crawford.│ Clay.
─────────────────┼─────────┼─────────┼─────────┼─────────
Maine[6] │ ―――――― │ 10,289 │ 2,336 │ ――――――
New Hampshire │ 643 │ 4,107 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Vermont[7] │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Massachusetts[6] │ ―――――― │ 30,687 │ 6,616 │ ――――――
Rhode Island │ ―――――― │ 2,145 │ 200 │ ――――――
Connecticut │ ―――――― │ 7,587 │ 1,978 │ ――――――
New York[7] │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ――――――
New Jersey │ 10,985 │ 9,110 │ 1,196 │ ――――――
Pennsylvania │ 36,100 │ 5,440 │ 4,206 │ 1,609
Delaware[7] │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Maryland[6] │ 14,523 │ 14,632 │ 3,646 │ 695
Virginia │ 2,861 │ 3,189 │ 8,489 │ 416
North Carolina │ 20,415 │ ―――――― │ 15,621 │ ――――――
South Carolina[7]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Georgia[7] │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Alabama │ 9,443 │ 2,416 │ 1,680 │ 67
Mississippi │ 3,234 │ 1,694 │ 119 │ ――――――
Louisiana[7] │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Kentucky[6] │ 6,455 │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ 17,321
Tennessee │ 20,197 │ 216 │ 312 │ ――――――
Missouri │ 987 │ 311 │ ―――――― │ 1,401
Ohio │ 18,457 │ 12,280 │ ―――――― │ 19,255
Indiana │ 7,343 │ 3,095 │ ―――――― │ 5,315
Illinois[6] │ 1,901 │ 1,542 │ 219 │ 1,047
├─────────┼─────────┼─────────┼─────────
Totals │ 153,544 │ 108,740 │ 46,618 │ 47,136
═════════════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═════════
[6] By districts.
[7] By Legislature.
The popular vote as given in the foregoing table does not fully
represent the relative strength of the opposition candidates to
Jackson. There were what were called “Opposition” tickets, “People’s”
tickets, and “Convention” tickets voted in different States. It will be
seen that Jackson received no votes in New England excepting a few in
New Hampshire, and in most of those States electoral tickets were known
as “Opposition” designed to concentrate all the opposition to Adams,
and in North Carolina the Jackson ticket was voted as the “People’s”
ticket, but no more intelligent and satisfactory presentation of the
popular vote can be gathered from the records than that presented.
The following is the vote of the Electoral College:
═══════════════╤══════════════════════════════════╦═════════════════════════════════════════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
├────────┬──────┬─────────┬────────╫────────┬────────┬─────────┬────────┬──────┬─────────
STATES │Andrew │J. Q. │ W. H. │H. Clay,║John C. │ Nathan │Nathaniel│ Andrew │M. Van│H. Clay,
│Jackson,│Adams,│Crawford,│ Ky. ║Calhoun,│Sanford,│ Macon, │Jackson,│Buren,│ Ky.
│Tenn. │Mass. │ Ga. │ ║ S. C. │ N. Y. │ N. C. │ Tenn. │ N. Y.│
───────────────┼────────┼──────┼─────────┼────────╫────────┼────────┼─────────┼────────┼──────┼─────────
Maine │ ―― │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ ―― │ 15 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 1 │ 26 │ 5 │ 4 ║ 29 │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 28 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 28 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ 1 │ 2 │ ―― ║ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2
Maryland │ 7 │ 3 │ 1 │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ ―― │ ―― │ 24 │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 24 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina │ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina │ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ ―― │ ―― │ 9 │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 9 │ ――
Alabama │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Mississippi │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 3 │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 14 ║ 7 │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 16 ║ ―― │ 16 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ 2 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├────────┼──────┼─────────┼────────╫────────┼────────┼─────────┼────────┼──────┼─────────
Total │ 99 │ 84 │ 41 │ 37 ║ 182 │ 30 │ 24 │ 13 │ 9 │ 2
═══════════════╧════════╧══════╧═════════╧════════╩════════╧════════╧═════════╧════════╧══════╧═════════
Jackson led the popular vote, as was generally expected, and next
to him is Adams, with Clay third and Crawford fourth. While all of
the 4 candidates were regarded as Republicans as between Federalism
and Republicanism, the friends of Adams in a number of the States
fought the battle under the title of National Republicans, and the
supporters of Jackson, who represented the more Democratic element of
the opponents of Federalism, entitled themselves in some States the
Democratic Republicans. As was generally expected, there was no choice
for President, as no one of the 4 candidates had a majority of either
the popular or electoral votes, but Calhoun was elected Vice-President
by a large majority, having received the support of the Adams men
generally in New England, and of the Jackson men in Pennsylvania,
Maryland, North and South Carolina, and indeed in all of the Southern
States, excepting Georgia, Kentucky, and Missouri.
Thus for the second time in the history of the Republic the
Presidential election was remanded to the House for final decision,
and the names of Jackson, Adams, and Crawford, the three highest in
the Electoral College, were returned to that body from which a choice
had to be made by a majority of the States. Although Clay had received
less votes than Crawford, he was a very much more potent factor in
deciding the contest between the three candidates than Crawford could
have been, and it soon became evident that the friends of Clay were
in much closer accord and sympathy with Adams than they were with the
friends of either Crawford or Jackson. Clay certainly had no love for
Jackson, as Jackson was not accredited with any great qualities of
statesmanship, and it was the general apprehension that Clay would
control the election in favor of Adams that made the friends of Jackson
publish the accusation of “bargain and sale” between Adams and Clay,
by which Clay was to make Adams President and receive the position of
Premier under the administration. Although the Legislature of Kentucky
had requested the Congressmen from that State to vote for Jackson,
there were well-known reasons, both public and personal, why Clay could
not favor Jackson, and on the first ballot in the House Adams received
the votes of 13 States, with 7 for Jackson and 4 for Crawford. The
majority of the delegation of each State decided how the vote should be
cast, and the following table shows not only how the vote of each State
was given, but the divisions in the different delegations in deciding
between the three candidates:
═══════════════╤═════════╤═════════╤═════════╤═══════════
STATES. │ Adams. │ Jackson.│Crawford.│ Vote for—
───────────────┼─────────┼─────────┼─────────┼───────────
Maine │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ Adams.
New Hampshire │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ Adams.
Vermont │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ Adams.
Massachusetts │ 12 │ 1 │ ―― │ Adams.
Rhode Island │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ Adams.
Connecticut │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ Adams.
New York │ 18 │ 2 │ 14 │ Adams.
New Jersey │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ Jackson.
Pennsylvania │ 1 │ 25 │ ―― │ Jackson.
Delaware │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ Crawford.
Maryland │ 5 │ 3 │ 1 │ Adams.
Virginia │ 1 │ 1 │ 19 │ Crawford.
North Carolina │ 1 │ 2 │ 10 │ Crawford.
South Carolina │ ―― │ 9 │ ―― │ Jackson.
Georgia │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ Crawford.
Alabama │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ Jackson.
Mississippi │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ Jackson.
Louisiana │ 2 │ 1 │ ―― │ Adams.
Kentucky │ 8 │ 4 │ ―― │ Adams.
Tennessee │ ―― │ 9 │ ―― │ Jackson.
Missouri │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ Adams.
Ohio │ 10 │ 2 │ 2 │ Adams.
Indiana │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ Jackson.
Illinois │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ Adams.
├─────────┼─────────┼─────────┤
│ 87 │ 71 │ 54 │
═══════════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═══════════
The administration of John Quincy Adams will be regarded by the careful
and dispassionate student of American history as the model government
of the Republic. He was the most accomplished scholar who ever filled
the position, and surpassed all others in general and accurate
intelligence. He was a tireless student until the day of his death, and
he had no taste and no fitness for political manipulation. He removed
but two men from office during his four years in the Presidency, and
they were dismissed for very good cause, and in the discharge of
his official duties he looked solely to what he conceived to be the
interests of the nation.
He made no efforts to popularize himself personally; was regarded as
austere and unapproachable, but he was always courteous, and the arts
of the demagogue had no place in the Executive Mansion. He was the real
author of the Monroe Doctrine, and earnestly attempted to accomplish
what Blaine struggled to accomplish three-quarters of a century
later—that is, the unity of the South American governments in sympathy
with our Government. His Cabinet was not in political harmony, but as
he regarded politics as entirely outside of Cabinet duties, he never
took note of political disagreements. He aimed to win a re-election
solely by deserving the considerate approval of the American people.
After his defeat he returned to his home in Massachusetts, but was soon
elected to Congress, where he continued until his death in 1848.
As an illustration of the careful methods of his life my own experience
in obtaining his autograph serves a good purpose. A few weeks before
his death, when I was the editor of a village newspaper and ambitious
to have the autographs of the celebrated men of the country, I wrote
him asking for an autograph letter. I received no reply, and after his
death was announced I assumed that the letter had gone into the waste
basket; but three months after his death I received a letter franked
by Louise Catharine Adams (widows of Presidents were then accorded the
franking privilege), and the envelope contained only the autograph of
John Quincy Adams, clipped from a public document that he had franked.
The pressure of duties had prevented him from answering my letter, but
the fact that it was answered by his wife so long after his death is
evidence that many letters had accumulated, all of which were answered
by Mrs. Adams. He fitly died in the Capitol of the nation. He was
stricken with paralysis during a session of the House, and died on
the following day, having written, as I believe, the most lustrous
political record of any of our statesmen, with the single exception of
Abraham Lincoln.
THE JACKSON-ADAMS-CLAY CONTESTS
1828–32
The election of Jackson to the Presidency in 1828 was not in any
sense a revolution as to the general policy of the Government, but
it was a decided revolution in the political methods of our national
administrations. Madison, Monroe, and Adams were not confronted by the
spoils system. They never entertained the question of removing men from
office to reward political friends or to punish political enemies.
[Illustration: ANDREW JACKSON]
The civil service system of the Government under those administrations
was an ideal system, but the Jackson leaders openly inspired the
followers of their favorite to earnest political action by the
declaration that “to the victors belong the spoils.” That slogan was
first heard in the Jackson-Adams campaign of 1828, and when Jackson
succeeded, for the first time Washington was overrun with a countless
host of greedy spoilsmen, clamoring for the dismissal of every man who
had not supported Jackson.
Jackson himself was thoroughly committed to the policy of political
proscription, and from that day until the present time it has
been generally accepted that a change of politics in the national
administrations means a general change of the now enormous army of
Federal officers, excepting as it is feebly restrained by all parties
professing devotion to a civil service system with none honestly
maintaining it.
When it is remembered that Jackson was defeated by Adams in 1824,
although having more popular and electoral votes than Adams, it is not
surprising that the friends of Jackson became intensely embittered, and
they opened the campaign of 1828 immediately after the inauguration of
Adams in 1825. In the Southwest, where Jackson lived and had his chief
strength outside of Pennsylvania, the cockpit, the race-course and the
gaming-table were favorite amusements, and the people were strongly
prejudiced against what they regarded as the aristocratic power that
had been maintained by the Virginia Presidents and continued by Adams.
They had a candidate who enthused his followers to the uttermost, and
the quiet citizens of Washington, long used to the delectable and
cultivated official circles which had prevailed from Washington to
the second Adams, were shocked at the mob of Democratic place-hunters
who crowded into the Capitol when Jackson became President, and had
access to the White House regardless of conventionality, where Jackson
is reported to have smoked his corn-cob pipe during his greeting of
visitors. With Jackson came the spoils system that has done so much to
demoralize the politics of the Republic.
Jackson held a very strong position before the nation, not only because
of his triumph over the British at New Orleans, but because of the
high civil positions which he had filled with reasonable credit, but
without displaying any high standard of statesmanship. He aided in
framing the Tennessee Constitution in 1796, and was elected as the
first Representative in Congress by the people after the admission of
the State, then entitled to only one member.
He had been an ardent supporter of Jefferson in his first contest
with the elder Adams, and in 1797 he was elected to the United States
Senate, but he resigned a year later to become a Judge of the Supreme
Court of the State, where he served until 1804, and was again elected
Senator in 1823. He had filled all those important civil positions
before he had attained any military distinction. He had served in the
last year of the war of the revolution as a boy, and the only thing
notable that is preserved of his military record of that day is the
tradition that after he had been captured by the British he was wounded
by an English officer because he refused to clean the officer’s boots.
It is not likely that he ever would have been a prominent candidate for
President but for the fact that he defeated the English in the battle
of New Orleans on the 8th of January, 1815. Had there been steamships,
cables, and telegraphs at that time Jackson could never have commanded
the hero worship that twice elected him President and made him
practically political dictator.
The treaty of peace between England and the United States was signed
at Ghent on December 24, 1814, but it required nearly a month for the
Government to receive information that the treaty had been signed
and that the war was ended. On January 8, 1815, more than a fortnight
after England and the United States were actually at peace by their
own treaty, the battle of New Orleans was fought between Jackson
and Packenham, and a victory achieved over the English that then
electrified the country as thoroughly as did Dewey’s victory at Manila.
That victory, and that victory alone, made Jackson President, and with
his rugged and indomitable will, for nearly a generation he stamped his
impress upon the policy of the Government with greater emphasis than
any other living man since Washington.
The Presidential contest of 1828 formally began soon after the
inauguration of Adams, when the Legislature of Tennessee presented
Jackson as a candidate, and the criticisms of the Adams administration
revived much of the political asperities and resentments of the violent
discussions between the old Federalist and Republican parties in the
days of Jefferson and the elder Adams. One of the reasons strongly
urged against the re-election of Adams was that his administration had
become recklessly extravagant, as the expenditures of the Government
under him had reached the enormous sum of nearly $14,000,000 a year.
Adams was attacked also because of his liberal views on the questions
of protection and public improvements, although Jackson had sustained
nearly or quite the same views by his votes in Congress. Adams had
no trained political leaders; his Cabinet was divided even on the
question of supporting himself, and the ideal statesmanship that Adams
worshipped was not calculated to school and equip great politicians.
Chiefly through the efforts of Martin Van Buren the supporters of
Crawford were brought into the support of Jackson, a feat that was
probably not difficult from the fact that Clay, the Secretary of State
under Adams, was not friendly with Crawford.
The Congressional caucus was not thought of, and Adams became a
candidate to succeed himself by resolutions of Legislatures and
mass-meetings. Calhoun, who was the Vice-President under Adams, was
accepted by the friends of Jackson and received nearly as large an
electoral vote as his chief. It was a contest between the dignified
statesmanship of that day and the Democratic element of the country.
Adams was accepted as the National Republican candidate and Jackson
was supported under the flags of Republican Democracy, and in some
sections of Democracy alone. It was this contest and the success of
Jackson that crystallized the Republican party of Jefferson into the
Democratic party that then had the ablest political leaders of the
nation.
The friends of Adams seem to have been confident of his re-election,
and a majority of the States chose their electors by popular vote. It
was a battle between the Democratic hero of New Orleans, the friend of
the people, and the aristocratic power of the Republic. With Jackson’s
great prestige and Adams’s feebleness in resources to support himself
in the great contest before the people, it is not surprising that
Jackson was elected by a very large popular and electoral majority.
The following is the popular vote where a direct vote was had in the
several States between Jackson and Adams:
══════════════════╤══════════╤═══════════════
STATES. │ Jackson. │ Adams.
──────────────────┼──────────┼───────────────
Maine[8] │ 13,927 │ 20,733
New Hampshire │ 20,922 │ 24,134
Vermont │ 8,350 │ 25,363
Massachusetts │ 6,016 │ 29,876
Rhode Island │ 821 │ 2,754
Connecticut │ 4,448 │ 13,838
New York[8] │ 140,763 │ 135,413
New Jersey │ 21,951 │ 23,764
Pennsylvania │ 101,652 │ 50,848
Delaware[9] │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Maryland[8] │ 24,565 │ 25,527
Virginia │ 26,752 │ 12,101
North Carolina │ 37,857 │ 13,918
South Carolina[9] │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Georgia[9] │ 19,363 │ No opposition.
Alabama[9] │ 17,138 │ 1,938
Mississippi[9] │ 6,772 │ 1,581
Louisiana[9] │ 4,603 │ 4,076
Kentucky[9] │ 39,397 │ 31,460
Tennessee[8] │ 44,293 │ 2,240
Missouri │ 8,272 │ 3,400
Ohio │ 67,597 │ 63,396
Indiana │ 22,257 │ 17,052
Illinois │ 9,560 │ 4,662
├──────────┼───────────────
Totals │ 647,276 │ 508,064
══════════════════╧══════════╧═══════════════
[8] Chosen by districts.
[9] By Legislature.
The majority for Jackson was so decisive both in popular and electoral
votes that the verdict was accepted by the country, and the vote was
counted and declared by Congress without any incident worthy of note.
The following table presents the vote in detail for President and
Vice-President in the Electoral College:
══════════════╤════════════════════════════╦═══════════════════════════════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
STATES. ├───────────────┬────────────╫──────────────┬─────────────┬──────────────
│Andrew Jackson,│John Quincy ║ John C. │Richard Rush,│William Smith,
│ Tenn. │Adams, Mass.║Calhoun, S. C.│ Penn. │ S. C.
──────────────┼───────────────┼────────────╫──────────────┼─────────────┼──────────────
Maine │ 1 │ 8 ║ 1 │ 8 │ ――
New Hampshire │ ―― │ 8 ║ ―― │ 8 │ ――
Vermont │ ―― │ 7 ║ ―― │ 7 │ ――
Massachusetts │ ―― │ 15 ║ ―― │ 15 │ ――
Rhode Island │ ―― │ 4 ║ ―― │ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ ―― │ 8 ║ ―― │ 8 │ ――
New York │ 20 │ 16 ║ 20 │ 16 │ ――
New Jersey │ ―― │ 8 ║ ―― │ 8 │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 28 │ ―― ║ 28 │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ 3 ║ ―― │ 3 │ ――
Maryland │ 5 │ 6 ║ 5 │ 6 │ ――
Virginia │ 24 │ ―― ║ 24 │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina│ 15 │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina│ 11 │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ 9 │ ―― ║ 2 │ ―― │ 7
Alabama │ 5 │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ――
Mississippi │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 5 │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ 14 │ ―― ║ 14 │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ 11 │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ 16 │ ―― ║ 16 │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 5 │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ――
├───────────────┼────────────╫──────────────┼─────────────┼──────────────
Totals │ 178 │ 83 ║ 171 │ 83 │ 7
══════════════╧═══════════════╧════════════╩══════════════╧═════════════╧══════════════
The campaign of 1832 resulting in the triumphant re-election of Jackson
developed a more confused condition of politics in the nation than
had ever been presented. The Federal party was dead, and did not
even pretend to maintain its organization in any of the States. The
Republican party was divided between the National Republicans and the
Democratic Republicans, who followed Jackson, and finally adopted the
flag of Democracy. Jackson’s first administration had been anything
but a peaceful one. An open quarrel had broken out between Jackson and
Vice-President Calhoun, and Jackson was not only a good hater, but
a good fighter. He was largely influenced by Van Buren, who was his
Secretary of State, and who was one of the most sagacious political
managers of his day. He aimed to succeed Jackson as President by having
the Jackson administration enlisted in his favor, and his first step
toward that end was to overthrow Calhoun, and Jackson emphasized his
hostility to Calhoun by dictating the nomination of Van Buren for
Vice-President.
A considerable number of prominent old Republicans who had supported
Jackson had become alienated from him because of the intensely
partisan qualities of his administration and because of his aggressive
interference in the Cabinet scandal resulting from Mrs. Eaton’s social
ambition as the wife of a Cabinet minister. Scandals were multiplied
in Washington about the Jackson Kitchen Cabinet, of which Amos Kendall
was regarded as the chief, but with all the disturbance in the National
Capitol, the people of the country were sturdy in their devotion to
Jackson, as was proved by his large majority, both in popular and
electoral votes, over Clay, who was confessedly the ablest leader of
the opposition.
This contest brings us to the introduction of the National Convention.
The first political national convention held in this country was called
to meet in Philadelphia in September, 1830, by a number of prominent
anti-Masonic leaders. The anti-Mason party had sprung up suddenly and
attained great power in the North, as it was the only outlet for the
old Federalists, most of whom were in sympathy with the opposition of
the new party to Masonic and all other secret societies.
The death of William Morgan, who, it was claimed, had been murdered
by the Masons for revealing the secrets of the order, was most
dramatically presented in the political organs of the day, and the
new party speedily absorbed most of the opposition elements to the
Democracy in the Northern States. The anti-Masonic national convention
that met in Philadelphia in 1830 was presided over by Francis Granger,
of New York, and was composed of 96 delegates, representing New York,
Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New
Jersey, Ohio, Maryland, and the Territory of Michigan. This convention
was held more than two years before the Presidential election, for
which it was expected to nominate candidates for President, but instead
of making nominations, it adjourned to meet in Baltimore in September,
1831, when it had 112 delegates, with Indiana and Ohio added to the
States presented. John C. Spencer was its president, and William
Wirt, of Maryland, was nominated for President, and Amos Ellmaker, of
Pennsylvania, for Vice-President. Instead of passing a platform, as is
now common, the convention issued an elaborate address to the people of
the Union.
This action of the anti-Masons was followed by the National
Republicans, who met in national convention at Baltimore, on December
12, 1831, with 17 States, represented by 157 delegates. Henry Clay
was nominated for President and John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, for
Vice-President. No platform was adopted by this convention, but it
followed the anti-Masons by issuing an address to the people of the
country in which it was stated that “the political history of the Union
for the last three years exhibits a series of measures plainly dictated
in all their principal features by blind cupidity or vindictive party
spirit, marked throughout by a disregard of good policy, justice, and
every high and generous sentiment, and terminating in a dissolution of
the Cabinet under circumstances more discreditable than any of the kind
to be met with in the annals of the civilized world.”
The Democrats followed the anti-Masons and National Republicans by
calling a National Democratic convention, to meet in Baltimore in
May, 1832, to nominate a candidate for Vice-President. Jackson was so
universally accepted as the candidate of the Democrats for re-election
that the convention was not allowed to make a nomination for the first
office, but a resolution was passed declaring that the convention
“cordially concurred in the repeated nominations that General Jackson
had received in various parts of the country for re-election as
President.” The convention adopted the two-thirds rule that has
prevailed in every Democratic convention from that day until the
present time, requiring that “two-thirds of the whole number of the
votes in the convention shall be necessary to constitute a choice.”
Van Buren was nominated for Vice-President, receiving 208 votes to 26
for Richard M. Johnson and 49 for Philip P. Barbour. No platform of
principles was adopted, nor was an address issued by the convention to
the people, but a resolution was passed declaring that “in place of a
general address from this body” the delegations should address their
respective constituents on the political issues of the day.
Never were two candidates presented for the first office of the
nation who so widely differed in their chief qualities. Jackson was
a clear-headed man of rugged intellect, of inflexible purpose, a
relentless opponent and a devoted friend, while Clay was the most
magnetic of all the popular leaders this country has ever produced. No
one before or since Clay’s time has approached him in that peculiar
quality but James G. Blaine. The hero-worship of Jackson was earnest
and always aggressive when summoned to battle, but Clay was beloved and
idolized beyond that accorded to any leader of any party in the history
of the Republic. He was a most brilliant orator, imposing in presence
and gifted in every grace that attracted the multitude, and he was
imperious as Cæsar in his leadership. His friends battled for him with
matchless enthusiasm, but Jackson was so strongly entrenched in the
confidence of the masses that he won an easy victory over the Sage of
Ashland.
The contest was one of unusual violence and defamation, and it was
doubtless aggravated by the personal enmity that existed between
Jackson and Clay. The veto of the bill rechartering the Bank of the
United States had greatly disturbed financial circles, and it was
believed in the early part of the struggle that the financial and
business interests of the country would endanger Jackson’s success,
but the popular prejudice against banks in that day was so great
that Jackson largely profited by the open opposition of his former
supporters who were interested in maintaining a national financial
institution. The anti-Masonic electoral ticket was adopted by the
National Republicans in several of the States, and it is specially
shown in the popular vote of Vermont, where Clay appears to have
carried the State, and yet the electoral vote was given to William
Wirt, the anti-Masonic candidate. Had it been possible for the
electoral vote of that State to elect Clay President, it would have
been cast for him.
The number of electors had been enlarged by the new apportionment,
and Delaware had provided for the choice of electors by a popular
vote, leaving South Carolina as the only State to appoint electors by
the Legislature. That State continued the system of the legislative
choice of electors without interruption until the civil war of 1861.
Several of the States also abandoned the election of delegates by the
district system, Maryland alone adhering to it. In Alabama there was
no electoral ticket opposed to Jackson, and the popular vote is not
attainable. Georgia was also without an anti-Jackson electoral ticket,
while Missouri, that was friendly to Clay in 1824, seems to have made
no battle for him against Jackson. The following is the popular vote,
as nearly as it can be ascertained:
═══════════════╤══════════╤════════
STATES. │ Jackson. │ Clay.
───────────────┼──────────┼────────
Maine │ 33,291 │ 27,204
New Hampshire │ 25,486 │ 19,010
Vermont │ 7,870 │ 11,152
Massachusetts │ 14,545 │ 33,003
Rhode Island │ 2,126 │ 2,810
Connecticut │ 11,269 │ 17,755
New York │ 168,497 │ 154,896
New Jersey │ 23,856 │ 23,393
Pennsylvania │ 90,983 │ 56,716
Delaware │ 4,110 │ 4,276
Maryland │ 19,156 │ 19,160
Virginia │ 33,609 │ 11,451
North Carolina │ 24,862 │ 4,563
South Carolina │ ――――――― │ ―――――――
Georgia │ 20,750 │ ―――――――
Alabama │ ――――――― │ ―――――――
Mississippi │ 5,919 │ ―――――――
Louisiana │ 4,049 │ 2,528
Kentucky │ 36,247 │ 43,396
Tennessee │ 28,740 │ 1,436
Missouri │ 5,192 │ ―――――――
Ohio │ 81,246 │ 76,539
Indiana │ 31,552 │ 15,472
Illinois │ 14,147 │ 5,429
├──────────┼────────
Totals │ 687,502 │ 530,189
═══════════════╧══════════╧════════
There was some ragged voting for President and much more for
Vice-President. Jackson received 219 votes in the Electoral College to
49 for Clay, 11 for Floyd, and 7 for Wirt, given by Vermont, and which
would have gone to Clay had they been needed. South Carolina, under the
influence of Calhoun, refused to vote for either Jackson or Van Buren,
but cast the electoral vote for John Floyd, of Virginia, for President,
and for Henry Lee, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. Van Buren
was not acceptable to all the friends of Jackson, as the Pennsylvania
Democratic Convention positively instructed the electors to vote for
William Wilkins for Vice-President, which instructions were obeyed in
the Electoral College, and a convention of Jackson men had been held
in June, in Charlottesville, Va., and nominated P. P. Barbour, of that
State, for the Vice-Presidency, with Jackson for President. A like
convention was held, composed of delegates from a number of counties
in North Carolina, in which Jackson and Barbour were nominated, but
Barbour did not reach the dignity of support in the Electoral College.
There were no disputes as to the return of the electoral colleges, and
the vote was declared by Congress as follows:
═══════════════╤═════════════════════════════╦═════════════════════════════════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
├────────┬─────┬──────┬───────╫──────────┬─────────┬────────┬─────┬─────────
STATES. │ Andrew │Henry│John │William║ Martin │ John │William │Henry│ Amos
│Jackson,│Clay,│Floyd,│ Wirt, ║Van Buren,│Sergeant,│Wilkins,│Lee, │Ellmaker,
│ Tenn. │ Ky. │ Va. │ Md. ║ N. Y. │ Penn. │ Penn. │Mass.│ Penn.
───────────────┼────────┼─────┼──────┼───────╫──────────┼─────────┼────────┼─────┼─────────
Maine │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 7
Massachusetts │ ―― │ 14 │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 14 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 42 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 42 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 30 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 30 │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 3 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 23 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 23 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina │ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina │ ―― │ ―― │ 11 │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 11 │ ――
Georgia │ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Alabama │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Mississippi │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ ―― │ 15 │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ 21 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 21 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├────────┼─────┼──────┼───────╫──────────┼─────────┼────────┼─────┼─────────
Totals │ 219 │ 49 │ 11 │ 7 ║ 189 │ 49 │ 30 │ 11 │ 7
═══════════════╧════════╧═════╧══════╧═══════╩══════════╧═════════╧════════╧═════╧═════════
Jackson’s second administration was even more tempestuous than the
first. His nullification proclamation that convulsed the country from
centre to circumference, and the first “pocket veto” in the history of
the country by which he had killed the Land bill, were among the later
acts of his first administration, and entered very largely into the
bitterness of political dispute that continued during his second term.
Both were denounced as violent usurpations, and it is doubtful whether
any but Andrew Jackson could have made the record he left on both of
those vital issues.
He had vetoed the recharter of the United States Bank during his first
term, and supplemented that hostility to the institution early in his
second term by the removal of the Government deposits from the bank.
His Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Duane, resolutely opposed the
removal of the deposits, but Jackson would not brook opposition, and
in order to carry out his new financial policy, he accepted Duane’s
resignation and appointed Roger B. Taney, who was in accord with the
President, and who was finally rewarded by his promotion to the Chief
Justiceship of the United States.
He had devoted followers in Congress; he was absolute master of
Congressional action during his second term, and he was heartily
supported by the great mass of the people, a very large portion of whom
regarded him as the model patriot and the infallible political oracle
of the nation. They loved his courage and his pugnacity, and as he
always was the winner, they had every inspiration to rejoice over the
triumphs of their devotedly worshipped leader.
Strange as it may seem, the first evidence of the weakness of Jackson’s
popular strength was exhibited in his own State of Tennessee, where
Hugh L. White, a Senator from that State, was nominated to succeed
Jackson as President by the Tennessee Legislature. Jackson was much
disturbed by it. When the question was before the Legislatures of
Alabama and Tennessee, copies of the Washington _Globe_, the organ of
the administration, containing severe assaults upon Senator White,
were franked to the members of those Legislatures by the President
himself; but notwithstanding all Jackson’s efforts to make Van Buren
his successor, Tennessee voted for Judge White by 10,000 majority.
Upon his retirement from the Presidency in 1837, he imitated Washington
by a farewell address to the American people, that was received by a
large majority as second in reverence only to the farewell address
of Washington. His health was feeble when his stormy eight years of
Presidential rule were ended, and after the inauguration of Van Buren
he retired to “The Hermitage,” his home, near Nashville, in Tennessee,
where he died on the 8th of June, 1845.
THE VAN BUREN-HARRISON CONTEST
1836
The national contest of 1836 that made Martin Van Buren President
gave birth to a new political organization known as the Whig party.
The opposition to Jackson agreed only in opposing Jackson, but it was
not possible to unite on any national policy. The strongest organized
element of the opposition was the anti-Masonic party, that was very
powerful in the North, but among the opponents of Jackson were many
who, like Mr. Clay, were Masons of high degree, and they could not
act with a political party that made anti-Masonry one of the cardinal
principles of its faith.
[Illustration: MARTIN VAN BUREN]
The National Republican party practically perished with the defeat of
Clay in 1832, and a very large majority of its members were not in
sympathy with the anti-Masons. These conditions led to the organization
of the Whig party in 1834, and it gradually absorbed all the old
National Republicans, Federalists, anti-Masons, and all the other
varied forms of opposition to Jackson. Its name and its declaration
of principles were declared by a number of leading men in 1834, and
it gradually developed in strength until it was the leading factor in
the support of Harrison in 1836, and won the election of Harrison by
an overwhelming majority of both the popular and electoral votes in
1840. The Whig party maintained itself as one of the ablest political
organizations the country has ever had, but it was much more noted for
its conservative restraints upon the Democrats than for the successful
establishment of its policy in the administration of the Government.
It elected two Presidents, Harrison and Taylor, but neither seriously
impressed the policy of the Whig party upon the nation. It practically
perished in 1852, when it made its last great battle for General Scott
for President, and carried but four States.
As the contest of 1836 was approached the various elements of
opposition to Jackson felt confident that they could poll a majority
of the popular vote, but there was no possibility of their uniting
upon any one candidate without suffering great loss in their popular
following. It was decided, therefore, that instead of attempting to
unite the opposition to Jackson on one candidate, they would support
several candidates who were particularly strong in their respective
localities, with the hope that a majority of the electors might thus
be chosen who would unite in the election of the strongest of the
opposition candidates.
The Democrats were very much disturbed, as signs of disintegration were
visible to all. Jackson was the most potent of any of our retiring
Presidents, with the exception of Washington, and he dictated Van Buren
for the succession. Without the omnipotent power of Jackson, Van Buren
could not have been nominated or elected. Jackson had the Democracy
thoroughly organized, and he wielded all the official power of his
administration relentlessly to carry out his political aims. There was
much hesitation about the Democrats accepting a national convention,
because of the opposition to Van Buren, but Jackson personally
importuned the leading Democrats to summon a convention at an early
period, and a convention was finally called, to be held in Baltimore on
the 20th of May, 1835, nearly a year and a half before the Presidential
election.
It was not a representative convention, as although over six hundred
delegates attended, a majority of them were from Maryland alone,
but each State was allowed to cast the vote corresponding with its
representation in Congress. Van Buren was nominated unanimously on the
1st ballot, and Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, was made the candidate
for Vice-President, receiving 178 votes, with 87 cast for William
C. Rives, of Virginia. The two-thirds rule was reaffirmed in the
convention, and even after Johnson had been nominated under the rule
Virginia refused to approve the action of the convention presenting him
as the candidate for Vice-President. No platform was adopted and no
address was issued by the body to the people of the country.
The prominent candidates presented in opposition to Van Buren were
General William H. Harrison and Judge John McLean, of Ohio; Daniel
Webster, of Massachusetts, and Judge Hugh L. White, of Tennessee.
Willie P. Mangum, who received the electoral vote of South Carolina
chosen by the Legislature, was not a candidate before the people, and
it is remarkable that South Carolina, at war with Jackson on the right
of nullification, cast her electoral vote for Mangum, who was one of
the leaders of the Whig party and afterward distinguished as a Whig
United States Senator.
No attempt was made to bring these opposing opposition elements
together. Harrison was first nominated at Harrisburg, Penn., by two
State conventions, both meeting ostensibly as anti-Masons, the one
being Democratic and the other inclining to the new Whig organization,
and he was also presented by Legislatures and mass-meetings in other
States. Webster was nominated by the Whig Legislature of Massachusetts,
and Judge White was nominated by the Legislatures of Tennessee and
Alabama, and by mass-meetings in different sections of the South.
He was then a United States Senator from Tennessee, but at war with
Jackson, and he was confessedly the strongest opponent of Jackson in
the entire South. The fact that he could command a nomination from the
Democratic Legislature of Tennessee while Jackson was President is the
best evidence of his exceptional popularity with the people, and it was
proved also by him carrying the electoral vote of the State over Van
Buren by a decided majority. Judge McLean gradually dropped out of the
fight, as he was from Harrison’s State, and Harrison soon developed as
much the strongest candidate of the entire opposition competitors.
The contest was one of intense bitterness. There were no conflicting
opposition tickets run against Van Buren. In States where White was
strongest the opposition united on White electoral tickets, where
Harrison was strongest they united on Harrison electoral tickets, and
where Webster was strongest they united on Webster electoral tickets.
The campaign was thus shrewdly managed by the opposition, and it gave
some promise of success, as if a majority of the electoral votes had
been chosen against Van Buren, they would doubtless have been united
upon one candidate before the time for meeting of the electoral
colleges. In Clay’s State the battle was made for Harrison with him in
the forefront of the fight, and Harrison carried the State by a safe
majority.
The defamation of the contest of 1836 was equal to any of the malignant
contests of the early days of the Republic. Van Buren, Harrison, White,
and Webster were most vindictively assailed, and their public and
private lives criticised far beyond the lines of decent disputation.
Van Buren was proclaimed the mere puppet of Jackson; Harrison was
denounced as a failure in field and forum, where he had been General,
Governor, and Senator; Webster was defamed as an old blue-light
Federalist, and White was assailed in the South as an ingrate who had
sacrificed his self-respect to ambition.
There were twenty-six States to participate in the election of 1836.
Arkansas had come into the Union on the 15th of June, and Michigan,
where electors were chosen before the admission of the State, was
formally admitted into the Union on the 26th of January, 1837, before
the electoral count took place in Congress, and the precedent in the
Missouri case in 1821 settled the right of Michigan to participate in
the election. In all of the States, with the single exception of South
Carolina, the electors were chosen by popular vote and by general
ticket. The following was the popular vote as returned for the several
candidates, taking the vote of the opposition electors chosen as an
indication of the choice of their respective States:
═══════════════════╤════════════╤═══════════╤═════════╤═════════
STATES. │ Van Buren. │ Harrison. │ White. │ Webster.
───────────────────┼────────────┼───────────┼─────────┼─────────
Maine │ 22,990 │ 15,239 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
New Hampshire │ 18,722 │ 6,228 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Vermont │ 14,039 │ 20,996 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Massachusetts │ 34,474 │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ 42,247
Rhode Island │ 2,964 │ 2,710 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Connecticut │ 19,291 │ 18,749 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
New York │ 166,815 │ 138,543 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
New Jersey │ 25,592 │ 26,137 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Pennsylvania │ 91,475 │ 87,111 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Delaware │ 4,153 │ 4,733 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Maryland │ 22,168 │ 25,852 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Virginia │ 30,261 │ ―――――― │ 23,468 │ ――――――
North Carolina │ 26,910 │ ―――――― │ 23,626 │ ――――――
South Carolina[10] │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Georgia │ 22,104 │ ―――――― │ 24,876 │ ――――――
Alabama │ 20,506 │ ―――――― │ 15,612 │ ――――――
Mississippi │ 9,979 │ ―――――― │ 9,688 │ ――――――
Louisiana │ 3,653 │ ―――――― │ 3,383 │ ――――――
Arkansas │ 2,400 │ ―――――― │ 1,238 │ ――――――
Kentucky │ 33,025 │ 36,687 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Tennessee │ 26,129 │ ―――――― │ 36,168 │ ――――――
Missouri │ 10,995 │ ―――――― │ 7,337 │ ――――――
Ohio │ 96,948 │ 105,404 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Indiana │ 32,478 │ 41,281 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Illinois │ 17,275 │ 14,292 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
Michigan │ 7,332 │ 4,045 │ ―――――― │ ――――――
├────────────┼───────────┼─────────┼─────────
Totals │ 762,678 │ 548,007 │ 145,396 │ 42,247
═══════════════════╧════════════╧═══════════╧═════════╧═════════
[10] Chosen by the Legislature.
As Van Buren was successful, not only by a small popular majority, but
by a clear majority of the electoral vote, no effort was necessary to
unite the opposition electoral colleges, and they divided their votes
between Harrison, White, and Webster, according to the preferences of
the respective States. Virginia refused to give her electoral vote to
Johnson for Vice-President, and that left him without an election, as
he had not a majority of the whole Electoral College. He was, however,
promptly elected by the Senate, receiving 33 votes to 16 for Francis
Granger. He was the only Vice-President in the history of the Republic
who was not elected by the Electoral College. When Adams, Jackson,
Crawford, and Clay ran in 1824, and there was no choice for President
in the Electoral College, John C. Calhoun received a decided majority
in the college and was elected without an appeal to the Senate. The
following is the vote as cast for President and Vice-President in the
electoral colleges:
══════════════╤════════════════════════════════════════════════╦══════════════════════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
├──────────┬──────────┬───────┬────────┬─────────╫──────────┬────────┬──────┬───────
STATES. │Martin │William H.│Hugh L.│Daniel │Willie P.║Richard M.│Francis │John │William
│Van Buren,│Harrison, │White, │Webster,│Mangum, ║Johnson, │Granger,│Tyler,│Smith,
│N. Y. │O. │Tenn. │Mass. │N. C. ║Ky. │N. Y. │Va. │Ala.
──────────────┼──────────┼──────────┼───────┼────────┼─────────╫──────────┼────────┼──────┼───────
Maine │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 14 │ ―― ║ ―― │ 14 │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 42 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 42 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 30 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 30 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ ―― │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 10 │ ――
Virginia │ 23 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 23
North Carolina│ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina│ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 11 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 11 │ ――
Georgia │ ―― │ ―― │ 11 │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 11 │ ――
Alabama │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Mississippi │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Arkansas │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ ―― │ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 15 │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ ―― │ ―― │ 15 │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 15 │ ――
Missouri │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ ―― │ 21 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 21 │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ ―― │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 9 │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Michigan │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├──────────┼──────────┼───────┼────────┼─────────╫──────────┼────────┼──────┼───────
Totals │ 170 │ 73 │ 26 │ 14 │ 11 ║ 147 │ 77 │ 47 │ 23
══════════════╧══════════╧══════════╧═══════╧════════╧═════════╩══════════╧════════╧══════╧═══════
THE HARRISON-VAN BUREN CONTEST
1840
Memorable as was the campaign of 1840 that called General Harrison
to the Presidency by a popular whirlwind, the thoughtful student of
American politics will regard that campaign as even more memorable
because it gave birth to a party, of the humblest pretensions at the
start as a political power, that twenty years later saw its principles
triumph in the election of Lincoln, and the mastery of the party
that has controlled the policy of the Government for forty years.
The Abolition party, that was the corner-stone upon which the modern
Republican party is reared, was organized in December, 1839, at Warsaw,
Genesee County, N. Y., when, at a mass convention, with but few States
represented, it nominated James G. Birney, of New York, for President,
and Francis G. Lemoyne, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-President.
[Illustration: WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON]
This party had but one vital principle that made up its political
faith, and that was the abolition of slavery. It was looked upon as a
movement of a few political cranks, and was not regarded as a possible
factor in that or any future political contest. It cast a few votes
in 1840, but in 1844 it diverted enough votes from Henry Clay in New
York State to defeat him for the Presidency. Its total vote in 1840
aggregated only 7069, one-third of which was cast in New York and
one-fourth in Massachusetts; but it was the party of destiny, and its
origin can be studied with profit. Its few supporters of that day
who braved the prejudices of all parties were actuated by a sincere
conviction, and that conviction was made more and more acceptable from
year to year as the aggressions of slavery multiplied, until it finally
died a colossal suicide.
The divided opposition elements which had polled within 30,000 of the
vote received by Van Buren in 1836 were coerced by supreme necessities
to united action for the campaign of 1840. But three candidates were
prominently discussed. They were General William H. Harrison of Ohio,
Henry Clay of Kentucky, and Winfield Scott of Virginia. Clay was much
the ablest of them, and had the most enthusiastic and earnest friends,
but the old anti-Masonic element crucified Clay in the Whig convention
of 1839, just as Seward was crucified in the convention of 1860 by
the American sentiment that was an indispensable factor to enable the
Republicans to win. Clay was a Royal Arch Mason, and he would doubtless
have lost largely in the rank and file of the anti-Masons, who had been
educated in the fiercest strife of political contests to believe that
Masonry was incompatible with patriotism.
Harrison had been Governor of the Indiana Territory, Senator in
Congress and a successful general, having won a decisive victory over
the English and the Indians at Tippecanoe. Scott was green with the
laurels of Chippewa and Lundy’s Lane, and was regarded as the first
soldier of the Republic. One thing strongly in Harrison’s favor was the
fact that in the free-for-all race of 1836 he had largely outstripped
his anti-Jackson associate candidates for President.
The Whig National Convention was called to meet at Harrisburg on the
4th of December, 1839, just one year before the Presidential election,
and no national convention in the history of our politics ever moved
with such extreme caution. It was three days after the convention was
organized before a ballot was reached for President, the whole time
having been occupied in formal conferences of committees appointed by
each delegation to confer in the frankest way as to the best ticket to
unite the incongruous opposition elements. Clay had made exhaustive
effort to unite the opposition, even if necessary to sacrifice himself.
On repeated occasions he publicly declared that his name should not be
entertained if it was in any degree an obstacle to success, and in a
Buffalo address delivered some time before the convention met, he said:
“If my name creates any obstacle to union and harmony, away with it,
and concentrate upon some individual more acceptable to all branches of
the office.”
A Union Pennsylvania convention had been held in Harrisburg in
September, embracing representatives of the old National Republicans,
anti-Masons, and Whigs. It was largely planned and carried out by
Thaddeus Stevens, whose violent anti-Masonic convictions made him
the opponent of Clay, and that convention, while highly complimenting
Clay, declared that General Harrison was the most available of all the
candidates named for President. Governor Barbour, of Virginia, presided
over the national convention, and instead of proceeding to ballot for
candidates, the convention, after careful consideration, decided that
the delegations from the different States should confer with each
other, through sub-committees, and if possible reach a conclusion as to
the best nomination and report to the convention.
While there is no official record of the action of these committees,
it is known that at the start more favored Clay than any of the two
other candidates, as one of the known facts relating to their action
gave Clay 103 votes to 94 for Harrison and 57 for Scott. This vote is
based on the assumption that the entire delegation of each State would
vote in harmony with its committee, as the resolution under which the
committees were appointed provided that “each State represented shall
vote its full electoral vote by such delegation in the committee.”
After three days of conference, the joint committees reported to the
convention that they had decided in favor of Harrison by a vote of 148
to 90 for Clay and 16 for Scott.
On the following day the convention accepted the report of the
committees by adopting a resolution declaring General Harrison the
candidate of the convention, and it was unanimously approved amidst
great enthusiasm. The friends of Clay gave very prompt and cordial
support to the action of the convention, and the friends of Harrison
proved their appreciation of the magnanimity of Clay’s friends by
unanimously nominating John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-President, who
was the leader of the Clay forces in the convention. No platform or
expression of principles was given in any manner. Indeed, none of the
political questions of the day diverted the convention at any time from
the supreme purpose of uniting the opposition to Van Buren on a single
ticket.
It was the vote of Virginia that finally decided the question of
making Harrison the candidate of the convention. The three prominent
candidates were all sons of Virginia, and had Clay been available he
would doubtless have been preferred. A very earnest effort was made
to force the nomination of General Scott when Clay was conceded to be
unavailable, and the Virginia delegates long hesitated in making a
choice between Harrison and Scott. Both were of Old Dominion birth, and
the pride of the Mother of Presidents would have been gratified with
the nomination of either.
It was at this stage of the contest that Thaddeus Stevens, who was the
leading delegate from Pennsylvania, controlled the Virginia delegation
by a scheme that was more effective than creditable. Scott, who was
quite too fond of writing letters, had written a letter to Francis
Granger, of New York, in which he evidently sought to conciliate the
antislavery sentiment of that State. It was a private letter, but
Granger exhibited it to Stevens and permitted Stevens to use it in his
own way. As the headquarters of the Virginia delegation were the centre
of attraction, they were always crowded, and Stevens called there along
with many others. Before leaving he dropped the Scott letter on the
floor, and it was soon discovered and its contents made known to the
Virginians. That letter decided the Virginians to support Harrison
and to reject Scott. Either could have been elected if nominated, as
the Van Buren defeat of 1840 was one of the most sweeping political
hurricanes in the history of the country.
My authority for this is Mr. Stevens himself. He disliked Scott on
general principles through his great aversion to all men whose vanity
was conspicuous, but he had a much stronger reason for nominating
Harrison in his possession of an autograph letter from General
Harrison, assuring Stevens that if he, Harrison, was elected President,
Stevens would be a member of his Cabinet. After the election Stevens
said nothing and made no movement to make himself prominent as a
candidate for the Cabinet, as he felt entirely secure, while Josiah
Randall, father of the late Samuel J. Randall, and then a prominent
Whig, and Charles B. Penrose, grandfather of the present United
States Senator Penrose, entered the field aggressively as candidates
for a Cabinet portfolio. When the Cabinet was announced, Stevens was
dumbfounded to find his name omitted. He never forgave Webster, who was
made the head of the Cabinet, for the failure, and he believed until
the day of his death that Webster had prevented his appointment.
There was much dissatisfaction with the Van Buren administration. The
severe business and industrial depression which came upon the country
about the middle of Van Buren’s term was very disastrous, and the
financial troubles were largely charged to the arbitrary financial
system introduced by Jackson and maintained by Van Buren. Labor was
largely unemployed and business was paralyzed. So grave were the
financial disturbances that several of the States were swept from their
honest moorings by the cheap money craze, and irresponsible banks were
created almost without limit or restraint, all of which brought speedy
and fearful disaster to the people.
A large portion of the Democratic party had not at any time heartily
favored Van Buren, and only their devotion to Jackson made them accept
Van Buren as their candidate. The Democratic leaders of a number of the
States openly declared that they would not participate in the national
convention. A convention was finally called, and met in Baltimore on
the 5th of May, 1840, with Connecticut, Delaware, Virginia, South
Carolina, and Illinois not represented, while some of the other States
had but one or two delegates. Governor William Carroll, of Tennessee,
presided over the convention, and Van Buren was renominated by the
adoption of a resolution declaring that as he was the unanimous choice
of the party and the convention, “he should be presented as the
Democratic candidate for the office of President.” Another resolution,
offered at the same time and by the same man, Mr. Clay, of Alabama,
was as follows: “That the convention deem it expedient at the present
time not to choose between the individuals in nomination, but to leave
the decision to their Republican Democratic fellow-citizens in the
several States, trusting that before the election shall take place
their opinions shall become so concentrated as to secure the choice of
a Vice-President by the electoral colleges.”
There was positive opposition to the election of Vice-President
Johnson in 1836, as was shown by his failure to command a majority of
the electoral votes, while Van Buren was elected President, and that
opposition seems to have increased rather than diminished. There was
much discussion in the convention after it had unanimously adopted the
first resolution declaring Van Buren the candidate for President as
to what action the convention should take on the Vice-Presidency, and
finally the resolution before quoted was unanimously adopted, leaving
the party without a formally nominated candidate for the second place
on the ticket.
This convention for the first time presented a national party platform
as follows:
1. _Resolved_, That the Federal Government is one of limited powers
derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power shown
therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and
agents of the Government, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to
exercise doubtful constitutional powers.
2. _Resolved_, That the Constitution does not confer upon the General
Government the power to commence and carry on a general system of
internal improvement.
3. _Resolved_, That the Constitution does not confer authority upon
the Federal Government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts
of the several States, contracted for local internal improvements, or
other State purposes; nor would such assumption be just or expedient.
4. _Resolved_, That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal
Government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of
another, or to cherish the interest of one portion to the injury of
another portion of our common country; that every citizen and every
section of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an
equality of rights and privileges, and to complete an ample protection
of person and property from domestic violence or foreign aggression.
5. _Resolved_, That it is the duty of every branch of the Government
to enforce and practise the most rigid economy in conducting our
public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is
required to defray the necessary expenses of the Government.
6. _Resolved_, That Congress has no power to charter a United States
Bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility
to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our Republican
institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place
the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money
power, and above the laws and the will of the people.
7. _Resolved_, That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to
interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several
States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of
everything appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by the
Constitution; that all efforts of the Abolitionists or others, made
to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take
incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the
most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts
have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people,
and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not
to be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions.
8. _Resolved_, That the separation of the moneys of the Government
from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds
of the Government and the rights of the people.
9. _Resolved_, That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in
the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the Constitution,
which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed
of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic
faith; and every attempt to abridge the present privilege of
becoming citizens and the owners of soil among us ought to be resisted
with the same spirit which swept the Alien and Sedition laws from our
statute book.
[Illustration: JOHN TYLER]
The campaign of 1840 was the most unique of our political history. The
Democrats, in attempting to belittle General Harrison, declared that
he lived in a “log cabin” and drank hard cider. Instead of resenting
these expressions, intended to prejudice the public against the Whig
candidate, the Whigs at once took up the log cabin as one of the great
illustrative features of the contest, and when the battle reached its
zenith, and the people gathered by thousands at the mass-meetings, the
log cabin was always in the procession as the symbol of the simplicity
of the party candidate for President. It was a campaign of speeches and
songs, and it developed a new class of campaign orators, of which the
then celebrated and long after well-known Buckeye Blacksmith was a type.
It was the first national campaign in which the masses of the people
took intense interest, and alike in the cities of the East, the
prairies of the West, and the savannas of the South the people were
singing and shouting for “Tippecanoe and Tyler, too.” The Whig campaign
culminated in a tempest against the Democrats, and resulted in the
overwhelming defeat of Van Buren, and General Harrison certainly
contributed largely to the result by taking the stump in Ohio in
September and October, to vindicate himself against the accusations
made that he was a mere puppet in the hands of political leaders and
unable to speak for himself. The following was the popular vote for
Harrison and Van Buren:
═══════════════════╤═══════════╤═══════════╤════════
STATES. │ Harrison. │ Van Buren.│ Birney.
───────────────────┼───────────┼───────────┼────────
Maine │ 46,612 │ 46,201 │ 194
New Hampshire │ 26,163 │ 32,761 │ 126
Vermont │ 32,440 │ 18,018 │ 319
Massachusetts │ 72,874 │ 51,944 │ 1,621
Rhode Island │ 5,278 │ 3,301 │ 42
Connecticut │ 31,601 │ 25,296 │ 174
New York │ 225,817 │ 212,527 │ 2,808
New Jersey │ 33,351 │ 31,034 │ 69
Pennsylvania │ 144,021 │ 143,672 │ 343
Delaware │ 5,967 │ 4,874 │ ―――――
Maryland │ 33,528 │ 28,752 │ ―――――
Virginia │ 42,501 │ 43,893 │ ―――――
North Carolina │ 46,376 │ 33,782 │ ―――――
South Carolina[11] │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――
Georgia │ 40,261 │ 31,921 │ ―――――
Alabama │ 28,471 │ 33,991 │ ―――――
Mississippi │ 19,518 │ 16,995 │ ―――――
Louisiana │ 11,296 │ 7,616 │ ―――――
Kentucky │ 58,489 │ 32,616 │ ―――――
Tennessee │ 60,391 │ 48,289 │ ―――――
Missouri │ 22,972 │ 29,760 │ ―――――
Arkansas │ 5,160 │ 6,766 │ ―――――
Ohio │ 148,157 │ 124,782 │ 903
Indiana │ 65,302 │ 51,604 │ ―――――
Illinois │ 45,537 │ 47,476 │ 149
Michigan │ 22,933 │ 21,131 │ 321
├───────────┼───────────┼────────
Totals │ 1,275,016 │ 1,129,102 │ 7,069
═══════════════════╧═══════════╧═══════════╧════════
[11] Chosen by Legislature.
There was nothing to quibble about in declaring the count in Congress,
as Harrison had nearly three-fourths of the electoral vote, with a
very large popular majority. While the Democrats had not nominated
any candidate for Vice-President, and as a division of the vote would
be of little consequence, the Democratic electors generally voted for
Vice-President Johnson for re-election. Virginia, that cast a solid
vote against him four years before, gave him 22 of the 23 votes, and
South Carolina, while voting for Van Buren, gave its 11 votes to L. W.
Tazewell, of Virginia, for Vice-President, leaving Johnson with only 48
of the 294 electoral votes.
The following is the vote as cast in the electoral colleges:
═══════════════╤════════════════════╦══════════════════════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
├─────────┬──────────╫──────┬────────┬─────────┬────────
STATES. │W. H. │Martin ║John │R. M. │L. W. │James K.
│Harrison,│Van Buren,║Tyler,│Johnson,│Tazewell,│Polk,
│Ohio. │N. Y. ║Va. │Ky. │Va. │Tenn.
───────────────┼─────────┼──────────╫──────┼────────┼─────────┼────────
Maine │ 10 │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire │ ―― │ 7 ║ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ 7 │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ 14 │ ―― ║ 14 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 4 │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 42 │ ―― ║ 42 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 30 │ ―― ║ 30 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 10 │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ ―― │ 23 ║ ―― │ 22 │ ―― │ 1
North Carolina │ 15 │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina │ ―― │ 11 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 11 │ ――
Georgia │ 11 │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Alabama │ ―― │ 7 ║ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ ――
Mississippi │ 4 │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 5 │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ 15 │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ 15 │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ ―― │ 4 ║ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ――
Arkansas │ ―― │ 3 ║ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ 21 │ ―― ║ 21 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 9 │ ―― ║ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ ―― │ 5 ║ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ ――
Michigan │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├─────────┼──────────╫──────┼────────┼─────────┼────────
Totals │ 234 │ 60 ║ 234 │ 48 │ 11 │ 1
═══════════════╧═════════╧══════════╩══════╧════════╧═════════╧════════
Harrison was in feeble health when he was called from the clerkship of
the Cincinnati courts, that he had held for many years, to the highest
civil trust of the world, and the intense pressure upon him after his
election so impaired his vitality that he died a little more than a
month after his inauguration. Harrison’s death was the first break in
the Presidency since the organization of the Government. John Tyler was
Vice-President, and was living quietly on his farm on the Virginia
Peninsula. He could not be reached by railways, and telegraphs were
unknown. He had no knowledge that he had become President through the
death of Harrison until late the next day, when Webster and another
member of the Cabinet finally found their way to his home, partly by
water and partly overland, and formally announced to him the death of
the President and the new duties which devolved upon him. He hastened
to Washington to find a very grave dispute among the leading statesmen
of both parties as to whether he became President or simply Acting
President. It was important to determine whether he was President with
the full title. The question was brought up in Congress, and in the
midst of a discussion on the subject a message was received from the
Executive Mansion signed “John Tyler, President.” The dispute was at
once ended, and the question settled for all time.
THE POLK-CLAY CONTEST
1844
President Tyler wrecked the Whig party and defeated Henry Clay for
President in 1844. The Whigs had carried a majority in both Senate and
House in the Harrison sweep of 1840, and they confidently expected that
the Whig policy of a national bank to take the place of the bungling
Sub-Treasury, of aid to public improvements, and of a protective
tariff to stimulate our industries, would inaugurate a Whig political
system that could be permanently maintained by the American people.
President Harrison died only a little more than a month after he had
been inaugurated. He was the oldest President at the time of his
inauguration that the country has had, either before or since, and
he was physically unequal to the severe exactions put upon him by
the clamor for political positions. Civil service reform had then no
part in the politics of the country, and as Jackson and Van Buren
had been vindictively proscriptive in Federal appointments, it was
logically expected that there would be a general removal of the Van
Buren favorites. Harrison exhausted his vitality by trying to meet his
friends and confer with them about political appointments, in addition
to the important questions of State which demanded his attention, and
he literally wore himself out and died from exhaustion.
[Illustration: JAMES K. POLK]
John Tyler, who had been one of the most ardent of the Clay Whigs, was
confidently expected to maintain the policy of Harrison. The public
measures advocated by Clay were well understood by all, and it was
reasonable to assume that Tyler, who had been long one of his most
earnest supporters, was in entire accord with his chief. A special
session of Congress was summoned to meet on the 31st of May, 1841, and
the Whigs expected to carry all their political theories into practical
effect by national statutes at an early day. To the surprise of some of
the leaders, President Tyler exhibited some measure of unsoundness on
the question of the United States Bank, but after repeated conferences
with him they believed that they could frame a bill that would entirely
meet his views and command his approval. The bill was passed by a
decided majority in both branches, and the Whigs were dumbfounded by a
prompt veto from the President. Other conferences followed, and a new
bill was framed, to which the President assented, and although it was
passed without amendment, another veto followed. The first veto of the
Bank bill brought out very angry criticisms from a number of the Whig
leaders, and one of the most earnest and aggressive of Tyler’s critics
was John Minor Botts, then a Whig Congressman from Virginia, and one of
the most brilliant and erratic of the Whig leaders of his day. It was
believed that the irritation of the President, caused by the criticisms
of leading Whigs, finally decided the President to veto the second Bank
bill.
Thus the Whigs were defeated in one of the cardinal measures of
their faith. The Whig Senators and Representatives met in caucus and
published an address to the country, in which it was declared that
“those who brought the President into power can no longer in any manner
or degree be justly held responsible or blamed for the administration
of the Executive branch of the Government.” Thus the Whig power was
broken and demoralized at the very threshold of its existence, and
the chasm between the Whig Senate and House, on the one side, and the
President, on the other, steadily widened and deepened until it was
admittedly impassable.
President Tyler’s political antecedents offer some excuse for his
failure to approve the national bank. He opposed Jackson, as did
many other able men in the South, because Jackson had violated the
strict construction policy of Southern leaders, especially in his
aggressive warfare against nullification, and one trained in the
school of strict construction of the supreme law could readily find
excuse for withholding his approval from the United States Bank. The
same principle applied to internal improvements by the Government, and
could have been applied to forbid a protective tariff. The only fruit
the Whigs gathered from their great triumph of 1840 was the protective
tariff of 1842, that became so popular, especially in the North, that
many Democrats who supported Polk in 1844 declared that they favored
the tariff of 1842, and that it could not be disturbed if Polk were
elected. In Pennsylvania it was common to see in Democratic processions
banners bearing the inscription of “Polk-Dallas-Shunk and the Tariff of
1842,” and a letter received by Judge Kane, of Philadelphia, from Mr.
Polk during the campaign was interpreted, and plausibly interpreted, as
meaning an approval of the then existing tariff. The Whigs, defeated in
all their other important measures, were sadly crippled in the campaign
for the succession, and even the tariff of 1842 was repealed for a
moderate free-trade tariff in 1846.
President Tyler had provoked the earnest and generally vindictive
hostility of the Whigs without having made friends with the Democrats.
They loved and cheered his apostasy, but gave no love or individual
support to the apostate. He confidently expected that they would make
him the Democratic candidate for President in 1844, and that delusion
was cherished by him until the Democratic National Convention met in
Baltimore to nominate national candidates. It was attended by a very
large number of office-holders and other friends of Tyler. Finding
that they could not command any support for their favorite in the
convention, they improvised a national convention of their own on the
same day that the Democratic convention met, and unanimously nominated
Tyler for President without naming any candidate for Vice-President.
The movement had no vitality, as there was no response from either
the press or the public, and on the 20th of August Tyler wrote an
elaborate and reproachful letter, withdrawing his name from the list of
Presidential candidates.
When his term ended he lived in retirement on his Virginia farm,
unknown and unfelt as a political factor. He was among the almost
forgotten men of the past when, half a generation later, he appeared in
Washington as a member of the Peace Convention that was called in 1861
to devise some measures to prevent a civil war, that he did not live to
see fulfil its bloody mission.
When Van Buren was defeated for re-election to the Presidency in
1840, his friends imitated the Jackson tactics of 1825 by at once
renominating him by mass-meetings and through Democratic newspapers as
the Democratic candidate for President in 1844, and a decided majority
of the delegates to the national convention were either instructed
for Van Buren or elected as his friends. Calhoun was favored by the
Democrats of South Carolina and Georgia, and ex-Vice-President Johnson
was an energetic candidate for the nomination, with General Cass, of
Michigan, as the man who was looked to as most likely to concentrate
the opposition to Van Buren. Van Buren was in the attitude before
the Democratic National Convention of 1844 that Seward was before
the Chicago Republican Convention of 1860. A decided majority of the
delegates desired his nomination, but many of them believed that
Clay would defeat him, and they were quite willing to reaffirm the
two-thirds rule, even against the earnest protest of Van Buren’s most
faithful leaders, because it was well known that he never could attain
the two-thirds vote of the convention.
Van Buren was regarded as a most accomplished and rather an
unscrupulous politician. He was certainly a brilliant political leader,
a very sagacious counsellor, and believed in shaping the policy of
the party chiefly or wholly with the view of success; but a short
time before the meeting of the national convention he made one of the
boldest political deliverances of his life against the annexation of
Texas, and he did it with the knowledge that the Democrats of the South
were practically united in the support of annexation, with a very
large proportion of the Northern Democrats in harmony with it. In the
month of May letters were given to the public from both Van Buren and
Clay, opposing the annexation of Texas at that time as inexpedient,
because it would mean war with Mexico, unless annexed with the consent
of that nation. Clay’s letter did not strengthen him in the South, but
certainly strengthened him in the North, and should have prevented the
Abolition vote in New York from sacrificing Clay and electing an ardent
supporter of the annexation of Texas with its slave Constitution, and
under a treaty that permitted its subdivision into four new States,
each of which would increase the slave power in the Senate.
Van Buren’s letter was made public just about one month before the
meeting of the Democratic National Convention, and it was severely
criticised by Southern newspapers and Democratic leaders generally,
and with great severity by those who desired his defeat. The Richmond
_Enquirer_, then one of the ablest and most influential of the
Democratic organs of the country, edited by Mr. Ritchie, demanded that
the instructions which had been given to the Virginia delegates to
support Van Buren should be rescinded. In some instances delegates did
disobey Van Buren instructions and others resigned rather than support
him.
The convention met in Baltimore on the 27th of May, South Carolina
being the only State not represented. The first important movement
made in the body after its organization was the readoption of the
two-thirds rule, which all understood meant the defeat of Van Buren,
notwithstanding that a majority of the delegates would vote for him.
The sincere and earnest friends of Van Buren battled earnestly against
the adoption of the rule, but it finally prevailed by a vote of 148 to
118, and a large majority of the votes in favor of the rule were cast
by Southern delegates. It was claimed by his friends, and I doubt not
with reason, that had the delegates in the convention voted as they had
been instructed to vote, Van Buren would have received within a very
few votes of the necessary two-thirds to make a nomination on the 1st
ballot.
The convention was anything but harmonious, and stormy debates were
common from the beginning to the end of the proceedings of the
convention. Finally the convention reached the ballot for President,
and Van Buren received on the 1st ballot 146 votes to 120 for all
others, giving him a clear majority of 26 of the whole convention,
but under the two-thirds rule it required 178 to nominate him. The
following table shows the nine ballots in detail, the last resulting in
the nomination of James K. Polk, of Tennessee:
═════════════════════╤══════╤═════╤═════╤══════╤══════╤══════╤══════╤══════╤═════
│ 1st. │ 2d. │ 3d. │ 4th. │ 5th. │ 6th. │ 7th. │ 8th. │ 9th.
─────────────────────┼──────┼─────┼─────┼──────┼──────┼──────┼──────┼──────┼─────
M. Van Buren, N. Y. │ 146 │ 127 │ 121 │ 111 │ 103 │ 101 │ 99 │ 104 │ 2
L. Cass, Mich. │ 83 │ 94 │ 92 │ 105 │ 107 │ 116 │ 123 │ 114 │ 29
R. M. Johnson, Ky. │ 24 │ 33 │ 38 │ 32 │ 29 │ 23 │ 21 │ ―― │ ――
J. Buchanan, Pa. │ 4 │ 9 │ 11 │ 17 │ 26 │ 25 │ 22 │ 2 │ ――
L. Woodbury, N. H. │ 2 │ 1 │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Com. Stewart, Pa. │ 1 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
J. C. Calhoun, S. C. │ 6 │ 1 │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ――
J. K. Polk, Tenn. │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 44 │ 233
═════════════════════╧══════╧═════╧═════╧══════╧══════╧══════╧══════╧══════╧═════
Mr. Polk was the first “dark-horse” candidate ever nominated by any
hopeful party for the Presidency. He had not been discussed as a
candidate for President, but had been pressed by some of his political
friends as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. He had been long
in Congress, was distinguished for his ability and impartiality as
Speaker of the House, and had been elected Governor of his State in
1841, but had been defeated in the contest for re-election in 1843,
only one year before his nomination for President. Although his
nomination for President seemed to be a spontaneous movement of the
convention to rescue the party from its bitter factional feuds and
the wrangling ambitions of its leaders, there is little doubt that
the slavery managers of the South would be satisfied with none other
than a positive Texas annexationist, and secretly but systematically
prepared a number of the delegates to accept Polk as a compromise when
the convention should come to a deadlock on the other candidates. Polk
was heralded as the special friend and protégé of Jackson, who was
yet living, and those who paved the way for his nomination had very
plausible arguments to offer, especially to Southern men, with whom
the slavery issue had become vital. However the nomination of Polk
may have been organized, it had all the appearance of a spontaneous
stampede in the convention. He had only 44 votes on the 8th ballot, the
first in which his name appears. While the 9th ballot was in progress
the delegates began to change their votes to Polk, and the result was
that before its close the chairmen of delegations were jostling each
other to get their votes recorded early for the successful candidate.
The Morse experimental telegraph line had just been completed between
Washington and Baltimore, and the Democratic leaders at Washington were
advised by telegraph of Polk’s nomination, to which a congratulatory
response was promptly given.
Although the Van Buren men had finally voted for Polk, preferring him
to any of the candidates who had aggressively opposed the success
of Van Buren, they were profoundly grieved at Van Buren’s defeat.
They believed that slavery had crucified Van Buren, and it was their
purpose, during the flush of their anger, to allow Polk to suffer a
humiliating disaster. The friends of Polk well understood the deep
disaffection that would confront them among the friends of Van Buren,
and they adopted the very shrewd policy of taking Van Buren’s ablest
lieutenant as the candidate for Vice-President. Silas Wright, of
New York, Van Buren’s own State, was then one of the ablest of the
Democratic Senators of that day, and a most zealous supporter of Van
Buren. He was nominated for Vice-President by practically a unanimous
vote, only eight of the Georgia delegates preferring Levi Woodbury,
of New Hampshire. Mr. Wright, being in the Senate at Washington, was
at once informed by telegraph of his nomination, but smarting under
what he believed to be the betrayal of Van Buren, he promptly sent a
curt and peremptory declination back on the wire. Had there been no
electric telegraph, Mr. Wright would have accepted the nomination for
Vice-President and been elected to that position, but the success of
Morse’s great invention, that had been completed between Washington
and Baltimore only a few days before the convention met, changed his
political destiny.
After mature reflection the friends of Van Buren were brought to terms
by the Democratic leaders in the interest of Polk, and they decided
to give a cordial support to the national ticket, but New York was
regarded as certain to vote against Polk unless some extraordinary
measures were adopted to save it. It was finally decided that only by
nominating Senator Wright for Governor could the vote of the State
be assured to Polk, and the man who had declined the Vice-Presidency
that was within his reach, because he expected and really desired the
ticket to be defeated, was compelled to resign his seat in the Senate
to accept the Democratic nomination for Governor of New York. He was
admittedly the strongest man in the party, and it was that nomination
that saved the Democrats of New York from demoralization and made Mr.
Polk President.
Two years later Wright suffered a humiliating defeat in a contest for
re-election, and thus ended a political career that should have been
rounded out in the second office of the Government. Jackson was made
President because there were no steamers, cables, or telegraphs to
advise him on the 8th of January, 1815, when he fought and won the
battle of New Orleans, that peace had been declared between the two
nations a fortnight before, and Silas Wright lost the Vice-Presidency
and ended his political career in disaster because the telegraph had
just been invented and put into operation between Washington and
Baltimore.
The convention then proceeded to a second nomination for
Vice-President, with the following result:
═════════════════════════════╤═════════╤═════════
│ 1st │ 2d
│ Ballot. │ Ballot.
─────────────────────────────┼─────────┼─────────
John Fairfield, Maine │ 107 │ 30
Levi Woodbury, New Hampshire │ 44 │ 6
Lewis Cass, Michigan │ 39 │ ――
R. M. Johnson, Kentucky │ 26 │ ――
Com. Stewart, Pennsylvania │ 23 │ ――
Geo. M. Dallas, Pennsylvania │ 13 │ 220
Wm. L. Marcy, New York │ 5 │ ――
═════════════════════════════╧═════════╧═════════
The nomination of Dallas was made unanimous.
In constructing the Democratic platform for 1844 the Democrats threw
out a political drag-net. The first Democratic national platform that
had been adopted by the convention of 1840 was embodied in its entirety
in the platform of this convention, and the following new resolutions
added:
_Resolved_, That the American Democracy place their trust, not in
factitious symbols, not in displays and appeals insulting to the
judgment and subversive of the intellect of the people, but in a clear
reliance upon the intelligence, patriotism, and the discriminating
justice of the American people.
_Resolved_, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our
political creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world, as
the great moral element in a form of government springing from and
upheld by the popular will; and we contrast it with the creed and
practice of Federalism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to
palsy the will of the constituent, and which conceives no imposture
too monstrous for the popular credulity.
_Resolved_, Therefore, that, entertaining these views, the Democratic
party of this Union, through the delegates assembled in general
convention of the States, coming together in a spirit of concord,
of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free representative
Government, and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude
of their intentions, renew and reassert before the American people the
declaration of principles avowed by them on a former occasion, when,
in general convention, they presented their candidates for the popular
suffrage.
_Resolved_, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly
applied to the national objects specified in the Constitution; and
that we are opposed to the laws lately adopted, and to any law,
for the distribution of such proceeds among the States, as alike
inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the Constitution.
_Resolved_, That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President
the qualified veto power by which he is enabled, under restrictions
and responsibilities amply sufficient to guard the public interest, to
suspend the passage of a bill, whose merits cannot secure the approval
of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, until the
judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and which has thrice
saved the American people from the corrupt and tyrannical domination
of the Bank of the United States.
_Resolved_, That our title to the whole of the territory of Oregon
is clear and unquestionable; that no portion of the same ought to be
ceded to England or any other power; and that the reoccupation of
Oregon and the reannexation of Texas at the earliest practical period
are great American measures which this convention recommends to the
cordial support of the Democracy of the Union.
_Resolved_, That this convention hold in the highest estimation and
regard their illustrious fellow-citizen, Martin Van Buren of New York;
that we cherish the most grateful and abiding sense of the ability,
integrity, and firmness with which he discharged the duties of the
high office of President of the United States, and especially of
the inflexible fidelity with which he maintained the true doctrines
of the Constitution and the measures of the Democratic party during
his trying and nobly arduous administration; that in the memorable
struggle of 1840 he fell a martyr to the great principles of which he
was the worthy representative, and we revere him as such; and that
we hereby tender to him, in honorable retirement, the assurance of
the deeply seated confidence, affection, and respect of the American
Democracy.
The Whigs had nominated their national ticket in advance of the
Democrats, the convention having been held at Baltimore on the 1st of
May, with every State fully represented. It was a national assembly
of unusual ability, and was most heartily and enthusiastically united
in the support of Clay for the Presidency. It did not require the
formality of a ballot to present him as the Whig candidate, and his
nomination was made by acclamation. It required three ballots to
nominate a candidate for Vice-President, as follows:
════════════════════════╤════════╤═════════╤════════
│ First. │ Second. │ Third.
────────────────────────┼────────┼─────────┼────────
T. Frelinghuysen, N. J. │ 101 │ 118 │ 155
John Davis, Mass. │ 83 │ 74 │ 79
Millard Fillmore, N. Y. │ 53 │ 51 │ 40
John Sergeant, Penn. │ 38 │ 32 │ ――
├────────┼─────────┼────────
Total │ 275 │ 275 │ 274
════════════════════════╧════════╧═════════╧════════
The platform adopted by the Whigs was brief but expressive. The Whig
faith was tersely given in a single resolution. The other resolutions
were simply eloquent tributes to Clay and Frelinghuysen, and the
convention adjourned, making the welkin ring with cheers for “Harry
Clay of the West” and for the “Mill Boy of the Slashes,” and absolutely
confident of the triumphant election of their great leader to the
highest honors of the Republic. The first Whig national platform was as
follows:
_Resolved_, That, in presenting to the country the names of Henry Clay
for President and of Theodore Frelinghuysen for Vice-President of the
United States, this convention is actuated by the conviction that all
the great principles of the Whig party—principles inseparable from the
public honor and prosperity—will be maintained and advanced by these
candidates.
_Resolved_, That these principles may be summed as comprising:
a well-regulated currency; a tariff for revenue to defray the
necessary expenses of the Government, and discriminating with special
reference to the protection of the domestic labor of the country; the
distribution of the proceeds from the sales of the public lands; a
single term for the presidency; a reform of executive usurpations;
and generally such an administration of the affairs of the country
as shall impart to every branch of the public service the greatest
practical efficiency, controlled by a well-regulated and wise economy.
_Resolved_, That the name of Henry Clay needs no eulogy. The history
of the country since his first appearance in public life is his
history. Its brightest pages of prosperity and success are identified
with the principles which he has upheld, as its darkest and more
disastrous pages are with every material departure in our public
policy from those principles.
_Resolved_, That in Theodore Frelinghuysen we present a man pledged
alike by his Revolutionary ancestry and his own public course to every
measure calculated to sustain the honor and interest of the country.
Inheriting the principles as well as the name of a father who, with
Washington, on the fields of Trenton and of Monmouth, perilled life
in the contest for liberty, and afterward, as a Senator of the United
States, acted with Washington in establishing and perpetuating that
liberty, Theodore Frelinghuysen, by his course as Attorney-General
of the State of New Jersey for twelve years, and subsequently as a
Senator of the United States for several years, was always strenuous
on the side of law, order, and the Constitution, while, as a private
man, his head, his hand, and his heart have been given without stint
to the cause of morals, education, philanthropy, and religion.
The third national convention that presented candidates for the
campaign of 1844 was that of the Abolitionists. They had grown since
1840, when they first nominated Mr. Birney as their candidate, and
their platform, elaborate as it is, is well worthy of careful study. It
met at Buffalo, in August, 1843, and nominated James G. Birney, of New
York, for President, and Thomas Morris, of Ohio, for Vice-President,
and it increased its vote up to 62,300, all of which were cast in the
Northern States, including 15,812 for Birney in New York. As nearly all
of them were of Whig antecedents, they would have preferred Clay to
Polk if they had not presented a ticket of their own to divert their
votes, and it was their support of Birney that gave Polk the majority
over Clay in the Empire State, whose electoral vote decided the
contest. The following is the full text of the first platform presented
by an Abolition national convention:
_Resolved_, That human brotherhood is a cardinal principle of
true democracy, as well as of pure Christianity, which spurns all
inconsistent limitations; and neither the political party which
repudiates it nor the political system which is not based upon it can
be truly democratic or permanent.
_Resolved_, That the Liberty party, placing itself upon this broad
principle, will demand the absolute and unqualified divorce of the
General Government from slavery, and also the restoration of equality
of rights among men, in every State where the party exists or may
exist.
_Resolved_, That the Liberty party has not been organized for any
temporary purpose by interested politicians, but has arisen from among
the people in consequence of a conviction, hourly gaining ground,
that no other party in the country represents the true principles of
American liberty or the true spirit of the Constitution of the United
States.
_Resolved_, That the Liberty party has not been organized merely
for the overthrow of slavery. Its first decided effort must indeed
be directed against slaveholding as the grossest and most revolting
manifestation of despotism, but it will also carry out the principle
of equal rights into all its practical consequences and applications,
and support every just measure conducive to individual and social
freedom.
_Resolved_, That the Liberty party is not a sectional party, but a
national party; was not originated in a desire to accomplish a single
object, but in a comprehensive regard to the great interests of the
whole country; is not a new party nor a third party, but is the party
of 1776, reviving the principles of that memorable era, and striving
to carry them into practical application.
_Resolved_, That it was understood in the times of the Declaration
and the Constitution that the existence of slavery in some of the
States was in derogation of the principles of American liberty, and a
deep stain upon the character of the country and the implied faith of
the States; and the nation was pledged that slavery should never be
extended beyond its then existing limits, but should be gradually, and
yet at no distant day, wholly abolished by State authority.
_Resolved_, That the faith of the States and the nation thus pledged
was most nobly redeemed by the voluntary abolition of slavery in
several of the States, and by the adoption of the ordinance of 1787
for the government of the territory northwest of the river Ohio, then
the only territory in the United States, and consequently the only
territory subject in this respect to the control of Congress, by which
ordinance slavery was forever excluded from the vast regions which
now compose the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and the
Territory of Wisconsin, and an incapacity to bear up any other than
free men was impressed on the soil itself.
_Resolved_, That the faith of the States and nation thus pledged has
been shamefully violated by the omission on the part of many of the
States to take any measures whatever for the abolition of slavery
within their respective limits; by the continuance of slavery in the
District of Columbia and in the Territories of Louisiana and Florida;
by the legislation of Congress; by the protection afforded by national
legislation and negotiation to slaveholding in American vessels,
on the high seas, employed in the coastwise slave traffic; and by
the extension of slavery far beyond its original limits, by acts of
Congress admitting new Slave States into the Union.
_Resolved_, That the fundamental truth of the Declaration of
Independence, that all men are endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness, was made the fundamental law of our National Government by
that amendment of the Constitution which declares that no person shall
be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.
_Resolved_, That we recognize as sound the doctrine maintained by
slaveholding jurists, that slavery is against natural rights and
strictly local, and that its existence and continuance rest on no
other support than State legislation, and not on any authority of
Congress.
_Resolved_, That the General Government has, under the Constitution,
no power to establish or continue slavery anywhere, and therefore
that all treaties and acts of Congress establishing, continuing, or
favoring slavery in the District of Columbia, in the Territory of
Florida, or on the high seas, are unconstitutional, and all attempts
to hold men as property within the limits of exclusive national
jurisdiction ought to be prohibited by law.
_Resolved_, That the provisions of the Constitution of the United
States, which confer extraordinary political powers on the owners of
slaves, and thereby constituting the two hundred and fifty thousand
slaveholders in the Slave States a privileged aristocracy, and the
provision for the reclamation of fugitive slaves from service, are
anti-republican in their character, dangerous to the liberties of the
people, and ought to be abrogated.
_Resolved_, That the practical operation of the second of these
provisions is seen in the enactment of the Act of Congress respecting
persons escaping from their masters, which act, if the construction
given to it by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of
Prigg _v._ Pennsylvania be correct, nullifies the _habeas corpus_ acts
of all the States, takes away the whole legal security of personal
freedom, and ought therefore to be immediately repealed.
_Resolved_, That the peculiar patronage and support hitherto extended
to slavery and slaveholding by the General Government ought to be
immediately withdrawn, and the example and influence of national
authority ought to be arrayed on the side of liberty and free labor.
_Resolved_, That the practice of the General Government, which
prevails in the Slave States, of employing slaves upon the public
works, instead of free laborers, and paying aristocratic masters, with
a view to secure or reward political services, is utterly indefensible
and ought to be abandoned.
_Resolved_, That the freedom of speech and of the press, and the right
of petition and the right of trial by jury, are sacred and inviolable;
and that all rules, regulations, and laws in derogation of either are
oppressive, unconstitutional, and not to be endured by free people.
_Resolved_, That we regard voting, in an eminent degree, as a moral
and religious duty, which, when exercised, should be by voting for
those who will do all in their power for immediate emancipation.
_Resolved_, That this convention recommend to the friends of liberty
in all those Free States where any inequality of rights and privileges
exists on account of color, to employ their utmost energies to remove
all such remnants and effects of the slave system.
_Whereas_, The Constitution of these United States is a series of
agreements, covenants, or contracts between the people of the United
States, each with all and all with each; and
_Whereas_, It is a principle of universal morality, that the moral
laws of the Creator are paramount to all human laws; or, in the
language of an Apostle, that “we ought to obey God rather than men;”
and
_Whereas_, The principle of common law, that any contract, covenant,
or agreement to do an act derogatory to natural rights is vitiated and
annulled by its inherent immorality, has been recognized by one of the
Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, who in a recent
case expressly holds that any “contract that rests upon such a basis
is void;” and
_Whereas_, The third clause of the second section of the fourth
article of the Constitution of the United States, when construed as
providing for the surrender of a fugitive slave, does “rest upon such
a basis,” in that it is a contract to rob a man of a natural right,
namely, his natural right to his own liberty, and is, therefore,
absolutely void; therefore,
_Resolved_, That we hereby give it to be distinctly understood by this
nation and the world, that, as Abolitionists, considering that the
strength of our cause lies in its righteousness, and our hope for it
in our conformity to the laws of God and our respect for the rights
of man, we owe it to the Sovereign Ruler of the universe, as a proof
of our allegiance to Him, in all our civil relations and offices,
whether as private citizens or as public functionaries sworn to
support the Constitution of the United States, to regard and to treat
the third clause of the fourth article of that instrument, whenever
applied to the case of a fugitive slave, as utterly null and void,
and consequently as forming no part of the Constitution of the United
States, whenever we are called upon or sworn to support it.
_Resolved_, That the power given to Congress by the Constitution, to
provide for calling out the militia to suppress insurrection, does not
make it the duty of the Government to maintain slavery by military
force, much less does it make it the duty of the citizens to form
a part of such military force. When freemen unsheath the sword, it
should be to strike for liberty, not for despotism.
_Resolved_, That to preserve the peace of the citizens and secure the
blessings of freedom, the Legislature of each of the Free States ought
to keep in force suitable statutes rendering it penal for any of its
inhabitants to transport, or aid in transporting from such State, any
person sought to be thus transported merely because subject to the
slave laws of any other State; this remnant of independence being
accorded to the Free States by the decision of the Supreme Court in
the case of Prigg _v._ The State of Pennsylvania.
Mr. Clay enjoyed a much larger measure of personal popularity than any
other man in the nation, and he was universally accepted as the most
gifted political orator of his day. He was to the Whigs of that time
what Blaine was to the Republicans during his several unsuccessful
battles for the Presidency. It is a notable fact in political history
that no pre-eminent political orator ever succeeded in reaching the
Presidency. Garfield was the nearest approach to it, but he was a
contemporary of Blaine, and Blaine far outstripped him either on the
hustings or in parliamentary debate. Clay had entered both the House
and Senate when little more than eligible by age, and he was admittedly
the most accomplished presiding officer the House ever had. He was the
Commoner of the war of 1812, and rendered most conspicuous service to
his country. His speeches in the House did more than the persuasion of
any other dozen men to force the young Republic into a second contest
with England on the right of search on the high seas. He was always
strong in argument, was often impassioned and superbly eloquent, and
in every great emergency of the country during the first half of the
present century he was the pacificator. President Madison was most
reluctant to declare war against England, and he yielded to it only
when it became a supreme necessity to obey the general demand of the
country for an appeal to arms.
When Clay was nominated for President in 1844, it was generally
believed that he would have an easy victory over Van Buren, and when
Polk, of Tennessee, was made the compromise candidate against him,
the Whigs at first believed that the nomination of a comparatively
obscure man against the great chieftain of the Whigs would give them
a walk-over. The campaign had made little progress, however, until
the Whigs discovered that the Democrats were going to be thoroughly
united on Polk, and that he was probably the strongest candidate who
could have been nominated against Clay. His chief strength was in his
negative qualities. He had not been involved in any of the conflicts
of ambition among the Democratic leaders. He was regarded as the
favorite of Jackson, and while his nomination had been made without
any previous discussion or suggestion of his claims to the Presidency,
he had filled high State and national positions with credit, and he
could not be accused of incompetency. I doubt indeed whether any other
Democrat could have been nominated by the Democratic convention to make
a successful battle against Clay.
The Whigs entered the contest defiant in confidence and enthusiastic
to a degree that had never before been exhibited in the support of
any candidate. The devotion of the Whigs to Clay was little less than
idolatry, and strong men shed scalding tears over his defeat. He was
largely handicapped in his battle by the complications put upon the
Whig party by President Tyler. The Cabinet was wholly Democratic and
bitterly against Clay. Under the demoralization caused by Tyler’s
betrayal of the party the Whigs had lost the House in 1842, but they
retained their mastery in the Senate, and a new peril to Clay was
soon developed in the growth of the Abolition sentiment of Western
New York. Neither Clay nor Polk made campaign speeches, and both
maintained themselves with scrupulous dignity throughout the long and
exceptionally desperate contest.
Pennsylvania was then, as in 1860, the pivotal State of the struggle,
and the death of the Democratic candidate for Governor during the
midsummer deprived the Whigs of a source of strength that most likely
would have given them the State in October. The Democrats had a
violent factional dispute in choosing a candidate for Governor. Mr.
Muhlenberg, who had been a bolting candidate against Governor Wolfe in
1835, thereby electing Ritner, the anti-Masonic candidate, was finally
nominated for Governor over Francis R. Shunk, the candidate of the
opposing faction. Muhlenberg was weakened by his aggressive factional
record, and the Democrats were hardly hopeful of his election, but
he died just when the struggle was at its zenith, and Shunk was then
unanimously and cordially accepted as the Democratic leader.
The Whigs had nominated General Markle, of Westmoreland, who was
unquestionably the strongest man they could have presented. The
Presidential battle was practically fought in that contest for
Governor, and when Shunk was elected by 4397 majority, there were
few who cherished much hope of Clay’s election. Pennsylvania lost in
October could not be regained in November, but the Whigs did not in any
measure relax their efforts, and Polk carried the State over Clay by
6332.
When Pennsylvania faltered the greatly impaired hopes of the Whigs
centred in New York, as it was believed that New York might decide
the contest in favor of Clay, even with Pennsylvania certain to vote
against him. The nomination of Silas Wright for Governor had thoroughly
united the Van Buren followers in support of Polk, and while Clay stood
against the annexation of Texas and the extension of the slave power,
the antislavery sentiment of New York was greatly strengthened by the
fact that both Clay and Polk were Southerners and slaveholders. Birney,
the Abolition candidate, received 15,812 votes, while Polk’s majority
in the State was 5106. Mr. Greeley, who was one of the leaders in
the antislavery movement, and much more practical than the organized
Abolitionists, bitterly denounced that party for defeating Clay. In his
Whig Almanac for 1845 he had an elaborate review of the contest, in
which he said:
“The year 1844 just ended has witnessed one of the most extraordinary
political contests that has ever occurred. So nice and equal a balance
of parties; so universal and intense an interest; so desperate and
protracted a struggle, are entirely without parallel.... James K. Polk
owes his election to the Birney or Liberty party. Had there been no
such party drawing its votes nine-tenths from the Whig ranks, Mr. Clay
would have received at least the votes of New York and Michigan, in
addition to those actually cast for him, giving him 146 electoral votes
to Polk’s 129. To Birney & Co., therefore, is the country indebted for
the election of Polk and the annexation and anti-tariff ascendency in
the Federal Government.”
The number of States voting was 26, the same as in 1840. The new
Congressional apportionment had reduced the Representatives from 242
to 223, making the total number of electors 275. The following table
exhibits the popular and electoral vote:
═══════════════════╤══════════════════════════════════╦═══════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORS.
├───────────┬───────────┬──────────╫───────┬───────
STATES. │ James K. │ Henry │ James G. ║ Polk. │ Clay.
│ Polk. │ Clay. │ Birney. ║ │
───────────────────┼───────────┼───────────┼──────────╫───────┼───────
Maine │ 45,719 │ 34,378 │ 4,836 ║ 9 │ ――
New Hampshire │ 27,160 │ 17,866 │ 4,161 ║ 6 │ ――
Vermont │ 18,041 │ 26,770 │ 3,954 ║ ―― │ 6
Massachusetts │ 52,846 │ 67,418 │ 10,860 ║ ―― │ 12
Rhode Island │ 4,867 │ 7,322 │ 107 ║ ―― │ 4
Connecticut │ 29,841 │ 32,832 │ 1,943 ║ ―― │ 6
New York │ 237,588 │ 232,482 │ 15,812 ║ 36 │ ――
New Jersey │ 37,495 │ 38,318 │ 131 ║ ―― │ 7
Pennsylvania │ 167,535 │ 161,203 │ 3,138 ║ 26 │ ――
Delaware │ 5,996 │ 6,278 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 3
Maryland │ 32,676 │ 35,984 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 8
Virginia │ 49,570 │ 43,677 │ ―――― ║ 17 │ ――
North Carolina │ 39,287 │ 43,232 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 11
South Carolina[12] │ ―――― │ ―――― │ ―――― ║ 9 │ ――
Georgia │ 44,177 │ 42,100 │ ―――― ║ 10 │ ――
Alabama │ 37,740 │ 26,084 │ ―――― ║ 9 │ ――
Mississippi │ 25,126 │ 19,206 │ ―――― ║ 6 │ ――
Louisiana │ 13,782 │ 13,083 │ ―――― ║ 6 │ ――
Kentucky │ 51,988 │ 61,255 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 12
Tennessee │ 59,917 │ 60,030 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 13
Missouri │ 41,369 │ 31,251 │ ―――― ║ 7 │ ――
Arkansas │ 9,546 │ 5,504 │ ―――― ║ 3 │ ――
Ohio │ 149,117 │ 155,057 │ 8,050 ║ ―― │ 23
Michigan │ 27,759 │ 24,337 │ 3,632 ║ 5 │ ――
Indiana │ 70,181 │ 67,867 │ 2,106 ║ 12 │ ――
Illinois │ 57,920 │ 45,528 │ 3,570 ║ 9 │ ――
├───────────┼───────────┼──────────╫───────┼───────
Totals │ 1,337,243 │ 1,299,062 │ 62,300 ║ 170 │ 105
═══════════════════╧═══════════╧═══════════╧══════════╩═══════╧═══════
[12] Chosen by Legislature.
The Whigs, in keen despair over the defeat of their ablest and most
beloved champion, charged fraud as the controlling factor in giving the
Democrats their victory, but the battle had been fought and lost, and
there was nothing left for them but submission. The electoral count
was uneventful, and Polk and Dallas were formally declared elected
President and Vice-President without objection.
The most desperate contests outside of New York and Pennsylvania were
made in Tennessee and Delaware. Tennessee was the home of Polk, and
the “Old Hero of New Orleans” threw himself into the contest for Polk
with tireless energy. He inspired his veteran followers not only
because he wanted Polk elected, but because he much more wanted Clay
defeated. Clay had defeated him for President in the House in 1825,
and Jackson never forgot a friend and rarely forgave an enemy. It was
many days after the election before the vote of Tennessee could be
ascertained, and it was claimed by both parties until the official
vote was declared. It was finally announced that Clay had carried the
State by 113, and the success of Clay in that State was the only silver
lining the Whigs had to the dark cloud of their defeat.
Another memorable battle, though not in any sense an important contest
as affecting the result, was fought in Delaware. The States did not
then vote for President on the same day as now. All of them voted for
Presidential electors in the month of November, although at that time
nearly all the States elected their State officers and Congressmen
earlier in the year. Delaware, with only 3 electoral votes, held both
her State and her Presidential elections on the second Tuesday of
November, and when her election day came around it was known to all
that Clay was absolutely defeated for President.
New York and Pennsylvania had voted for Polk a week before, and on the
second Tuesday of November only Massachusetts and Delaware were left
among the States that had not yet chosen electors. Massachusetts was
Whig and hardly contested, but Delaware made a most heroic battle for
Clay, even when it was known that a victory in the little Diamond State
could not aid the election of their favorite. The Democrats, inspired
by their positively assured success in the national contest, exhausted
their resources and efforts to win, but in the largest vote ever cast
in the State, Clay won by 287 majority, receiving a larger vote than
was cast for the Whig candidates for Governor or for Congress, both of
whom were successful, the first by 45 majority and the last by 173.
The Kentucky electors met at their Capitol on the day appointed for the
electoral colleges to cast their votes for President, and in sorrowing
devotion to their chief cast the vote of the State for Clay for
President. After their official duties had been performed a committee
was appointed to prepare an address to be delivered to Mr. Clay at
Ashland. All the members of the college, with many other citizens,
accompanied the committee, and Clay met them at his hospitable door to
hear the address delivered by Mr. Underwood, the chairman. Clay’s reply
was one of the most beautiful of his very many exquisite illustrations
of oratory. He said he would not “affect indifference to the personal
concern which I had in the political contest just terminated, but
unless I am greatly self-deceived, the principal attraction to me of
the office of President of the United States arose out of the cherished
hope that I might be an humble instrument, in the hands of Providence,
to accomplish public good,” and in conclusion he said: “I heartily
thank you, sir, for your friendly wishes for my happiness in the
retirement which henceforth best becomes me.” Thus closed the memorable
Polk-Clay contest of 1844.
THE TAYLOR-CASS-VAN BUREN CONTEST
1848
President Polk was not blessed with a tranquil administration. The
annexation of Texas had been approved by Tyler several days before Polk
was inaugurated as President, and that at once made strained relations
between this country and Mexico. It was an open secret then, and is
now a part of the undisputed history of the country, that the election
of Polk and the annexation of Texas were regarded by the friends of
slavery extension as most important achievements, and that period
dated the aggressive action of the South, first to extend and next to
nationalize slavery. The annexation of Texas brought in a Slave State
and two United States Senators, with the treaty right to add eight new
Senators by the subdivision of the State.
This met Calhoun’s complaint that the South could not maintain its
equilibrium in the Senate because of the growing West. The purposes of
the Southern extensionists, however, went far beyond the annexation of
Texas. They meant to have part of Mexico, peaceably if possible, by war
if necessary; and the war was deliberately planned and precipitated
upon Mexico by the action of the administration. The territory between
the Nueces and the Rio Grande rivers was claimed by both Texas and
Mexico, but Mexico had exercised uniform jurisdiction. Texas had never
served a writ or collected a dollar of revenue on the Rio Grande, and
the United States army of occupation, commanded by General Taylor,
had not gone south of the Nueces. There was much violent discussion
in Mexico over the annexation of Texas, whose independence Mexico
disputed, and threats of war were freely made.
The President, without the authority or knowledge of Congress, ordered
General Taylor to march to the Rio Grande and maintain it as the
southern line of Texas. This precipitated the battles of Palo Alto
and Resaca de la Palma, in which Taylor defeated the Mexicans. The
Democratic Congress then prefaced a bill providing for the national
defence by declaring that “we are at war by the act of Mexico.” The
purpose of the Mexican war was very freely and severely criticised by
a large portion of the people and by many of the ablest men of the
nation. The Whigs in Congress were willing to vote for all needed
appropriations for the support of the army, but a few members of the
House, with the late John Strohm, of Pennsylvania, as the leader,
after unsuccessfully struggling to strike out the declaration that
“we were at war by the act of Mexico,” refused to vote for the army
appropriation; and Corwin, of Ohio, made the ablest speech that ever
was delivered in the Senate, with the single exception of Webster’s
reply to Hayne, against the Mexican war and against appropriating money
for its prosecution.
[Illustration: ZACHARY TAYLOR]
The certainty that the administration would acquire a large portion of
Mexican territory for the purpose of creating new Slave States gave
dignity and importance to the slavery agitation that it never before
attained, and in the fall elections of 1846 the Whigs carried the
popular branch of Congress by a decided majority. The repeal of the
protective tariff of 1842 and the substitution of the revenue tariff
of 1846 contributed considerably to the Democratic disaster, and the
war was finally prosecuted by the administration with an adverse House,
although willing to furnish all appropriations necessary to support the
armies in the field.
After Taylor’s early victories over the Mexicans he invaded Mexican
territory and captured Monterey, and these victories made his name a
household word throughout the country. Instead of permitting Taylor to
proceed with the war that he had so successfully conducted up to that
time, the administration decided to practically retire him. General
Scott was called to plan an independent campaign from Vera Cruz to
the capital of Mexico. It was openly charged that the administration
feared the popularity of “Old Zach,” as Taylor was generally called
by the people, and that it had little fear of Scott as a Presidential
candidate. Scott planned his campaign; was furnished with an
independent army, and when he arrived at Vera Cruz he stripped General
Taylor of nearly all his regulars, leaving him an army of but little
over 4000, most of them volunteers. Santa Anna, whose return to Mexico
had been sanctioned by our Government, made himself Military Dictator.
He gathered an army of 22,000 of the best Mexican troops and made a
rapid movement to strike and crush General Taylor at Buena Vista. The
history of that battle is well known. Taylor not only defeated but
routed the Mexicans, and thereby made himself the next President of the
United States.
General Scott made a most brilliant campaign, fighting repeated
battles, and finally captured the City of Mexico, when the
administration involved him in bitter controversy, as was easily done
with General Scott, and had him tried by a court of his inferiors
in the Capitol of the enemy he had conquered. Brilliant as was his
military campaign he returned home with little if any increased
prestige, and every schoolboy in the land was huzzaing for “Old Zach,”
or for “Old Rough and Ready.”
There seems to be poetic justice in the marvellous historical fact
that with the large amount of territory conquered from Mexico, and the
additional territory afterward purchased by the Gadsden treaty, the
South did not gain a single Slave State, and it quickened the issue of
slavery that greatly hastened its destruction just when it hoped to
attain omnipotence.
It was uncertain after the war of Mexico was inaugurated and the
certainty of the acquisition of Mexican territory accepted just when
and in what shape the issue of the extension of slavery would be
presented. To the surprise of the friends of the administration it
came much sooner and in much graver form than they had anticipated.
On the 8th of August, 1846, President Polk sent a message to Congress
asking for an appropriation to be placed at the President’s disposal
to enable him to negotiate an advantageous treaty of peace with the
Mexican Government, and a bill was promptly presented to the House
appropriating $32,000,000 for immediate use in negotiations with
Mexico. There were a number of able and earnest antislavery Democrats
in the House, and among them David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania. When the
bill, making the large appropriation to obtain peace with Mexico, that
obviously meant the acquisition of Southern territory, was presented
to the House, repeated conferences were had between the antislavery
Democratic leaders, and what has since been known as the “Wilmot
Proviso” was originally drawn by Judge Brinkerhoff, then a Democratic
Congressman from Ohio, and finally revised and agreed upon, to be
offered as an amendment to the Mexican Appropriation bill.
The Speaker was adverse to the antislavery Democrats, and it was
uncertain whether any of them could obtain the floor to offer the
amendment. The result was that a copy of the proviso was furnished
to some half a dozen, with the understanding that each should
take advantage of any opportunity to obtain the floor during the
consideration of the bill and offer the amendment. The opportunity
happened to come to Mr. Wilmot, and he offered the following amendment,
that is the original of what is now known as the “Wilmot Proviso.”
“_Provided_, That as an express and fundamental condition to the
acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United
States, by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated between them,
and to the use by the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated,
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part
of said territory except for crime whereof the party shall be first
duly convicted.”
This proviso came like a bombshell into the ranks of the
administrationists, and they were unable to defeat it. It was carried
in Committee of the Whole by a vote of 83 to 64, with only 3 Democrats
from the Free States opposing it. When the measure was reported to the
House, Mr. Tibbatts, of Kentucky, moved that it do lie on the table,
and the motion was defeated by 93 to 79. The bill was engrossed for
third reading by 85 to 80, and passed finally without further division,
with a motion to reconsider laid on the table by vote of 83 to 73. Thus
what is now known as the Wilmot Proviso was embodied by the House in
the Appropriation bill for negotiating peace with Mexico.
The Wilmot Proviso raised the slavery issue in the most direct form,
and it played an important part in the Presidential contest of 1848.
It was simply a repetition of the clause prohibiting slavery that was
put in the ordinance of 1787 by Thomas Jefferson, when the Northwestern
Territory was ceded by Virginia to the United States. It was a very
embarrassing issue to many Northern Democrats, and to a few Southern
Whigs who inclined to prevent slavery extension. General Cass, who was
made the candidate for President in 1848, originally declared himself
in favor of the Wilmot Proviso, but he learned a year later that no
man could maintain his fellowship with the Democratic party under the
Polk administration and support the prohibition of slavery in the
Territories.
When the discussion of candidates for the Presidential contest of 1848
became active, General Cass was addressed on the subject of slavery by
A. O. P. Nicholson, of Nashville, Tenn., in which he inquired of Cass
whether he was in favor of the acquisition of Mexican territory, and
what his views were as to the Wilmot Proviso. General Cass answered,
December 24, 1847, in which he declared himself in favor of the
acquisition of Mexican territory and against the Wilmot Proviso, on
which point he said: “I am strongly impressed with the opinion that a
great change has been going on in the public mind upon this subject, in
my own as well as others, and that doubts are resolving themselves into
convictions that the principle it involves should be kept out of the
national Legislature and left to the people of the Confederacy in their
respective local governments.” But for this declaration Cass would not
have been the Democratic candidate for President in 1848, and that
declaration also opened the door for the Van Buren bolt that defeated
Cass in the great ambition of his life.
In addition to the serious political complications which confronted
the Polk administration and threatened the defeat of the Democratic
party at its close, the Oregon dispute with England, that had been made
one of the chief features of the Polk campaign of 1844, was sensibly
adjusted by Secretary of State Buchanan, but in utter disregard of the
Democratic declarations and ostentatious professions of the campaign.
In that contest the Democrats from every stump declared that the
boundary line between Oregon and England must be “54° 40´, or fight”;
but when the issue became a question of statesmanship and diplomacy, a
treaty was made fixing 49° as the boundary, and thus confessing that
the claim of the Democrats in the campaign was made either in ignorance
or insincerity.
Another of the troubles that confronted the Democracy was the intense
factional dispute in New York between what were known as the Hunkers
and the Barnburners. The Hunkers were so called in derision by their
enemies as men who always hunkered after office, and the Barnburners
were so called by their opponents because it was charged that to
correct evils in the party, they were ready to follow the foolish
farmer who burnt his barn to rid it of rats.
Silas Wright, who had lost the Vice-Presidency in 1844 by his devotion
to Van Buren, and was finally compelled to run for Governor to save
the State, suffered a severe defeat in 1846 when a candidate for
re-election. That defeat was charged by Van Buren and his friends to
the perfidy of the Hunkers. So intense was the bitterness between these
factions that they could not agree on delegations to the national
convention, and two opposing delegations were chosen, the Barnburners
being antislavery Democrats and the Hunkers the regular or pro-slavery
Democrats. The national convention met at Baltimore on the 22d of
May, 1848, with every State represented, and New York with a double
delegation. Andrew Stevenson, of Virginia, was made President, and the
two-thirds rule was adopted by a vote of 175 to 78. For two days the
convention wrangled over the disputing delegations from New York, and
after protracted and angry debate a motion was finally passed by 126 to
124 admitting both delegations, each to cast half the vote of the State.
While this was a comparative victory for the Barnburners, they withdrew
from the convention, and the Hunker delegation refused to participate
in the proceedings. The prominent candidates before the convention for
President were Cass and Buchanan, with Cass immensely in the lead and
reasonably certain to be nominated before the convention met. He had
a large plurality on the 1st ballot, but did not reach the requisite
two-thirds vote until the 4th, as is shown by the following table,
giving the ballots in detail:
════════════════════════╤════════╤═════════╤════════╤═════════
│ First. │ Second. │ Third. │ Fourth.
────────────────────────┼────────┼─────────┼────────┼─────────
Necessary to a choice │ 168 │ 168 │ 169 │ 169
Lewis Cass, Mich. │ 125 │ 133 │ 156 │ 179
James Buchanan, Penn. │ 55 │ 54 │ 40 │ 33
Levi Woodbury, N. H. │ 53 │ 56 │ 53 │ 38
George M. Dallas, Penn. │ 3 │ 3 │ ―― │ ――
W. J. Worth, Tenn. │ 6 │ 6 │ 5 │ 1
John C. Calhoun, S. C. │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
W. O. Butler, Ky. │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3
════════════════════════╧════════╧═════════╧════════╧══════════
The convention adjourned after the nomination of Cass to meet in
evening session to select a candidate for Vice-President, and without
any preliminaries the ballot was had as follows:
Wm. O. Butler, Ky. 114
J. A. Quitman, Miss. 74
John Y. Mason, Va. 24
Wm. R. King, Ala. 29
Jas. J. McKay, N. C. 13
Jefferson Davis, Miss. 1
A 2d ballot was had and ended in the unanimous nomination of Butler.
The platform of the party was not reported until the fifth and final
day of the convention, and it was altogether the most elaborate
declaration of principles ever made by a political party in national
convention. Immediately after the first resolution as we give it
followed the full text of the Democratic platforms adopted in 1840 and
1844, and to the fifth resolution of the platform of 1844 the following
sentence was added: “And for the gradual but certain extinction of
the debt created by the prosecution of a just and necessary war after
peaceful relations shall have been restored.” The Democratic platform
of 1848, therefore, included the platforms of 1840 and 1844, with the
following new declarations of faith:
_Resolved_, That the American Democracy place their trust in the
intelligence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice, of the
American people.
_Resolved_, That the war with Mexico, provoked on her part by years of
insult and injury, was commenced by her army crossing the Rio Grande,
attacking the American troops, and invading our sister State of Texas;
and that, upon all the principles of patriotism and the laws of
nations, it is a just and necessary war upon our part, in which every
American citizen should have shown himself on the side of his country,
and neither morally nor physically, by word or deed, have given aid
and comfort to the enemy.
_Resolved_, That we should be rejoiced at the assurance of a peace
with Mexico, founded on the just principles of indemnity for the past
and security for the future; but that, while the ratification of the
liberal treaty offered to Mexico remains in doubt, it is the duty of
the country to sustain the administration in every measure necessary
to provide for the vigorous prosecution of the war, should that treaty
be rejected.
_Resolved_, That the officers and soldiers who have carried the
arms of their country into Mexico have crowned it with imperishable
glory. Their unconquerable courage, their daring enterprise, their
unfaltering perseverance and fortitude when assailed on all sides by
innumerable foes—and that more formidable enemy, the diseases of the
climate—exalt their devoted patriotism into the highest heroism, and
give them a right to the profound gratitude of their country and the
admiration of the world.
_Resolved_, That the Democratic National Convention of thirty
States, composing the American Republic, tender their fraternal
congratulations to the National Convention of the Republic of France,
now assembled as the free suffrage representatives of the sovereignty
of thirty-five millions of republicans, to establish governments on
those eternal principles of equal rights, for which their Lafayette
and our Washington fought side by side in the struggle for our
national independence; and we would especially convey to them and to
the whole people of France our earnest wishes for the consolidation of
their liberties, through the wisdom that shall guide their counsels,
on the basis of a democratic constitution, not derived from the grants
or concessions of kings or dynasties, but originating from the only
true source of political power recognized in the States of this Union:
the inherent and inalienable rights of the people, in their sovereign
capacity, to make and to amend their forms of government in such a
manner as the welfare of the community may require.
_Resolved_, That with the recent development of this grand political
truth—of the sovereignty of the people and their capacity and power
for self-government, which is prostrating thrones and erecting
republics on the ruins of despotism in the Old World—we feel that a
high and sacred duty is devolved, with increased responsibility, upon
the Democratic party of this country, as the party of the people,
to sustain and advance among us constitutional liberty, equality,
and fraternity, by continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive
legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many;
and by a vigilant and constant adherence to those principles and
compromises of the Constitution, which are broad enough and strong
enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the Union as it is,
and the Union as it shall be, in the full expansion of the energies
and capacity of this great and progressive people.
_Resolved_, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded, through the
American Minister at Paris, to the National Convention of the Republic
of France.
_Resolved_, That the fruits of the great political triumph of 1844,
which elected James K. Polk and George M. Dallas President and
Vice-President of the United States, have fulfilled the hopes of the
Democracy of the Union in defeating the declared purposes of their
opponents to create a national bank; in preventing the corrupt and
unconstitutional distribution of the land proceeds, from the common
treasury of the Union, for local purposes; in protecting the currency
and labor of the country from ruinous fluctuations, and guarding the
money of the people for the use of the people; by the establishment
of the constitutional treasury; in the noble impulse given to the
cause of free trade, by the repeal of the tariff of 1842, and the
creation of the more equal, honest, and productive tariff of 1846;
and that, in our opinion, it would be a fatal error to weaken the
hands of a political organization by which these great reforms have
been achieved, and risk them in the hands of their known adversaries,
with whatever delusive appeals they may solicit our surrender of that
vigilance which is the only safeguard of liberty.
_Resolved_, That the confidence of the Democracy of the Union in
the principles, capacity, firmness, and integrity of James K. Polk,
manifested by his nomination and election in 1844, has been signally
justified by the strictness of his adherence to sound Democratic
doctrines, by the purity of purpose, the energy and ability which
have characterized his administration in all our affairs at home and
abroad; that we tender to him our cordial congratulations upon the
brilliant success which has hitherto crowned his patriotic efforts,
and assure him in advance that, at the expiration of his Presidential
term, he will carry with him to his retirement the esteem, respect,
and admiration of a grateful country.
_Resolved_, That this convention hereby present to the people of
the United States Lewis Cass, of Michigan, as the candidate of
the Democratic party for the office of President, and William O.
Butler, of Kentucky, as the candidate of the Democratic party for
Vice-President of the United States.
After the platform had been reported, Mr. Yancey, of Alabama,
offered an additional resolution providing, “That the doctrine of
non-interference with the rights of property of any portion of the
people of this Confederacy, be it in the States or Territories
thereof, by any other than the parties interested in them, is the true
Republican doctrine recognized by this body,” but it was rejected by a
vote of 216 to 36. Yancey’s resolution stated just what the convention
believed, but what it did not dare express.
Notwithstanding the serious complications which confronted the
Democrats at the opening of the campaign of 1848, they started out with
every prospect of electing their national ticket. Cass was accepted as
the ablest of the Democratic leaders of that day, and his nomination
seemed to inspire the Democrats to earnest effort for his election.
There was then no apprehension of the Van Buren bolt that grew to such
immense proportions before the campaign closed, and made the defeat of
Cass inevitable.
The Whigs were in an unfortunate position to go before the country.
They had opposed the Mexican war vehemently, had protested against
the acquisition of Mexican territory, and were certain to be divided
on sectional lines arising from the additional Territories and future
States our expansion was sure to give us. They were in the same
position in which they found themselves in 1839, when they had to unite
discordant elements of opposition to Van Buren to win the victory. The
idolatry for Clay was yet cherished in all its intensity, and although
enfeebled by age, he yielded to the earnest importunities of his
friends, and announced himself as candidate for the nomination, though
all intelligent and dispassionate Whig leaders knew that he was not
available.
General Scott had been clouded by serious differences with the
administration, in which his volubility had served his enemies a
good purpose, and Webster never had a large popular following as a
Presidential candidate. It was the first national convention that I
ever witnessed, being then a boy editor in the interior and not old
enough to vote for the men I supported. It was held in Chinese Hall, in
Philadelphia, where the Continental Hotel now stands, and was dominated
by the wonderfully able political leaders and statesmen which the South
produced in ante-bellum days. They knew that they could not meet the
slavery issue in the new Territories, and they presented General Taylor
to the convention, and, without a pledge from Taylor himself, they
formally pledged themselves to the convention that if not nominated he
would not be the candidate of any other party, and would support the
ticket.
The Whig National Convention convened at Philadelphia on the 7th of
June, with a full representation from every State excepting Texas.
Ex-Governor John M. Morehead, of North Carolina, presided. The
conferences of the Whig leaders were anything but harmonious, and
there were indications at times of an open and very serious rupture.
Clay’s friends knew that it was the last battle that ever could be
made for him. Their idolatry for Clay made them earnest, enthusiastic,
even desperate, although most of them could not but foresee that his
nomination was impossible, and that his election, if nominated, would
be quite improbable.
The friends of Clay and Scott did not take kindly to General Taylor.
He had been nominated some time before by a Native American National
Convention that then represented but an inconsiderable following
principally in the Eastern cities, and he had never distinctly declared
his devotion to the Whig policy. Congressman L. D. Campbell, of Ohio,
offered a resolution just before the balloting began, declaring that
the convention should not entertain the candidacy of any man for
President or Vice-President “who had not given assurances that he
would abide by the action of the convention; that he would accept the
nomination and that he would consider himself the candidate of the
Whig party.” An angry debate was avoided by the President ruling the
resolution out of order. Mr. Campbell appealed, but the appeal was
lost. Mr. Fuller, of New York, then offered a resolution declaring that
no man should be nominated for President unless “he stands pledged to
support in good faith the nominees and to be the exponent of Whig
principles.” This was also ruled out of order, and an appeal was tabled.
Even after Taylor had been nominated, Mr. Allen, of Massachusetts, who
afterward bolted the party and supported Van Buren as a Free Soiler,
offered a resolution declaring that the Whig party would abide by the
nomination of Taylor on condition that he would accept the nomination
as the candidate of the Whig party, and adhere to its great fundamental
principles of no extension of slavery territory, no acquisition of
foreign territory by conquest, protection to American industry, and
opposition to Executive usurpation.” That was ruled out of order,
as were several other resolutions aiming at some expression on the
question of slavery.
The Southern Whig leaders saw that the only possible way to save the
Whigs in the South was to nominate a Southern man; General Taylor was
the only Southern man whom they believed could command favor in the
North, and they wanted no expression from the convention on any of
the delicate and perilous issues which confronted them. A number of
leading Southern delegates, headed by Balie Peyton, of Tennessee, gave
their formal pledge to the convention that General Taylor would accept
the nomination and would abide by the decision of the party, and that
he could safely be trusted as an exponent of the Whig policy. The
convention had three ballots before a choice was reached for President,
as follows:
═════════════════════╤══════╤═══════╤══════╤═══════
│First.│Second.│Third.│Fourth.
─────────────────────┼──────┼───────┼──────┼───────
Zachary Taylor, La. │ 111 │ 118 │ 133 │ 171
Henry Clay, Ky. │ 97 │ 86 │ 74 │ 32
Winfield Scott, N. J.│ 43 │ 49 │ 54 │ 63
Daniel Webster, Mass.│ 22 │ 22 │ 17 │ 14
John McLean, Ohio. │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
John M. Clayton, Del.│ 4 │ 4 │ 1 │ ――
═════════════════════╧══════╧═══════╧══════╧═══════
The nomination of Taylor was not made unanimous, as a number of the New
England delegates and some from Ohio had decided not to support him
under any circumstances, and they were later welcomed into the Free
Soil Democracy that nominated Van Buren on the distinct antislavery
extension platform. Among the most disgruntled of those who attended
the convention was Horace Greeley. I met him then for the first time,
and saw as much of him as I could, as he was my ideal fellow-editor.
As soon as Taylor was nominated he started for New York, and I met him
just as he was departing. He was evidently in great haste to make the
Camden & Amboy train, and he was hurrying down Chestnut Street. His
low-crowned, broad-brimmed, fuzzy fur hat set at an angle of 45 degrees
on the back of his head, his profusion of shirt collar protected from
wandering over his shoulders by an immense black silk handkerchief he
used as a necktie, with the awkward knot serenely resting under his
left ear, and his immense baggy black swallowtail coat, and the literal
carpetbag he held by one handle, while the other lay down on the side
of the bag, did not contribute much toward his genteel appearance. It
was evident that he was mad clear through. In answer to my question as
to how he liked the nomination of Taylor, he curtly answered, “Can’t
say that I admire it,” and shuffled along toward the ferry, but the
_Tribune_ of the next morning had a terrific leader against Taylor,
the title of which was “The Philadelphia Slaughterhouse,” and Greeley
long hesitated about coming into the support of Taylor. He could not
follow Van Buren, in whom he had no faith and against whom he had made
his first great battle as an editor in 1840. Finally, seeing that the
choice was between Cass and Taylor, Greeley decided to support the
Whig candidate, and the Whigs of New York showed their appreciation of
his action by nominating him to fill an unexpired term in Congress, to
which he was elected by a large majority.
The contest for Vice-President had been very animated, and for some
time before the meeting of the convention it seemed probable that
Abbott Lawrence, a New England millionaire, might win it. He made the
first attempt that had been ventured to gain a national nomination by
the money-in-politics system, but after Taylor had been nominated for
President his friends naturally looked to some representative supporter
of Clay to be placed second on the ticket, and Fillmore led Lawrence
on the 1st ballot and was nominated on the 2d. The ballots were as
follows:
════════════════════╤═════════╤═════════
│ 1st │ 2d
│ Ballot. │ Ballot.
────────────────────┼─────────┼─────────
Millard Fillmore │ 115 │ 173
Abbott Lawrence │ 109 │ 83
Scattering │ 50 │ 4
════════════════════╧═════════╧═════════
George Evans, of Maine, and T. M. T. McKennen, Andrew Stewart, and John
Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, all received a few votes. The nomination
of Fillmore was made unanimous by the delegates who remained in the
convention. The convention adopted no platform.
After the nomination of General Taylor for President an interesting,
and what would now be regarded as a most ludicrous, incident occurred
relating to the letter written by Governor Morehead, President of
the Convention, to General Taylor advising him of his nomination
for the Presidency. At that time the prepayment of postage was not
compulsory, and unpaid letters were charged from five to ten times the
present rate of letter postage. President Morehead promptly mailed a
letter to General Taylor at Baton Rouge, Louisiana, notifying him of
his nomination, but several weeks elapsed without any response. The
telegraph was then in its infancy, and unthought of as an agent except
in the most urgent emergency, and Governor Morehead finally sent a
trusted friend to visit General Taylor and inquire why his letter of
acceptance had not been given. Every political crank, as well as many
others in the country, had been writing letters to General Taylor on
the subject of the Presidency, very few of whom prepaid their letter
postage. Old “Rough and Ready” became vexed beyond endurance at the
tax imposed upon him, and he gave peremptory orders to the postmaster
to send to the dead-letter office all letters addressed to him which
were unpaid. Governor Morehead, assuming that a letter advising a man
of his nomination for the Presidency, that carried with it a reasonably
certain election, was a matter of quite as much interest to Taylor as
to himself, had not prepaid the postage on his letter, and it had gone
to the dead-letter office in accordance with Taylor’s general orders.
When the mistake was discovered, the error was corrected by the sending
of a second letter—postage prepaid—to General Taylor, to which he
promptly responded, and the explanation given that the original letter
had miscarried in the mails.
[Illustration: MILLARD FILLMORE]
One of the interesting episodes of the convention was the arrival in
Philadelphia, while the Whig convention was in session, of General
Cass and his suite of Democratic leaders of national fame. Cass was
on his way home from Washington, and the short time that he remained
here he liberally divided public attention with the Whigs. An immense
crowd welcomed Cass at the Jones Hotel, on Chestnut, above Sixth, and I
there for the first time saw and heard General Cass, Senator Houston,
Senator Allen, Senator Benton, and Representative Stevenson, all of
whom spoke from the balcony of the hotel, and were cheered to the
echo. I recall Houston as one of the handsomest men I have ever seen,
with perfect physique, of heroic form, and a superbly chiselled face,
portraying all the strength of the best type of the Roman. Cass was
heavy and ponderous, but an able and attractive speaker, and I remember
Benton well because his speech made him remembered as a colossal,
perpendicular I. Allen was then notable as the “fog-horn,” and he could
be heard a square beyond any of the others. A facetious delegate in the
Whig convention, with admirable mock gravity, suggested that as the
Democratic funeral train was in this city taking Cass’s body home by
the lakes, the convention should adjourn.
As might have been expected, and as was greatly feared by both the
leading parties, the slavery issue was at once made the vital one of
the contest. The Democrats hoped that as the contest warmed up the Van
Buren followers would acquiesce as they did in 1844, but what at first
seemed to be a cloud on the Democratic horizon no bigger than a man’s
hand soon after developed into a promised tempest. The Barnburners,
who had withdrawn from the Democratic National Convention, called a
State convention, to meet at Utica, N. Y., on the 22d of June, and
invited delegates from other States for conference. Massachusetts,
Connecticut, Ohio, and Wisconsin were represented, and after devoting
two days to the discussion of the best policy to adopt, Van Buren was
formally nominated for President, and Henry Dodge, of Wisconsin, for
Vice-President, who declined, and supported Cass. Van Buren’s formal
acceptance of the nomination followed soon thereafter, and it was the
first definite notice to the regular Democrats that the Free-Soil
Democracy was going to be earnestly arrayed against Democratic success.
Although Van Buren had accepted the first nomination, it was deemed
wise as the campaign progressed to have a much more representative
national body to make him the candidate, and a largely attended
mass convention met at Buffalo on the 9th of August, over which
Charles Francis Adams, of Massachusetts, presided, and which had
representatives from seventeen States. On the formal ballot for
President, Van Buren had 159 votes to 129 for John P. Hale, of New
Hampshire, who had already been nominated by the Abolitionists, and
Charles Francis Adams was nominated by acclamation for Vice-President.
After this convention had made its nominations and declared its
platform, Mr. Hale, the Abolition candidate, retired from the contest,
and he and his followers gave a cordial support to Van Buren. The
following was the Van Buren platform as declared by the Buffalo
convention:
_Whereas_, We have assembled in convention, as a union of freemen,
for the sake of freedom, forgetting all past political differences,
in common resolve to maintain the rights of free labor against the
aggressions of the slave power, and to secure free soil for a free
people; and
_Whereas_, The political conventions recently assembled at Baltimore
and Philadelphia, the one stifling the voice of a great constituency,
entitled to be heard in its deliberations, and the other abandoning
its distinctive principles for mere availability, have dissolved the
national party organizations heretofore existing by nominating for
the chief magistracy of the United States, under the slaveholding
dictation, candidates, neither of whom can be supported by the
opponents of slavery extension without a sacrifice of consistency,
duty, and self-respect; and
_Whereas_, These nominations so made furnish the occasion and
demonstrate the necessity of the union of the people under the banner
of free democracy, in a solemn and formal declaration of their
independence of the slave power, and of their fixed determination to
rescue the Federal Government from its control:
_Resolved_, Therefore, that we, the people here assembled, remembering
the example of our fathers in the days of the first Declaration of
Independence, putting our trust in God for the triumph of our cause,
and invoking His guidance in our endeavors to advance it, do now plant
ourselves upon the national platform of freedom, in opposition to the
sectional platform of slavery.
_Resolved_, That slavery in the several States of this Union which
recognize its existence depends upon State laws alone, which cannot
be repealed or modified by the Federal Government, and for which
laws that Government is not responsible. We therefore propose no
interference by Congress with slavery within the limits of any State.
_Resolved_, That the proviso of Jefferson, to prohibit the existence
of slavery after 1800 in all the Territories of the United States,
southern and northern; the votes of six States and sixteen delegates,
in the Congress of 1784 for the proviso, to three States and
seven delegates against it; the actual exclusion of slavery from
the Northwestern Territory by the ordinance of 1787, unanimously
adopted by the States in Congress; and the entire history of that
period—clearly show that it was the settled policy of the nation not
to extend, nationalize, or encourage, but to limit, localize, and
discourage slavery; and to this policy, which should never have been
departed from, the Government ought to return.
_Resolved_, That our fathers ordained the Constitution of the United
States in order, among other great national objects, to establish
justice, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty; but expressly denied to the Federal Government, which they
created, all constitutional power to deprive any person of life,
liberty, or property, without due legal process.
_Resolved_, That, in the judgment of this convention, Congress has
no more power to make a slave than to make a king; no more power
to institute or establish slavery than to institute or establish
a monarchy. No such power can be found among those specifically
conferred by the Constitution, or derived by any just implication from
them.
_Resolved_, That it is the duty of the Federal Government to relieve
itself from all responsibility for the existence or continuance of
slavery wherever the Government possesses constitutional authority to
legislate on that subject, and is thus responsible for its existence.
_Resolved_, That the true and, in the judgment of this convention, the
only safe means of preventing the extension of slavery into territory
now free is to prohibit its existence in all such territory by an act
of Congress.
_Resolved_, That we accept the issue which the slave power has forced
upon us; and to their demand for more Slave States and more slave
territory, our calm but final answer is, no more Slave States and no
more slave territory. Let the soil of our extensive domains be ever
kept free for the hardy pioneers of our own land, and the oppressed
and banished of other lands, seeking homes of comfort and fields of
enterprise in the New World.
_Resolved_, That the bill lately reported by the committee of eight
in the Senate of the United States was no compromise, but an absolute
surrender of the rights of the non-slaveholders of all the States;
and while we rejoice to know that a measure which, while opening the
door for the introduction of slavery into territories now free, would
also have opened the door to litigation and strife among the future
inhabitants thereof, to the ruin of their peace and prosperity, was
defeated in the House of Representatives, its passage, in hot haste,
by a majority embracing several Senators who voted in open violation
of the known will of their constituents, should warn the people to
see to it that their representatives be not suffered to betray them.
There must be no more compromises with slavery; if made, they must be
repealed.
_Resolved_, That we demand freedom and established institutions for
our brethren in Oregon, now exposed to hardships, peril, and massacre
by the reckless hostility of the slave power to the establishment of
free government for free territory, and not only for them, but for
our new brethren in New Mexico and California.
_And whereas_, It is due not only to this occasion, but to the whole
people of the United States, that we should declare ourselves on
certain other questions of national policy; therefore,
_Resolved_, That we demand cheap postage for the people; a
retrenchment of the expenses and patronage of the Federal Government;
the abolition of all unnecessary offices and salaries; and the
election by the people of all civil officers in the service of the
Government, so far as the same may be practicable.
_Resolved_, That river and harbor improvements, whenever demanded by
the safety and convenience of commerce with foreign nations, or among
the several States, are objects of national concern; and that it is
the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, to
provide therefor.
_Resolved_, That the free grant to actual settlers, in consideration
of the expenses they incur in making settlements in the wilderness,
which are usually fully equal to their actual cost, and of the public
benefits resulting therefrom, of reasonable portions of the public
lands, under suitable limitations, is a wise and just measure of
public policy which will promote, in various ways, the interests of
all the States of this Union; and we therefore recommend it to the
favorable consideration of the American people.
_Resolved_, That the obligations of honor and patriotism require
the earliest practicable payment of the national debt; and we are,
therefore, in favor of such a tariff of duties as will raise revenue
adequate to defray the necessary expenses of the Federal Government,
and to pay annual instalments of our debt, and the interest thereon.
_Resolved_, That we inscribe on our banner, “Free Soil, Free Speech,
Free Labor and Free Men,” and under it will fight on, and fight ever,
until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions.
The Presidential contest of 1848 for the first time presented the
Native American party in the field with national candidates. It had
its origin chiefly from the Philadelphia riots of 1844, resulting from
a bitter feud between the Catholics and Protestants in the uptown
river districts of Philadelphia. The organization of the Native
American party immediately followed in Philadelphia, with opposition to
Catholics and foreigners as its faith, and for nearly a decade it held
the balance of power between the Whigs and Democrats in that city, and
several times elected members of Congress. A like party was organized
in New York, and attained some local success in that city. The
national convention of the Native Americans was held in Philadelphia
in September, 1847, and while it did not make a formal nomination,
it recommended General Taylor for President and chose Henry A. S.
Dearborn, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. The party was unknown
and unfelt in the contest, although it aided somewhat in giving the
electoral vote of Pennsylvania to Taylor.
In November, 1847, the Liberty party, that had twice nominated and ran
Birney as its candidate for President, met at New York and nominated
John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, for President, and Leicester King,
of Ohio, for Vice-President. When the Free-Soil Democracy developed
huge proportions and nominated Van Buren, the old Abolition party
was entirely absorbed in the Free-Soil organization. The Liberty
League, made up of a small number of the more radical Abolitionists,
held a meeting at Rochester on the 2d of June, 1848, and nominated
Gerrit Smith, of New York, for President, and Rev. Charles E. Foote,
of Michigan, for Vice-President; and what was called the Industrial
Congress, made up of a handful of labor agitators, met at Philadelphia
on the 13th of June, 1848, and nominated Gerrit Smith for President and
William S. Waitt, of Illinois, for Vice-President. Neither the Hale
Abolition party, the Liberty League Abolition party, nor the Industrial
Congress party presented any electoral tickets of which I have been
able to find any record. The canvass was a very earnest one, and the
Whigs steadily grew in confidence as it progressed, while the Democrats
were threatened on every side with disaster.
Pennsylvania broke from her Democratic moorings at the October
election, when William F. Johnson, Whig, was elected Governor by 305
majority, and generally the preliminary elections were favorable to
the Whigs. There were then thirty States, as Florida had come in
March 3, 1845; Texas, December 29, 1845; Iowa, December 28, 1846, and
Wisconsin, May 29, 1848, and the Presidential electors were then for
the first time all chosen on the same day, with the single exception of
Massachusetts. Van Buren did not carry a State, but he gave Taylor an
easy triumph by the large Democratic defection he caused in the pivotal
States. The following table exhibits the popular and electoral votes as
declared by Congress:
══════════════════╤════════════════════════════════════╦════════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORS.
├───────────┬───────────┬────────────╫───────┬────────
STATES. │ Zachary │Lewis Cass,│ Martin Van ║Taylor.│ Cass.
│Taylor, La.│ Mich. │Buren, N. Y.║ │
──────────────────┼───────────┼───────────┼────────────╫───────┼────────
Maine │ 35,125 │ 39,880 │ 12,096 ║ ―― │ 9
New Hampshire │ 14,781 │ 27,763 │ 7,560 ║ ―― │ 6
Vermont │ 23,122 │ 10,948 │ 13,837 ║ 6 │ ――
Massachusetts │ 61,070 │ 35,281 │ 38,058 ║ 12 │ ――
Rhode Island │ 6,779 │ 3,646 │ 730 ║ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ 30,314 │ 27,046 │ 5,005 ║ 6 │ ――
New York │ 218,603 │ 114,318 │ 120,510 ║ 36 │ ――
New Jersey │ 40,015 │ 36,901 │ 829 ║ 7 │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 185,513 │ 171,176 │ 11,263 ║ 26 │ ――
Delaware │ 6,421 │ 5,898 │ 80 ║ 3 │ ――
Maryland │ 37,702 │ 34,528 │ 125 ║ 8 │ ――
Virginia │ 45,124 │ 46,586 │ 9 ║ ―― │ 17
North Carolina │ 43,550 │ 34,869 │ ―――― ║ 11 │ ――
South Carolina[13]│ ―――― │ ―――― │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 9
Georgia │ 47,544 │ 44,802 │ ―――― ║ 10 │ ――
Alabama │ 30,482 │ 31,363 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 9
Florida │ 3,116 │ 1,847 │ ―――― ║ 3 │ ――
Mississippi │ 25,922 │ 26,537 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 6
Louisiana │ 18,217 │ 15,370 │ ―――― ║ 6 │ ――
Texas │ 4,509 │ 10,668 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 4
Arkansas │ 7,588 │ 9,300 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 3
Missouri │ 32,671 │ 40,077 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 7
Tennessee │ 64,705 │ 58,419 │ ―――― ║ 13 │ ――
Kentucky │ 67,141 │ 49,720 │ ―――― ║ 12 │ ――
Ohio │ 138,360 │ 154,775 │ 35,354 ║ ―― │ 23
Michigan │ 23,940 │ 30,687 │ 10,389 ║ ―― │ 5
Indiana │ 69,907 │ 74,745 │ 8,100 ║ ―― │ 12
Illinois │ 53,047 │ 56,300 │ 15,774 ║ ―― │ 9
Wisconsin │ 13,747 │ 15,001 │ 10,418 ║ ―― │ 4
Iowa │ 11,084 │ 12,093 │ 1,126 ║ ―― │ 4
├───────────┼───────────┼────────────╫───────┼────────
Totals │ 1,360,099 │ 1,220,544 │ 291,263 ║ 163 │ 127
══════════════════╧═══════════╧═══════════╧════════════╩═══════╧════════
[13] By Legislature.
All parties made earnest efforts to control the popular branch of
Congress, and national interest naturally centred in the Wilmot
district of Pennsylvania, as he was the author of the Wilmot Proviso,
that was the fountain of the slavery dispute. He had been twice elected
to Congress in what was then a strong Democratic district, composed
of Bradford, Susquehanna, and Tioga, but which have been among the
strongest Republican counties in the State since the organization
of that party. The district had given over 2000 majority for Polk
against Clay, and although Wilmot was the only member of Congress from
Pennsylvania who voted for the tariff of 1846, he was re-elected in the
fall of that year by a decided majority.
When Van Buren was nominated, Wilmot openly declared himself as a
Free-Soil Democrat, but he received the regular Democratic nomination
for Congress in his district. The Cass pro-slavery Democrats bolted
and nominated Jonah Brewster as a Simon-pure Democrat, and the Whigs
nominated Henry W. Tracy, confidently expecting to elect him. Wilmot
was triumphantly elected, receiving 8597 votes to 4795 for Tracy, Whig,
and 922 for Brewster, Cass Democrat. He also nearly evenly divided
the Democratic vote of Bradford and Tioga between Cass and Van Buren,
giving Taylor a large plurality over Cass in the district.
While the Wilmot Free-Soil Democrats bolted on the Democratic national
ticket, they generally supported Morris Longstreth, the Democratic
candidate for Governor, who was defeated by Johnson in October by 305
majority. The re-election of Wilmot in one of the strong Democratic
districts of Pennsylvania greatly strengthened the antislavery cause
throughout the country. He and his followers fell back into the
regular Democratic line in 1852 in support of Pierce, and they finally
severed their relations with the Democratic party in 1854, provoked by
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and in 1856 they carried the
Northern counties of the State by large majorities for Fremont.
Cass carried every State west of the Pennsylvania line, including Ohio,
where the antislavery sentiment of the Western Reserve was unwilling
to accept a large slaveholder as a candidate for President. Corwin,
the most brilliant and impressive of the stump-speakers of that day,
made desperate efforts to save the State, but Van Buren received over
35,000 votes, and Cass won the electors by a plurality of over 16,000.
I once heard Corwin in his inimitable way tell the story of that
campaign. The people of Ohio in that day were taught their politics by
mass-meetings, and any one of the audience was entirely at liberty to
interrogate the speaker. Corwin, in his plausible and fascinating way,
was trying to explain how the antislavery cause would be best served by
electing a slaveholder President, when a tall, lank countryman, sitting
on the fence, put a very pointed question to him, that he felt unable
to answer. He tried to meet it in a humorous way, but only aroused
his interrogator to make a more pointed inquiry of him, that Corwin
could not answer. He was one of the few orators who could convulse an
audience with his superb humor, and his facial expression was at times
even more mirth provoking than his language. The question involved
the negro issue, and Corwin had an unusually swarthy complexion, and
he unhorsed his inquirer by saying to his audience with an expression
that powerfully accentuated his remark: “I submit, fellow-citizens,
whether it is proper to put such a question to a man of my complexion,”
and the dispute ended in boisterous laughter and cheers for Corwin.
The Whigs won easy victories in all the debatable States of the South;
and General Taylor came to the Presidency knowing less about how his
election had been accomplished than any man who had ever been called to
the Chief Magistracy of the Republic. Thus was Martin Van Buren avenged
for the Southern betrayal of 1844.
THE PIERCE-SCOTT CONTEST
1852
While the Whigs were apprehensive as to General Taylor’s fidelity to an
aggressive Whig policy both before and after his election, when he came
to the selection of his Cabinet he quieted all doubts by appointing
a positive Whig Cabinet, with John M. Clayton, one of the ablest of
the Whig leaders of that day and an eminently practical politician,
to the Premiership. Taylor had little fitness for responsible civil
duties, and charged his Cabinet, that was made up of eminently able
men, with the administration of their different departments. The
slavery question was uppermost in the politics of the day, and the
Taylor Cabinet finally decided upon a policy to solve the delicate
problem by admitting none of the newly acquired Mexican possessions as
Territories, but leaving the question of slavery to be determined by
themselves when they came to admission as States.
[Illustration: FRANKLIN PIERCE]
This policy was antagonized by the ultra antislavery people, who wanted
the distinct prohibition of slavery in Territorial organizations,
and also by the extreme slavery Whigs, who desired them admitted as
Territories without any expression on slavery, believing that slaves
could be taken into any Territory south of the Missouri Compromise line
unless prohibited by the organic law. Clay had returned to the Senate,
and being neither more nor less than human, he had little inclination
to harmonize with an accidental Whig President who filled the position
to which Clay felt he was justly entitled. As opposed to the policy
of the President, Clay came in as pacificator and proposed what then
became known, and what have since been known as the Compromise Measures
of 1850. It is doubtful whether either the administration or the Clay
Compromise policy could have been successful had the President lived.
Certainly the Compromise bill would have failed, but it is uncertain
whether the administration could have wielded sufficient power to carry
its policy through Congress. Its policy was a negative one, postponing
the slave issue in the new acquisitions until the people could act in
their sovereign capacity in the creation of States.
President Taylor died July 9, 1850, and Millard Fillmore became
President by virtue of his office as Vice-President. Taylor’s death
changed the political purposes of the administration in the earnest
struggle then in Congress to meet the question of slavery in the newly
acquired territory. Fillmore, like nearly all Vice-Presidents, was not
in harmony with the President, and when he became President himself he
reversed the policy of the administration.
It was on this issue that Webster wrecked himself. He was in the
confidence of the Taylor administration, and was chosen to be
the champion of its policy for meeting the slavery issue in the
Territories. He personally conferred with the Cabinet forty-eight hours
before he delivered his memorable seventh-of-March speech, in which
he cast his lot with Clay and the pro-slavery wing of the party, and
neither the President nor any Cabinet officer had any notice of his
purpose to change until they were astounded by hearing the views he
expressed in his speech. William M. Meredith, of Philadelphia, was
then Secretary of the Treasury, and he was so much offended by what he
regarded as Webster’s perfidy that he never spoke to him thereafter.
Fillmore was the second Vice-President who had succeeded to the
Presidency by the death of the President, and, like Tyler, he reversed
the policy of the party, and estranged the Whigs of the North very
generally from him. After he became President the Compromise Measures
were revived, and Clay made the last great battle of his life as
pacificator. With the power of the administration added, the Clay
Compromise Measures passed both branches of Congress, and were
promptly approved by the President. They declared, first, against the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia; second, in favor
of the admission of California as a Free State; third, in favor of a
severely stringent Fugitive Slave law; fourth, for the payment to Texas
of $10,000,000 for yielding her claims to New Mexico, and fifth, in
favor of the admission of Utah and New Mexico as Territories without
restrictions as to slavery.
The passage of the Compromise Measures practically united the
Democratic party, as the friends of slavery extension had won a
substantial triumph, and the Democrats of the North were generally
in harmony with that policy, but it greatly weakened the Whigs in
the North without strengthening them in the South, and Fillmore, and
Webster, then Secretary of State, became rival candidates for the Whig
nomination, while the anti-Compromise or antislavery element of the
Whigs united on General Scott.
When the Democratic National Convention met at Baltimore, June 1, 1852,
the leaders were entirely confident of electing their candidates. John
W. Davis, of Indiana, was made President, and the two-thirds rule
reaffirmed. The sessions of the convention were protracted, lasting six
days, but there was little angry dispute as to either candidates or
measures. There were 49 ballots for President, Cass and Buchanan being
the leading competitors at the start. The Virginia delegation, that was
always potential in Democratic conventions, had become weary of the
hopeless contest between the candidates, and on the 35th ballot cast a
solid vote for Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, whose name had not
up to that time been before the convention. The friends of Cass made
an earnest rally, but were unable to concentrate sufficient strength
to approach the two-thirds vote, and Marcy finally loomed up as the
leading competitor of Pierce. The following table gives the detail vote
on each ballot:
════════╤═════╤═════════╤════════╤══════╤═══════╤════════╤══════╤═════╤══════════╤═══════
BALLOTS.│Cass.│Buchanan.│Douglas.│Marcy.│Butler.│Houston.│Dodge.│Lane.│Dickinson.│Pierce.
────────┼─────┼─────────┼────────┼──────┼───────┼────────┼──────┼─────┼──────────┼───────
1 │ 116 │ 93 │ 20 │ 27 │ 2 │ 8 │ 3 │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
2 │ 118 │ 95 │ 23 │ 27 │ 1 │ 6 │ 3 │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
3 │ 119 │ 94 │ 21 │ 26 │ 1 │ 7 │ 3 │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
4 │ 115 │ 89 │ 31 │ 25 │ 1 │ 7 │ 3 │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
5 │ 114 │ 88 │ 34 │ 26 │ 1 │ 8 │ 3 │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
6 │ 114 │ 88 │ 34 │ 26 │ 1 │ 8 │ 3 │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
7 │ 113 │ 88 │ 34 │ 26 │ 1 │ 9 │ 3 │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
8 │ 113 │ 88 │ 34 │ 26 │ 1 │ 9 │ 3 │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
9 │ 112 │ 87 │ 39 │ 27 │ 1 │ 8 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
10 │ 111 │ 86 │ 40 │ 27 │ 1 │ 8 │ ―― │ 14 │ 1 │ ――
11 │ 101 │ 87 │ 50 │ 27 │ 1 │ 8 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
12 │ 98 │ 88 │ 51 │ 27 │ 1 │ 9 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
13 │ 98 │ 88 │ 51 │ 26 │ 1 │ 10 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
14 │ 99 │ 87 │ 51 │ 26 │ 1 │ 10 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
15 │ 99 │ 87 │ 51 │ 26 │ 1 │ 10 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
16 │ 99 │ 87 │ 51 │ 26 │ 1 │ 10 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
17 │ 99 │ 87 │ 50 │ 26 │ 1 │ 11 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
18 │ 96 │ 85 │ 56 │ 25 │ 1 │ 11 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
19 │ 89 │ 85 │ 63 │ 26 │ 1 │ 10 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
20 │ 81 │ 92 │ 64 │ 26 │ 1 │ 10 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
21 │ 60 │ 102 │ 64 │ 26 │ 13 │ 9 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
22 │ 53 │ 104 │ 77 │ 26 │ 15 │ 9 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
23 │ 37 │ 103 │ 78 │ 26 │ 19 │ 11 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
24 │ 33 │ 103 │ 80 │ 26 │ 23 │ 9 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
25 │ 34 │ 101 │ 81 │ 26 │ 24 │ 9 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
26 │ 33 │ 101 │ 80 │ 26 │ 24 │ 10 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
27 │ 32 │ 98 │ 85 │ 26 │ 24 │ 9 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
28 │ 28 │ 96 │ 88 │ 26 │ 25 │ 11 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
29 │ 27 │ 93 │ 91 │ 26 │ 25 │ 12 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
30 │ 33 │ 91 │ 92 │ 26 │ 20 │ 12 │ ―― │ 13 │ 1 │ ――
31 │ 64 │ 79 │ 92 │ 26 │ 16 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ――
32 │ 98 │ 74 │ 80 │ 26 │ 1 │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ――
33 │ 123 │ 72 │ 60 │ 25 │ 2 │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ――
34 │ 130 │ 49 │ 53 │ 23 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 16 │ ――
35 │ 131 │ 39 │ 52 │ 44 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 15
36 │ 122 │ 28 │ 43 │ 58 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 30
37 │ 120 │ 28 │ 37 │ 70 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 29
38 │ 107 │ 28 │ 33 │ 84 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 29
39 │ 106 │ 28 │ 33 │ 85 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 29
40 │ 106 │ 27 │ 33 │ 85 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 29
41 │ 107 │ 27 │ 33 │ 85 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 29
42 │ 101 │ 27 │ 33 │ 91 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 29
43 │ 101 │ 27 │ 33 │ 91 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 29
44 │ 101 │ 27 │ 33 │ 91 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 29
45 │ 96 │ 27 │ 32 │ 97 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 29
46 │ 78 │ 28 │ 32 │ 97 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 44
47 │ 75 │ 28 │ 33 │ 95 │ 1 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 49
48 │ 73 │ 28 │ 33 │ 90 │ 1 │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 55
49 │ 2 │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 282
════════╧═════╧═════════╧════════╧══════╧═══════╧════════╧══════╧═════╧══════════╧═══════
Two ballots were had for Vice-President, the first resulting as follows:
Wm. R. King, Ala. 126
Gideon J. Pillow, Tenn. 25
D. R. Atchison, Mo. 25
T. J. Rusk, Texas 12
Jefferson Davis, Miss. 2
Wm. O. Butler, Ky. 27
Robert Strange, N. C. 23
S. U. Downs, La. 30
J. B. Weller, Cal. 28
Howell Cobb, Ga. 2
The 2d ballot ended with the unanimous nomination of Mr. King.
The party platform was precisely that of 1848, all embodied in full
text, with two new resolutions added on the subject of slavery
and additional resolutions relating to other national issues. The
Democratic platform of 1852, therefore, embraced all the previous
Democratic platforms with the following added:
_Resolved_, That the foregoing proposition covers, and is intended
to embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitated in Congress; and
therefore the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this national
platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts
known as the “Compromise” Measures settled by the last Congress—the
act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor included; which
act, being designed to carry out an express provision of the
Constitution, cannot with fidelity thereto be repealed, nor so changed
as to destroy or impair its efficiency.
_Resolved_, That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at
renewing in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery
question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made.
Then follow the resolutions in former platforms respecting the
distribution of the proceeds of land sales, that respecting the veto
power, and these additions:
_Resolved_, That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by
and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia
resolutions of 1792 and 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to
the Virginia Legislature in 1799; that it adopts those principles as
constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, and
is resolved to carry them out in their obvious meaning and import.
_Resolved_, That the war with Mexico, upon all the principles of
patriotism and the law of nations, was a just and necessary war on our
part in which no American citizen should have shown himself opposed
to his country, and neither morally nor physically, by word or deed,
given aid and comfort to the enemy.
_Resolved_, That we rejoice at the restoration of friendly relations
with our sister republic of Mexico, and earnestly desire for her
all the blessings and prosperity which we enjoy under republican
institutions, and we congratulate the American people on the results
of that war, which have so manifestly justified the policy and conduct
of the Democratic party, and insured to the United States indemnity
for the past and security for the future.
_Resolved_, That, in view of the condition of popular institutions
in the Old World, a high and sacred duty is devolved, with increased
responsibility, upon the Democracy of this country, as the party of
the people, to uphold and maintain the rights of every State, and
thereby the union of States, and to sustain and advance among them
constitutional liberty, by continuing to resist all monopolies and
exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the
many, and by a vigilant and constant adherence to those principles
and compromises of the Constitution which are broad enough and strong
enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it is, and the Union as it
should be, in the full expansion of the energies and capacity of this
great and progressive people.
The nomination of Pierce was received very generally by the Democrats
with great enthusiasm. The spirit of young Democracy had grown up in
the party and become very formidable. The _Democratic Review_, the
monthly organ of Democracy, had been reorganized with an able and most
aggressive staff devoted to the overthrow of “old fogyism” in the
party, and when Pierce was nominated the boys who do the shouting were
almost wholly in sympathy with the young Democracy, and the old-timers
had to fall in the rear of the procession. With the Democratic party
united on candidates who were free from factional complication, and
with the Compromise Measures, on which they could unite both the
North and South, they started in the contest with every advantage and
maintained it until election day, when the Whig party suffered its
Waterloo.
The Whig convention met in Baltimore on the 16th of June with every
State represented, and John G. Chapman, of Maryland, was made the
presiding officer. The Southern delegates fortified themselves before
the meeting of the convention by a caucus declaration of the party
platform, and it was an open secret that if the convention accepted
the platform, enough Southern men would support Scott to give him
the nomination. They knew that Fillmore could not be elected, and
that Webster was even weaker than Fillmore, and they were willing to
accept Scott, who was the candidate of the antislavery element of the
party, if the Compromise Measures were squarely affirmed by the party
convention, while Scott was willing to accept the nomination with any
platform the convention might formulate. Fillmore had carried the
Compromise Measures and forced the Whigs to accept them in the party
platform, but the insincerity of that expression was manifested by
the refusal to nominate Fillmore, and by the nomination of Scott, who
represented the anti-Compromise Whigs of the country. There were 53
ballots for President, but during the long struggle there was little
exhibition of ill-temper. Scott started with 131 to 133 for Fillmore
and 29 for Webster, and ended with 159 for Scott to 112 for Fillmore
and 21 for Webster. The following table presents the ballots in detail:
═════════╤════════╤═══════════╤═════════
BALLOTS. │ Scott. │ Fillmore. │ Webster.
─────────┼────────┼───────────┼─────────
1 │ 131 │ 133 │ 29
2 │ 133 │ 131 │ 29
3 │ 133 │ 131 │ 29
4 │ 134 │ 130 │ 29
5 │ 130 │ 133 │ 30
6 │ 133 │ 131 │ 29
7 │ 131 │ 133 │ 28
8 │ 133 │ 131 │ 28
9 │ 133 │ 133 │ 29
10 │ 135 │ 130 │ 29
11 │ 134 │ 131 │ 28
12 │ 134 │ 130 │ 28
13 │ 134 │ 130 │ 28
14 │ 133 │ 130 │ 29
15 │ 133 │ 130 │ 29
16 │ 135 │ 129 │ 28
17 │ 132 │ 131 │ 29
18 │ 132 │ 131 │ 28
19 │ 132 │ 131 │ 29
20 │ 132 │ 131 │ 29
21 │ 133 │ 131 │ 28
22 │ 132 │ 130 │ 30
23 │ 132 │ 130 │ 30
24 │ 133 │ 129 │ 30
25 │ 133 │ 128 │ 31
26 │ 134 │ 128 │ 30
27 │ 134 │ 128 │ 30
28 │ 134 │ 128 │ 30
29 │ 134 │ 128 │ 30
30 │ 134 │ 128 │ 29
31 │ 134 │ 128 │ 30
32 │ 134 │ 128 │ 30
33 │ 134 │ 128 │ 29
34 │ 134 │ 126 │ 28
35 │ 134 │ 128 │ 28
36 │ 136 │ 127 │ 28
37 │ 133 │ 128 │ 28
38 │ 136 │ 127 │ 29
39 │ 134 │ 128 │ 30
40 │ 132 │ 129 │ 32
41 │ 132 │ 129 │ 32
42 │ 134 │ 128 │ 30
43 │ 134 │ 128 │ 30
44 │ 133 │ 129 │ 30
45 │ 133 │ 127 │ 32
46 │ 134 │ 127 │ 31
47 │ 135 │ 129 │ 29
48 │ 137 │ 124 │ 30
49 │ 139 │ 122 │ 30
50 │ 142 │ 122 │ 28
51 │ 142 │ 120 │ 29
52 │ 146 │ 119 │ 27
53 │ 159 │ 112 │ 21
Necessary to choose, 147
════════════════════════════════════════
The nomination of Scott was made unanimous, and William A. Graham,
of North Carolina, who was Secretary of the Navy under the Fillmore
administration, was given a unanimous nomination for Vice-President on
the 2d ballot. The following platform was adopted without opposition,
excepting as to the eighth and last, affirming the new and stringent
Fugitive Slave law. After an earnest debate it was adopted by a vote
of 212 to 70. Many of the friends of General Scott voted for that
resolution from considerations of expediency. General Scott in his
letter of acceptance broadly affirmed the platform in its entirety.
The Whigs of the United States, in convention assembled, adhering
to the great conservative principles by which they are controlled
and governed, and now, as ever, relying upon the intelligence of
the American people, with an abiding confidence in their capacity
for self-government, and their devotion to the Constitution and the
Union, do proclaim the following as the political sentiments and
determination for the establishment and maintenance of which their
national organization as a party was effected:
_First._ The Government of the United States is of a limited
character, and it is confined to the exercise of powers expressly
granted by the Constitution, and such as may be necessary and proper
for carrying the granted powers into full execution, and that powers
not granted or necessarily implied are reserved to the States
respectively and to the people.
_Second._ The State governments should be held secure to their
reserved rights, and the General Government sustained on its
constitutional powers, and that the Union should be revered and
watched over as the palladium of our liberties.
_Third._ That while struggling freedom everywhere enlists the warmest
sympathy of the Whig party, we still adhere to the doctrines of the
Father of his Country, as announced in his Farewell Address, of
keeping ourselves free from all entangling alliances with foreign
countries, and of never quitting our own to stand upon foreign ground;
that our mission as a republic is not to propagate our opinions, or
impose on other countries our forms of government by artifice or
force; but to teach by example, and show by our success, moderation
and justice, the blessings of self-government and the advantage of
free institutions.
_Fourth._ That, as the people make and control the Government, they
should obey its Constitution, laws, and treaties, as they would retain
their self-respect and the respect which they claim and will enforce
from foreign powers.
_Fifth._ That the Government should be conducted on principles of the
strictest economy; and revenue sufficient for the expenses thereof, in
time of peace, ought to be mainly derived from a duty on imports, and
not from direct taxes; and in laying such duties sound policy requires
a just discrimination, and protection from fraud by specific duties,
when practicable, whereby suitable encouragement may be afforded to
American industry, equally to all classes and to all portions of the
country.
_Sixth._ The Constitution vests in Congress the power to open and
repair harbors, and remove obstructions from navigable rivers,
whenever such improvements are necessary for the common defence and
for the protection and facility of commerce with foreign nations or
among the States—said improvements being in every instance national
and general in their character.
_Seventh._ The Federal and State governments are parts of one system,
alike necessary for the common prosperity, peace and security, and
ought to be regarded alike with a cordial, habitual, and immovable
attachment. Respect for the authority of each, and acquiescence in
the just constitutional measures of each, are duties required by the
plainest considerations of national, State and individual welfare.
_Eighth._ That the series of acts of the Thirty-second Congress,
the act known as the Fugitive Slave law included, are received and
acquiesced in by the Whig party of the United States as a settlement
in principle and substance of the dangerous and exciting questions
which they embrace; and, so far as they are concerned, we will
maintain them, and insist upon their strict enforcement, until time
and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legislation
to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand and the abuse
of their powers on the other, not impairing their present efficiency;
and we deprecate all further agitation of the question thus settled,
as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance all efforts to
continue or renew such agitation, whenever, wherever, or however the
attempt may be made; and we will maintain this system as essential to
the nationality of the Whig party and the integrity of the Union.
The Compromise Measures were pressed upon the country as a finality,
and the Democrats, with all of the Southern Whigs and many Northern
Whigs, accepted them as such. Had the Pierce administration permitted
the slave issue to rest on the Compromise Measures, it is probable
that the birth of the Republican party would have been long postponed,
but the repeal of the Missouri Compromise gave fresh vitality to the
slavery dispute and quickened the antislavery sentiment of the country
to the aggressive battle that culminated in the election of Lincoln in
1860.
The Free-Soil Democrats called a national convention to meet at
Pittsburg on the 11th of August, over which Henry Wilson, of
Massachusetts, presided. John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, was nominated
for President, and George W. Julian, of Indiana, for Vice-President
without the formality of a ballot. The following platform was adopted:
Having assembled in national convention as the Democracy of the United
States; united by a common resolve to maintain right against wrong and
freedom against slavery; confiding in the intelligence, patriotism,
and discriminating justice of the American people; putting our trust
in God for the triumph of our cause, and invoking His guidance in our
endeavors to advance it—we now submit to the candid judgment of all
men the following declaration of principles and measures:
1. That governments deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed are instituted among men to secure to all those unalienable
rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness with which they
are endowed by their Creator, and of which none can be deprived by
valid legislation, except for crime.
2. That the true mission of American Democracy is to maintain the
liberties of the people, the sovereignty of the States, and the
perpetuity of the Union, by the impartial application to public
affairs, without sectional discriminations, of the fundamental
principles of human rights, strict justice, and an economical
administration.
3. That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, derived
solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power therein ought
to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the
Government, and it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful
constitutional powers.
4. That the Constitution of the United States, ordained to form a
more perfect Union, to establish justice, and secure the blessings
of liberty, expressly denies to the General Government all power to
deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process
of law; and, therefore, the Government, having no more power to make a
slave than to make a king, and no more power to establish slavery than
to establish a monarchy, should at once proceed to relieve itself from
all responsibility for the existence of slavery wherever it possesses
constitutional power to legislate for its extinction.
5. That, to the persevering and importunate demand of the slave power
for more Slave States, new Slave Territories, and the nationalization
of slavery, our distinct and final answer is: No more Slave States, no
Slave Territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation
for the extradition of slaves.
6. That slavery is a sin against God and a crime against man, which
no human enactment or usage can make right; and that Christianity,
humanity, and patriotism alike demand its abolition.
7. That the Fugitive Slave act of 1850 is repugnant to the
Constitution, to the principles of the common law, to the spirit
of Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world. We
therefore deny its binding force upon the American people, and demand
its immediate and total repeal.
8. That the doctrine that any human law is a finality, and not subject
to modification or repeal, is not in accordance with the creed of the
founders of our Government, and is dangerous to the liberties of the
people.
9. That the acts of Congress known as the “Compromise” Measures of
1850—by making the admission of a sovereign State contingent upon
the adoption of other measures demanded by the special interest
of slavery; by their omission to guarantee freedom in the Free
Territories; by their attempt to impose unconstitutional limitations
on the power of Congress and the people to admit new States; by their
provisions for the assumption of five millions of the State debt of
Texas, and for the payment of five millions more and the cession of a
large territory to the same State under menace, as an inducement to
the relinquishment of a groundless claim; and by their invasion of the
sovereignty of the States and the liberties of the people, through
the enactment of an unjust, oppressive, and unconstitutional Fugitive
Slave law—are proved to be inconsistent with all the principles and
maxims of Democracy, and wholly inadequate to the settlement of the
questions of which they are claimed to be an adjustment.
10. That no permanent settlement of the slavery question can be looked
for except in the practical recognition of the truth that slavery is
sectional and freedom national; by the total separation of the General
Government from slavery, and the exercise of its legitimate and
constitutional influence on the side of freedom; and by leaving to the
States the whole subject of slavery and the extradition of fugitives
from service.
11. That all men have a natural right to a portion of the soil; and
that, as the use of the soil is indispensable to life, the right of
all men to the soil is as sacred as their right to life itself.
12. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people,
and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corporations, but
should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and
should be granted in limited quantities, free of cost, to landless
settlers.
13. That a due regard for the Federal Constitution and a sound
administrative policy demands that the funds of the General Government
be kept separate from banking institutions; that inland and ocean
postage should be reduced to the lowest possible point; that no more
revenue should be raised than is required to defray the strictly
necessary expenses of the public service, and to pay off the public
debt; and that the power and patronage of the Government should be
diminished, by the abolition of all unnecessary offices, salaries, and
privileges, and by the election, by the people, of all civil officers
in the service of the United States, so far as may be consistent with
the prompt and efficient transaction of the public business.
14. That river and harbor improvements, when necessary to the safety
and convenience of commerce with foreign nations or among the several
States, are objects of national concern; and it is the duty of
Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, to provide for
the same.
15. That emigrants and exiles from the Old World should find a cordial
welcome to homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in the New;
and every attempt to abridge their privilege of becoming citizens
and owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with inflexible
determination.
16. That every nation has a clear right to alter or change its own
government, and to administer its own concerns, in such a manner as
may best secure the rights and promote the happiness of the people;
and foreign interference with that right is a dangerous violation of
the laws of nations, against which all independent governments should
protest, and endeavor by all proper means to prevent; and especially
is it the duty of the American Government, representing the chief
republic of the world, to protest against, and by all proper means
to prevent, the intervention of kings and emperors against nations
seeking to establish for themselves republican or constitutional
governments.
17. That the independence of Hayti ought to be recognized by our
Government, and our commercial relations with it placed on a footing
of the most favored nation.
18. That as, by the Constitution, the “citizens of each State shall
be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in
the several States,” the practice of imprisoning colored seamen of
other States, while the vessels to which they belong lie in port,
and refusing the exercise of the right to bring such cases before
the Supreme Court of the United States, to test the legality of
such proceedings, is a flagrant violation of the Constitution, and
an invasion of the rights of the citizens of other States, utterly
inconsistent with the professions made by the slaveholders, that they
wish the provisions of the Constitution faithfully observed by every
State in the Union.
19. That we recommend the introduction into all treaties hereafter to
be negotiated between the United States and foreign nations, of some
provision for the amicable settlement of difficulties by a resort to
decisive arbitration.
20. That the Free Democratic party is not organized to aid either the
Whig or the Democratic wing of the great slave-compromise party of the
nation, but to defeat them both; and that, repudiating and renouncing
both as hopelessly corrupt and utterly unworthy of confidence, the
purpose of the Free Democracy is to take possession of the Federal
Government, and administer it for the better protection of the rights
and interests of the whole people.
21. That we inscribe on our banner, “Free soil, free speech, free
labor, and free men!” and under it will fight on and fight ever until
a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions.
22. That upon this platform the convention presents to the American
people as a candidate for the office of President of the United
States, John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and as a candidate for the
office of Vice-President of the United States, George W. Julian, of
Indiana, and earnestly commends them to the support of all free men
and all parties.
The contest of 1852 was a hopeless one for the Whigs from the start.
General Scott had great faith in his own election, but he stood almost
entirely alone in that confidence. After the disastrous October
elections he took the stump against the advice of his more discreet
friends, and delivered a number of campaign speeches, which are now
remembered chiefly because of his flattery to the foreign vote,
complimenting the “rich Irish brogue” and “the sweet German accent”
of many of his supporters. The result was that Pierce, a man who had
never been discussed for the Presidency, but had been brought out as
the “dark horse” at the national convention, carried every State in the
Union but four—Massachusetts and Vermont, in the North, and Kentucky
and Tennessee, in the South. The following is the popular and electoral
vote:
═══════════════════╤═════════════════════════════════╦══════════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORS.
├───────────┬───────────┬─────────╫─────────┬────────
STATES. │ Franklin │ Winfield │ John P. ║ │
│ Pierce, │ Scott, │ Hale, ║ Pierce. │ Scott.
│ N. H. │ N. Y. │ N. H. ║ │
───────────────────┼───────────┼───────────┼─────────╫─────────┼────────
Maine │ 41,609 │ 32,543 │ 8,030 ║ 8 │ ――
New Hampshire │ 29,997 │ 16,147 │ 6,695 ║ 5 │ ――
Vermont │ 13,044 │ 22,173 │ 8,621 ║ ―― │ 5
Massachusetts │ 44,569 │ 52,683 │ 28,023 ║ ―― │ 13
Rhode Island │ 8,735 │ 7,626 │ 644 ║ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ 33,249 │ 30,357 │ 3,160 ║ 6 │ ――
New York │ 262,083 │ 234,882 │ 25,329 ║ 35 │ ――
New Jersey │ 44,305 │ 38,556 │ 350 ║ 7 │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 198,568 │ 179,174 │ 8,525 ║ 27 │ ――
Delaware │ 6,318 │ 6,293 │ 62 ║ 3 │ ――
Maryland │ 40,020 │ 35,066 │ 54 ║ 8 │ ――
Virginia │ 73,858 │ 58,572 │ ―――― ║ 15 │ ――
North Carolina │ 39,744 │ 39,058 │ ―――― ║ 10 │ ――
South Carolina[14] │ ―――― │ ―――― │ ―――― ║ 8 │ ――
Georgia │ 34,705 │ 16,660 │ ―――― ║ 10 │ ――
Alabama │ 26,881 │ 15,038 │ ―――― ║ 9 │ ――
Florida │ 4,318 │ 2,875 │ ―――― ║ 3 │ ――
Mississippi │ 26,876 │ 17,548 │ ―――― ║ 7 │ ――
Louisiana │ 18,647 │ 17,255 │ ―――― ║ 6 │ ――
Texas │ 13,552 │ 4,995 │ ―――― ║ 4 │ ――
Arkansas │ 12,179 │ 7,404 │ ―――― ║ 4 │ ――
Missouri │ 38,353 │ 29,984 │ ―――― ║ 9 │ ――
Tennessee │ 57,018 │ 58,898 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 12
Kentucky │ 53,806 │ 57,068 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 12
Ohio │ 169,220 │ 152,526 │ 31,682 ║ 23 │ ――
Michigan │ 41,842 │ 33,859 │ 7,237 ║ 6 │ ――
Indiana │ 95,340 │ 80,901 │ 6,929 ║ 13 │ ――
Illinois │ 80,597 │ 64,934 │ 9,966 ║ 11 │ ――
Wisconsin │ 33,658 │ 22,240 │ 8,814 ║ 5 │ ――
Iowa │ 17,763 │ 15,856 │ 1,604 ║ 4 │ ――
California │ 40,626 │ 35,407 │ 100 ║ 4 │ ――
├───────────┼───────────┼─────────╫─────────┼────────
Totals │ 1,601,274 │ 1,386,580 │ 155,825 ║ 254 │ 42
═══════════════════╧═══════════╧═══════════╧═════════╩═════════╧════════
[14] Chosen by Legislature.
President Pierce could have had a tranquil administration and generally
maintained sectional peace if he had not wantonly reopened the slavery
issue by assenting to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and making
it a Democratic measure. Kansas and Nebraska, which were north of the
Missouri line, whose territory had been solemnly dedicated to freedom
by the Missouri Compromise of 1820, that admitted Missouri as a Slave
State, were coveted by the slavery extensionists, and they decided
not only against the solemnly plighted faith of the nation, but, in
disregard of climatic objections, to force slavery in both of those
Territories and make them Slave States. The slavery propagandists had
failed to gather any substantial fruits for slavery from our Mexican
acquisitions, and in the desperation of the suicide they resolved to
force slavery into Kansas and Nebraska by a system of violence that was
generally described at that time as “border ruffianism,” and that made
the name of John Brown immortal.
The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was the beginning of the end of
slavery. It was noticed that there could be no peace with Northern
industry and progress advancing rapidly and hastening the formation
of new States, while the South was standing still. A number of new
and very able men had been called into the political arena by the
slavery agitation. Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, and Charles Sumner, of
Massachusetts, were both elected to the Senate by a solid Democratic
vote, united with the Free Soilers of their respective Legislatures.
Henry Wilson, the “Natick Cobbler,” had become more potent in
Massachusetts than was Webster at the time of his death; and the
antislavery sentiment was visibly and speedily growing toward immense
proportions.
The Whig party made its final battle in 1852, although it was nominally
in the field in 1856, and a new party was created out of the odds and
ends of the old Native American party. Opposition to Catholics had
been intensified by Pierce appointing Judge Campbell, of Philadelphia,
Postmaster-General. He was a very able and faithful Cabinet officer,
and there was no pretence that his religious views in any way
influenced his official appointments, but it revived the embers of
Native Americanism, and the great mass of the Whigs, who knew that the
Whig party had practically perished, and the antislavery Democrats
were without political vocations. They were like the Federalists who
first found refuge in anti-Masonry, and with anti-Masonry afterward
found refuge in the Whig party. The result was the very rapid spread
of the new American, or what was commonly called the Know-Nothing
party, with secret lodges and its members all sworn not to divulge the
movements of the organization and to vote for its nominated candidates.
It exhibited wonderful strength in many localities early in 1854, and
it was not uncommon in local elections, when the vote was counted,
to find that all the officers elected were unknown to the public as
candidates. Its first important triumph was in the municipal election
of Philadelphia in May, 1854, when Judge Conrad, candidate of the Whigs
and secret candidate of the Know-Nothings, was elected Mayor by an
overwhelming majority.
The Democrats lost a large number of their ablest men on the slavery
issue, provoked to defection by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise,
and it was evident that the party would be divided in the next
national campaign; but the various elements of opposition were even
more incongruous and had little prospect of anything approaching the
unity necessary to succeed. Pierce, like Fillmore, Polk, and Tyler,
was a candidate for re-election, but failed disastrously in his own
convention after wielding the power of his position to the uttermost,
and his administration ended with the country rent by sectional feuds
and gravely threatened with fraternal war.
THE BUCHANAN-FREMONT-FILLMORE CONTEST
1856
The Presidential battle of 1856, that gave Pennsylvania her only
President in James Buchanan, is memorable chiefly because it dated
the birth of the Republican party as a national organization, that
was destined to conduct the greatest civil war of modern history, to
abolish slavery, maintain its power uninterruptedly for a quarter of a
century, and to write the most lustrous chapters in the annals of the
Republic.
The Democrats were greatly demoralized by the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise, and they suffered the aggressive defection of a number of
Democratic leaders with large popular following, but the various shades
of opposition to the Democracy were even more hopelessly divided. The
Democrats had the advantage of being able to command a solid vote
from the South on a square slavery issue, and they reasonably hoped
that they could hold enough States in the North to give them success.
Buchanan had been abroad as Minister during the troublesome times
of the Pierce administration, and he returned just in good time to
make the most out of the disturbed situation that confronted him.
The renomination and re-election of Pierce were hopeless. Cass had
been defeated by the people and suffered repeated defeats in national
conventions. Buchanan thus had a strong lead for the Presidential
nomination, and he was most fortunate in having the accomplished,
devoted, and tireless Colonel Forney to manage his campaign, not only
for the nomination, but to direct the national contest in the few
Northern States which could be held to the Democratic flag.
The Southern leaders had absolute confidence in Buchanan, and they
were entirely justified in their faith. He had been a Federal member
of Congress in early days, and later entered the Democratic party
with all the strict construction ideas of Federalism, which were then
in harmony with the Democratic policy as applied to the slavery issue.
He was the logical Democratic candidate for President in 1856; and
President Pierce, an utterly impossible candidate, as it was known that
he never could command the necessary two-thirds vote in the convention,
was his only serious competitor when the balloting began.
[Illustration: JAMES BUCHANAN]
The Democratic National Convention met in Cincinnati on the 2d of
June, with full delegations from every State, and two contesting
delegations from New York and Missouri. The quarrel between the
factions in both States was intensely bitter. The opposing factions
of New York were known as the “Hards,” who were a spawn of the old
Hunkers, and the “Softs,” who took the place of the Barnburners. The
Missouri delegations were known as the Bentonites and the Regulars, the
Bentonites having lost the control of the party organization in the
State. The convention solved the problem by admitting both delegations
from each State, and giving each delegate only half a vote. John E.
Ward, of Georgia, was made the permanent president, and the two-thirds
rule was reaffirmed without a contest.
It was at this convention that Stephen A. Douglas first developed as
an aggressive candidate for President, and as he had led the battle
for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, he was in harmony with the
Pierce administration. As will be seen by the ballots, his strength was
almost wholly given to Pierce until Pierce’s unavailability was clearly
established, when the Pierce vote was mostly transferred to Douglas.
The following table presents the 17 ballots in detail, resulting in the
nomination of Buchanan:
═════════╤═══════════╤═════════╤══════════╤══════
BALLOTS. │ Buchanan. │ Pierce. │ Douglas. │ Cass.
─────────┼───────────┼─────────┼──────────┼──────
1 │ 135 │ 122 │ 33 │ 5
2 │ 139 │ 119-1/2 │ 3-1/2 │ 6
3 │ 139-1/2 │ 119 │ 32 │ 5-1/2
4 │ 141-1/2 │ 119 │ 30 │ 5-1/2
5 │ 140 │ 119-1/2 │ 31 │ 5-1/2
6 │ 155 │ 117-1/2 │ 28 │ 5-1/2
7 │ 143-1/2 │ 89 │ 58 │ 5-1/2
8 │ 147-1/2 │ 87 │ 56 │ 5-1/2
9 │ 146 │ 87 │ 56 │ 7
10 │ 150-1/2 │ 80-1/2 │ 59-1/2 │ 5-1/2
11 │ 147-1/2 │ 80 │ 63 │ 5-1/2
12 │ 148 │ 79 │ 63-1/2 │ 5-1/2
13 │ 150 │ 77-1/2 │ 63 │ 5-1/2
14 │ 152-1/2 │ 75 │ 63 │ 5-1/2
15 │ 168-1/2 │ 3-1/2 │ 118-1/2 │ 4-1/2
16 │ 168 │ ―― │ 121 │ 6
17 │ 296 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
═════════╧═══════════╧═════════╧══════════╧══════
As Buchanan was from the North, the Vice-Presidency was conceded to
the South, and 10 candidates were placed in nomination. The 1st ballot
resulted as follows:
J. A. Quitman, Miss. 59
Linn Boyd, Ky. 33
A. V. Brown, Tenn. 29
J. A. Bayard, Del. 31
T. J. Rusk, Texas 2
J. C. Breckenridge, Ky. 55
B. Fitzpatrick, Ala. 11
H. V. Johnson, Ga. 31
Trusten Polk, Mo. 5
J. C. Dobbin, N. C. 13
When the 2d ballot was called, a number of the candidates had their
names withdrawn, and Mr. Breckenridge was given a unanimous nomination.
He was the idol of the young Democracy of the South, having won his
spurs by two of the most remarkable Congressional campaigns in the
history of Kentucky, in which he had defeated Governor Letcher and
Leslie Combs, two of the ablest of the old Clay leaders in the Ashland
district. His success was due entirely to his own personal popularity.
He was not only one of the ablest of all the Breckenridges, but he
was a most accomplished, genial, and delightful companion, and his
nomination greatly strengthened the Democratic ticket in all sections
of the country.
The platform was finally adopted without a contest. It recited first
the preamble adopted in 1844, followed by ten resolutions from other
previous platforms, embracing the first five of 1840, and others
embracing the Democratic views on the proceeds of the public land; in
opposition to a national bank; in favor of the subtreasury system;
in support of the veto power, and opposing any new limitations upon
naturalization. To these the following new resolutions were added:
_And whereas_, Since the foregoing declaration was uniformly adopted
by our predecessors in national convention, an adverse political
and religious test has been secretly organized by a party claiming
to be exclusively American, and it is proper that the American
Democracy should clearly define its relations thereto, and declare its
determined opposition to all secret political societies, by whatever
name they may be called—
_Resolved_, That the foundation of this Union of States having been
laid in, and its prosperity, expansion, and pre-eminent example of
free government built upon entire freedom in matters of religious
concernment, and no respect of persons in regard to rank or place
or birth, no party can be justly deemed national, constitutional,
or in accordance with American principles which bases its exclusive
organization upon religious opinions and accidental birthplace. And
hence a political crusade in the nineteenth century, and in the United
States of America, against Catholics and foreign-born, is neither
justified by the past history nor future prospects of the country, nor
in unison with the spirit of toleration and enlightened freedom which
peculiarly distinguishes the American system of popular government.
_Resolved_, That we reiterate with renewed energy of purpose the
well-considered declarations of former conventions upon the sectional
issue of domestic slavery and concerning the reserved rights of the
States—
1. That Congress has no power under the Constitution to interfere
with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and
that all such States are the sole and proper judges of everything
appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by the Constitution;
that all efforts of the Abolitionists or others made to induce
Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient
steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most
alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have
an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people and
endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to
be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions.
2. That the foregoing covers, and was intended to embrace, the
whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and therefore the
Democratic party of the Union, standing on this national platform,
will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as
the “Compromise” Measures, settled by the Congress of 1850, the act
for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor included; which act,
being designed to carry out an express provision of the Constitution,
cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, or so changed as to
destroy or impair its efficiency.
3. That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in
Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under
whatever shape or color the attempt may be made.
4. The Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the
principle laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1797
and 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia Legislature
in 1799; that it adopts these principles as constituting one of the
main foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry them
out in their obvious meaning and import.
And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on which a sectional
party, subsisting exclusively on slavery agitation, now relies to test
the fidelity of the people, North and South, to the Constitution and
the Union—
1. _Resolved_, That, claiming fellowship with and desiring the
co-operation of all who regard the preservation of the Union under the
Constitution as the paramount issue, and repudiating all sectional
issues and platforms concerning domestic slavery which seek to embroil
the States and incite to treason and armed resistance to law in the
Territories, and whose avowed purpose, if consummated, must end in
civil war and disunion, the American Democracy recognize and adopt the
principles contained in the organic laws establishing the Territories
of Nebraska and Kansas as embodying the only sound and safe solution
of the slavery question, upon which the great national idea of the
people of this whole country can repose in its determined conservation
of the Union, and non-interference of Congress with slavery in the
Territories or in the District of Columbia.
2. That this was the basis of the compromise of 1850, confirmed by
both the Democratic and Whig parties in national conventions, ratified
by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to the
organization of the Territories in 1854.
3. That by the uniform application of the Democratic principle to the
organization of Territories, and the admission of new States with or
without domestic slavery, as they may elect, the equal rights of all
the States will be preserved intact, the original compacts of the
Constitution maintained inviolate, and the perpetuity and expansion
of the Union insured to its utmost capacity of embracing, in peace
and harmony, every future American State that may be constituted or
annexed with a republican form of government.
_Resolved_, That we recognize the right of the people of all the
Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally
and fairly expressed will of the majority of the actual residents,
and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a
constitution, with or without domestic slavery, and be admitted into
the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States.
_Resolved_, Finally, that in view of the condition of popular
institutions in the Old World (and the dangerous tendencies of
sectional agitation, combined with the attempt to enforce civil and
religious disabilities against the rights of acquiring and enjoying
citizenship in our own land), a high and sacred duty is devolved, with
increased responsibility, upon the Democratic party of this country,
as the party of the Union, to uphold and maintain the rights of
every State, and thereby the Union of the States; and to sustain and
advance among us constitutional liberty, by continuing to resist all
monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the
expense of the many; and by a vigilant and constant adherence to those
principles and compromises of the Constitution which are broad enough
and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the
Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be, in the full expansion of
the energies and capacity of this great and progressive people.
1. _Resolved_, That there are questions connected with the foreign
policy of this country which are inferior to no domestic question
whatever. The time has come for the people of the United States to
declare themselves in favor of free seas, and progressive free trade
throughout the world, and by solemn manifestations to place their
moral influence at the side of their successful example.
2. _Resolved_, That our geographical and political position with
reference to the other States of this continent, no less than the
interest of our commerce and the development of our growing power,
requires that we should hold sacred the principles involved in the
Monroe Doctrine. Their bearing and import admit of no misconstruction,
and should be applied with unbending rigidity.
3. _Resolved_, That the great highway, which nature as well as the
assent of States most immediately interested in its maintenance has
marked out for free communication between the Atlantic and the Pacific
oceans, constitutes one of the most important achievements realized by
the spirit of modern times, in the unconquerable energy of our people;
and that result would be secured by a timely and efficient exertion
of the control which we have the right to claim over it; and no power
on earth should be suffered to impede or clog its progress by any
interference with relations that it may suit our policy to establish
between our Government and the governments of the States within whose
dominions it lies. We can, under no circumstances, surrender our
preponderance in the adjustment of all questions arising out of it.
4. _Resolved_, That, in view of so commanding an interest, the people
of the United States cannot but sympathize with the efforts which are
being made by the people of Central America to regenerate that portion
of the continent which covers the passage across the inter-oceanic
isthmus.
5. _Resolved_, That the Democratic party will expect of the next
administration that every proper effort be made to insure our
ascendancy in the Gulf of Mexico, and to maintain permanent protection
to the great outlets through which are emptied into its waters the
products raised out of the soil and the commodities created by the
industry of the people of our Western valleys and of the Union at
large.
_Resolved_, That the administration of Franklin Pierce has been true
to Democratic principles, and therefore true to the great interests of
the country. In the face of violent opposition he has maintained the
laws at home, and vindicated the rights of American citizens abroad;
and therefore we proclaim our unqualified admiration of his measures
and policy.
When Buchanan was nominated for President everything indicated his
election by a very large majority and without a serious struggle. It
was evident to all that the antislavery sentiment was making rapid
strides in the North. The Democrats felt certain of a solid vote in the
South, and they did not regard it as possible for the Republican party
to unite the American and conservative Whig elements to sufficient
extent to enable it to make a hopeful contest in Pennsylvania, New
York, and the Western Democratic States; but very soon after the
meeting of the first Republican National Convention the new party grew
with such rapidity that the Democratic leaders finally looked the fact
in the face that they had a very desperate and doubtful contest before
them.
The Republican party first appeared in the political arena in 1854. It
had then a small organization in New York State, and cast a sufficient
number of votes to elect Clark, the Whig candidate, for Governor, over
Seymour, the Democratic candidate, who lost the Governorship by 309
majority. I was at the cradle of the Republican party; was a delegate
to its first State convention, held in Pittsburg, Penn., in 1855. It
was a mass convention, composed of a loose aggregation of political
free-thinkers, but a number of very able men, including Giddings and
Bingham, of Ohio, and Allison, of Pennsylvania, who presided, delivered
addresses. There was but one State office to fill in Pennsylvania,
that of Canal Commissioner. The convention was made up very largely
of the aggressive Abolition element of the State, small in number,
but bold and assertive in action, as was shown by the spontaneous
nomination of Passmore Williamson, who was then in prison for contempt
of court in a fugitive slave case. The nomination was resented by all
the conservative Whigs and by the Americans, and without the votes of
those parties the Republican organization could not carry a township in
the State. Williamson was finally persuaded to retire, and the Whig,
American, and Republican committees united on Thomas Nicholson, of
Beaver, but the elements were too discordant, and the State was lost by
some 12,000.
I was a delegate to the first Republican National Convention, that
met in Philadelphia on the 17th of June, 1856. It was also a mass
convention, as the party had no organization, and States sent large or
small delegations as was most convenient. I went to the convention,
hoping to aid in the nomination of Judge McLean for President, who was
sufficiently conservative to command both the Whig and American votes,
and I had no faith whatever in the success of a distinctive Republican
candidate and party. I was surprised to find the Republicans of New
England and of New York who were attending the convention in favor of
a radical Republican policy, and I was so much dissatisfied with the
evident outcome of the convention that, although I attended its first
session, I did not enroll as a delegate, and did not participate in
any of its important proceedings. I well remember meeting Mr. Greeley
among the first of those who came to the convention, and wondered how
he had lost all his political cunning when he told me, in the most
enthusiastic way, that Fremont would carry New York by 50,000 majority,
and that the Republican party would be sufficiently strong to win
the battle without any concessions whatever to the other elements
opposed to the Democratic party. I had no faith in Fremont, either as
a candidate or as a President. I shared the general conservative Whig
sentiment of Pennsylvania that the Republican convention in nominating
Fremont on a square-toed Republican platform was altogether too “wild
and woolley” in flavor to win at the election. Greeley was mistaken as
to New York only in making the Republican majority one-third less than
it turned up on election night, when Fremont had nearly as many votes
as Buchanan and Fillmore combined.
The nomination of Fremont was engineered by some of the shrewdest of
the old Democratic leaders, most conspicuous of whom was the elder
Francis P. Blair, who had been one of the most sagacious of the
Democratic politicians during the administrations of Jackson, Van
Buren, and Polk. They believed it best to take a candidate for the
Presidency who had no political record whatever to antagonize the
conflicting political views which must be united to give the party
success; and Fremont was young, had served in the army with credit, had
made what then were regarded as wonderful explorations in the Rocky
Mountains, and had the distinction of having been forced to retire
from the army for what was claimed to have been conspicuously heroic
and patriotic action on his part. He had never said anything or done
anything to offend any political prejudice. It turned out that he was
strongest where he was least known. The old California Forty-niners,
who were back in Pennsylvania, and some of them prominent in politics,
did not enthuse over Fremont’s nomination. I distinctly recollect the
trite summing up of Fremont’s qualities by one who had been with him
in California by saying: “Fremont is a millionaire without a dollar,
a soldier who never fought a battle, and a statesman who never made
a speech;” but that his nomination was altogether the strongest that
could have been made in the Philadelphia convention cannot be doubted
by any who study the history of that contest and the marvellous
political revolution it wrought. Henry S. Lane, of Indiana, presided
over the convention, and a single ballot was had for President, as
follows:
══════════════╤══════════╤════════
STATES. │ Fremont. │ McLean.
──────────────┼──────────┼────────
Maine │ 13 │ 11
New Hampshire │ 15 │ ――
Vermont │ 15 │ ――
Massachusetts │ 39 │ ――
Rhode Island │ 12 │ ――
Connecticut │ 18 │ ――
New York │ 93 │ 3
New Jersey │ 7 │ 14
Pennsylvania │ 10 │ 71
Delaware │ ―― │ 9
Maryland │ 4 │ 3
Ohio │ 30 │ 39
Indiana │ 18 │ 21
Illinois │ 14 │ 19
Michigan │ 18 │ ――
Wisconsin │ 15 │ ――
Iowa │ 12 │ ――
Minnesota │ ―― │ 3
Kansas │ 9 │ ――
Nebraska │ ―― │ 3
Kentucky │ 5 │ ――
California │ 12 │ ――
├──────────┼────────
Totals │ 359 │ 196
══════════════╧══════════╧════════
The nomination of Fremont was made unanimous with great enthusiasm, and
there was only one ballot for Vice-President, resulting as follows:
William L. Dayton, N. J. 259
Abraham Lincoln, Ill. 110
N. P. Banks, Mass. 46
David Wilmot, Penn. 43
Charles Sumner, Mass. 35
Jacob Collamer, Vt. 15
John A. King, N. Y. 9
S. C. Pomeroy, Kan. 8
Thomas Ford, Ohio 7
Henry Wilson, Mass. 5
Cassius M. Clay, Ky. 4
Henry C. Carey, Penn. 3
Wm. F. Johnston, Penn. 2
Mr. Dayton was then declared the nominee of the convention by a
unanimous vote, and the following platform was adopted:
This convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call
addressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past
political differences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of
the Missouri Compromise, to the policy of the present administration,
to the extension of slavery into Free Territory; in favor of admitting
Kansas as a Free State, of restoring the action of the Federal
Government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson; and who
purpose to unite in presenting candidates for the offices of President
and Vice-President, do resolve as follows:
_Resolved_, That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the
Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution
is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions, and
that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the union
of the States, shall be preserved.
_Resolved_, That with our republican fathers we hold it to be a
self-evident truth, that all men are endowed with the unalienable
rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the
primary object and ulterior designs of our Federal Government were to
secure these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction;
that, as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in
all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived
of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, it becomes
our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all
attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any
Territory of the United States, by positive legislation, prohibiting
its existence or extension therein. That we deny the authority
of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, of any individual or
association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any
Territory of the United States while the present Constitution shall be
maintained.
_Resolved_, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign
power over the Territories of the United States, for their government,
and that in the exercise of this power it is both the right and the
duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of
barbarism, polygamy and slavery.
_Resolved_, That while the Constitution of the United States was
ordained and established by the people in order to form a more perfect
Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for
the common defence, and secure the blessings of liberty, and contains
ample provision for the protection of the life, liberty, and property
of every citizen, the dearest constitutional rights of the people of
Kansas have been fraudulently and violently taken from them; their
territory has been invaded by an armed force; spurious and pretended
legislative, judicial, and executive officers have been set over them,
by whose usurped authority, sustained by the military power of the
Government, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws have been enacted and
enforced; the rights of the people to keep and bear arms have been
infringed; test oaths of an extraordinary and entangling nature have
been imposed as a condition of exercising the right of suffrage and
holding office; the right of an accused person to a speedy and public
trial by an impartial jury has been denied; the right of the people
to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects against
unreasonable searches and seizures has been violated; they have been
deprived of life, liberty, and property without due process of law;
that the freedom of speech and of the press has been abridged; the
right to choose their representatives has been made of no effect;
murders, robberies, and arsons have been instigated and encouraged,
and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished; that all these
things have been done with the knowledge, sanction, and procurement of
the present administration; and that for this high crime against the
Constitution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the administration,
the President, his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists, and
accessories, either before or after the fact, before the country and
before the world, and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual
perpetrators of these atrocious outrages, and their accomplices, to a
sure and condign punishment hereafter.
_Resolved_, That Kansas should be immediately admitted as a State of
the Union, with her present free Constitution, as at once the most
effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment of the rights
and privileges to which they are entitled, and of ending the civil
strife now raging in her territory.
_Resolved_, That the highwayman’s plea, that “might makes right,”
embodied in the Ostend circular, was in every respect unworthy of
American diplomacy, and would bring shame and dishonor upon any
government or people that gave it their sanction.
_Resolved_, That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean, by the most central
and practical route, is imperatively demanded by the interests of
the whole country, and that the Federal Government ought to render
immediate and efficient aid in its construction; and, as an auxiliary
thereto, the immediate construction of an emigrant route on the line
of the railroad.
_Resolved_, That appropriations by Congress for the improvement
of rivers and harbors, of a national character, required for the
accommodation and security of our existing commerce, are authorized
by the Constitution, and justified by the obligation of Government to
protect the lives and property of its citizens.
The American or Know-Nothing party had become the leading factor of
the opposition elements to Democracy in the elections of 1854–55. In
some sections the Whig party was entirely obliterated, and in the
South there was no organization opposed to Democracy but the American.
The cardinal principle of its faith was that “Americans must rule
America,” and its opposition to the Catholic Church was positive and
pronounced. It had gravitated from the original Native Americans of
1844 into the Order of United Americans, and it coalesced with the
remnants of the Whig party and with the antiadministration Democrats in
most of the Northern States. It had reached about its highest measure
of strength in 1855, chiefly because of its strong hold in the South.
In New England and the far Western States the Americans had been very
generally absorbed in the Republican organization when the battle
opened for the Presidency in 1856.
The American National Council was called to meet in Philadelphia on the
19th of February, 1856, and nearly all the States were represented. The
Council was a secret body, in accordance with the usages of the party.
After three days of animated discussion it adopted a party platform,
and on the 22d of February the Council adjourned and organized the
American National Nominating Convention. Ephraim Marsh, of New Jersey,
was made president. An earnest effort was made in the convention to
antagonize the right of the National Council to make the platform
for the party. Mr. Killinger, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution,
declaring that the Council had no authority to prescribe a platform
of principles, and that the convention should nominate no man for
President or Vice-President “who is not in favor of interdicting the
introduction of slavery into territory North 36° 30´ by Congressional
action,” but his proposition failed by a vote of 141 to 59. The failure
of this resolution led to the retirement from the convention of the
more pronounced antislavery delegates or North Americans, as they
were called. The convention then proceeded to ballot for President as
follows:
═══════════════════════════════╤═════════╤════════
│ 1st │ 2d
│ Ballot. │ Ballot.
───────────────────────────────┼─────────┼────────
M. Fillmore, New York │ 71 │ 179
George Law, New York │ 27 │ 24
Garrett Davis, Kentucky │ 13 │ 10
John McLean, Ohio │ 7 │ 13
R. F. Stockton, New Jersey │ 8 │ ――
Sam. Houston, Texas │ 6 │ 3
John Bell, Tennessee │ 5 │ ――
Kenneth Raynor, North Carolina │ 2 │ 14
Erastus Brooks, New York │ 2 │ ――
Lewis D. Campbell, Ohio │ 1 │ ――
John M. Clayton, Delaware │ 1 │ ――
═══════════════════════════════╧═════════╧════════
After the 2d ballot, Mr. Fillmore was unanimously declared the nominee,
and on the 1st ballot Andrew Jackson Donelson, of Tennessee, who was
the adopted son of General Jackson, was nominated for Vice-President,
receiving 181 votes to 8 for Governor Gardner, of Massachusetts, 8 for
Percy Walker, of Alabama, and 8 for Kenneth Raynor, of North Carolina.
The following platform was then unanimously adopted:
1. An humble acknowledgment of the Supreme Being, for his protecting
care vouchsafed to our fathers in their successful Revolutionary
struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their descendants, in the
preservation of their liberties, the independence and the union of
these States.
2. The perpetuation of the Federal Union and Constitution, as the
palladium of our civil and religious liberties and the only sure
bulwark of American independence.
3. Americans must rule America; and to this end native-born citizens
should be selected for all State, Federal and municipal offices of
Government employment, in preference to all others. Nevertheless,
4. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad should
be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens.
5. No person should be selected for political station (whether of
native or foreign birth) who recognizes any allegiance or obligation
of any description to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who
refuses to recognize the Federal and State Constitutions (each within
its sphere) as paramount to all other laws as rules of political
action.
6. The unqualified recognition and maintenance of the reserved rights
of the several States, and the cultivation of harmony and fraternal
good-will between the citizens of the several States, and, to this
end, non-interference by Congress with questions appertaining solely
to the individual States, and non-intervention by each State with the
affairs of any other State.
7. The recognition of the right of native-born and naturalized
citizens of the United States, permanently residing in any Territory
thereof, to frame their constitution and laws, and to regulate their
domestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject only to
the provisions of the Federal Constitution, with the privilege of
admission into the Union whenever they have the requisite population
for one representative in Congress; _provided, always_, that none but
those who are citizens of the United States, under the Constitution
and laws thereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such
Territory, ought to participate in the formation of a constitution or
in the enactment of laws for said Territory or State.
8. An enforcement of the principle that no State or Territory ought
to admit others than citizens to the right of suffrage, or of holding
political offices of the United States.
9. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a continued
residence of twenty-one years, of all not heretofore provided for, an
indispensable requisite for citizenship hereafter, and excluding all
paupers and persons convicted of crime from landing upon our shores;
but no interference with the vested rights of foreigners.
10. Opposition to any union between Church and State; no interference
with religious faith or worship, and no test oaths for office.
11. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of
public functionaries, and a strict economy in public expenditures.
12. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws constitutionally
enacted, until said laws shall be repealed or shall be declared null
and void by competent judicial authority.
13. Opposition to the reckless and unwise policy of the present
administration in the general management of our national affairs, and
more especially as shown in removing “Americans” (by designation) and
conservatives in principle from office, and placing foreigners and
ultraists in their places; as shown in a truckling subserviency to
the stronger, and an insolent and cowardly bravado toward the weaker
powers; as shown in reopening sectional agitation, by the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise; as shown in granting to unnaturalized
foreigners the right of suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska; as shown
in its vacillating course on the Kansas and Nebraska question; as
shown in the corruptions which pervade some of the departments of the
Government; as shown in disgracing meritorious naval officers through
prejudice or caprice; and as shown in the blundering mismanagement of
our foreign relations.
14. Therefore, to remedy existing evils, and to prevent the disastrous
consequences otherwise resulting therefrom, we would build up the
“American party” upon the principles hereinbefore stated.
15. That each State Council shall have authority to amend their
several constitutions, so as to abolish the several degrees, and
substitute a pledge of honor, instead of other obligations, for
fellowship and admission into the party.
16. A free and open discussion of all political principles embraced in
our platform.
The seceding delegates, consisting of the antislavery wing of the party
and small in number, organized a convention of their own, and without
the formality of a ballot, nominated John C. Fremont, of California,
for President, and Ex-Governor William F. Johnston, of Pennsylvania,
for Vice-President, but they finally supported Fremont and Dayton.
The fragments of the old Whig party met in national convention at
Baltimore on the 17th of September, in which 26 States were raggedly
represented. Edward Bates, of Missouri, presided over the convention,
and the proceedings were uneventful. Fillmore and Donelson, the
candidates nominated by the American party, were unanimously nominated
for President and Vice-President by resolution, and the following
platform adopted:
_Resolved_, That the Whigs of the United States, now here assembled,
hereby declare their reverence for the Constitution of the United
States, their unalterable attachment to the national Union, and a
fixed determination to do all in their power to preserve them for
themselves and their posterity. They have no new principles to
announce, no new platform to establish, but are content to broadly
rest—where their fathers rested—upon the Constitution of the United
States, wishing no safer guide, no higher law.
_Resolved_, That we regard with the deepest interest and anxiety the
present disordered condition of our national affairs—a portion of
the country ravaged by civil war, large sections of our population
embittered by mutual recriminations; and we distinctly trace these
calamities to the culpable neglect of duty by the present national
administration.
_Resolved_, That the Government of the United States was formed by the
conjunction in political unity of widespread geographical sections,
materially differing not only in climate and products, but in social
and domestic institutions; and that any cause that shall permanently
array the different sections of the Union in political hostility and
organized parties, founded only on geographical distinctions, must
inevitably prove fatal to a continuance of the national Union.
_Resolved_, That the Whigs of the United States declare, as a
fundamental rule of political faith, an absolute necessity for
avoiding geographical parties. The danger so clearly discerned by
the Father of his Country has now become fearfully apparent in the
agitation now convulsing the nation, and must be arrested at once if
we would preserve our Constitution and our Union from dismemberment,
and the name of America from being blotted out from the family of
civilized nations.
_Resolved_, That all who revere the Constitution and the Union
must look with alarm at the parties in the field in the present
Presidential campaign—one claiming only to represent sixteen Northern
States, and the other appealing mainly to the passions and prejudices
of the Southern States; that the success of either faction must add
fuel to the flame which now threatens to wrap our dearest interests in
a common ruin.
_Resolved_, That the only remedy for an evil so appalling is to
support a candidate pledged to neither of the geographical sections
now arrayed in political antagonism, but holding both in a just and
equal regard. We congratulate the friends of the Union that such a
candidate exists in Millard Fillmore.
_Resolved_, That, without adopting or referring to the peculiar
doctrines of the party which has already selected Mr. Fillmore as a
candidate, we look to him as a well-tried and faithful friend of the
Constitution and the Union, eminent alike for his wisdom and firmness;
for his justice and moderation in our foreign relations; for his
calm and pacific temperament, so well becoming the head of a great
nation; for his devotion to the Constitution in its true spirit; his
inflexibility in executing the laws; but, beyond all these attributes,
in possessing the one transcendant merit of being a representative
of neither of the two sectional parties now struggling for political
supremacy.
_Resolved_, That, in the present exigency of political affairs,
we are not called upon to discuss the subordinate questions of
administration in the exercising of the constitutional powers of
the Government. It is enough to know that civil war is raging, and
that the Union is imperilled; and we proclaim the conviction that the
restoration of Mr. Fillmore to the Presidency will furnish the best if
not the only means of restoring peace.
The campaign of 1856 was one of the most desperately fought conflicts
in the history of American politics. In some of the Northern States,
and particularly in Pennsylvania, that had to be carried against
Buchanan in October to give promise of his defeat, the American party,
or the supporters of Fillmore and Donelson, were nearly or quite
as strong as the distinctive Republicans. Both were opposed to the
election of Buchanan, but they were wide apart not only on the slavery
issue, but on the questions of citizenship and religious proscription.
As the contest warmed up the necessity for some sort of union between
these elements was accepted on both sides, and in Pennsylvania,
Illinois, Indiana, and some other States the Americans, Republicans,
and old Whigs united on State tickets. Illinois, while it gave its
electoral vote to Buchanan, elected Colonel Bissell, an antislavery and
anti-Buchanan Democrat, Governor, and in Pennsylvania the Democratic
ticket was successful in October only by a very small majority.
In several of the States they harmonized on an electoral ticket. They
did it by printing two electoral tickets for the two wings of the
opposition. On one ticket the first candidate for elector was John C.
Fremont, and on the other ticket was the name of Millard Fillmore.
The understanding was that if the Union electoral ticket succeeded,
the entire vote, less the one lost by using the names of Fillmore and
Fremont, should be cast for either candidate if thereby he could be
elected, and if such united vote would not elect either candidate the
vote was to be divided between Fillmore and Fremont, as the voters
indicated by the first name at the head of the ticket.
In common with the great mass of conservative Whigs who were at first
greatly disappointed in the nomination of Fremont and the radical
attitude of the new Republican party, I gradually drifted into the
contest because of the offensive deliverances on slavery made by the
Cincinnati platform. I knew Mr. Buchanan personally, and if I could
have obeyed my individual preferences as to a candidate, would have
voted for him. The slavery issue soon became so sharply defined
that the great mass of the Whigs of the North fell in to the support
of Fremont. There was considerable defection of prominent Whigs in
Buchanan’s State, embracing the Reeds, the Ingersolls, the Whartons,
the Randalls, and others of Philadelphia, whose conservative Whig
views, with their great personal respect for Buchanan, influenced them
to support him. Buchanan was not a magnetic man, not a popular man in
the common acceptation of the term, but he was respected by all not
only for his ability, but for his integrity and generally blameless
reputation. He was a very courteous gentleman, but the multitude did
not rush into his arms as it did into the arms of Clay and Blaine, and
it is quite probable that his bachelor life, a destiny given him by a
devotion with tragic end, doubtless made him less genial than he might
have been.
Pennsylvania was the pivotal State in the contest, and Colonel Forney
was chairman of the Democratic State Committee. He was thoroughly
familiar with the political situation, and greatly impaired his health
by his exhaustive efforts to save Buchanan in his home State. His
relations with Buchanan were of the closest and most confidential
nature, and each implicitly trusted the other. Buchanan knew Forney’s
ability in the management of a great political battle, and there was
no concealment between them as to the reward Forney should receive if
Buchanan succeeded. Forney’s ambition was to continue in journalism,
and it was not only understood, but the assurance voluntarily given
to Forney by Buchanan, that if Buchanan became President, Forney
should conduct the national organ in Washington and receive the Senate
printing. What was then known as the Senate printing was an abuse that
had grown up from small to large proportions until it became a fortune
to any man who received it during the period of an administration.
Gales and Seaton, of the _National Intelligencer_, had enjoyed it for
many years, and when Democratic administrations became more distinctly
partisan the favoritism was continued and the profits magnified. It was
deemed a necessity for each administration to have an organ, and it
was accepted in those days as the Democratic oracle of the nation. By
making Forney the editor of the administration organ at Washington with
the Senate printing, his highest ambition in his journalistic career
would have been gratified, with ample fortune added. So intimate were
Buchanan and Forney, that Forney’s family spent part of the summer at
Wheatland, where Forney would occasionally tarry for a day’s rest and
to consult with his chief.
Both parties were very confident of carrying the State in October, but
Forney outgeneralled the leaders of the Union ticket by his masterful
manipulation of Philadelphia, and the Buchanan State ticket was
successful in October by 3500 majority. Had the Buchanan State ticket
been defeated, Buchanan’s defeat for President would have been clearly
foreshadowed, as it would doubtless have made a successful union on the
electoral tickets in New Jersey, Indiana, and Illinois, as had already
been done in Pennsylvania. Notwithstanding the loss of Pennsylvania in
October, the friends of Fremont and Fillmore made desperate efforts
to carry the State in November, and so well did they fight their
battle that Buchanan’s majority in the State over the combined vote of
Fremont and Fillmore was only 1025. The Fremont and Fillmore people
believed that they had been defrauded out of the October election in
Pennsylvania, and Forney was denounced with extreme bitterness that had
lost none of its intensity in the Senatorial fight of 1857, when the
resentments of the opposition made Forney’s defeat for Senator possible
in a Democratic Legislature.
Buchanan, Fremont, and Fillmore each bore themselves with great dignity
during the campaign. Fillmore was not in sympathy with Buchanan, but he
had even less sympathy for Fremont and the radical Republican policy
he represented. Fremont made his home during the contest in New York,
under the strictest orders not to discuss any political question,
either orally or by letter, with any outside of those in charge of his
campaign. Along with several others, I called upon him at his home
some time before the election, simply to pay our respects to the man
we were supporting for President, and he was so extremely cautious
that he evaded the most ordinary expressions relating to the conduct
and prospects of the battle. He impressed me as possessing a stronger
individuality than I had credited him with, and his enforced policy of
silence made him appear as a severely dignified gentleman with strong
intellectual possibilities. But considering the record he made in the
early part of the war, when he had, for the first time, opportunity
to display his abilities, there are few who will not feel that his
election to the Presidency might have been equally disastrous to
himself and to the country.
The battle ended by the election of Buchanan, although Fremont carried
the New England States and New York and the Northwestern Democratic
States with the whirl of the tempest. The following table exhibits the
popular and electoral vote:
══════════════════╤═════════════════════════════╦═════════════════════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL VOTE.
├─────────┬─────────┬─────────╫─────────┬────────┬──────────
STATES. │James │ John C. │Millard ║ │ │
│Buchanan,│ Fremont,│Fillmore,║Buchanan.│Fremont.│Fillmore.
│Penn. │ Cal. │N. Y. ║ │ │
──────────────────┼─────────┼─────────┼─────────╫─────────┼────────┼──────────
Maine │ 39,080│ 67,379│ 3,325 ║ ―― │ 8 │ ――
New Hampshire │ 32,789│ 38,345│ 422 ║ ―― │ 5 │ ――
Vermont │ 10,569│ 39,561│ 545 ║ ―― │ 5 │ ――
Massachusetts │ 39,240│ 108,190│ 19,626 ║ ―― │ 13 │ ――
Rhode Island │ 6,680│ 11,467│ 1,675 ║ ―― │ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ 34,995│ 42,715│ 2,615 ║ ―― │ 6 │ ――
New York │ 195,878│ 276,007│ 124,604 ║ ―― │ 35 │ ――
New Jersey │ 46,943│ 28,338│ 24,115 ║ 7 │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 230,710│ 147,510│ 82,175 ║ 27 │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ 8,004│ 308│ 6,175 ║ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 39,115│ 281│ 47,460 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 8
Virginia │ 89,706│ 291│ 60,310 ║ 15 │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina │ 48,246│ ――――――│ 36,886 ║ 10 │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina[15]│ ――――――│ ――――――│ ―――――― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ 56,578│ ――――――│ 42,228 ║ 10 │ ―― │ ――
Alabama │ 46,739│ ――――――│ 28,552 ║ 9 │ ―― │ ――
Florida │ 6,358│ ――――――│ 24,195 ║ 7 │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 22,164│ ――――――│ 20,709 ║ 6 │ ―― │ ――
Texas │ 31,169│ ――――――│ 15,639 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ――
Arkansas │ 21,910│ ――――――│ 10,787 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ 58,164│ ――――――│ 48,524 ║ 9 │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ 73,638│ ――――――│ 66,178 ║ 12 │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ 74,642│ 314│ 67,416 ║ 12 │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ 170,874│ 187,497│ 28,126 ║ ―― │ 23 │ ――
Michigan │ 52,136│ 71,762│ 1,660 ║ ―― │ 6 │ ――
Indiana │ 118,670│ 94,375│ 22,386 ║ 13 │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ 105,348│ 96,189│ 37,444 ║ 11 │ ―― │ ――
Wisconsin │ 52,843│ 66,090│ 579 ║ ―― │ 5 │ ――
Iowa │ 36,170│ 43,954│ 9,180 ║ ―― │ 4 │ ――
California │ 53,365│ 20,691│ 36,165 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ――
├─────────┼─────────┼─────────╫─────────┼────────┼──────────
Totals │1,838,169│1,341,264│ 874,534 ║ 174 │ 114 │ 8
══════════════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═════════╩═════════╧════════╧══════════
[15] Chosen by Legislature.
A quarrel between Buchanan and Forney was more far-reaching in its
results than can well be estimated by those not entirely familiar
with the beginning and the end of the dispute. During the campaign,
Buchanan, greatly pressed with the increased correspondence that came
to him, asked Forney to send him a competent and trustworthy secretary,
and Buchanan, for the first time, abandoned his uniform policy of
writing all his own letters in clear, beautiful copper-plate style.
Forney sent one of his own assistants to aid Buchanan, and having
charge of Buchanan’s correspondence he became cognizant of the fact
that the Southern leaders were very generally and earnestly demanding
of Buchanan the pledge that Forney should not be made editor of the
administration organ.
Buchanan parried the appeals of the Southern friends for some time,
but finally, knowing that his election depended upon a united South,
they became mandatory, and Buchanan, without advising Forney of the
fact, finally gave his pledge that Forney should not be chosen. The
secretary was indignant at this betrayal of his friend, and quietly
sought Forney, advised him of the fact and expressed his purpose not to
return. Forney required the secretary to go back and perform his duties
and take no note of what had happened. He was greatly disappointed,
as it denied him what was the great ambition of his life, involving
editorial distinction and fortune, but he believed that Buchanan had
yielded to imperious necessity and that he would not be allowed to
suffer from the change.
It was not until after the election that Buchanan informed Forney of
the necessity of making a change in his reward, and Forney proposed
to accept a position in the Cabinet, to which Buchanan would have
willingly consented, but the same intense opposition to Forney as a
Cabinet officer surged against him from the South. It was next proposed
by Buchanan that Forney should take the Berlin mission with a liberal
commercial salary added, but Mrs. Forney peremptorily refused to
entertain it. It was finally agreed that Forney should be elected to
the Senate. The Democrats had a majority of three on joint ballot,
and it was not doubted that any Democrat nominated by the caucus
would be chosen. Henry D. Foster, a very prominent Democrat, who had
been in Congress and who was the Democratic candidate for Governor in
1860, was a member of the House. He was a candidate for Senator, and
doubtless would have been chosen had Forney not been suddenly injected
into the field. It was not until the Legislature was about to meet
that Forney’s candidacy was decided upon. It required very prompt and
positive action to secure the nomination of Forney, and Buchanan, with
all his extreme caution under ordinary circumstances, wrote a letter to
Senator Mott urging the election of Forney. That letter became public
and greatly exasperated the friends of the other candidates, but a
new Democratic administration with the President from the State and
just on the threshold of great political power was able to command the
nomination for Forney, and it was accomplished, but leaving many open
sores.
The Republicans and Americans of the Legislature were smarting under
what they regarded as the fraud that Forney engineered to give the
State to Buchanan, and they were quite willing to join any movement to
defeat him. General Cameron had come into the Republican party in 1856,
and was at the head of the electoral ticket, and he had a very strong
hold upon some old Democratic friends. He proposed to the Republicans
and Americans of the Legislature that if they would give him a united
vote he could command three Democratic votes and be elected. The Union
caucus, as it was called, appointed a committee to whom three Democrats
must be shown and give their pledges to vote for Cameron, and if such
report was made back to the caucus by the committee, without giving the
names of the Democrats who were to vote for Cameron, the Republicans
were pledged to vote unitedly for Cameron on the 1st ballot. The
committee saw Representatives Lebo, Maneer, and Wagonseller, Democrats,
who pledged themselves to vote for Cameron if they could elect him, and
to the surprise of all parties except the very few who understood the
arrangement, Cameron was elected Senator and Forney suffered a most
humiliating defeat.
After Forney’s defeat for Senator, it became much more difficult than
even before for Buchanan to reward him, as he doubtless felt should be
done. Efforts were made to give him a liberal share of the post-office
printing, but Forney and Buchanan were gradually becoming estranged,
and finally Forney decided that he could not harmonize with Buchanan
and his friends, and that he would renew his journalistic career on
independent lines. The result was the establishment of the Philadelphia
_Press_.
The slavery issue speedily divided Douglas and Buchanan, and Forney
had his opportunity. He had suffered much from the proscriptive hatred
of the South, and he became Douglas’s ablest and most enthusiastic
supporter in the North, which brought him into direct antagonism with
Buchanan. From the time that battle began, Forney and Buchanan were
strangers during the remainder of their lives, and no one man did more
to educate the North up to the election of Abraham Lincoln than John W.
Forney.
We are told that the political methods of the present age are greatly
degenerate as compared with the political methods of the old-school
leaders, of which Buchanan was about the last representative in the
White House. It will surprise many of the present day to be told that
Buchanan gave personal attention not only to organize county leaders
in his support for the Presidency, but wrote elaborate letters even to
township leaders. I have in my possession a number of Mr. Buchanan’s
anti-Presidential letters, and I think it due to the truth of history
to give one of them as a foot-note to illustrate the politics of half a
century ago.[16] Perry County, to which the letter refers, is a small
county adjoining Franklin, the birthplace of Buchanan. It had only a
single delegate to the Democratic State Convention, and, considering
Buchanan’s location, he should have been able to command its support
without special effort. The friend to whom he wrote was an Associate
Judge of the county and active in politics, and when it is remembered
that this letter is only one of very many written to a single small
county to gain a single delegate for Buchanan against General Cass, who
lived in a distant State, the political methods employed to reach the
Presidency in that day will be generally accepted as no improvement on
the methods now employed to gain the highest honors of the Republic.
[16] _Private and Confidential._
WHEATLAND, NEAR LANCASTER, 12 DEC., 1851.
MY DEAR SIR: A friend from Cumberland County, who has recently been
in Perry, expresses much doubt about your county and says that unless
strong efforts shall be made, it will go for Cass. I understand
you elect by county meeting; and this mode is not a fair method of
ascertaining public opinion throughout a large county. What can be
done? My enemies perceiving that my prospects are daily becoming
brighter and brighter throughout the Union are now intent upon
producing such an appearance of division at home as they imagine may
deter other States from voting for my nomination. In this point of
view it is important I should carry Perry, if this can be done by
fair and honorable means. Cass, their apparent but not their real
candidate, can now make no show; but they will go for any candidate
against myself. Pennsylvania has now for the first time in her history
an opportunity of furnishing the candidate, should she think proper
to exert her power with a reasonable degree of unanimity. I intend
to write to my friends Black and Steward; but my main reliance is
on yourself. General Fetter and Judge Junkin were formerly my warm
friends—whether they are so now or not I do not know. Are A. B.
Anderson and young McIntire my friends? I think you once told me they
were. I am informed that young Miller is my bitter foe.
Could you make a trip over the county and ascertain the state of
public opinion? I should esteem it a very great favor if you would;
and in that event, I should insist that you shall not spend your own
money in supporting me. This would be both unreasonable and unjust.
If you could pass a few days in this manner, you would confer a favor
upon me which I trust I may some day be able to repay. But you must
not go at all unless at my expense. Your services will place me under
obligations which I shall never forget without expending your own
money for my benefit.
If you should ascertain that the county is against me and cannot be
carried, as the Perry _Democrat_ indicates, then it would be useless
to make the effort. If it can be carried, then we must go to work and
have the proper concert of action to bring my friends to the county
meeting.
Will you let me hear from you soon on this subject, and believe me
ever to be sincerely and gratefully your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
HON. GEORGE BLATTENBERGER.
P.S.—Jos. Bailey, who is a strange, capricious man, is now against me,
though in 1843 he was one of my warmest friends and supporters, as you
will perceive by the address which I send you. What have I done since?
Buchanan entered the Presidency earnestly determined to end the slavery
agitation, but unfortunately he hoped to end it by the unqualified
success of slavery in all of the new Territories and the right of
transit through the free States of slaves as servants. The Dred Scott
decision was foreshadowed in his inaugural address, and he and the
pro-slavery statesmen of that time were confident that the Republican
ebullition of 1856 was a mere tidal wave that would speedily perish,
and that the South would be so strongly entrenched for the defence of
slavery that it could not be successfully assailed. He was elected
by the South; he was the strictest of strict constructionists on all
Constitutional questions, and he naturally sustained the South in going
far beyond what his judgment approved in the efforts to force slavery
into Kansas and Nebraska.
The strength of the slavery sentiment steadily grew under the
aggravations of the pro-slavery men who sought to force slavery into
the new Territories of the West, and it was this continued discussion
and the outrages perpetrated on the people of Kansas and Nebraska
that made the election of a Republican President possible in 1860,
and that finally precipitated the Civil War. Buchanan adhered to the
South until open rebellion was organized by the capture of forts and
arsenals and the organization of a Confederate government, but when he
found himself powerless to restrain the South from armed rebellion, he
reorganized his Cabinet and exhausted his then wasted powers to bring
the South into submission to the Government. He had an aggressively
loyal Cabinet during the last few months of his administration, and
when he retired, generally denounced by the loyal sentiment of the
country as a faithless Executive, he earnestly supported the Government
in every measure necessary to suppress the rebellion and prevent the
dismemberment of the Republic. He died soon after the close of the
war, a thoroughly honest and patriotic public servant, but widely
misunderstood. His revolutionary Kansas-Nebraska policy made the
Republican revolution of 1860 inevitable, and made Abraham Lincoln
President.
THE LINCOLN-BRECKENRIDGE-DOUGLAS-BELL CONTEST
1860
In 1860 the nation proclaimed the third great political epoch of its
history by an aggressive departure from Democracy to the Republicanism
that has since ruled without material interruption. There have been
two Democratic administrations since the Republican epoch of 1860, but
though they, for the time, halted and modified the Republican policy,
they never had the power to make a decisive reversal of Republican
mastery. Thus an epoch of twelve years of Federalism, another of sixty
years of Democracy, and another of forty years of Republicanism tell
the story of the political revolutions of the Republic during a period
of one hundred and twelve years.
When Fremont made his brilliant campaign of 1856 and narrowly escaped
election to the Presidency, it was generally accepted by all the
varied phases of politics opposed to radical Republicanism that the
Republican movement was like a bee—biggest at its birth—and that it
never could win a national victory; but all the chief events affecting
the political sentiment of the country from 1856 until 1860 tended to
strengthen Republican sentiment and to alienate a large portion of the
intelligent elements of Democracy. The significant elections of 1858
and 1859, with the Kansas-Nebraska war convulsing the country from
centre to circumference, steadily strengthened Republican lines, and
when the leaders of the party came to face the great battle of 1860
they well understood that success was within their reach, and never did
a party exhibit greater sagacity in leadership than was displayed in
the convention that nominated Lincoln.
William H. Seward was the confessed Republican leader of the nation.
He was admittedly its ablest champion and was among its earliest
supporters. He had been long in the Senate, and was the peer of any
in the discussion of all the grave questions which then agitated our
national Legislature. He was not only the ablest of his party, but
he was one of the most exemplary and courteous of men. Two-thirds of
all the delegates elected to that convention were friends of Seward
and expected to vote for him, and his nomination would have been
inevitable on the 1st ballot had not the convention been restrained
by considerations of expediency which were most reluctantly accepted.
Lincoln’s own delegation from Illinois embraced one-third of positive
Seward men. They were instructed for Lincoln without hope of his
nomination at the time, and most of them expected to perform a mere
perfunctory duty by voting for him on one or more ballots.
[Illustration: ABRAHAM LINCOLN]
Horace Greeley had sounded the first note of warning against the
nomination of Seward, and his paper, the New York _Tribune_, was then
the most influential journal ever published in this country. It was the
Republican Bible, and its weekly edition was more read in the West than
all other Eastern papers combined. He startled the party by a series of
dignified and masterly articles in favor of Edward Bates, of Missouri,
for President, on the ground that Seward was not available, and that
a man of the great ability and conservative attitude of Bates alone
could win in that contest. But though the conservative element of the
opposition to the Democracy was not enthusiastic for Seward and his
“irrepressible conflict,” the true reason of Seward’s defeat was not
presented either by Mr. Greeley or by any public discussion before the
meeting of the convention.
I have read many romances about how, why and by whom Abraham Lincoln
was nominated for President at Chicago, but the explanation is very
simple, and when presented must be accepted by all as conclusive. Henry
S. Lane had been nominated as the Republican candidate for Governor of
Indiana, and Andrew G. Curtin had been nominated by the Republicans for
Governor of Pennsylvania. These States voted for Governor and other
State officers on the second Tuesday of October, and they were the
pivotal States of the national contest. It was an absolute necessity to
carry them in October to assure the election of a Republican President,
and the first inquiry of the Republican leaders at Chicago, outside of
those who were blindly devoted to Seward, was “Who can carry Indiana
and Pennsylvania?”
Lane and Curtin were there solely for the purpose of getting the
strongest possible national ticket nominated to aid them in their
State contests. With Lane was John D. Defrees, as Chairman of the
Republican State Committee of Indiana, and I was with Curtin, as he had
charged me with the same responsible duty in Pennsylvania. Curtin and
Lane decided that they could not be elected if Seward were nominated
for President. They were not personally or politically hostile to him;
they had but one thing in view, and that was their own election, which
was essential to elect a Republican President.
Prior to 1860 the Republican party had never carried either
Pennsylvania or Indiana. Opposition to the pro-slavery policy of
the Buchanan administration had crystallized antislavery Democrats,
Whigs, and Americans into the support of Union State tickets, and had
elected them; but in Pennsylvania the Republican name was omitted from
necessity, and the organization was entitled the People’s party. In
both of these States there was an organized and powerful American party
yet in existence, without which the Republicans could not succeed. It
was the remnant of the American or Know-Nothing revolution of 1854,
and they cherished their own faith with great fidelity and would not
support any candidate who was friendly to the Catholics.
When Seward was elected Governor of New York in 1838 it was largely
by the influence of Archbishop Hughes, one of the ablest Catholic
prelates this country has ever had; and Seward, not only because of his
gratitude to his Catholic friends, but because of his broad and liberal
views generally, in a message to the Legislature urged a division of
the school fund between the Catholics and Protestants. That was the
rock on which Seward was wrecked. Had he been nominated, the entire
American element of the opposition would have been aggressively against
him, and Pennsylvania and Indiana would have been lost not only by the
defeat of Curtin and Lane in October, but by the defeat of Seward in
November.
The situation was earnestly presented by Curtin and Lane, and Mr.
Defrees and I accompanied them in their conferences with various
delegations which were devoted to Seward, but were willing to abandon
him—not because they loved Seward less, but because they loved
Republican success more. I saw several rural delegates from New England
States shed tears as they confessed that they must abandon Seward
because he could not carry Pennsylvania and Indiana, and certainly
more than one-third of all the delegates who voted for Lincoln in that
convention did it in sincerest sorrow because compelled to abandon
their great leader for the sake of victory.
Under such conditions the Seward lines were steadily weakening,
but never was a movement so ably led as was the Seward movement at
Chicago. It was literally a battle of giants. Thurlow Weed, the master
of masters in politics, led the fight for Seward, and he had around
him Governor Morgan, Chairman of the National Committee; Raymond,
of the _Times_, and many others of distinguished ability in such
struggles. Weed invited Lane to drive with him, and, in the course of
their conversation, assured him that if his delegation would support
Seward all the money needed to carry his election in Indiana would be
generously furnished; but Lane knew that no amount of money could give
him victory in October with Seward as the national candidate.
The convention met on Wednesday, May 16, and George Ashman, of
Massachusetts, was made permanent president. The first day was devoted
to routine duties, and the second to the adoption of a platform and
rules to govern the convention. The convention adjourned on Thursday
evening profoundly impressed with the great battle that was to be
fought on the following day, and both sides exhausted political
strategy to gain the advantage. Weed organized a most imposing street
parade of the Seward people. They had thousands of Seward spectators
outside of the delegates, and it was one of the most impressive public
displays I have ever witnessed. They paraded the streets for an hour or
more before the meeting of the convention.
The friends of Lincoln had been tireless in their efforts, and they
displayed wonderful ability in handling their forces. The leaders
in immediate charge of the Lincoln people were Colonel Medill, of
the Chicago _Tribune_; David Davis, afterward Judge of the Supreme
Court; Norman B. Judd, Chairman of the Republican State Committee, and
Leonard Swett, who was almost a copy of Lincoln physically, and who was
Lincoln’s closest friend until the day of his death. When they found
that the Seward parade was to come off, they counselled how to meet it,
and they finally decided that while the Seward men were parading they
would fill the immense temporary wigwam—erected for the convention,
and capable of holding five thousand spectators—with men who should
go there solely for the purpose of hurrahing for Lincoln. They
carried this plan into very successful operation, and when the Seward
procession attempted to march into the convention hall they found it
filled to overflowing, and very few Seward men outside the delegation
could obtain admission.
Just before the convention opened I saw the New York delegation file
in and fill the only vacant place in the immense building. They
were appalled when they saw how they had been outgeneralled. Almost
immediately behind the New York men, who were under the lead of Evarts
as Chairman of the delegation, sat Horace Greeley at the head of the
Oregon delegation. That new State, just admitted into the Union, was
so far from civilization, as the iron horse had not yet been heard
in either the Rockies or the Sierra Nevadas, that the Republican
convention selected a number of prominent men in the East, including
Greeley, to represent the State. I never saw a more benignant face than
that of Greeley’s when the nomination of Lincoln was declared. It was
known by the supporters of Seward that Pennsylvania and Indiana had
both decided to support Lincoln, the Pennsylvanians having declared
for Lincoln by four majority over Bates, after giving a complimentary
ballot to Cameron.
With very little preliminary movement the ballot began, and Seward’s
two-thirds vote of the convention dwindled down to 173-1/2 when 234
were necessary to a choice. Lincoln, with Pennsylvania and Ohio giving
complimentary ballots to Cameron and Chase, had 102 votes. As the
ballots were announced, every vote for Lincoln was cheered to the echo,
while there were but few cheers for Seward except from the delegates
themselves. When the 2d ballot was called the Seward people felt that
they must largely increase their strength or fall in the race. As
Lincoln gained most of the vote of Pennsylvania, with important gains
from other States, the wildest cheering greeted the announcements,
and when the ballot was given with only 10 votes gained by Seward and
75 votes gained by Lincoln, it became evident to all that Seward’s
strength was exhausted and that Lincoln was the coming man. The next
and last ballot soon showed Lincoln as leading Seward, and from that
time on it was difficult to announce the votes of the States because of
the frenzied cheers for “Abe Lincoln.”
When the last State was called it was known that Lincoln was either
nominated or very close to it. The vote as recorded was 231-1/2 for
Lincoln, being 2-1/2 votes short of a majority, and 180 for Seward,
with some 50 scattering. Before the result was announced Chairman
Carter, of Ohio, got up on his chair to assure the attention of the
President, and said:
“I rise to announce the change of four votes from Ohio from Mr. Chase
to Abraham Lincoln.”
It was known then that this gave Lincoln the majority, and I have never
before nor since witnessed such a scene as was made by the great mass
of the Lincoln people who were in the hall. A large charcoal picture
of Lincoln was presented in the gallery at the rear of the hall, and
the whole vast audience, with few exceptions outside of the New York
delegation, rose to indulge in the wildest enthusiasm for some minutes.
When order was finally restored, Maine, Massachusetts, and Missouri
changed a number of votes to Lincoln, giving him a total of 354, being
120 odd votes more than he needed. When the vote was announced by the
President cheers broke out afresh, but they soon quieted down to await
the action of the New York delegation that was expected to move the
unanimous nomination. There was certainly fully five minutes of dead
silence in the body, as the New York delegates were mortified beyond
expression at their discomfiture; but after a long wait that seemed to
be vastly longer than it was, the tall form of William M. Evarts arose,
and with reluctance that was unconcealed said:
“Mr. President, I move that the nomination of Abraham Lincoln be made
unanimous.”
Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, rose as soon as he saw Evarts rise,
and when Evarts’s motion was made Andrew seconded it, and with the
unanimous vote of the convention and the heartiest huzzas from the many
thousands who witnessed the proceedings, Abraham Lincoln was declared
the Republican candidate for President. The convention adjourned to
meet again in the evening to nominate a candidate for Vice-President.
As there will be general interest felt in the proceedings of the
Republican National Convention that gave the country the first
Republican President in Abraham Lincoln, I give the detailed vote of
each State represented in the convention on the three ballots for
President, as follows:
═════════════╤══════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════
│ 1ST BALLOT.
STATES. ├───────┬────────┬─────┬────────┬──────┬───────┬─────┬──────┬───────┬───────┬────────┬─────────
│Seward.│Lincoln.│Wade.│Cameron.│Bates.│McLean.│Read.│Chase.│Dayton.│Sumner.│Fremont.│Collamer.
─────────────┼───────┼────────┼─────┼────────┼──────┼───────┼─────┼──────┼───────┼───────┼────────┼─────────
Maine │ 10 │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire│ 1 │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ――
Vermont │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 10
Massachusetts│ 21 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 5 │ 1 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ ―― │ 2 │ 1 │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 70 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 14 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 1-1/2│ 4 │ ―― │ 47-1/2│ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 8 │ 14 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ 5 │ 6 │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ 34 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ ―― │ 26 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 18 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Michigan │ 12 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ ―― │ 22 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Texas │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Wisconsin │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Iowa │ 2 │ 2 │ ―― │ 1 │ 1 │ 1 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
California │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Minnesota │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Oregon │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kansas │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Nebraska │ 2 │ 1 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
District of │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Columbia │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │
├───────┼────────┼─────┼────────┼──────┼───────┼─────┼──────┼───────┼───────┼────────┼───────────
Totals │173-1/2│ 102 │ 3 │ 50-1/2│ 48 │ 12 │ 1 │ 49 │ 14 │ 1 │ 1 │ 10
═════════════╧═══════╧════════╧═════╧════════╧══════╧═══════╧═════╧══════╧═══════╧═══════╧════════╧═══════════
═════════════╤════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════
│ 2D BALLOT.
STATES. ├───────┬─────────┬──────┬────────┬───────┬──────┬───────┬───────────
│Seward.│Lincoln. │Bates.│Cameron.│McLean.│Chase.│Dayton.│C. M. Clay.
─────────────┼───────┼─────────┼──────┼────────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼───────────
Maine │ 10 │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire│ 1 │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ ―― │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts│ 22 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ ―― │ 4 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ 2
New York │ 70 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 10 │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 2-1/2│ 48 │ ―― │ 1 │ 2-1/2│ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 3 │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 8 │ 14 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ 7 │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ ―― │ 14 │ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ 29 │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ ―― │ 26 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ ―― │ ―― │ 18 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Michigan │ 12 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ ―― │ 22 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Texas │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Wisconsin │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Iowa │ 2 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1/2 │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ――
California │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Minnesota │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Oregon │ ―― │ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kansas │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Nebraska │ 3 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ――
Dist. of │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │
Columbia│ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├───────┼─────────┼──────┼────────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼───────────
Totals │184-1/2│ 181 │ 35 │ 2 │ 8 │42-1/2│ 10 │ 2
═════════════╧═══════╧═════════╧══════╧════════╧═══════╧══════╧═══════╧═══════════
═════════════╤═══════════════════════════════════════════════════════════
│ 3D BALLOT.
STATES. ├───────┬──────┬───────┬────────┬───────┬───────┬───────────
│Seward.│Bates.│ Chase.│Lincoln.│McLean.│Dayton.│C. M. Clay.
─────────────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼────────┼───────┼───────┼───────────
Maine │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire│ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts│ 18 │ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 1 │ ―― │ 1 │ 5 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 1 │ 4 │ 2 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1
New York │ 70 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ 1 │ ――
Pennsylvania │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 52 │ 2 │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ 14 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ 6 │ ―― │ 4 │ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ ―― │ ―― │ 15 │ 29 │ 2 │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 26 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ ―― │ 18 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Michigan │ 12 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 22 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Texas │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Wisconsin │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Iowa │ 2 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ 5-1/2│ ―― │ ―― │ ――
California │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Minnesota │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Oregon │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kansas │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Nebraska │ 3 │ ―― │ 2 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Dist. of │ │ │ │ │ │ │
Columbia │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├───────┼──────┼───────┼────────┼───────┼───────┼───────────
Totals │ 180 │ 22 │ 24-1/2│ 231-1/2│ 5 │ 1 │ 1
═════════════╧═══════╧══════╧═══════╧════════╧═══════╧═══════╧═══════════
So keen were the disappointments of the New York delegation, and Mr.
Weed, who was the Seward leader, that when earnestly urged to name a
candidate for Vice-President, who would have been accepted by a nearly
unanimous vote, they churlishly refused to do so. Governor Morgan would
have been taken as the candidate to emphasize the desire of the friends
of Lincoln to recognize the friends of Seward, but he peremptorily
refused to accept it, and the convention then nominated Hannibal
Hamlin, of Maine, as a representative of the Democratic-Republican
element; but New York divided her vote between five candidates, giving
a bare majority to Hamlin from personal choice.
As the friends of Seward declined to indicate a candidate for
Vice-President the convention reassembled in the evening to enter
a free-for-all race for the second place on the ticket. Hamlin
commanded nearly a solid vote from New England that attracted others.
He was known throughout the country as the man who had resigned the
chairmanship of his committee in the Senate in 1856 to declare himself
for Fremont, although an earnest Democrat up to that time, and that he
had accepted the Republican nomination for Governor and won out by an
overwhelming majority. There was a strong sentiment in the convention
in favor of Cassius M. Clay, not because he was personally preferred,
but because it was thought wise by many to desectionalize the party by
taking a candidate for Vice-President from a Slave State. Hamlin had a
good lead on the 1st ballot, and on the 2d won an easy victory. The two
ballots were as follows:
═════════════╤════════════════════════════════════════════╦══════════════════════
│ 1ST BALLOT. ║ 2D BALLOT.
STATES. ├───────────┬───────┬───────┬────────┬───────╫───────┬─────┬────────
│C. M. Clay.│ Banks.│Reeder.│Hickman.│Hamlin.║Hamlin.│Clay.│Hickman.
─────────────┼───────────┼───────┼───────┼────────┼───────╫───────┼─────┼────────
Maine │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 16 ║ 16 │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire│ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 10 ║ 10 │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 10 ║ 10 │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts│ ―― │ 20 │ 1 │ 1 │ 1 ║ 26 │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 8 ║ 8 │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 2 │ 1 │ ―― │ 2 │ 5 ║ 10 │ ―― │ 2
New York │ 9 │ 4 │ 2 │ 11 │ 35 ║ 70 │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 1 │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 6 ║ 14 │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 4-1/2 │ 2-1/2│ 24 │ 7 │ 11 ║ 54 │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 8 ║ 10 │ 1 │ ――
Delaware │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 2 ║ 6 │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 23 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 23 │ ――
Kentucky │ 23 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 28 │ ――
Ohio │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 48 ║ 46 │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 18 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 8 ║ 12 │ 14 │ ――
Missouri │ ―― │ 9 │ ―― │ 9 │ ―― ║ 13 │ 5 │ ――
Michigan │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 8 ║ 8 │ 4 │ ――
Illinois │ 2 │ ―― │ 16 │ 2 │ 2 ║ 20 │ 2 │ ――
Texas │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 6 │ ――
Wisconsin │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 5 ║ 5 │ 5 │ ――
Iowa │ ―― │ 1 │ 1 │ ―― │ 6 ║ 3 │ ―― │ ――
California │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― ║ 7 │ 1 │ ――
Minnesota │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 6 ║ 7 │ 1 │ ――
Oregon │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ 3 │ 1 ║ 3 │ ―― │ 2
Kansas │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― ║ 2 │ 1 │ 3
Nebraska │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 5 │ ―― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 6
District of │ │ │ │ │ ║ │ │
Columbia│ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 2 │ ―― │ ――
├───────────┼───────┼───────┼────────┼───────╫───────┼─────┼────────
Totals │ 101-1/2 │ 38-1/2│ 51 │ 58 │ 194 ║ 367 │ 86 │ 13
═════════════╧═══════════╧═══════╧═══════╧════════╧═══════╩═══════╧═════╧════════
The Chicago convention that nominated Lincoln for President was not
only the ablest national political body that ever met in the country up
to that time, but it exhibited the highest type of political strategy.
It has never since then been equalled in ability and leadership, with
the single exception of the Republican convention of 1880, in which the
friends of Grant made their last stand to give their chieftain a third
term. As compared with these two, all subsequent conventions were tame.
The following platform was unanimously adopted:
_Resolved_, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican
electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in discharge
of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the
following declarations:
1. That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has
fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and
perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called
it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than
ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.
2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in
the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal
Constitution—“that all men are created equal; that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these
are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that, to secure
these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their
just powers from the consent of the governed”—is essential to the
preservation of our republican institutions; and that the Federal
Constitution, the rights of the States, and the union of the States,
must and shall be preserved.
3. That to the union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented
increase in population, its surprising development of material
resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home,
and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for
disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate
the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or
countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by Democratic
members, without rebuke and with applause from their political
associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a
popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles
of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which
it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and
forever silence.
4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and
especially the right of each State to order and control its own
domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively,
is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and
endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless
invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no
matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
5. That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded our
worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions
of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate
exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the
protesting people of Kansas; in construing the personal relation
between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in
person; in its attempted enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea,
through the intervention of Congress and of the Federal courts, of the
extreme pretensions of a purely local interest; and in its general and
unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a confiding people.
6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance
which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a
return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest
the systematic plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans;
while the recent startling developments of frauds and corruptions at
the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of administration is
imperatively demanded.
7. That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, carries
slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a
dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions
of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with
legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency,
and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.
8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United
States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when
they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained
that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property
without due process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation,
whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision
of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny
the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any
individual, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the
United States.
9. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave-trade,
under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial
power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country
and age; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient
measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.
10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal governors, of the
acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery
in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted
Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty,
embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the
deception and fraud involved therein.
11. That Kansas should of right be immediately admitted as a State
under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by her people and
accepted by the House of Representatives.
12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the General
Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an
adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the
industrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy
of national exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages,
to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an
adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the
nation commercial prosperity and independence.
13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of
the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of
the free-homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or
suppliants for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress
of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already
passed the House.
14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our
naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of
citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall
be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving a full and efficient
protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or
naturalized, both at home and abroad.
The bitter estrangement of Douglas and President Buchanan made an
impassable gulf between Douglas and the radical Southerners who
stood by Buchanan. Douglas had a desperate contest in his State for
re-election to the Senate in 1858, when he was opposed by Lincoln as
the Republican candidate, and was even more vindictively opposed by all
the power of the national administration. Lincoln won the State, as
he carried the Republican or Union State ticket, but the legislative
districts were so gerrymandered that Douglas won the Legislature and
came back in triumph to defy the President. There was no reasonable
prospect, therefore, of Democratic unity in the campaign of 1860.
Douglas, who was the most astute of all the Democratic politicians of
his day, clearly foresaw that the violent attitude of the South must
result in the defeat of the slavery party and the early extinction of
slavery; but slavery had always been omnipotent since the battle began,
and it would not learn that its mastery could be overthrown.
The Democratic National Convention was called for the first time to
meet far South, in the city of Charleston, the home of Calhoun, the
cradle of nullification, and the one place in the Union where secession
ran rampant. It was obviously intended to environ the convention with
an army of the ablest Southern leadership. The convention met on
the 23d of April, 1860, and every State was fully represented, with
double delegations from Illinois and New York. The few administration
followers in Illinois had made a rump Democratic organization and
sent an anti-Douglas delegation to Charleston, and in New York they
had another contest between the “Hards” and the “Softs,” the “Hards”
being opposed to Douglas and the “Softs” for him. Caleb Cushing was
made permanent president, and it was decided that no ballot should be
had for President until a platform was adopted. On the following day
the convention did not get beyond the settlement of contested seats,
admitting the “Softs” of New York and the Douglas men from Illinois,
and the debates on even the most trivial disputes were unusually
bitter. On the third day threats of bolting became common among the
Southern delegates, as the admission of the Douglas delegates from New
York and Illinois clearly indicated that the Douglas people controlled
the convention. On the fourth day majority and minority reports were
made on the platform, the majority by Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, and
the minority by Mr. Payne, of Ohio. General Benjamin F. Butler, who was
a prominent delegate in the convention, as he would be anywhere, and
who voted for Jefferson Davis for the Presidency right along, presented
a minority report of his own, and Senator Bayard, of Delaware, followed
with a platform of his invention. On the fifth day Senator Bigler,
of Pennsylvania, moved to recommit the platforms to the committee
with instructions to report in an hour, and the motion to recommit
was carried, 152 to 151, while the motion to instruct was lost by a
very large vote. On the same day Mr. Avery, from the majority of the
committee on platform, reported a new declaration of principles, and an
elaborate discussion followed, and Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, presented a
new minority report.
After a protracted and ill-tempered debate, it was finally decided
that the vote on the platform should be taken on Monday, the 30th, and
on that day the convention proceeded to vote without debate. Butler’s
platform was rejected by 198 to 105. Next the minority report of Mr.
Samuels, being the Douglas platform, was carried by 165 to 138. The
report of the committee as amended was then adopted without a vote
by States, upon which the Alabama delegation presented a written
protest announcing the purpose of the delegates to withdraw from the
convention. The Mississippi, Florida, and Texas delegations gave like
notice, and the Louisiana delegation excepting two, the South Carolina
delegation excepting three, with three of the Arkansas delegation, two
of the Delaware delegation, including Senator Bayard, and one from
North Carolina then withdrew from the convention. There were great
pomp and ceremony in this proceeding, as formal protests and elaborate
speeches were made by the retiring delegates. The convention was thus
largely depleted, but a resolution, declaring that two-thirds of a full
convention, being 202 votes, shall be necessary to make nominations,
was adopted by 141 to 112. The convention then proceeded to ballot for
President with the following result:
════════╤════════╤════════╤═══════╤══════════╤═══════════╤══════╤════════════╤═══════╤══════════
BALLOTS.│Douglas.│Guthrie.│Hunter.│Dickinson.│A. Johnson.│Lane. │Jeff. Davis.│Toucey.│F. Pierce.
────────┼────────┼────────┼───────┼──────────┼───────────┼──────┼────────────┼───────┼──────────
1 │ 145-1/2│ 35 │ 42 │ 7 │ 12 │ 6 │ 1-1/2 │ 2-1/2│ 1
2 │ 147 │ 36-1/2│ 41-1/2│ 6-1/2 │ 12 │ 6 │ 1 │ 2-1/2│ ――
3 │ 148-1/2│ 42 │ 36 │ 6-1/2 │ 12 │ 6 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
4 │ 149 │ 37-1/2│ 41-1/2│ 5 │ 12 │ 6 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
5 │ 149-1/2│ 37-1/2│ 41 │ 5 │ 12 │ 6 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
6 │ 149-1/2│ 39-1/2│ 41 │ 3 │ 12 │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
7 │ 150-1/2│ 38-1/2│ 41 │ 4 │ 11 │ 6 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
8 │ 150-1/2│ 38-1/2│ 40-1/2│ 4-1/2 │ 11 │ 6 │ 1-1/2 │ ―― │ ――
9 │ 150-1/2│ 41 │ 39-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ 6 │ 1-1/2 │ ―― │ ――
10 │ 150-1/2│ 39-1/2│ 39 │ 4 │ 12 │ 5-1/2│ 1-1/2 │ ―― │ ――
11 │ 150-1/2│ 39-1/2│ 38 │ 4 │ 12 │ 6-1/2│ 1-1/2 │ ―― │ ――
12 │ 150-1/2│ 39-1/2│ 38 │ 4 │ 12 │ 6 │ 1-1/2 │ ―― │ ――
13 │ 149-1/2│ 39-1/2│ 28-1/2│ 1 │ 12 │20 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
14 │ 150 │ 41 │ 27 │ 1/2 │ 12 │20-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
15 │ 150 │ 41-1/2│ 26-1/2│ 1/2 │ 12 │20-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
16 │ 150 │ 42 │ 26 │ 1/2 │ 12 │20-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
17 │ 150 │ 42 │ 26 │ 1/2 │ 12 │20-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
18 │ 150 │ 41-1/2│ 26 │ 1 │ 12 │20-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
19 │ 150 │ 41-1/2│ 26 │ 1 │ 12 │20-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
20 │ 150 │ 42 │ 26 │ 1/2 │ 12 │20-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
21 │ 150-1/2│ 41-1/2│ 26 │ 1/2 │ 12 │20-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
22 │ 150-1/2│ 41-1/2│ 26 │ 1/2 │ 12 │20-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
23 │ 152-1/2│ 41-1/2│ 25 │ 1/2 │ 12 │19-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
24 │ 151-1/2│ 41-1/2│ 25 │ 1-1/2 │ 12 │19-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
25 │ 151-1/2│ 41-1/2│ 25 │ 1-1/2 │ 12 │19-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
26 │ 151-1/2│ 41-1/2│ 25 │ 12 │ 12 │ 9 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
27 │ 151-1/2│ 42-1/2│ 25 │ 12 │ 12 │ 8 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
28 │ 151-1/2│ 42 │ 25 │ 12-1/2 │ 12 │ 8 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
29 │ 151-1/2│ 42 │ 25 │ 13 │ 12 │ 7-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
30 │ 151-1/2│ 45 │ 25 │ 13 │ 11 │ 5-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
31 │ 151-1/2│ 47-1/2│ 32-1/2│ 3 │ 11 │ 5-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
32 │ 152-1/2│ 47-1/2│ 22-1/2│ 3 │ 11 │ 5-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
33 │ 152-1/2│ 47-1/2│ 22-1/2│ 3 │ 11 │14-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
34 │ 152-1/2│ 47-1/2│ 22-1/2│ 5 │ 11 │12-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ――
35 │ 152 │ 47-1/2│ 22 │ 4-1/2 │ 12 │13 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
36 │ 151-1/2│ 48 │ 22 │ 4-1/2 │ 12 │13 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
37 │ 151-1/2│ 64-1/2│ 16 │ 5-1/2 │ 1/2 │12-1/2│ 1-1/2 │ ―― │ ――
38 │ 151-1/2│ 66 │ 16 │ 5-1/2 │ ―― │13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
39 │ 151-1/2│ 66-1/2│ 16 │ 5-1/2 │ ―― │12-1/2│ ―― │ ―― │ ――
40 │ 151-1/2│ 66-1/2│ 16 │ 5-1/2 │ ―― │12-1/2│ ―― │ ―― │ ――
41 │ 151-1/2│ 66-1/2│ 16 │ 5-1/2 │ ―― │12-1/2│ ―― │ ―― │ ――
42 │ 151-1/2│ 66-1/2│ 16 │ 5 │ ―― │13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
43 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 5 │ ―― │13 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
44 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 5 │ ―― │13 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
45 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 5 │ ―― │13 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
46 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 5 │ ―― │13 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
47 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 5 │ ―― │13 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
48 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 5 │ ―― │13 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
49 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 4 │ ―― │14 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
50 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 4 │ ―― │14 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
51 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 4 │ ―― │14 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
52 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 4 │ ―― │14 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
53 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 4 │ ―― │14 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
54 │ 151-1/2│ 61 │ 20-1/2│ 2 │ ―― │16 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
55 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 4 │ ―― │14 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
56 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 4 │ ―― │14 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
57 │ 151-1/2│ 65-1/2│ 16 │ 4 │ ―― │14 │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
════════╧════════╧════════╧═══════╧══════════╧═══════════╧══════╧════════════╧═══════╧══════════
Douglas had a large plurality of the votes, but could not obtain even
a two-thirds vote of the remaining delegates. After the 57th ballot a
motion was made to adjourn the convention to reassemble at Baltimore on
the 18th of June. That was adopted by 195 to 55, whereupon President
Cushing adjourned the convention to reconvene in Baltimore. The
retiring delegates met at St. Andrew’s Hall, in Charleston, elected
Senator Bayard, of Delaware, president, and after much discussion
adopted a platform of its own. After spending four days wholly
devoted to discussion, that body adjourned to reconvene in Richmond
on the second Monday in June. This convention reconvened in Richmond
on the 11th of June, with delegates from Alabama, Texas, Louisiana,
Mississippi, Georgia, South Carolina, Florida, Tennessee, and Virginia.
John Erwin, of Alabama, was made President, when it adjourned to meet
again in Richmond on the 21st of June, and reassembled on that day
and awaited the action of the Democratic seceders of the Baltimore
convention, who nominated Breckenridge and Lane, when it accepted the
candidates of the seceders and their platform, and adjourned _sine die_.
The regular Democratic National Convention reassembled in Baltimore on
the 18th of June, and the first three days were devoted to a wrangling
discussion on rules, platforms, rights of delegates, etc. The first
disturbing questions the convention had to meet were the admission of
delegates and the right of partial delegations representing States to
cast the full vote of the State. The decision of the convention started
another small tidal wave of secession and Virginia retired. North
Carolina followed, then Tennessee, and a portion of Maryland. Later
California and Delaware withdrew with a part of Kentucky, and President
Cushing became so disgusted that he resigned his position and bolted
himself. The convention finally proceeded to ballot for President, and
two ballots were had, with the following result:
══════════════╤═══════════════════════════════╦═══════════════════════════════
│ 1ST BALLOT. ║ 2D BALLOT.
STATES. ├────────┬─────────────┬────────╫────────┬─────────────┬────────
│Douglas.│Breckenridge.│Guthrie.║Douglas.│Breckenridge.│Guthrie.
──────────────┼────────┼─────────────┼────────╫────────┼─────────────┼────────
Maine │ 5-1/2│ ―― │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 3-1/2│ 1 │ ―― ║ 3-1/2│ 1/2 │ ――
New York │ 35 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 35 │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 2-1/2│ ―― │ ―― ║ 2-1/2│ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 10 │ 3 │ 3 ║ 10 │ 7 │ 2-1/2
Maryland │ 2-1/2│ ―― │ ―― ║ 2-1/2│ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 1-1/2│ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina│ 1 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 1 │ ―― │ ――
Alabama │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 9 │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 6 │ ―― │ ――
Arkansas │ 1 │ 1/2 │ ―― ║ 1-1/2│ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ 4-1/2│ ―― │ 1-1/2║ 4-1/2│ ―― │ 1-1/2
Tennessee │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ ―― │ ―― │ 4-1/2║ 3 │ ―― │ 1-1/2
Ohio │ 23 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 23 │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 13 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 13 │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ 11 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ――
Michigan │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 6 │ ―― │ ――
Wisconsin │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ――
Iowa │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ――
Minnesota │ 2-1/2│ 1/2 │ 1 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ――
├────────┼─────────────┼────────╫────────┼─────────────┼────────
│ 173-1/2│ 5 │ 10 ║ 181-1/2│ 7-1/2 │ 5-1/2
══════════════╧════════╧═════════════╧════════╩════════╧═════════════╧════════
As Douglas had received nearly the unanimous vote of the remaining
delegates, it was finally resolved that as he had two-thirds of all
the votes given in the convention, he was the nominee of the party for
President. Benjamin Fitzpatrick, Senator from Alabama, was nominated
for Vice-President, receiving 198-1/2 votes to 1 for William C.
Alexander, of New Jersey. Senator Fitzpatrick declined the nomination
when notified of it, and the National Committee supplied the vacancy by
the nomination of Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia. The platform adopted
by this convention was as follows:
1. _Resolved_, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in convention
assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions
unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the
Democratic convention at Cincinnati in the year 1856, believing that
Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature when applied
to the same subject-matters; and we recommend as the only further
resolutions the following:
Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party as to
the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial legislature, and
as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the
United States, over the institution of slavery within the Territories—
2. _Resolved_, That the Democratic party will abide by the decisions
of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of
constitutional law.
3. _Resolved_, That it is the duty of the United States to afford
ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or
abroad, and whether native or foreign.
4. _Resolved_, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military,
commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication between
the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledge such
constitutional government aid as will insure the construction of a
railroad to the Pacific Coast at the earliest practicable period.
5. _Resolved_, That the Democratic party are in favor of the
acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable
to ourselves and just to Spain.
6. _Resolved_, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the
faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave law are hostile in character,
subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effects.
7. _Resolved_, That it is in accordance with the interpretation of the
Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of the Territorial
governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be,
imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial
Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same
has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme
Court of the United States, should be respected by all good citizens,
and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the
General Government.
The seceders from the Baltimore convention, who were really
representing the seceders from the Charleston convention then in
session at Richmond, immediately organized a new convention in the
Front Street Theatre, of Baltimore, with 21 States fully or partially
represented. Caleb Cushing was made chairman, and after adopting the
two-thirds rule, a ballot was had for President, all of the votes being
cast for J. C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, by the following States:
Vermont 1/2
Massachusetts 8
New York 2
Pennsylvania 4
Maryland 4-1/2
Virginia 11-1/2
North Carolina 8-1/2
Georgia 10
Florida 3
Alabama 9
Louisiana 6
Mississippi 7
Texas 4
Arkansas 4
Missouri 1
Tennessee 9-1/2
Kentucky 4-1/2
Minnesota 1
California 4
Oregon 3
Breckenridge, having received the unanimous vote of the convention,
was declared the candidate with great enthusiasm, and Joseph Lane,
of Oregon, received a like unanimous vote for Vice-President on the
1st ballot. The convention then adopted the following platform, being
the same that had been reported to the Charleston convention by the
majority of the platform committee:
_Resolved_, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at
Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions:
1. That the government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress
is provisional and temporary; and during its existence all citizens of
the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in
the Territory, without their rights either of person or of property
being destroyed or impaired by Congressional legislation.
2. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its
departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and
property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional
authority extends.
3. That when the settlers in a Territory, having an adequate
population, form a State constitution, the right of sovereignty
commences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they
stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the
State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union,
whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of
slavery.
4. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the
island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and
just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.
5. That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful
execution of the Fugitive Slave law are hostile in character,
subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.
6. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the
imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen
in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same
extent as its native-born citizens.
_Whereas_, One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political,
commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy
communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts—
_Therefore be it Resolved_, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge
themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of
some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress,
for the construction of a Pacific railroad from the Mississippi River
to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.
A convention of delegates, representing the Constitutional Union
party, met at Baltimore on the 9th of May and nominated John Bell, of
Tennessee, for President, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for
Vice-President. Two ballots were had, as follows:
═══════════════════╤═════════════╤════════════
│ 1st Ballot. │ 2d Ballot.
───────────────────┼─────────────┼────────────
John Bell │ 68-1/2 │ 138
Samuel Houston │ 57 │ 69
John M. Botts │ 9-1/2 │ 7
John McLean │ 21 │ 1
J. J. Crittendon │ 28 │ 1
Edward Everett │ 25 │ 9-1/2
William Goggin │ 3 │ ――
William A. Graham │ 22 │ 18
William L. Sharkey │ 7 │ 8-1/2
William C. Rieves │ 13 │ ――
═══════════════════╧═════════════╧════════════
Mr. Bell was declared the unanimous choice of the convention, and Mr.
Everett was unanimously nominated without the formality of a ballot.
The following platform was adopted by this convention:
_Whereas_, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the
partisan conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead
and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political
divisions of the country by the creation and encouragement of
geographical and sectional parties, therefore—
_Resolved_, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to
recognize no political principle other than the Constitution of the
country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws,
and that, as representatives of the constitutional Union men of the
country in national convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves
to maintain, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great
principles of public liberty and national safety, against all enemies
at home and abroad, believing that thereby peace may once more be
restored to the country, the rights of the people and of the States
re-established, and the Government again placed in that condition
of justice, fraternity, and equality which, under the example and
Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the
United States to maintain a more perfect union, establish justice,
insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote
the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves
and our posterity.
It will be noticed that the American party had entirely disappeared
as a political factor in 1860, and what was called the Constitutional
Union party had its origin from a number of old and conservative
Americans who could not follow either of the old parties. The movement
originated chiefly with the friends of General Houston, of Texas, who
had separated from the Democratic party and was elected Governor of his
State after he identified himself with the American organization. It
was expected by those who did the preliminary work of organizing the
Constitutional Union party that Houston would be made the candidate for
President, and it will be seen that on the 1st ballot he was within
9 votes of Bell. The movement gained unexpected strength through the
North, and when the delegates assembled at Baltimore a majority of them
regarded it as a necessity to nominate two of the ablest, cleanest, and
most conservative men of the country, and John Bell was taken because
it was known that he could command a much larger vote from the old
Whigs and Americans of the South, where the Republicans could have no
votes, than any other candidate. The American party never reappeared
in the political arena after 1856, when it succeeded in carrying the
electoral vote of Maryland for Fillmore.
The contest was one of great activity, with much more bitterness
exhibited by the Democratic factions toward each other than either
displayed toward the Republicans. Douglas took the stump and spoke as
far South as New Orleans, throughout the West, in various places in New
York and other Eastern States. His speeches were the ablest and most
aggressive ever delivered in a national contest. Lincoln, Breckenridge,
and Bell took no prominent individual part in the battle. One of the
peculiar features of the campaign of 1860 was the development of a
war spirit in the North that was quickened by the organization known
as “The Wide-Awakes.” They were Republican organizations uniformed by
caps and capes, and each one carrying a lantern in night processions.
Many of them drilled as military companies, for the threat of war came
up with almost every echo from the South. The young men of the North,
and especially the young men just from our colleges, entered largely
and very enthusiastically into the Lincoln ranks, and in no previous
Presidential battle was there such able and general discussion of
public questions on the hustings. The slavery question had presented a
new phase to the people of the North. It was not a mere battle against
slavery, although that appealed very strongly to the convictions of
most of the Republicans, but the South had, by the deliverances of its
leading men, made the issue directly against the mastery of the free
labor of the North. It was denounced by some of the ablest Southern
leaders as unworthy of respect or recognition, holding that labor was
menial, and that the North was made up very largely of “small-fisted
farmers” and “greasy mechanics,” and Senator Chestnut, of South
Carolina, who delivered the most honest and one of the ablest speeches
on the labor question, compared the slave labor of the South most
favorably with the “mud-sills of the North.” This attitude of the South
logically brought the most intelligent labor classes of all conditions
into the support of the Republican ticket to vindicate their own
manhood and independence. The following table presents the popular and
electoral vote:
══════════════════╤══════════════════════════════════════════════════════════╦═════════════════════════════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL VOTE.
├─────────────┬─────────────┬─────────────────┬────────────╫────────┬────────┬─────────────┬─────
STATES. │Abraham │Stephen A. │John C. │ John Bell, ║Lincoln.│Douglas.│Breckenridge.│Bell.
│Lincoln, Ill.│Douglas, Ill.│Breckenridge, Ky.│ Tenn. ║ │ │ │
──────────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────────┼────────────╫────────┼────────┼─────────────┼─────
Maine │ 62,811 │ 26,693 │ 6,368 │ 2,046 ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire │ 37,519 │ 25,881 │ 2,112 │ 441 ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ 33,808 │ 6,849 │ 218 │ 1,969 ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ 106,533 │ 34,372 │ 5,939 │ 22,331 ║ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 12,244 │ 7,707[18]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 43,792 │ 15,522 │ 14,641 │ 3,291 ║ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 362,646 │ 312,510[18]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 35 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 58,324 │ 62,801[18]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 4 │ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 268,030 │ 16,765 │ 178,871[18] │ 12,776 ║ 27 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ 3,815 │ 1,023 │ 7,337 │ 3,864 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ ――
Maryland │ 2,294 │ 5,966 │ 42,482 │ 41,760 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ――
Virginia │ 1,929 │ 16,290 │ 74,323 │ 74,681 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 15
North Carolina │ ―――――― │ 2,701 │ 48,539 │ 44,990 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 10 │ ――
South Carolina[17]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ――
Georgia │ ―――――― │ 11,590 │ 51,889 │ 42,886 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 10 │ ――
Florida │ ―――――― │ 367 │ 8,543 │ 5,437 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ ――
Alabama │ ―――――― │ 13,651 │ 48,831 │ 27,875 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 9 │ ――
Mississippi │ ―――――― │ 3,283 │ 40,797 │ 25,040 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ――
Louisiana │ ―――――― │ 7,625 │ 22,861 │ 20,204 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ――
Texas │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ 47,548 │ 15,438[18]║ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ――
Arkansas │ ―――――― │ 5,227 │ 28,732 │ 20,094 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ――
Missouri │ 17,028 │ 58,801 │ 31,317 │ 58,372 ║ ―― │ 9 │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ ―――――― │ 11,350 │ 64,709 │ 69,274 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 12
Kentucky │ 1,364 │ 25,651 │ 53,143 │ 66,058 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 12
Ohio │ 231,610 │ 187,232 │ 11,405 │ 12,194 ║ 23 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Michigan │ 88,480 │ 65,057 │ 805 │ 405 ║ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 139,033 │ 115,509 │ 12,295 │ 5,306 ║ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ 172,161 │ 160,215 │ 2,404 │ 4,913 ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Wisconsin │ 86,110 │ 65,021 │ 888 │ 161 ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Minnesota │ 22,069 │ 11,920 │ 748 │ 62 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Iowa │ 70,409 │ 55,111 │ 1,048 │ 1,763 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
California │ 39,173 │ 38,516 │ 34,334 │ 6,817 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Oregon │ 5,270 │ 3,951 │ 5,006 │ 183 ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├─────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────────┼────────────╫────────┼────────┼─────────────┼─────
Totals │ 1,866,452 │1,375,157 │ 847,953 │ 590,631 ║ 180 │ 12 │ 72 │ 39
══════════════════╧═════════════╧═════════════╧═════════════════╧════════════╩════════╧════════╧═════════════╧═════
[17] Chosen by Legislature.
[18] Fusion electoral tickets.
The election of Lincoln was the second great political revolution
in the history of the country, and it came with fearful import. The
revolution won by Jefferson in 1800 simply displaced the Federalists,
gave authority to the Republicans, and liberalized the policy of the
Government. The revolution that brought Lincoln into the Presidency
was the first popular expression emphasizing the purpose of the
nation to halt the extension of slavery; and while the Republican
policy meant no more than to prevent slavery extension, it was well
understood in the South that it menaced the safety of slavery even
where it was then undisputed. The Southerners had little tolerance for
Republicanism. They had seen it grow from the despised Abolition cranks
to the Republican party that had dominated Congress before it elected
a President. Republicans in Congress were seldom treated with respect
by their Southern associates, and often the most wanton and flagrant
insults were given them not only on the floor of the House but on
other occasions.
Personal encounters disgraced the record of both House and Senate,
and the most respectable term the South ever applied to antislavery
members was that of “Black Republican.” Even in Philadelphia, that
became the most loyal of all cities, nearly the whole commercial
and financial interests were arrayed against Lincoln, because they
regarded the Republican party as disturbers of national tranquillity
and of all the interests of trade. So strong was the conservative
element among the old Whigs in that State that the name of Republican
had to be discarded. Curtin was elected Governor as the candidate of
the “People’s party,” and the delegates to the Chicago convention
represented only that organization. When Lincoln’s election was
announced the Democrats could not reconcile themselves to the mastery
of a party they had so openly and persistently despised.
I witnessed an interesting episode in Philadelphia, on the night of
Curtin’s election. The Prince of Wales was then on a visit to this
country, and had just arrived at the Continental Hotel in Philadelphia.
My headquarters as chairman of the Lincoln committee were at the Girard
House immediately opposite, and I saw the handsome young Prince, then a
picture of manly vigor and beauty, stand on the Chestnut Street balcony
for an hour, surrounded by his suite of nobles, watching what he
regarded as the dying agonies of the Republic. The main streets of the
city were crowded with shouting, wrangling, and rioting partisans, and
the Prince obviously congratulated himself that he had just happened
in this country in time to see its angry dissolution. He witnessed
the riotous enthusiasm of the Republicans, and the much more riotous
madness of the defeated party, until he wearied of it, and he was
astounded the next morning to discover that the city was as quiet and
serene as an average Philadelphia Sunday.
Lincoln brought to the Presidency the strongest personality that has
ever adorned the highest trust of the nation. It is studied with
increased interest as time passes onward in its flight, and it is
worthy of extended notice here. I had not met Lincoln personally until
after his election. I had attended the Chicago convention as chairman
of the State committee along with Curtin, and bore some humble part in
aiding the nomination of Lincoln; and my correspondence with him during
the campaign would have made one of the most interesting of Lincoln
relics, but unfortunately the letters were destroyed when Chambersburg,
including my own house, was burnt by General McCausland.
Pennsylvania was the battle ground, and he naturally tried to keep
in close touch with it. His letters were always kind and hopeful,
sometimes quaint, and always going directly to the point of winning
the State. He communicated with me every week from the time I opened
headquarters early in June until after the election, and I prized more
highly the Lincoln correspondence of that struggle than any of all the
many valued letters I have ever received. I think it safe to say that
he was as familiar with the details of the contest in Pennsylvania as
I was myself, and knew every element of strength and every element of
weakness in our lines. He was never enthusiastic or sentimental, but
always thoroughly practical, with occasional flashes of his exquisite
Western humor.
After such intercourse with Lincoln, lasting from the beginning to the
close of the great battle of his life, I of course had formed what I
supposed to be an intelligent and accurate estimate of the character
and attributes of the man, but I never had a glimpse of the grandeur
of Lincoln’s character until I met him personally at his home in
Springfield on the 3d of January, 1861. A contest over the appointment
of Cameron to the Cabinet, in which I took part, in opposition to
Cameron, made Lincoln telegraph me on the 2d of January to visit him
at Springfield. I was then a member of the Senate; the Legislature was
just about to meet, and I made as hurried a trip as possible. I reached
Springfield about seven o’clock on the evening of the 3d, having
telegraphed him in advance that I would arrive at that hour and must
return at eleven. I went from the depot directly to his house, and when
I rang the bell the door was opened by Lincoln himself, and I saw no
other person during my stay.
I think I did not well conceal my disappointment when I stood before
him in the dimly lighted hall looking up into the face of the new
President. There was nothing in his appearance calculated to make a
favorable impression at first sight. He was illy clad, ungraceful in
movement, and his rudely chiselled face, that was always sad in repose,
clearly portrayed the fretting anxieties which his election to the
Presidency to meet the severest trial of the Republic had brought upon
him. He had then decided to appoint Cameron to the Cabinet, against
which I had protested, and he had sent for me to know whether there
were good reasons for a change of judgment. We sat down in his plainly
furnished parlor, and for an hour or more he heard me patiently with
evident interest. During this part of the conversation he said but
little, but gave many incisive questions to be answered. He did not
exhibit a single trace of humor, and it seemed to me most of the time
as if I were making my appeal to a sphinx. He gave no sign whatever
as to whether I impressed him or not, and when I left him I had not
a single clue by which to judge what importance he had attached to
my arguments, but before he retired that night he wrote a letter to
Cameron revoking the appointment, and suggesting that Cameron should
regard the position as tendered, and give a letter of declination.
In that letter, which can be found in Nicolay and Hay’s “Life of
Lincoln,” he uses this language: “You will say this comes of an
interview with McClure, and this is partly but not wholly true.” The
result was that the position of Secretary of War was held open until
Lincoln arrived in Washington, when Seward and Weed finally prevailed
upon the President to give the position to Cameron. He advised me
of his purpose after he had decided, and was much gratified for the
assurance that no factional hostility would be made against either
Cameron or the administration. Seward and Weed were much embittered
at Curtin and Lane for defeating Seward at Chicago, and they dealt a
retributive blow by securing the appointment of Cameron, as Cameron and
Curtin were never in political accord after the bitter struggle they
had for Senator in 1855.
It was not until after the question of the Cabinet appointment was
dismissed that I had an opportunity to see something of Lincoln as he
was. It was my part to do the talking on the Cabinet issue; after that
it was his part to talk, and he gradually developed all the great and
grand qualities of his character. He was appalled at the prospect of
civil war being the sequel of his election to the Presidency, and above
all things, he wanted peace if consistent with the line of duty. He
fully appreciated that he was confronted by graver problems than had
ever beset American statesmanship, and that he was compelled to meet
the great issue of the threatened dismemberment of the Republic.
He was painfully and profoundly impressed with the fearful
responsibility that devolved upon him, but the first great attribute
of his character developed by this discussion, or rather by his
statements of the situation, was his unswerving fidelity to duty
regardless of all personal or political interests, and even regardless
of life itself. He well understood that armed rebellion was apparently
inevitable, and that he must meet the most appalling peril that ever
confronted our free government, and one for which neither the history
of this Government nor of any other Government of the world furnished
precedents to guide him in his course. The right of secession had been
claimed and denied since the formation of the Constitution with almost
equal ability and integrity, and there he was, crowned with the laurels
of the highest trust of the civilized world, with the prospect of a
nearly united South in rebellion, and the North divided—and intensely
divided—as to the power of the Government to maintain the unity of
the States by force. I heard Lincoln in this conversation but a short
time before I discovered that he had but one purpose, from which no
interests could swerve him, and that was to perform his duty with
fidelity and accept the consequences. He felt that as a Republican
President he would owe it to his party to give it the advantages of
power; yet he understood that the Government could not be maintained
without the co-operation of the Democrats.
My next meeting with Lincoln was under circumstances well calculated
to study his true character intelligently. I was one of a dozen or
more who dined with him at what is now the Commonwealth Hotel in
Harrisburg on the evening of the 22d of February, 1861. The dinner was
given by Governor Curtin to the President-elect, and I believe that
none of the guests are now living but myself. The story of Lincoln’s
sudden departure on the memorable midnight journey to Washington from
Harrisburg on that night has been many times told, and in no instance
with entire correctness. He arrived in Philadelphia on the evening of
February 21, and the published programme of his journey to Washington
was from Philadelphia to Harrisburg on the 22d, and from Harrisburg
to Washington by the Northern Central Railroad through Baltimore on
the 23d. He was met in Philadelphia by Mr. Fenton, President of the
Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, and by Pinkerton’s
detectives, who informed him that he could not pass through Baltimore
according to his published programme without inviting assassination,
that had been deliberately planned; and the son of Senator Seward
brought Lincoln a letter signed by Seward and General Scott, insisting
that he should change his route, because he could not safely pass
through Baltimore if the time of his coming were known.
He was earnestly urged to omit his Harrisburg appointment and take
the eleven o’clock train from Philadelphia to Washington that night,
but he peremptorily refused, and left the question to be determined
at Harrisburg. He hoisted the flag on Independence Hall early on the
morning of the 22d, and delivered an address that betrayed none of
the serious emotions which must have agonized him at the time. He
arrived at Harrisburg early in the afternoon, where I was one of the
legislators to receive him, had a reception and delivered a brief
address in the hall of the House, and soon after five o’clock he sat
down to the dinner at the hotel as the guest of Governor Curtin,
who was there advised by Colonel Lamon and Colonel Sumner of the
information received in Philadelphia the night before, and of the
necessity of considering the question of changing his route.
Dinner was hastily served, when the servants were cleared from the
dining-hall, and Governor Curtin stated the facts to the dining guests,
and insisted that Lincoln’s programme should be changed. Every one
present promptly responded in approval, and the only silent man at the
table was Lincoln. I sat near enough to him to watch and study his
face, and there was not a sign of agitation upon it, and when he was
called upon to give his views, it was at once made evident to all that
he thought much more of commanding the respect and honor of the nation
than of preserving his life. His answer was substantially, and I think
exactly, in these words: “I cannot consent. What would the nation think
of its President stealing into its capital like a thief in the night?”
His voice was clear and distinct, and his cool and earnest manner made
his expression painfully pathetic.
Fortunately, among the guests was the late Colonel Thomas A. Scott,
and when Governor Curtin declared that the question was not one for
Lincoln to decide, Colonel Scott at once proposed to take charge of
the new programme, and send Lincoln back to Philadelphia on a special
train in time to make the eleven o’clock from Broad and Prime Streets
to Washington that night. Scott was a master alike in keenness of
perception and swiftness of execution. He at once directed the
Governor to take Lincoln down to the front of the hotel, where there
were multitudes awaiting to cheer them, and loudly call a carriage to
take them to the Executive Mansion, as that would be the natural place
for them to go. They entered the carriage, drove up along the river
front toward the Executive Mansion, and then made a detour to reach the
depot in thirty minutes, as instructed by Colonel Scott. I accompanied
Colonel Scott to the depot, when he first cleared one track of his line
to Philadelphia, forbidding anything to enter upon it until released,
and with his own hands cut all of the few telegraph wires which then
came into Harrisburg. A locomotive and a car were in readiness at the
time appointed a square below the depot, where Lincoln and Curtin
arrived with Colonel Lamon, and Lincoln and Lamon entered the car for
their journey. When I shook hands with Lincoln and wished him God’s
protection on his journey, he was as cool and deliberate as ever in his
life.
Every precaution had been taken to prevent the knowledge of a change in
Lincoln’s programme being known to any who might possibly communicate
by telegraph, and when the wires were all cut we felt assured that
unless Lincoln should be accidentally detected in Philadelphia,
none would know of his journey until he arrived at Washington. But
one person in Philadelphia was advised of the movement, and he was
Superintendent Kenney, of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore
Railroad, still prominently connected with its service, who was
instructed by Colonel Scott to meet Lincoln at the Pennsylvania depot
and conduct him to the Broad and Prime station. Beyond Superintendent
Kenney, no one outside of the few in Harrisburg who had arranged and
started Lincoln on his journey had any knowledge of the change in his
route.
He was received by Superintendent Kenney in a carriage, taken to the
Broad and Prime station, where a section of a sleeping car had been
engaged for him, entered it without attracting attention, and at six
o’clock the next morning he was in Washington. We had a sleepless and
a terribly long and anxious night at Harrisburg, but about six o’clock
Colonel Scott reunited the wires in his railroad station, and received
the despatch: “Plums delivered Nuts safely,” which announced the safe
arrival of the President.
THE LINCOLN-McCLELLAN CONTEST
1864
The average intelligent student of our Civil War a generation after the
conflict ended, with Lincoln’s achievements in the grateful remembrance
of every patriot, would naturally assume that Lincoln’s re-election to
the Presidency in 1864 was never in any measure doubtful; but in fact
three months after his renomination in Baltimore his defeat by General
McClellan was generally apprehended by his friends and frankly conceded
by Lincoln himself. On the 23d of August, 1864, he wrote the following
with his signature appended:
“This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable
that this administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my
duty to co-operate with the President-elect so as to save the Union
between the election and the inauguration, as he will have secured his
election on such grounds that he cannot possibly save it afterward.”
This paper he sealed and delivered to Secretary Welles with notice not
to open it until after the election.
[Illustration: ANDREW JOHNSON]
There was very earnest opposition to Lincoln’s renomination by men of
eminent ability and influential leadership in the Republican party.
Chase, Wade, Henry Winter Davis, and Horace Greeley were bitterly
opposed to accepting him as the Republican candidate for the second
contest, as they believed that he could not be elected. In addition to
these, Sumner was not heartily for him; Stevens was earnestly opposed
to the President because he had not pressed confiscation and other
punishments against the South, and the extreme radical wing of the
Republican party was aggressive in its hostility. Lincoln’s strength
was with the people, and they overwhelmed the leaders who sought his
overthrow.
The only exhibition of weakness I ever saw in Lincoln was exhibited
during what might be called the contest for his renomination. There
was, in point of fact, no contest at all, as after all the efforts of
the opposing leaders had been exhausted the Republican people rallied
to his support and asserted their mastery. He was painfully impressed
with the apprehension that he might be defeated in the convention,
and on a number of occasions I heard him discuss the question with a
degree of interest that was painful. Even after a majority of all the
delegates to the convention had been positively instructed for him,
and certainly two-thirds of the remainder were publicly pledged to his
support, he could not dismiss the fears of his possible defeat.
I visited him several times within a month of the convention, in
obedience to his telegrams, when he discussed only the political
dangers which beset him. He told me that his name would go into history
darkly shadowed by a fraternal war that he would be held responsible
for inaugurating if he were unable to continue in office to conquer the
Rebellion and restore the Union.
Lincoln was human, as are all men, and a more anxious candidate I have
never known. The last time I conferred with him on the subject was
within two weeks of the meeting of the convention, and I could hardly
treat with respect his anxiety about his renomination. He had given
close study to the election of delegates, and I called his attention to
the fact that a decided majority were positively instructed for him,
and that he certainly knew that a majority of the others could not be
diverted from him. He had to admit that there seemed to be no plausible
reason for doubting the result, but, with a merry twinkle of the eye,
he said:
“Well, McClure, I don’t quite forget that I was nominated by a
convention that was two-thirds for the other fellow.”
I had to admit that he had been nominated by a convention that was
two-thirds for Seward, but no such conditions could arise as presented
themselves in the Seward fight to swerve the convention from its
purpose.
So anxious was he about the situation that he made the very
unreasonable request of me to become a delegate-at-large from
Pennsylvania when I had already been unanimously elected a delegate
from my Congressional district. I vainly attempted to convince him
that it mattered not whether I was a delegate-at-large or a district
delegate, as my power to serve him would be just the same; but he
persisted in urging me to go before the State convention with the
ungracious request to elect me a delegate-at-large—a position that was
sought as one of honor—when I was already a member of the delegation
from my district.
The only possible explanation I could conceive was that, as Cameron
was certain to be a delegate-at-large, he desired me to be one with
Cameron, and thus have both the Cameron and Curtin wings of the party
equally represented at the head of the delegation. Fortunately,
political conditions enabled me to carry out his wish, and Cameron and
I were elected on the 1st ballot by a nearly unanimous vote.
I never suspected Lincoln’s purpose in asking me to change my position
as a delegate until three days before the meeting of the convention,
when I went to Washington in obedience to his summons. He then asked
me to vote for the nomination of Andrew Johnson for Vice-President.
He had Cameron already committed to the nomination of Johnson as
a War Democrat to succeed Hamlin, but he gave me no intimation of
Cameron’s position. I was favorable to the renomination of Hamlin,
but after hearing Mr. Lincoln’s reasons for the request he made I
would have voted for Johnson in obedience to a sense of public duty,
although Lincoln was not wrong in assuming that I was likely to vote
for any candidate for Vice-President he specially desired. He was not
opposed to Hamlin, but he knew that the success of the party depended
upon bringing into the Republican fold a large body of War Democrats
who had never become Republicans, such as Judge Holt, General Dix,
General Butler, and Governor Johnson, and he wished to nationalize the
Republican party.
But the conclusive reason why he desired the nomination of Johnson
was that it would most effectually prevent the recognition of the
Confederacy by England and France. That was the great peril in the last
year of the war, and Lincoln believed that in no way could the success
of the Government in the suppression of the Rebellion be so clearly
presented to the world as by taking Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, who
had filled every important position within the gift of his State,
and elect him to the Vice-Presidency from a reorganized rebellious
State in the heart of the Confederacy. It is needless to say that,
notwithstanding my prejudice against Johnson, I agreed to support him;
but Lincoln’s caution prevented him from giving me any intimation as
to the attitude of Cameron, who was equally pledged to Lincoln in the
Johnson cause. Cameron and I met at the convention in Baltimore on
June 7 without either knowing the position of the other, and as our
political relations were not of the confidential order, although our
personal intercourse was always pleasant, it required some diplomacy
for us to reach an understanding. Cameron had been committed to Hamlin,
with whom he had served in the Senate, and was somewhat embarrassed,
and he suggested that while he was friendly to Hamlin he did not
believe that he could be nominated, to which I agreed. He then proposed
that we should line up the two factions of the State in the delegation
and cast a unanimous vote for Hamlin when the State was first called,
and change it to a unanimous vote for Johnson when the roll-call ended,
to which I readily assented; and with some effort we had a harmonious
delegation on that line with the exception of Thaddeus Stevens, who sat
beside me when I cast my vote for Johnson, and who with a grim smile
said to me: “Can’t you find a candidate for Vice-President without
going down into a d——d rebel province?” The vote of the State was,
however, recorded unanimously for Johnson, and it was the like efforts
of Lincoln in his very quiet and earnest way that made Andrew Johnson
Vice-President and President.
The Republican National Convention met in Baltimore on the 7th of June,
1864, and the venerable Rev. Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky,
was temporary president and Ex-Governor William Dennison, of Ohio,
permanent president. Every State outside of the Southern Confederacy,
and some that were partially inside of it, were fully represented.
There was no contest for President, as the nomination of Lincoln was
conceded. He received the unanimous vote of every State on 1st ballot
with the exception of the Missouri delegation, that was instructed
for Grant, and that was promptly changed to Lincoln to make the vote
unanimous. There was a considerable undercurrent in the convention that
was not friendly to Lincoln, but so powerless that no attempt was made
to assert it.
The important contest of the convention was for Vice-President.
Until a short time before the meeting it was generally expected that
Vice-President Hamlin would be renominated with President Lincoln; but
when the delegates came together, opposition to Hamlin was developed
and unexpectedly to many of the members, and it soon became evident
that a powerful organization had been quietly crystallized to nominate
Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, then Military Governor of that State.
The 1st ballot gave Andrew Johnson 200 and 150 for Hamlin and 108
for Dickinson, with 61 votes scattered; but before the ballot closed
Pennsylvania led off by changing from Hamlin and giving a unanimous
vote for Johnson. Stevens was opposed to the change, but finding
himself alone in the delegation, he permitted his vote to be recorded
with the majority. Other changes were made, and the 1st and only ballot
was finally announced as 494 for Johnson, 17 for Dickinson, and 9
for Hamlin. The following platform was prepared and reported to the
convention by Henry J. Raymond, of New York, and unanimously adopted:
1. _Resolved_, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen
to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union, and
the permanent authority of the Constitution and laws of the United
States; and that, laying aside all differences of political opinion,
we pledge ourselves as Union men, animated by a common sentiment,
and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid
the Government in quelling by force of arms the rebellion now raging
against its authority, and in bringing to the punishment due to their
crimes the rebels and traitors arrayed against it.
2. _Resolved_, That we approve the determination of the Government
of the United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer them
any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an unconditional
surrender of their hostility and a return to their just allegiance
to the Constitution and laws of the United States; and that we call
upon the Government to maintain this position, and to prosecute the
war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression of the
rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing patriotism, the
heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to their
country and its free institutions.
3. _Resolved_, That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the
strength of this rebellion, and as it must be, always and everywhere,
hostile to the principles of republican government, justice and the
national safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the
soil of the Republic; and that, while we uphold and maintain the
acts and proclamations by which the Government, in its own defence,
has aimed a deathblow at this gigantic evil, we are in favor,
furthermore, of such amendment to the Constitution, to be made by
the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and
forever prohibit the existence of slavery within the limits or the
jurisdiction of the United States.
4. _Resolved_, That the thanks of the American people are due to the
soldiers and sailors of the army and navy who have perilled their
lives in defence of their country and in vindication of the honor of
its flag; that the nation owes to them some permanent recognition of
their patriotism and their valor, and ample and permanent provision
for those of their survivors who have received disabling and honorable
wounds in the service of the country; and that the memories of
those who have fallen in its defence shall be held in grateful and
everlasting remembrance.
5. _Resolved_, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom,
the unselfish patriotism, and the unswerving fidelity with which
Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled
difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the Presidential
office; that we approve and endorse, as demanded by the emergency
and essential to the preservation of the nation and as within the
provisions of the Constitution, the measures and acts which he has
adopted to defend the nation against its open and secret foes; that
we approve, especially, the proclamation of emancipation and the
employment as Union soldiers of men heretofore held in slavery; and
that we have full confidence in his determination to carry these and
all other constitutional measures essential to the salvation of the
country into full and complete effect.
6. _Resolved_, That we deem it essential to the general welfare
that harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard
as worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who
cordially endorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and
which should characterize the administration of the Government.
7. _Resolved_, That the Government owes to all men employed in its
armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protection
of the laws of war; and that any violation of these laws, or of the
usages of civilized nations in time of war, by the rebels now in arms,
should be made the subject of prompt and full redress.
8. _Resolved_, That foreign immigration, which in the past has added
so much to the wealth, development of resources, and increase of power
to this nation—the asylum of the oppressed of all nations—should be
fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.
9. _Resolved_, That we are in favor of a speedy construction of the
railroad to the Pacific coast.
10. _Resolved_, That the national faith, pledged for the redemption of
the public debt, must be kept inviolate, and that for this purpose we
recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the public expenditures,
and a vigorous and just system of taxation; and that it is the duty
of every loyal State to sustain the credit and promote the use of the
national currency.
11. _Resolved_, That we approve the position taken by the Government,
that the people of the United States can never regard with
indifference the attempt of any European power to overthrow by force
or to supplant by fraud the institutions of any republican Government
on the western continent; and that they will view with extreme
jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of their own
country, the efforts of any such power to obtain new foot-holds for
monarchical governments, sustained by foreign military force, in near
proximity to the United States.
The sixth resolution, read in the light of the present, would seem
to be a very harmless and proper expression on general principles,
but every member of the convention voted for it, well understanding
that it meant a demand from the supreme authority of the party that
Montgomery Blair should retire from the position of Postmaster-General.
He was not in harmony with the policy of the administration, but
Lincoln hesitated to remove him, as their personal relations were
always pleasant. Some weeks after the convention had adjourned the more
earnest opponents of Postmaster-General Blair were disappointed that
Lincoln did not remove him, and several of them called upon Lincoln
to explain why he had not obeyed the command of the party. Lincoln
answered that he fully recognized the right of the Republican party,
through its highest tribunal, to instruct him as to members of the
Cabinet, but he added, with a significant twinkle of the eye, that
those resolutions related to the next administration and not to the
present. Soon thereafter, however, Mr. Blair resigned, and Governor
Dennison, of Ohio, succeeded him.
The Democratic convention met in Chicago on August 29, and Horatio
Seymour was permanent president. It was on the 23d of the same month
that Lincoln had written the paper before referred to, expressing his
settled belief that he would be defeated. Grant had been hammering
away between the Wilderness and the James with appalling sacrifice
of life and without visible substantial results. Sherman had been
fighting his way toward Atlanta, and had never won anything approaching
a victory over Johnson. Thus the summer was well-nigh ended without
the inspiration of victory, and the long, fearful strain and sacrifice
suffered by the people made many patriotic hearts inclined to accept
peace on any reasonable terms.
The Democratic convention thus met just when the country was most
profoundly impressed with the terrible sacrifices of war and the
apprehension that the military power of the Confederacy could not be
conquered. It was this condition that made the Democrats commit the
fatal blunder of declaring in their national platform, “As the sense
of the American people that, after four years of failure to restore
the Union by the experiment of war, under the pretence of a military
necessity of a war power higher than the Constitution,” considerations
of humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand “that immediate
efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities with a view to an
ultimate convention of all the States.” Had the election been held at
that time, McClellan would have been elected, but the delegates from
the Democratic convention when on their way home after their fatal
deliverance against the war met the people at every city and village
cheering to the echo over the capture of Atlanta, and by night they
found almost a continuous line of torches displayed by crowds cheering
themselves hoarse over the great victory that was the beginning of the
end of the war.
It was universally accepted by the Democrats before the Chicago
convention met that General George B. McClellan would be their
candidate. He had been in retirement at Orange, N. J., after he had
been removed from the command of the Army of the Potomac in the fall
of 1862, and his friends were very enthusiastic in his support. It
was believed that he had sufficient flavor of the soldier to hold war
Democrats, and he was known to be in very positive antagonism with
the whole political and war policy of the President. He was a man of
blameless character and altogether the strongest candidate upon whom
the Democrats could unite. The 1st and only ballot for President in the
convention gave 174 votes to McClellan, with 38 for Thomas H. Seymour,
of Connecticut, 12 for Horatio Seymour, of New York, with 1/2 vote for
Charles O’Conor, of New York, and 1-1/2 votes blank. Changes were made
before the ballot closed, giving McClellan 202-1/2 votes to 28-1/2 for
Thomas H. Seymour, and the nomination of McClellan was made unanimous
with great enthusiasm.
There was only one ballot for Vice-President, as follows:
James Guthrie, Ky. 65-1/2
Geo. H. Pendleton, Ohio 55-1/2
Lazarus W. Powell, Ky. 32-1/2
George W. Cass, Pa. 26
Daniel W. Voorhees, Ind. 13
J. H. Caton 16
Augustus C. Dodge, Iowa 9
John S. Phelps, Mo. 8
Very soon after the 2d ballot began Mr. Guthrie’s name was withdrawn,
followed by the withdrawal of other candidates, and Mr. Pendleton was
nominated unanimously. The following platform was adopted with little
opposition:
_Resolved_, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with
unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution as the only
solid foundation of our strength, security, and happiness as a people,
and as a framework of Government equally conducive to the welfare and
prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern.
_Resolved_, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the sense
of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore
the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretence
of a military necessity, or war power higher than the Constitution,
the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and
public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material
prosperity of the country essentially impaired—justice, humanity,
liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made
for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention
of the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the
earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the
Federal union of the States.
_Resolved_, That the direct interference of the military authorities
of the United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky,
Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware was a shameful violation of the
Constitution; and a repetition of such acts in the approaching
election will be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the
means and power under our control.
_Resolved_, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to
preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States unimpaired;
and they hereby declare that they consider that the administrative
usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by the
Constitution; the subversion of the civil by military law in States
not in insurrection; the arbitrary military arrest, imprisonment,
trial, and sentence of American citizens in States where civil law
exists in full force; the suppression of freedom of speech and of
the press; the denial of the right of asylum; the open and avowed
disregard of State rights; the employment of unusual test oaths; and
the interference with and denial of the right of the people to bear
arms in their defence; are calculated to prevent a restoration of the
Union and the perpetuation of a Government deriving its just powers
from the consent of the governed.
_Resolved_, That the shameful disregard of the administration to its
duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who are now, and long have
been, prisoners of war and in a suffering condition, deserves the
severest reprobation, on the score alike of public policy and common
humanity.
_Resolved_, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily and
earnestly extended to the soldiery of our army and the sailors of
our navy, who are and have been in the field and on the sea, under
the flag of our country; and, in the event of its attaining power,
they will receive all the care, protection, and regard that the brave
soldiers and sailors of the Republic have so nobly earned.
The renomination of Lincoln by the Republican National Convention was
so entirely assured early in the year that the Republican opponents
of the President made a desperate effort to crystallize an opposition
to Lincoln of such formidable character as to compel the national
convention to choose another candidate. The call for the Republican
convention to meet at Baltimore was issued on the 22d of February,
and very active efforts were made by the leaders of the opposition
to place a Republican ticket in the field before Lincoln could be
renominated. A mass convention was called, to meet at Cleveland on
the 31st of May, and some three hundred and fifty responded to the
call. John Cochrane, of New York, was made permanent president, and
without the formality of a ballot John C. Fremont was nominated for
President and John Cochrane for Vice-President by acclamation. Both
promptly accepted the nominations, but instead of inspiring Republican
revolt against Lincoln, as was anticipated, the nominations gave no
exhibition of popular strength, and after considerable conference
between the insurgents and the regulars, Fremont and Cochrane announced
their retirement from the contest on the 21st of September, and urged
the re-election of Lincoln. The following platform was adopted by the
Fremont convention:
_First._ That the Federal Union shall be preserved.
_Second._ That the Constitution and laws of the United States must be
observed and obeyed.
_Third._ That the Rebellion must be suppressed by force of arms, and
without compromise.
_Fourth._ That the rights of free speech, free press, and the habeas
corpus be held inviolate, save in districts where martial law has been
proclaimed.
_Fifth._ That the Rebellion has destroyed slavery, and the Federal
Constitution should be amended to prohibit its re-establishment, and
to secure to all men absolute equality before the law.
_Sixth._ That integrity and economy are demanded at all times in the
administration of the Government, and that in time of war the want of
them is criminal.
_Seventh._ That the right of asylum, except for crime and subject to
law, is a recognized principle of American liberty; that any violation
of it cannot be overlooked, and must not go unrebuked.
_Eighth._ That the national policy known as the “Monroe Doctrine”
has become a recognized principle, and that the establishment of an
anti-republican government on this continent by any foreign power
cannot be tolerated.
_Ninth._ That the gratitude and support of the nation are due to the
faithful soldiers and the earnest leaders of the Union army and navy
for their heroic achievements of deathless valor in defence of our
imperilled country and civil liberty.
_Tenth._ That the one-term policy for the Presidency adopted by the
people is strengthened by the force of the existing crisis, and should
be maintained by constitutional amendments.
_Eleventh._ That the Constitution should be so amended that the
President and Vice-President shall be elected by a direct vote of the
people.
_Twelfth._ That the question of the reconstruction of the rebellious
States belongs to the people, through their representatives in
Congress, and not to the Executive.
_Thirteenth._ That the confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and
their distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers, is a
measure of justice.
The country was prepared, at the time the Democratic platform was
adopted, to receive its demands relating to the war with some respect,
but the aspect of the contest was speedily changed by Sherman’s capture
of Atlanta and Sheridan’s brilliant victories in the Shenandoah
Valley. General McClellan and his friends appreciated the unfortunate
expression of the convention against the war, that was made very
generally odious among loyal people by the thrilling victories of the
army, and in his letter of acceptance, that he delayed long enough to
give the fullest consideration to the subject, he plainly dissented
from the war plank of the platform. He said: “I could not look in the
face of my gallant comrades of the army and navy who have survived so
many bloody battles and tell them that their labors and the sacrifice
of so many of our slain and wounded brethren had been in vain, that
we had abandoned that Union for which we have so often perilled our
lives;” to which he added: “No peace can be permanent without union.”
While the contest had been fairly doubtful and at times exceedingly
gloomy for Lincoln, the victories of Sherman and Sheridan caused a
sudden tidal wave, that utterly overwhelmed McClellan and left him
the worst defeated candidate of history in any contested election,
receiving only 21 electoral votes to 212 for Lincoln. The following
table gives the popular and electoral vote, with the soldier vote in a
separate table, as cast in the field:
══════════════╤═════════════════════╦═══════════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL VOTE.
STATES. ├──────────┬──────────╫────────┬──────────
│ Lincoln. │McClellan.║Lincoln.│McClellan.
──────────────┼──────────┼──────────╫────────┼──────────
Maine │ 72,278 │ 47,736 ║ 7 │ ――
New Hampshire │ 36,595 │ 33,034 ║ 5 │ ――
Vermont │ 42,422 │ 13,325 ║ 5 │ ――
Massachusetts │ 126,742 │ 48,745 ║ 12 │ ――
Rhode Island │ 14,343 │ 8,718 ║ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ 44,693 │ 42,288 ║ 6 │ ――
New York │ 368,726 │ 361,986 ║ 33 │ ――
New Jersey │ 60,723 │ 68,014 ║ ―― │ 7
Pennsylvania │ 296,389 │ 276,308 ║ 26 │ ――
Delaware │ 8,155 │ 8,767 ║ ―― │ 3
Maryland │ 40,153 │ 32,739 ║ 7 │ ――
Kentucky │ 27,786 │ 64,301 ║ ―― │ 11
West Virginia │ 23,223 │ 10,457 ║ 5 │ ――
Ohio │ 265,154 │ 205,568 ║ 21 │ ――
Indiana │ 150,422 │ 130,233 ║ 13 │ ――
Illinois │ 189,487 │ 158,349 ║ 16 │ ――
Michigan │ 85,352 │ 67,370 ║ 8 │ ――
Iowa │ 87,331 │ 49,260 ║ 8 │ ――
Wisconsin │ 79,564 │ 63,875 ║ 8 │ ――
Minnesota │ 25,060 │ 17,375 ║ 4 │ ――
Kansas │ 14,228 │ 3,871 ║ 3 │ ――
Missouri │ 72,991 │ 31,026 ║ 11 │ ――
Nevada[19] │ 9,826 │ 6,594 ║ 2 │ ――
California │ 62,134 │ 43,841 ║ 5 │ ――
Oregon │ 9,888 │ 8,457 ║ 3 │ ――
├──────────┼──────────╫────────┼──────────
Totals │2,213,665 │1,802,237 ║ 212 │ 21
══════════════╧══════════╧══════════╩════════╧══════════
[19] Nevada chose three electors, one of whom died before election.
═════════════════════╤══════════════════════
│ SOLDIER VOTE.
STATES. ├─────────┬────────────
│ Lincoln.│ McClellan.
─────────────────────┼─────────┼────────────
Maine │ 4,174 │ 741
New Hampshire │ 2,066 │ 690
Vermont │ 243 │ 49
Pennsylvania │ 26,712 │ 12,349
Maryland │ 2,800 │ 321
Kentucky │ 1,194 │ 2,823
Ohio │ 41,146 │ 9,757
Michigan │ 9,402 │ 2,959
Iowa │ 15,178 │ 1,364
Wisconsin │ 11,372 │ 2,458
California │ 2,600 │ 237
├─────────┼────────────
Totals │ 116,887 │ 33,748
═════════════════════╧═════════╧════════════
The army vote of Vermont, Kansas, and Minnesota was not received in
time to be taken into the official count, and part of the vote of
Wisconsin was rejected for informality.
The States of Tennessee and Louisiana also held elections and were
carried for Lincoln, but their votes were not necessary to the election
of the Republican ticket, and although Lincoln earnestly desired that
these States should be recognized and the votes counted, Congress, by
joint resolution, that Lincoln signed with great reluctance, declared
that they should not be recognized, and they were omitted in the final
count by Congress.
Pennsylvania was the only Republican State that faltered in the fall
elections of 1864. There was no State ticket to be chosen, and the
Republicans in charge of the campaign assumed that Lincoln would
carry the State without extraordinary efforts, while the friends of
McClellan, a native of the State, with strong individual and social
relations, made exhaustive efforts to give him the victory.
The October election was practically a stand-off, and Lincoln
telegraphed me on the morning after the election to come to Washington.
He was much distressed at the attitude of our State, and apprehensive
that New York, with Horatio Seymour as Governor, one of the ablest
Democrats of the country, might vote for McClellan, as Tammany was
then in the very zenith of its power. I had been Chairman of the State
Committee when Lincoln was elected in 1860, and General Cameron was
my successor in 1864. He was thoroughly competent for the task, but
evidently did not appreciate the perils which confronted him. Lincoln
asked me to join Cameron and devote the intervening month between the
October and November elections to assure a victory. I answered that I
could not make the suggestion to Cameron, as our political relations
were not especially friendly, to which he replied, asking me whether
I would do it if so requested by Cameron. I of course assented, and
the following day I received a letter from Cameron at my home in
Chambersburg, requesting me to join him, where I found Honorable Wayne
MacVeagh, who had been the Republican chairman the year before and who
was then not more friendly to Cameron than myself. We all united in an
earnest effort to win the State, always acting in entire harmony with
Cameron and his committee.
I had private quarters at the Continental, while Cameron’s quarters
were at the Girard, and, as requested, advised Lincoln each day of
the apparent progress of the battle. My reports were not so assuring
as he desired, for the friends of McClellan, inspired by the partial
victory of October, renewed their energies for the November fight.
Postmaster-General Dennison came to see me on a special mission from
Lincoln about two weeks before the election to learn the situation as
precisely as possible, and I had to tell him that I saw but little hope
of carrying the State on the home vote. The army vote would doubtless
be largely for Lincoln and give him the State, but it would be declared
a “bayonet election,” and with such a result in Pennsylvania, and
New York lost, as was possible, while Lincoln’s election could not
be defeated, as the Southern States did not vote, the moral power of
the new administration to prosecute the war and attain peace would
be greatly impaired. My answer to Lincoln was that I would go to
Washington within a few days if it should appear necessary to take
extreme measures to save the State on the home vote.
As the political conditions did not improve, I telegraphed to Lincoln
that I would meet him at nine o’clock in the evening to discuss the
campaign. I found him nervously anxious about Pennsylvania, although
not doubting his re-election. He knew that New York was trembling in
the balance and might be lost, and his fears were fully warranted,
as he had but little over 6000 majority in a million votes. I told
him that I had not confidence in the State being carried by the home
vote, but that it could be done without interfering with the military
operations of the army, as Grant was then besieging Petersburg and
Sheridan had whipped the Confederates clear out of the valley. I
suggested that he should in some way have Grant furlough five thousand
Pennsylvania soldiers home for twenty days, and that Sheridan should do
the same, as that vote cast at home would insure a home majority. He
hesitated about making the request of Grant for reasons which I could
not understand, and I then suggested that General Meade was a soldier
and a gentleman, and that he could safely send an order to him as
Commander of the Army of the Potomac, and that Meade would obey it and
permit the order to be returned.
A messenger from the War Office went the next morning to Meade,
bearing the order from Lincoln, brought it back with him, and fully
five thousand Pennsylvania soldiers were furloughed to return home. I
said: “How about Sheridan?” Lincoln’s face brightened and with great
enthusiasm he said:
“Oh, Phil; he’s all right.”
The same order went to Sheridan, of which no record was ever kept, and
Sheridan sent five thousand of his veterans home to vote as they shot,
and Lincoln’s majority on the home vote was 5712, to which the army
vote added 14,363, making a total majority in the State of 20,075.
It is not generally known how earnestly Lincoln labored for compensated
emancipation. He made earnest efforts to save the Border States to
the Union by the assurance of compensation for slaves, and even after
all the slave States south of the Potomac and the Ohio had joined the
Confederacy, he adhered to the policy of compensated emancipation until
the day of his death. In August, 1864, when the political situation
presented a very gloomy aspect, I had a long conference with Lincoln
at the White House, and he then introduced the subject of compensated
emancipation.
In that conversation he gave me the first intimation of his purpose to
try and end the war by paying the South $400,000,000 as compensation
for the freedom of the slaves. He had the proposition written out in
his own handwriting, but he well knew that if such a purpose on his
part were made public, it would make his re-election impossible. He
discussed it freely and very earnestly, however, and said that he
regarded compensated emancipation as the only way to restore fellowship
between the States. He did not doubt the ability of the North to
overthrow the military power of the Confederacy, but what he most
feared was that the people of the South, driven to desperation by the
severe sacrifices they had suffered, and the general desolation of
their country, that gave them no hope of regaining prosperity, would
make their armies disband into guerrilla squads and would be implacable
in their resentments against the Government.
In all of the many expressions I heard Lincoln make use of, toward the
close of the war, he always exhibited an earnest desire to do something
that would impressively teach the Southern people that they were not
to be held as conquered subjects of a despotic power, but were to come
back into the Union and enjoy the blessings of a reunited people.
Lincoln believed that in no way could he so widely and profoundly
impress the Southern people with the desire of the Government to
deal with them in generous justice as by paying them $400,000,000 as
compensation for the loss of their slaves. I can never forget the
earnestness with which he spoke of this proposition at a time when he
did not dare breathe it to the public. He said the war was costing
$4,000,000 a day, and that it would certainly last for more than four
months, thus costing the Government more than the whole amount he would
have gladly given as compensation for the freedom of the slaves, not to
calculate the sacrifice of life and destruction of property. He fretted
because he could not convey to the South what he believed should be
done to close the war and enable them to re-establish their homes and
fruitful fields. He believed in his theory of compensated emancipation
until his death, and he abandoned it only a short time before the
surrender of Lee. He would have suggested it to Vice-President
Stephens, of the Confederacy, at their City Point meeting in the
winter of 1865, had not Stephens advised him at the outset that he was
instructed by Jefferson Davis to entertain no proposition that did not
perpetuate the Confederacy, and after his return he wrote a message to
Congress in favor of it, submitted it to his Cabinet, by which it was
nearly or quite unanimously disapproved, and he endorsed upon it the
disapproval of the Cabinet and laid it away.
Lincoln was the most notable combination of sadness and mirth that I
ever met with in any of our public men. His face in repose, under all
circumstances, was one of the saddest I ever beheld. It would brighten
in conversation, and at times would portray a measure of sorrow that
could not be surpassed. He was from his youth much given to melancholy.
While he was known as fond of sports and brimful of humor, a very large
portion of his life was always given to isolation and solitude, when he
gave free latitude to the melancholy tendencies of his mind.
Strange as it may seem, he was always a hopeful man, never pessimistic,
and always inclined when discussing any question to take the bright
side. He was severely conscientious in his convictions and in his
actions. He had faith in the present and greater faith in the future.
He had been in early life what is now commonly called an agnostic,
with a strong inclination to atheism, but in his mature years he never
exhibited a trace of it. I have never known any man who had greater
reverence for God than Abraham Lincoln. Throughout his writings,
political and otherwise, will be found multiplied expressions of his
abiding faith in the Great Ruler of nations and individuals.
In a single sentence to be found in Lincoln’s second inaugural address
the country and the world have the most complete portrayal of his
character. When he was inaugurated for a second term as President,
on the 4th of March, 1865, the military power of the Confederacy was
broken, and many in his position would have exhibited the pride of
the victor over the vanquished on such an occasion; but after stating
in the kindest and most temperate language the duty of himself and
of the patriotic people of the country to protect the Union against
dismemberment, he does not utter a word of resentment against the
South. “With malice toward none; with charity for all,” was the brief
and eloquent sentence in which he defined the duty of those who had
then substantially destroyed the power of the Rebellion. That beautiful
expression came from the heart of Abraham Lincoln, and it profoundly
impressed the whole country, then wildly impassioned by the bitterness
of fraternal strife. He knew the resentments which must confront him in
restoring the shattered fragments of the Union, and his supreme desire
was to have the bitterness of the conflict perish when peace came.
No man who has filled the Presidential chair was so vindictively and
malignantly defamed as was Lincoln in the South. The opponents of
the war in the North were guilty of unpardonable assaults upon his
integrity, his ability, and his methods, but the South had no knowledge
of him, as he had filled no important part in national affairs before
his election to the Presidency; and his humble birth in Kentucky, close
by the birthplace of Jefferson Davis, and his exaggerated rudeness of
appearance and manner made the people of the South ready to believe
anything to his discredit. He was proclaimed throughout the Confederacy
as a second Nero; as a bloody and remorseless butcher; as a vulgar
clown who met the sorrows of the nation with ribald jest. Not a single
virtue was conceded to him.
No one could know Lincoln well without seeing some features of his home
life. I have seen him in grave conversation with public men on the most
momentous subjects, when “Tad” Lincoln, his favorite boy, would rush
into the room, bounce on to his father’s lap, throw his arms around his
neck, and play hobby-horse on his foot regardless of all the sacred
affairs of State. There never was a frown from the father, and the
fretting questions of even a great war seemed to perish until “Tad”
had completed his romp. The greatest sorrow of Lincoln’s life shadowed
the altar of his own home, and it was one he had to suffer in silence.
The calamity that befell Mrs. Lincoln after his death was visible to
those who had opportunity to see for themselves at an early period
of his administration. Mrs. Lincoln was mentally unbalanced, but not
sufficiently so to prevent the performance of her social functions, and
her vagaries often led to severe reflections upon the President, at
times even to the extent of charging her with sympathy for the South,
as her brothers were prominent in the Southern army.
I first saw Mrs. Lincoln at Harrisburg on the night that Lincoln made
his midnight journey to Washington, and the greatest difficulty we had
on that occasion was to prevent her from creating a scene that would
have given publicity to the movement. I thought her a fool, and was
so disgusted with her that I never spoke to her afterward, although I
had frequently gone with ladies to her receptions. I wronged her, for
she was then not wholly responsible, and soon after Lincoln’s death
the climax came, leaving her to grope out the remainder of her life in
the starless midnight of insanity. With Lincoln’s many other sorrows,
considering his love of home and family, it may be understood how
keenly he suffered, and how he was clouded by shadows for which the
world could give no relief.
No man ever came in contact with Abraham Lincoln who did not learn to
love, honor, and even reverence him. His ablest political enemies ever
paid the highest tributes, not only to his personal attributes, but to
his masterly ability, and none surpassed Stephen A. Douglas, the ablest
foeman Lincoln ever met, in his appreciation of Lincoln’s qualities.
He had to accept vastly the gravest responsibilities ever put upon
any President of the United States, and I am quite sure that no other
man could have filled Lincoln’s place during the Civil War with equal
safety to the Republic. Had he been vindictive and resentful his fame
would not be without blemish to-day.
What was to me the most beautiful tribute I have ever heard paid to
him came from the lips of Jefferson Davis, when I visited him at his
home in Mississippi some ten years after the war. He never tired of
discussing the character and the actions of Lincoln, and asked me many
questions about his personal qualities. After he had heard all that
could be given in the brief time that I had, he said with a degree of
mingled earnestness and pathos that few could have equalled:
“Next to the destruction of the Confederacy, the death of Abraham
Lincoln was the darkest day the South has ever known.”
THE GRANT-SEYMOUR CONTEST
1868
To the casual reader of our political history, the election and
re-election of Grant to the Presidency immediately after the close of
the war would seem to be a result at once logical and inevitable; but
there are few of the present day who have any knowledge of the many
obstacles which confronted Grant in his transfer from the highest
military to the highest civil duties of the nation.
It is noted that Grant, the Great Captain of the Age, was elected
and re-elected by large majorities; that General Hayes, another
soldier of national fame, succeeded him; that General Garfield, a
soldier-statesman, succeeded Hayes, defeating Hancock, the most
brilliant Democratic soldier of the war, by only a few thousands on
the popular vote; that Blaine, the first civilian candidate of the
party, was the first Republican to suffer defeat after the political
revolution of 1860; that General Harrison, another honored soldier,
was successful as the Republican candidate in 1888, and that Major
McKinley, now Chief Magistrate of the Republic, carried his musket as
a private in the flame of battle, and came out of the war an officer
promoted for gallantry. With such a line of military Presidents, the
natural assumption of the student of our political history would be
that General Grant’s election came about because none could question
its fitness.
There were very serious obstacles to Grant’s nomination for the
Presidency by the Republicans in 1868. First, he was not a Republican
and never had been. He had never voted a Republican ticket, and he
never cast a Republican ballot until after he had been eight years a
Republican President. His last vote before he re-entered the army was
cast for a radical pro-slavery Democrat, and he did not even sympathize
with Stephen A. Douglas in 1860, although he lived in Illinois,
the home of the great Democratic leader of that day. Second, he was
resolutely averse to being a candidate for the Presidency. He was
General of the Army, with freedom to retire without diminution of pay;
he had no political training, and felt himself unfitted for a political
career. He was honest and apparently fixed in his purpose not to become
a candidate. These objections at first appeared to be insuperable
obstacles to Grant’s nomination, but he was human, and had he declined
the Presidency when it was apparently within his reach, he would have
stood as the only man in the history of the Republic who had refused
its crown.
[Illustration: U. S. GRANT]
The Democrats were in a hopeless condition, and they at once began
a systematic movement to make him their candidate. This alarmed the
Republicans, and they made equally earnest and methodical efforts to
make him their leader. It is doubtful upon which side General Grant
would have fallen had it not been for the early estrangement between
President Johnson and himself. Johnson made repeated attempts to
overslaugh him either directly or indirectly. He ordered Grant to
Mexico to get him out of the country, but Grant refused to go, and he
afterward made an earnest effort to supersede Grant by calling General
Thomas to the command of the army, but Thomas stubbornly refused to
consider the call. As the Republicans were then in bitter warfare
against Johnson, Grant logically found sympathy in Republican circles,
and finally, with visible reluctance, he agreed to become the candidate
of the Republicans. Had he been nominated by the Democrats he would
have been elected, but his administration would have greatly conserved
and liberalized the Democratic teachings of that day. His final assent
to become the Republican candidate for President was obtained by the
late Colonel Forney.
The assassination of Lincoln and the succession of Vice-President
Johnson to the Presidency repeated the political history of Tyler and
Fillmore in a radical change of the policy of the Government. Johnson
started under a cloud in his career as Vice-President. On the day of
his inauguration he appeared in the Senate visibly intoxicated, and
delivered a maudlin harangue so disgraceful that a correct report was
never permitted to be given to the public. The report of that address
as severely modified by the omission of the most offensive expressions
was highly discreditable. He was immediately hurried away to the
country residence of the elder Francis P. Blair, and there remained
most of the time until more than a month later, when Lincoln was
assassinated. He never attempted to resume his place in the Senate as
presiding officer, although he was frequently in Washington and was
there on the night of the assassination.
As President he at first startled the country by the most violent
demands for the punishment of all those prominently engaged in the
Rebellion. His favorite declaration was that “treason must be made
odious.” It was not long, however, until his views were materially
changed, and he gradually drifted into entire sympathy with the South
and aggressively against the policy of the Republicans in Congress.
It was this conflict between the Executive and the legislative powers
of the Government that led to the radical policy of reconstruction
and the wholesale enfranchisement of the colored voters of the South.
All the reconstruction measures were vetoed by the President and
passed over his veto by the Senate and House, and the issue grew more
and more in bitterness until it culminated in the impeachment of
Johnson, in which he escaped conviction by a single vote. Grant and
Johnson had an acrimonious dispute when Grant, as Secretary of War _ad
interim_, admitted Stanton back to the office after the Senate had
refused to approve his removal by the President, and from that time
Grant and Johnson never met or exchanged courtesies on any other than
official occasions, where the necessity for it was imperative. When
the arrangements were about to be made for the inauguration of Grant,
he peremptorily refused to permit President Johnson to accompany him
in the carriage to the Capitol for the inauguration ceremonies, and
Johnson did not make his appearance on that occasion.
I never met President Johnson but once during his term in the White
House. I had met him casually before and during the war, but cherished
a strong prejudice against him as an arch demagogue because of a
debate between him and Senator Bell, his colleague from Tennessee,
that I happened to hear in the Senate. Bell was one of the ablest and
most dignified of Senators, and I never witnessed a more offensive
exhibition of the studied arts of the demagogue than Johnson displayed
in that Senatorial controversy. It was on some phase of the sectional
issue, and Bell’s exalted patriotism and manly plea for union and
fellowship contrasted with Johnson as the soaring eagle contrasts with
the mousing owl. I had voted for his nomination for Vice-President
in the Republican convention of 1864, because I surrendered my own
preferences to considerations of expediency presented by Lincoln.
When he made the disgraceful exhibition of himself on inauguration
day as he appeared as Vice-President in the Senate, I published an
editorial in my Chambersburg paper denouncing Johnson as having
offended against the dignity and decency not only of our own
Government, but of civilized governments throughout the world, and
demanded his resignation. Little more than a month thereafter he
became President, and a troop of new friends flocked about him. It is
needless to say that he was soon advised of the severe criticism I had
made upon the inauguration address. I did not see or hear from him or
communicate with him in any way until the early fall, when Governor
Curtin informed me that he had received a request from the President
for Curtin and myself to visit him at Washington. My answer to Curtin
was that as he was in an official position it was probably his duty
to regard a request from the President as a command, but as I was not
anybody of consequence, I would not go. Within a fortnight a second and
more pressing request was made to Curtin for us to come to Washington
to confer with the President on the political situation. Curtin felt
that we should go. He thought it possible that Johnson might yet be
saved from political apostasy, although I had no confidence whatever in
the future of the administration, judging from the surroundings he had
invited, but I accompanied the Governor to Washington and called upon
the President.
At that time Johnson had attempted and largely carried out a scheme
of reconstruction of his own, that had gradually drifted him into
very close and sympathetic relations with the ruling class of the
South that had been active in rebellion. He had appointed provisional
Governors, Legislatures had been chosen, Congressmen and Senators had
been elected to some extent, and I was utterly surprised to find the
President entirely confident that his scheme of reconstruction would
be sanctioned by Congress. I was well informed by conference with the
leading Republicans of the North as to the policy they would pursue
in Congress, and I knew that there was not the shadow of a chance for
any of his reconstructed States to be readmitted into the Union on the
basis of his policy.
Curtin’s more responsible official position and general distrust made
him quite willing to avoid discussion with the President, who opened
the conversation by an earnest appeal to us to give tranquillity to the
country and renewed prosperity to business by accepting his method of
reconstruction, that he always spoke of as “my policy.” I answered by
stating that it would be simply a waste of time and effort to attempt
to maintain his policy, as not a single Senator and Representative then
elected to the next Congress, or to be elected thereafter by Southern
States as then reconstructed, would be admitted into Congress. He
seemed to be utterly amazed at the audacity of such a declaration, and
informed me in the most imperious and insolent manner that every State
would be restored to the Union and to representation in the coming
Congress. I told him that he was suffering from the common misfortune
of power in seldom hearing the truth. He exhibited much irritation,
and several times walked the full length of the Executive Chamber with
rapid step, apparently to get cooling time for his passion. He finally
tempered the discussion by more courteous expression, and we went over
the whole ground with rugged frankness on both sides, ending in the
disagreement on which we had started.
I then asked him what he proposed to do with Jefferson Davis, who was
still in prison at Fortress Monroe, charged with complicity in the
assassination of Lincoln. I saw that he was much embarrassed by the
inquiry, and told him that he owed it to the truth of history, to Davis
himself and to public justice to give him a fair trial. I reminded him
also that Wurz, who had just been tried by a court-martial for wanton
and murderous brutality to the Union prisoners, with the judgment
in the case then in the hands of the Government, but not announced,
would be condemned and executed, as he was poor and friendless. I
said that if Wurz was guilty of studied brutality to prisoners he
deserved to die, but that if he was simply executing the policy of
the government of the Confederacy, as was then publicly charged, of
deliberately and systematically murdering Union prisoners by giving
them unwholesome or insufficient food, and withholding the necessary
and possible attention to the sick and dying, the responsible criminal
was Jefferson Davis. In answer, the President asked how that could be
done, to which I responded by saying that a court-martial, consisting
of Generals Grant, Sherman, Thomas, Sheridan and Meade, could well be
charged with so grave an inquiry, as their judgment would be accepted
by the country and the world. If they condemned Davis, he deserved to
be executed. If they acquitted him, as I believed they would, he would
stand acquitted of one of the most colossal crimes ever charged against
an individual. To my surprise, the President answered that there was
strong prejudice growing up against court-martials. He was quite right
in that declaration, as up to that time he had used them freely and
almost wholly in the administration of justice in all cases having
any connection with the war. He had denounced Davis as an assassin,
and in his new relations with the South, which changed his conditions
materially, he was anxious to protect Davis, and evidently did not wish
his accusations to be passed upon by a competent court.
I then said to the President that it was his duty to discharge Davis;
that Davis should either be tried or given his liberty at an early day,
as he had already been long in prison, and I reminded him also that
he could not try a man for treason who was President of a government
that had beleaguered our Capitol for four years, and that had been
recognized by our own Government and by the leading governments of the
world as a belligerent power. The discussion of the Davis question,
that was a very unpleasant one to the President, brought the conference
to a finish, and every prediction that I made to him about his
reconstruction policy was fulfilled to the letter. Curtin took only
an incidental part in the conference, and we parted with ceremonial
courtesy, never to meet again.
While the Republicans had been seriously divided by Johnson’s
defection, chiefly because of the large patronage he had to dispense,
their columns became gradually reunited, and in 1868 it was practically
a solid Republican party arrayed against Johnson with a very few
deserters; and the Democrats, while appreciating Johnson’s betrayal
of the Republicans, had no love and little respect for the betrayer.
From the time that Grant’s candidacy was announced no other aspirant
was seriously discussed in Republican circles, and his name brought
not only most of the later stragglers of the party into the fold, but
commanded the support of a large Democratic element in addition.
The Republican National Convention met at Chicago on the 20th of May,
and easily finished its work in two days. Carl Schurz was temporary
president, and General Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut, was the
permanent president. The usual preliminaries were disposed of without
jar during the first day, and the committee on resolutions reported
promptly on the morning of the second day. The following is the full
text of the platform as adopted by a unanimous vote:
The National Republican party of the United States, assembled in
national convention in the city of Chicago, on the 21st day of May,
1868, make the following declaration of principles:
1. We congratulate the country on the assured success of the
reconstruction policy of Congress, as evinced by the adoption, in the
majority of the States lately in rebellion, of constitutions securing
equal civil and political rights to all; and it is the duty of the
Government to sustain those institutions and to prevent the people of
such States from being remitted to a state of anarchy.
2. The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at
the South was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of
gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained; while the question
of suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of
those States.
3. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime; and the
national honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness in the
uttermost good faith to all creditors at home and abroad, not only
according to the letter, but the spirit of the laws under which it was
contracted.
4. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be
equalized, and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit.
5. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the preservation
of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair
period for redemption; and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the
rate of interest thereon, whenever it can be honestly done.
6. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debt is so to
improve our credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at
lower rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay, so
long as repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threatened
or suspected.
7. The Government of the United States should be administered with the
strictest economy; and the corruptions which have been so shamefully
nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for radical reform.
8. We profoundly deplore the untimely and tragic death of Abraham
Lincoln, and regret the accession to the Presidency of Andrew Johnson,
who has acted treacherously to the people who elected him and the
cause he was pledged to support; who has usurped high legislative and
judicial functions; who has refused to execute the laws; who has used
his high office to induce other officers to ignore and violate the
laws; who has employed his executive powers to render insecure the
property, the peace, the liberty and life of the citizen; who has
abused the pardoning power; who has denounced the national Legislature
as unconstitutional; who has persistently and corruptly resisted, by
every means in his power, every proper attempt at the reconstruction
of the States lately in rebellion; who has perverted the public
patronage into an engine of wholesale corruption; and who has been
justly impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and properly
pronounced guilty thereof by the vote of thirty-five Senators.
9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers, that
because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at
every hazard by the United States as a relic of feudal times, not
authorized by the laws of nations, and at war with our national honor
and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to protection in
all their rights of citizenship, as though they were native born; and
no citizen of the United States, native or naturalized, must be liable
to arrest and imprisonment by any foreign power for acts done or words
spoken in this country; and, if so arrested and imprisoned, it is the
duty of the Government to interfere in his behalf.
10. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war, there
were none entitled to more special honor than the brave soldiers and
seamen who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise and imperilled
their lives in the service of the country; the bounties and pensions
provided by the laws for these brave defenders of the nation are
obligations never to be forgotten; the widows and orphans of the
gallant dead are the wards of the people—a sacred legacy bequeathed to
the nation’s protecting care.
11. Foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to the
wealth, development, and resources, and increase of power to this
Republic—the asylum of the oppressed of all nations—should be fostered
and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.
12. This convention declares itself in sympathy with all oppressed
peoples struggling for their rights.
13. We highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and forbearance with
which men who have served in the Rebellion, but who now frankly and
honestly co-operate with us in restoring the peace of the country
and reconstructing the Southern State governments upon the basis
of impartial justice and equal rights, are received back into the
communion of the loyal people; and we favor the removal of the
disqualifications and restrictions imposed upon the late rebels in the
same measure as the spirit of disloyalty will die out, and as may be
consistent with the safety of the loyal people.
14. We recognize the great principles laid down in the immortal
Declaration of Independence as the true foundation of Democratic
government; and we hail with gladness every effort toward making these
principles a living reality on every inch of American soil.
The convention then proceeded to make nominations, and after an able
and impassioned speech by General Logan presenting General Grant’s
name, the roll was called and every vote responded in favor of Grant,
giving 650 in all. As soon as the vote was announced, a curtain on the
rear of the stage was lifted, presenting a heroic picture of Grant,
and the convention responded to the nomination and the picture of the
Great Captain with deafening cheers.
There was a spirited contest for the Vice-Presidency. Wade, of Ohio,
had the lead, and Fenton, of New York, Wilson, of Massachusetts, and
Colfax, of Indiana, all started with a very promising vote. I was
chairman of the Pennsylvania delegation, and in obedience to the
unanimous instructions of the State, presented to the convention the
name of Andrew G. Curtin for second place on the ticket. It soon became
evident that the contest would be between Wade and Colfax, and when the
struggle was thus narrowed Colfax won an easy victory. The following
table presents the several ballots for Vice-President:
════════════════════════════════╤══════╤═══════╤══════╤═══════╤═══════
│First.│Second.│Third.│Fourth.│Fifth.
────────────────────────────────┼──────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼───────
Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio │ 147 │ 170 │ 178 │ 206 │ 38
Reuben E. Fenton, of New York │ 126 │ 144 │ 139 │ 144 │ 69
Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts │ 119 │ 114 │ 101 │ 87 │ ――
Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana │ 115 │ 145 │ 165 │ 186 │ 541
Andrew G. Curtin, of Penn. │ 51 │ 45 │ 40 │ ―― │ ――
Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine │ 28 │ 30 │ 25 │ 25 │ ――
James Speed, of Kentucky │ 22 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
James Harlan, of Iowa │ 16 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland│ 14 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
William D. Kelley, of Penn. │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
════════════════════════════════╧══════╧═══════╧══════╧═══════╧═══════
The swift mutations in American politics were strangely illustrated
in the nomination for Vice-President at that convention. Senator
Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio, who was about closing a term of eighteen
years in the service of the Senate, who was then President _pro tem._
of that body, and who was expected to reach the Presidency for a
period of eight months by the impeachment and dismissal of President
Johnson, was the prominent candidate for Vice-President before the
meeting of the convention. It was generally believed that Johnson
would be successfully impeached; that Wade would become President for
the remainder of the term, with illimitable patronage, and that his
nomination for the Vice-Presidency was apparently assured. But when
many delegates were on their way to Chicago on Saturday, the 16th,
the trained lightning sped the message westward that Johnson had
been acquitted by a single vote in the Senate, and that ended Wade’s
candidacy. He had many friends independent of the prospective power
that had made him formidable, and they made a stubborn battle for him,
but though he was highest of all on the 1st ballot, on the 5th and
final vote he had but 38 votes to 541 for Schuyler Colfax and 69 for
Senator Fenton, of New York. Thus two crushing disasters had befallen
Wade in a single week. He had the Presidency apparently within his
grasp—and this would have carried the Vice-Presidency for another
term—but he was smitten in both efforts, and these crowning disasters
closely followed his defeat for re-election to the Senate. He was the
sturdy, bluff, uncompromising patriot of the Senate during the war, and
after these three disasters came upon him in quick succession, the old
man groped his way along for a few years in solitude and then slept the
dreamless sleep of the dead.
The Democratic National Convention met in New York on the 4th of July,
and there was a strong sentiment among the delegates favorable to the
nomination of a liberal Republican for President. The Republicans had
nominated a Democrat, and Chief Justice Chase, who was an old-time
Democrat, and who had won a very large measure of Democratic confidence
by his rulings in the impeachment case of President Johnson, was a
favorite with a very powerful circle of friends, who had quietly, but
very thoroughly, as they believed, organized to have him nominated by a
spontaneous tidal wave after a protracted deadlock between the leading
candidates. I have every reason to believe that Chase would have been
nominated at the time Seymour was chosen, and in like manner, had it
not been for the carefully laid plan of Samuel J. Tilden to prevent
the success of Chase. Horatio Seymour, the ablest Democrat of that
day, was president of the convention, and he had no more idea of being
nominated for President than he had of becoming the Czar of Russia. It
was generally supposed that Seymour left the chair of the convention
because some votes had been cast for him for President, but he really
left the chair because he expected to aid in the nomination of Chase,
and when Seymour called another to preside, the Tilden strategy
completed its purpose by an able Democrat demanding the nomination of
Horatio Seymour, and delivering a most eloquent and impressive eulogy
upon the confessed leader of the Democracy. In vain did Seymour give
a peremptory declination. The convention had been organized for its
work, and men in nearly every delegation who had been assigned to their
task rose and swelled the hurrah for Seymour. When he found the tide
was likely to be overwhelming, he declared with equal earnestness and
pathos, “Your candidate I cannot be;” but the wave sped on and Seymour
was made the candidate by a practically unanimous vote.
He was prevailed upon to consider the subject, and that meant, of
course, that he could not decline. There had been twenty-one ballots
before the nomination of Seymour, in which Pendleton, Hancock, and
Hendricks were the leading competitors. It was then that the nomination
of Chase was expected to be made just as the nomination of Seymour was
made, and Tilden’s was the master hand that shaped the action of the
convention.
Tilden was a master leader, as subtle and sagacious as he was able,
and he thoroughly organized the plan to nominate Seymour, not so
much because he desired Seymour as the candidate, as because he was
implacable in his hostility to Chase. It was well known by Chase and
his friends that Tilden crucified Chase in the Democratic convention
of 1868, and this act of Tilden’s had an impressive sequel eight years
later, when the election of Tilden hung in the balance in the Senate,
and when the accomplished daughter of Chase decided the battle against
Tilden.
The convention met on the 4th of July, which was Saturday, and nothing
beyond organization was accomplished until Monday. The supporters of
Pendleton were altogether the most aggressive of all the candidates.
They represented the “Greenback” issue that had then taken form, and
exhibited considerable popular strength, not only in the Democratic
party, but to some extent in the Republican party. The two-thirds rule
was reaffirmed, and on Tuesday the committee on platform reported the
following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:
The Democratic party, in national convention assembled, reposing its
trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discriminating justice
of the people, standing upon the Constitution as the foundation and
limitation of the powers of the Government and the guarantee of the
liberties of the citizen, and recognizing the questions of slavery
and secession as having been settled, for all time to come, by the
war, or the voluntary action of the Southern States in constitutional
conventions assembled, and never to be renewed or reagitated, do, with
the return of peace, demand:
1. Immediate restoration of all the States to their rights in the
Union under the Constitution, and of civil government to the American
people.
2. Amnesty for all past political offences, and the regulation of the
elective franchise in the States by their citizens.
3. Payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly as
practicable; all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, except
so much as is requisite for the necessities of the Government,
economically administered, being honestly applied to such payment, and
where the obligations of the Government do not expressly state upon
their face, or the law under which they were issued does not provide
that they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in right and in justice,
to be paid in the lawful money of the United States.
4. Equal taxation of every species of property according to its real
value, including Government bonds and other public securities.
5. One currency for the Government and the people, the laborer and
the officeholder, the pensioner and the soldier, the producer and the
bondholder.
6. Economy in the administration of the Government; the reduction
of the standing army and navy; the abolition of the Freedmen’s
Bureau, and all political instrumentalities designed to secure negro
supremacy; simplification of the system, and discontinuance of
inquisitorial modes of assessing and collecting internal revenue,
so that the burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened; the
credit of the Government and the currency made good; the repeal of
all enactments for enrolling the State militia into national forces
in time of peace; and a tariff for revenue upon foreign imports, and
such equal taxation under the internal revenue laws as will afford
incidental protection to domestic manufacturers, and as will, without
impairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon and best promote
and encourage the great industrial interests of the country.
7. Reform of abuses in the administration, the expulsion of corrupt
men from office, the abrogation of useless offices, the restoration
of rightful authority to, and the independence of, the executive
and judicial departments of the Government, the subordination of
the military to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations of
Congress and the despotism of the sword may cease.
8. Equal rights and protection for naturalized and native-born
citizens, at home and abroad; the assertion of American nationality
which shall command the respect of foreign powers, and furnish
an example and encouragement to peoples struggling for national
integrity, constitutional liberty, and individual rights, and the
maintenance of the rights of naturalized citizens against the absolute
doctrine of immutable allegiance, and the claims of foreign powers to
punish them for alleged crime committed beyond their jurisdiction.
In demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign the Radical party
for its disregard of right, and the unparalleled oppression and
tyranny which have marked its career.
After the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both Houses of Congress
to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of the
Government and the preservation of the Union under the Constitution,
it has repeatedly violated that most sacred pledge under which alone
was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried our flag to
victory. Instead of restoring the Union, it has, so far as in its
power, dissolved it, and subjected ten States, in the time of profound
peace, to military despotism and negro supremacy. It has nullified
there the right of trial by jury; it has abolished the _habeas
corpus_, that most sacred writ of liberty; it has overthrown the
freedom of speech and the press; it has substituted arbitrary seizures
and arrests, and military trials and secret star-chamber inquisitions
for the constitutional tribunals; it has disregarded, in time of
peace, the right of the people to be free from searches and seizures;
it has entered the post and telegraph offices, and even the private
rooms of individuals, and seized their private papers and letters
without any specific charge or notice or affidavit, as required by the
organic law; it has converted the American Capitol into a bastile; it
has established a system of spies and official espionage to which no
constitutional monarchy of Europe would now dare to resort; it has
abolished the right of appeal, on important constitutional questions,
to the supreme judicial tribunals, and threatened to curtail or
destroy its original jurisdiction, which is irrevocably vested by the
Constitution, while the learned Chief Justice has been subjected to
the most atrocious calumnies, merely because he would not prostitute
his high office to the support of the false and partisan charges
preferred against the President. Its corruption and extravagance have
exceeded anything known in history, and, by its frauds and monopolies,
it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt created by the war. It
has stripped the President of his constitutional power of appointment,
even of his own Cabinet. Under its repeated assaults the pillars
of the Government are rocking on their base, and should it succeed
in November next and inaugurate its President, we will meet, as a
subjected and conquered people, amid the ruins of liberty and the
scattered fragments of the Constitution.
And we do declare and resolve that ever since the people of the United
States threw off all subjection to the British crown the privilege
and trust of suffrage have belonged to the several States, and have
been granted, regulated, and controlled exclusively by the political
power of each State respectively, and that any attempt by Congress,
on any pretext whatever, to deprive any State of this right, or
interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power,
which can find no warrant in the Constitution, and, if sanctioned
by the people, will subvert our form of government, and can only
end in a single centralized and consolidated government, in which
the separate existence of the States will be entirely absorbed, and
unqualified despotism be established in place of a Federal union of
coequal States. And that we regard the Reconstruction Acts (so-called)
of Congress, as such, as usurpations, and unconstitutional,
revolutionary, and void.
That our soldiers and sailors, who carried the flag of our country
to victory against a most gallant and determined foe, must ever be
gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their favor
must be faithfully carried into execution.
That the public lands should be distributed as widely as possible
among the people, and should be disposed of either under the
pre-emption or homestead lands, or sold in reasonable quantities, and
to none but actual occupants, at the minimum price established by the
Government. When grants of the public lands may be allowed, necessary
for the encouragement of important public improvements, the proceeds
of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves, should be so
applied.
That the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in exercising
the powers of his high office in resisting the aggressions of Congress
upon the constitutional rights of the States and the people, is
entitled to the gratitude of the whole American people, and in behalf
of the Democratic party we tender him our thanks for his patriotic
efforts in that regard.
Upon this platform the Democratic party appeal to every patriot,
including all the conservative element and all who desire to
support the Constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all past
differences of opinion, to unite with us in the present great struggle
for the liberties of the people; and that to all such, to whatever
party they may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right hand of
fellowship, and hail all such co-operating with us as friends and
brethren.
_Resolved_, That this convention sympathize cordially with the
workingmen of the United States in their efforts to protect the rights
and interests of the laboring classes of the country.
_Resolved_, That the thanks of the convention are tendered to Chief
Justice Salmon P. Chase for the justice, dignity, and impartiality
with which he presided over the court of impeachment on the trial of
President Andrew Johnson.
The ballots for President began on Tuesday and ended Thursday. The
following table gives the ballots in detail:
════════╤══════════╤════════╤═══════════╤══════════╤═══════╤═══════╤════════╤══════════╤══════════╤════════╤═════════╤════════╤═══════════
│ Geo. H. │ Andrew │Winfield S.│ Sanford │ Asa │ Joel │James E.│ James R. │ Thos. A. │Horatio │ Francis │Reverdy │
BALLOTS.│Pendleton,│Johnson,│ Hancock, │E. Church,│Packer,│Parker,│English,│Doolittle,│Hendricks,│Seymour,│P. Blair,│Johnson,│Scattering.
│ Ohio. │ Tenn. │ Penn. │ N. Y. │ Penn. │ N. J. │ Conn. │ Wis. │ Ind. │ N. Y. │ Mo. │ Md. │
────────┼──────────┼────────┼───────────┼──────────┼───────┼───────┼────────┼──────────┼──────────┼────────┼─────────┼────────┼───────────
1 │ 105 │ 65 │ 33-1/2 │ 33 │ 26 │ 13 │ 16 │ 13 │ 2-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 10-1/2
2 │ 104 │ 52 │ 40-1/2 │ 33 │ 26 │ 15-1/2│ 12-1/2│ 12-1/2 │ 2 │ ―― │ 10-1/2 │ 8 │ 1/2
3 │ 119-1/2 │ 34-1/2│ 45-1/2 │ 33 │ 26 │ 13 │ 7-1/2│ 12 │ 9-1/2 │ ―― │ 4-1/2 │ 11 │ 1
4 │ 118-1/2 │ 32 │ 43-1/2 │ 33 │ 26 │ 13 │ 7-1/2│ 8 │ 11-1/2 │ 9 │ 2 │ 16 │ 1
5 │ 122 │ 24 │ 46 │ 33 │ 27 │ 13 │ 7 │ 15 │ 19-1/2 │ ―― │ 9-1/2 │ ―― │ 1
6 │ 122-1/2 │ 21 │ 47 │ 33 │ 27 │ 13 │ 6 │ 12 │ 30 │ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ ――
7 │ 137-1/2 │ 12-1/2│ 42-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ 6 │ 12 │ 39-1/2 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ――
8 │ 156-1/2 │ 6 │ 28 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ 6 │ 12 │ 75 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ――
9 │ 144 │ 5-1/2│ 24-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ 6 │ 12 │ 80-1/2 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ――
10 │ 147-1/2 │ 6 │ 34 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 12 │ 82-1/2 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ――
11 │ 144-1/2 │ 5-1/2│ 32-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 12-1/2 │ 88 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ――
12 │ 145-1/2 │ 4-1/2│ 30 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 12-1/2 │ 89 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ 1-1/2
13 │ 134-1/2 │ 4-1/2│ 48-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 13 │ 81 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ 1-1/2
14 │ 130 │ ―― │ 50 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 13 │ 84-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
15 │ 129-1/2 │ 5-1/2│ 79-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 12 │ 82-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
16 │ 107-1/2 │ 5-1/2│ 113-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ 12 │ 70-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
17 │ 70-1/2 │ 6 │ 137-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 12 │ 80 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3-1/2
18 │ 56-1/2 │ 10 │ 144-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 31-1/2│ ―― │ 12 │ 87 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3-1/2
19 │ ―― │ ―― │ 135-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 22 │ 6 │ 4 │ 107-1/2 │ ―― │ 13-1/2 │ ―― │ 5
20 │ ―― │ ―― │ 142-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 16 │ 12 │ 121 │ 2 │ 13 │ ―― │ 9
21 │ ―― │ ―― │ 135-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 19 │ 12 │ 132 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 5
22 │ ―― │ 4 │ 90-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 4 │ 140-1/2 │ 21 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
════════╧══════════╧════════╧═══════════╧══════════╧═══════╧═══════╧════════╧══════════╧══════════╧════════╧═════════╧════════╧═══════════
Before the 22d ballot was announced delegations began to change their
votes to Seymour, and the changes were continued amid great enthusiasm
until he received the unanimous nomination. The twenty-one votes given
him on the last ballot were all cast by Ohio delegates.
It was charged that the nomination of Seymour had been carefully
planned by his friends before the meeting of the convention, in
imitation of the nominations of Polk and Pierce, but in point of fact
the nomination of Seymour was not planned by his friends nor had they
any idea of nominating him when the convention met, as his name was not
before the convention at all until the 22d ballot and the third day of
balloting. He was most earnestly averse to accepting the nomination.
His health was impaired, he had had many and very earnest political
conflicts, and he felt himself physically and mentally unequal to the
exacting duties of a campaign. His nomination was, as I have stated,
conceived and executed for the purpose of defeating Chase.
Having failed to nominate a Republican for President, the convention
unanimously nominated General Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, for
Vice-President without the formality of a ballot. He was one of the
most radical and aggressive of Republicans when the Republican party
was organized in 1856, and brought the first important victory to that
party when, in the early fall of 1856, he was elected to Congress from
St. Louis, being the first Republican who ever represented a Southern
State in the national Legislature. I remember meeting him in Washington
just before the clash of arms began, after the bombardment of Sumter.
He was impatient with Lincoln for not precipitating the war, and
told me that he would go back to Missouri the next day, and that the
country would soon hear of battles fought in that State. He executed
his purpose, for it was through him chiefly or wholly that the early
and bloody battles of Missouri were fought. He was one of the most
brilliant of the corps commanders of the army, but had evidently fallen
into disfavor with Grant, and Blair was as tireless a fighter as Grant
himself. In a public letter, directed to J. C. Broadhead a short time
before the convention met, General Blair denounced Grant as aiming at
imperialism, and declared that his election to the Presidency would
date the downfall of our Republican institutions.
General Blair spoke frequently during the contest, but his speeches
were so violent that they gave offence to many conservative Democrats;
and after the October elections, which were disastrous to the
Democrats, the New York _World_, the leading Democratic organ, came out
in a leader demanding that he be retired from the ticket; but Blair was
not the man to retreat under fire. Seymour took the stump, to present
the party in a more conservative attitude, and delivered a number of
speeches, which rank among the ablest popular addresses of American
politics; but he could not halt the tidal wave that swept Grant into
the Presidency. The following table gives the electoral and popular
vote:
═══════════════╤═══════════════════╦═════════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL VOTE.
STATES. ├─────────┬─────────╫────────┬────────
│ Grant. │ Seymour.║ Grant. │Seymour.
───────────────┼─────────┼─────────╫────────┼────────
Maine │ 70,426 │ 42,396 ║ 7 │ ――
New Hampshire │ 38,191 │ 31,224 ║ 5 │ ――
Vermont │ 44,167 │ 12,045 ║ 5 │ ――
Massachusetts │ 136,477 │ 59,408 ║ 12 │ ――
Rhode Island │ 12,993 │ 6,548 ║ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ 50,641 │ 47,600 ║ 6 │ ――
New York │ 419,883 │ 429,883 ║ ―― │ 33
New Jersey │ 80,121 │ 83,001 ║ ―― │ 7
Pennsylvania │ 342,280 │ 313,382 ║ 26 │ ――
Delaware │ 7,623 │ 10,980 ║ ―― │ 3
Maryland │ 30,438 │ 62,357 ║ ―― │ 7
Virginia[20] │ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ ―― │ ――
West Virginia │ 29,025 │ 20,306 ║ 5 │ ――
North Carolina │ 96,226 │ 84,090 ║ 9 │ ――
South Carolina │ 62,301 │ 45,237 ║ 6 │ ――
Georgia │ 57,134 │ 102,822 ║ ―― │ 9
Florida[21] │ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 3 │ ――
Alabama │ 76,366 │ 72,086 ║ 8 │ ――
Mississippi[20]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 33,263 │ 80,225 ║ ―― │ 7
Texas[20] │ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ ―― │ ――
Arkansas │ 22,152 │ 19,078 ║ 5 │ ――
Missouri │ 85,671 │ 59,788 ║ 11 │ ――
Tennessee │ 56,757 │ 26,311 ║ 10 │ ――
Kentucky │ 39,566 │ 115,889 ║ ―― │ 11
Ohio │ 280,128 │ 238,700 ║ 21 │ ――
Michigan │ 128,550 │ 97,069 ║ 8 │ ――
Indiana │ 176,552 │ 166,980 ║ 13 │ ――
Illinois │ 250,293 │ 199,143 ║ 16 │ ――
Wisconsin │ 108,857 │ 84,710 ║ 8 │ ――
Minnesota │ 43,542 │ 28,072 ║ 4 │ ――
Iowa │ 120,399 │ 74,040 ║ 8 │ ――
Nebraska │ 9,729 │ 5,439 ║ 3 │ ――
Kansas │ 31,049 │ 14,019 ║ 3 │ ――
Nevada │ 6,480 │ 5,218 ║ 3 │ ――
California │ 54,592 │ 54,078 ║ 5 │ ――
Oregon │ 10,961 │ 11,125 ║ ―― │ 3
├─────────┼─────────╫────────┼───────
Totals │3,012,833│2,703,249║ 214 │ 80
═══════════════╧═════════╧═════════╩════════╧═══════
[20] Did not vote.
[21] Chosen by Legislature.
There was dispute as to the right of some of the Southern States to
participate in the election. It will be seen that West Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas,
Missouri, Tennessee, and Kentucky had all participated in the election.
Fortunately, the disputed States did not in any way affect the result,
and Congress passed a joint resolution declaring that none of the
rebellious States should be entitled to electoral votes, unless at the
time of the election they had adopted Constitutions since the 4th of
March, 1867, and had an organized State Government, and unless such
States had representation in Congress under the Reconstruction laws.
Of course, President Johnson vetoed the measure, but it was promptly
passed over the veto by both branches of Congress, and became a law.
By that resolution, Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas were absolutely
excluded from the election.
The other Southern States had representation in Congress, with the
exception of Georgia. The question whether Georgia should be permitted
to have her vote counted resulted in a very serious dispute, on
which the Senate and the House divided, but Mr. Wade, President of
the Senate, in declaring the result, counted the vote of Georgia and
precipitated a very disgraceful scene, in which General Butler most
offensively assailed the presiding officer. There was no question
whatever as to the election of Grant and Colfax, and Congress duly
declared them President and Vice-President of the United States.
The contest of 1868 crystallized the “Greenback” sentiment of the
country under the leadership of George H. Pendleton, who was the
nominee for Vice-President with McClellan in 1864, and who expected to
capture the Democratic National Convention of 1868, to nominate himself
for President on the Greenback platform. The Pendleton followers were
the hustlers of that convention, and they were all decorated with a
badge that was an imitation of the greenback. Gold had been at a high
premium during the war, and was at a considerable premium in 1868,
with resumption apparently very far off. The cheap-money idea had been
industriously impressed upon the people by the demagogues of that day,
and as many of the obligations of the United States were payable only
in lawful money, while the bonds issued during the war were payable
in coin, it was easy to make plausible appeal to the prejudices of
the industrial classes, who were paying very high prices for all the
necessaries of life.
This theory had been very widely discussed by the various shades of
opposition to the Republicans, but the Pendleton movement for the
Democratic nomination for the Presidency dignified it as a national
issue, and it succeeded in making the New York Democratic platform
go more than half way in favor of repudiation of our obligations by
payment in greenbacks. The greenback issue thus vitalized became a
very important one in many of the States and caused strange political
revolutions, such as the election of Democratic Governors and
Democratic Legislatures in Maine and Ohio.
It is doubtful whether the Republicans could have been lined up
squarely in the support of the national credit with any other candidate
than Grant, and one of the first acts that he signed as President
distinctly provided for the payment in coin of all bonds of the
Government bearing interest, and declared also that specie payments
should be resumed as speedily as practicable. The Greenback party not
only figured largely in State politics, but became formidable as a
third party in national contests, and the free-silver theory of to-day
is simply the old greenback issue of cheap money in another form.
THE GRANT-GREELEY CONTEST
1872
General Grant was a thorough soldier, with little qualification for
civil duties and a natural distaste for politics. I doubt whether he
had any defined political policy when he entered the Presidency. He
believed in maintaining the credit of the Government, and accepted in
a conservative way the general policy of the Republican party, but he
knew little or nothing of the political leadership of the nation, and
his friends generally felt that the success of his administration would
depend very largely upon surrounding him with a Cabinet composed of
the ablest and most sagacious men of the party, but Grant cherished no
such ideas himself. He evidently assumed that politics could be run by
general orders, as an army could be commanded, and it was that mistake
that alienated a very large portion of the Republicans from him in
the early period of his administration, and culminated in the Liberal
Republican Convention at Cincinnati in 1872.
I had frequently met General Grant before his nomination and election
to the Presidency, but only in the most casual way on social occasions,
and never had any conversation with him, either on politics generally
or on his candidacy for the Presidency. I was earnestly in favor of
his nomination and election, because I believed that calling him to
the Presidency would do more to reconcile the South and give better
assurance of sectional tranquillity than the election of any of the
leading Republican statesmen of that day. I had just changed my
residence to Philadelphia, having suffered serious financial disaster
in the burning of Chambersburg by McCausland, and it was my settled
purpose after Grant’s election to cease active participation in
politics and devote my efforts wholly to my profession.
My first and only meeting with Grant before his retirement from the
Presidency, at which we had any protracted conversation, was a short
time before his inauguration. Chief Justice Read, of Pennsylvania,
handed me a letter, addressed to the President-elect, and asked me
to deliver it in person when I next visited Washington. I did not
know its contents, but inferred that it related to the appointment of
Curtin to a Cabinet office. A few days thereafter when in Washington
I called upon General Grant at his headquarters and delivered the
letter, and after a very brief conversation, rose to take my leave.
He had opened the letter in the meantime, and as I reached the door
he called me back, saying that Judge Read’s letter strongly urged the
appointment of Curtin to the Cabinet, and that he desired to tell me
frankly as a close friend of Curtin why he could not meet the wishes
of the many friends of Curtin by giving him a Cabinet portfolio. He
spoke very highly of Curtin, and showed his appreciation of Curtin’s
position by nominating him as Minister to Russia at an early day after
his inauguration, and against the protest of Senator Cameron. In the
course of the conversation I saw Grant’s crude theory of conducting a
national administration. He said that his Cabinet officers would be his
official confidential family, and he desired to appoint them entirely
in accordance with his personal preferences. I said to him that it was
certainly his right to have only men in his Cabinet who were entirely
agreeable to himself, but that it was very important for him to have
the ablest politicians of the country largely represented in it, to
save his administration from the many political complications which
would otherwise confront him.
I saw that Grant was not a willing listener to any suggestions,
although given in the most courteous manner, and he answered with a
somewhat liberal display of what some called “obstinacy” and others
called “determination,” as one of the leading attributes of his
character. I then spoke more freely and frankly, and finally said to
him that if I were suddenly called to the command of the army, with
little or no military experience, I would feel that my greatest need
was generals; and I added that it was in no measure disrespectful
to him to say that, having been called from the command of the army
to the Presidency of the Republic, without experience in high civil
duties, his greatest need was statesmen. The advice was not grateful
to Grant; on the contrary, he was obviously fretted, as none of the
many who sought favors at his hands had ventured to tell him the
truth so plainly. When the conversation ended he gave me a moderately
cordial good-by, and I never again met him, excepting once at the
large banquet given by Mr. Childs on the evening after the opening of
the Philadelphia Centennial in 1876, until soon after he had retired
from his eight years’ service in the Presidency, and never had any
communication with him.
I opposed his renomination, participated in the Liberal Republican
Convention that nominated Greeley, had charge of the Greeley campaign
in Pennsylvania, and labored very earnestly for Grant’s defeat in 1872.
On the day that he retired from the Presidency I had an editorial in
the Philadelphia _Times_, speaking of General Grant as history would
record his achievements, and of necessity highly complimentary to him.
A few days thereafter I met him with Mr. Childs at the Continental
Hotel, and he came forward in a manner that was unusually demonstrative
for Grant, and was profuse in his thanks for the editorial referred
to. He said that he specially valued it because it came from one who
had been among his severest critics during his Presidential term, and
he ended by inviting me to lunch with him at Mr. Drexel’s office that
afternoon.
I willingly accepted the invitation and spent two hours with
Grant, most of the time alone after Mr. Drexel and Mr. Childs had
left us. I was surprised to find him one of the most agreeable of
conversationalists, and he discussed politics generally and the
Hayes-Tilden contest with a degree of frankness and intelligence that
surprised me. He said that he confidently expected the Electoral
Commission to give the vote of Louisiana to Mr. Tilden, but that as
Chief Magistrate it was his duty only to maintain the law, and that
when the law of the nation made the Electoral Commission a final
tribunal for the settlement of the dispute, he would have maintained
that judgment with all the power of the Government.
I was specially gratified at this interview to have a particular
prejudice that I had cherished against Grant since 1864 entirely
dissipated by a conversation into which I cautiously led him on the
Lincoln-McClellan campaign of 1864. I have stated in another chapter
that Mr. Lincoln hesitated in October, 1864, to send an order to
General Grant to furlough five thousand of his Pennsylvania soldiers
home to vote for President, and sent it to Meade. I had known how
Lincoln had sustained Grant after the battle of Shiloh, when Grant
had few friends and none outside of Lincoln able to sustain him. When
Lincoln hesitated to send the order to Grant, I spoke very freely
and reminded Lincoln how he had saved Grant, and wanted to know why
he could not now trust the man who would have been overwhelmed but
for the generous and heroic offices of Lincoln. Lincoln finally
answered that he had never received or heard of any expression from
General Grant expressing a preference for his election over General
McClellan. Lincoln certainly at that time doubted Grant’s attitude in
that contest, and having been one of the many who had urged Lincoln to
remove Grant from his command after Shiloh, I could not fail to cherish
some prejudice against Grant as wanting in fidelity to Lincoln.
In our general discussion of politics I remarked that he had very
studiously avoided all political expression during the war, and that
I had specially noted his silence during the campaign of 1864 between
Lincoln and McClellan. His answer was prompt and given evidently in
the frankest manner, as he said substantially: “Of course, I could not
with propriety give any public expression in a political contest where
one candidate had given me the highest commission in the army and the
other candidate had been my predecessor in command of the army.” The
answer was given in such simple earnestness that I never thereafter
doubted Grant’s fidelity to Lincoln, although Lincoln certainly was
disappointed that Grant gave no expression during the campaign. On the
night of Lincoln’s election Grant sent him a very hearty telegram of
congratulation.
President Grant drifted into a political control that ultimately made
his administration intensely sectional and factional, and during his
first administration he was intolerant of criticism, and often openly
disregarded Republican sentiment in sustaining many of his favorites,
who brought scandals upon his rule. On great questions, however, Grant
certainly was great. He conceived the idea of territorial expansion
that has been so successfully carried out by the present administration
with the hearty approval of an overwhelming majority of the people.
He made an earnest movement for the annexation of San Domingo, and he
gave exhaustive public and private efforts to attain it. This policy
was severely criticised by some of the leading members of the party,
prominent among whom were Sumner and Greeley, and the San Domingo
scheme was ridiculed from one end of the country to the other as a
wild, visionary, political enterprise, designed to give place and
fortune to administration favorites.
So bitter did the Republican national feud become that the
anti-administration leaders decided to take the initiative in opposing
Grant’s re-election. At no time in the history of any administration
was the political machinery of the Government so complete and despotic
as it was under Grant, although not in any degree personally directed
by himself, and it was well known that the opposition would have little
voice in the regular Republican convention, and that it was entirely
powerless to prevent Grant being presented as the Republican nominee.
The first national conventions of the year were held at Columbus, O.,
in February. The Labor Reformers were first in the field, as their
convention was held at Columbus on the 21st of February, with Edward M.
Chamberlain, of Massachusetts, as President. This convention was made
up largely or wholly of men who believed in the greenback policy, as
it demanded an indefinite issue of greenbacks, which would be a legal
tender for the payment of all public and private debts. The following
is the full text of its platform:
We hold that all political power is inherent in the people, and free
government is founded on their authority and established for their
benefit; that all citizens are equal in political rights, entitled
to the largest religious and political liberty compatible with the
good order of society, as also to the use and enjoyment of the fruits
of their labor and talents; and no man or set of men is entitled to
exclusive separable endowments and privileges, or immunities from the
Government, but in consideration of public services; and any laws
destructive of these fundamental principles are without moral binding
force, and should be repealed. And believing that all the evils
resulting from unjust legislation now affecting the industrial classes
can be removed by the adoption of the principles contained in the
following declaration, therefore,
_Resolved_, That it is the duty of the Government to establish a just
standard of distribution of capital and labor by providing a purely
national circulating medium, based on the faith and resources of the
nation, issued directly to the people without the intervention of any
system of banking corporations; which money shall be legal tender in
the payment of all debts, public and private, and interchangeable
at the option of the holder for Government bonds bearing a rate of
interest not to exceed 3.65 per cent., subject to future legislation
by Congress.
2. That the national debt should be paid in good faith, according
to the original contract, at the earliest option of the Government,
without mortgaging the property of the people or the future earnings
of labor, to enrich a few capitalists at home and abroad.
3. That justice demands that the burdens of Government should be so
adjusted as to bear equally on all classes, and that the exemption
from taxation of Government bonds bearing extortionate rates of
interest is a violation of all just principles of revenue laws.
4. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people and
should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corporations, but
should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and
should be granted to landless settlers only, in amounts not exceeding
one hundred and sixty acres of land.
5. That Congress should modify the tariff so as to admit free such
articles of common use as we can neither produce nor grow, and lay
duties for revenue mainly upon articles of luxury and upon such
articles of manufacture as will, we having the raw materials in
abundance, assist in further developing the resources of the country.
6. That the presence in our country of Chinese laborers, imported by
capitalists in large numbers for servile use, is an evil, entailing
want and its attendant train of misery and crime on all classes of the
American people, and should be prohibited by legislation.
7. That we ask for the enactment of a law by which all mechanics and
day-laborers employed by or on behalf of the Government, whether
directly or indirectly, through persons, firms, or corporations,
contracting with the State, shall conform to the reduced standard of
eight hours a day, recently adopted by Congress for national employés,
and also for an amendment to the acts of incorporation for cities and
towns, by which all laborers and mechanics employed at their expense
shall conform to the same number of hours.
8. That the enlightened spirit of the age demands the abolition of
the system of contract labor in our prisons and other reformatory
institutions.
9. That the protection of life, liberty, and property are the three
cardinal principles of government, and the first two are more sacred
than the latter; therefore money needed for prosecuting wars should,
as it is required, be assessed and collected from the wealth of the
country, and not entailed as a burden upon posterity.
10. That it is the duty of the Government to exercise its power over
railroads and telegraph corporations, that they shall not in any case
be privileged to exact such rates of freight, transportation, or
charges, by whatever name, as may bear unduly or unequally upon the
producer or consumer.
11. That there should be such a reform in the civil service of the
national Government as will remove it beyond all partisan influence,
and place it in the charge and under the direction of intelligent and
competent business men.
12. That as both history and experience teach us that power ever seeks
to perpetuate itself by every and all means, and that its prolonged
possession in the hands of one person is always dangerous to the
interests of a free people, and believing that the spirit of our
organic laws and the stability and safety of our free institutions
are best obeyed on the one hand and secured on the other by a
regular constitutional change in the chief of the country at each
election; therefore, we are in favor of limiting the occupancy of the
Presidential chair to one term.
13. That we are in favor of granting general amnesty and restoring the
Union at once on the basis of equality of rights and privileges to
all, the impartial administration of justice being the only true bond
of union to bind the States together and restore the government of the
people.
14. That we demand the subjection of the military to the civil
authorities, and the confinement of its operations to national
purposes alone.
15. That we deem it expedient for Congress to supervise the patent
laws, so as to give labor more fully the benefit of its own ideas and
inventions.
16. That fitness, and not political or personal considerations, should
be the only recommendation to public office, either appointive or
elective, and any and all laws looking to the establishment of this
principle are heartily approved.
Four ballots were had to nominate a candidate for President, resulting
in the choice of David Davis, of Illinois. The following table exhibits
the ballots in detail:
═══════════════════════════════════╤════════╤════════╤════════╤═══════
│ First. │ Second.│ Third. │Fourth.
───────────────────────────────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┼───────
John W. Geary, of Pennsylvania │ 60 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Horace H. Day, of New York │ 59 │ 21 │ 59 │ 3
David Davis, of Illinois │ 47 │ 88 │ 93 │ 201
Wendell Phillips, of Massachusetts │ 13 │ 76 │ 12 │ ――
J. M. Palmer, of Illinois │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Joel Parker, of New Jersey │ 7 │ 7 │ 7 │ 7
George W. Julian, of Indiana │ 6 │ 1 │ 5 │ ――
B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri │ ―― │ ―― │ 14 │ ――
Horace Greeley, of New York │ ―― │ ―― │ 11 │ ――
═══════════════════════════════════╧════════╧════════╧════════╧═══════
Two ballots were had for Vice-President, as follows:
═════════════════════════════════╤════════╤════════
│ First. │ Second.
─────────────────────────────────┼────────┼────────
E. M. Chamberlain, Massachusetts │ 72 │ 57
Joel Parker, New Jersey │ 70 │ 112
Allanson M. West, Mississippi │ 18 │ ――
Thomas Ewing, Ohio │ 31 │ 22
W. G. Bryan, Tennessee │ 10 │ ――
═════════════════════════════════╧════════╧════════
Davis and Parker were unanimously declared the candidates of the party
for President and Vice-President.
Although Judge Davis had responded by telegraph to the notification of
his nomination from the convention, expressing his gratitude for the
honor conferred, he did not definitely accept. Had Judge Davis been
nominated by the Liberal Republicans at Cincinnati in May, he would
doubtless have remained as the candidate of the Labor Reformers, but
in June, when there was no possibility of him being a candidate of any
other organization, Davis and Parker both declined and retired from the
contest. A small portion of the delegates were reconvened, and Charles
O’Conor, of New York, was nominated for President, without naming any
candidate for Vice-President. Thus, the Labor Reform organization was
practically out of the battle of 1872.
A Prohibition National Convention was also held at Columbus on the
22d of February, with representatives from nine States, and Samuel
Chase, of Ohio, was made permanent president. An elaborate platform
was adopted, but the party does not seem to have been of sufficient
importance to command the publication of its platform in full in the
newspapers, and it is lost to history, as I have not been able to find
it. James Black, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for President, and John
Russell, of Michigan, for Vice-President by a unanimous vote, after
having been presented by a committee on nominations.
The Liberal Republican National Convention met at Cincinnati on the 1st
of May. The organized Republican opposition to Grant had its origin in
the State contest in Missouri, where the Democrats and the Liberals
united to efface a most proscriptive Constitution and laws, denying
all rights of citizenship to those who had been engaged in rebellion.
A number of meetings were held in the Western cities to organize the
Liberal Republican party, and it was a mass-meeting of the Liberals of
Missouri in Jefferson City, in January, 1872, that first decided to
call a national convention of Liberal Republicans, and fixed Cincinnati
and the 1st of May as the place and time for it to assemble.
It seemed evident to all who had intelligently and dispassionately
observed the political situation that the majority of the people of
the country would vote against the re-election of Grant if they could
be heartily united, but the elements were strangely incongruous, as
Greeley, Sumner, Trumbull, and many others of the Liberal leaders had
been among the most earnest champions of radical Republicanism, and
had antagonized the Democratic party so fiercely and persistently as
to make unity between them apparently impossible. It was only the
utterly helpless condition of the Democrats that made them entertain
the question of fusing with the Liberals by taking their ticket and
platform.
Strange as it may seem, Mr. Vallandigham, one of the most aggressive
of all the Northern “Copperheads” during the war, and who had been
arrested by Burnside and banished into the Southern lines, was one
of the first of the leading Democrats to propose a union of all the
elements opposed to Grant and unite in fully accepting the results
of the war, the reconstruction policy, and the amendments to the
Constitution. I attended this convention as a delegate and acted
as chairman of the delegation. Of the prominent men named for the
nomination, I greatly preferred David Davis, the executor of Abraham
Lincoln, and a man so conservative and liberal in his political views
and so thoroughly identified with the substantial interests of the
country that he would have provoked no antagonism whatever from the
financial and business interests of the nation, but Horace Greeley was
his competitor for the place, and there was no man in the country for
whom I cherished stronger affection. I had known Greeley for many years.
When the Liberal agitation began, the prominent candidates discussed
were Horace Greeley, Charles Francis Adams, David Davis, and B. Gratz
Brown, of Missouri. Greeley became intensely interested in his own
nomination. He felt that he had devoted his life to the best efforts
for his country, and especially for the lowly. He was the foremost of
all in the great battle for the overthrow of slavery, and he craved
the recognition of his work by an election to the Presidency. Before
the convention met he made an appointment to meet me at the Colonnade
Hotel in Philadelphia. He felt that he could speak with entire freedom
to me, and he opened his heart to the full extent of saying how much he
desired the nomination and what it meant to him.
Could I have made him President, I would gladly have done so, but I
knew that he could not be elected, and told him so with frankness that
he appreciated. He yielded to my judgment as to his availability, and
accepted the suggestion that had then been made generally by the more
conservative of the Liberal Republicans that David Davis would be the
only candidate who could certainly defeat Grant. He was conservative,
able, and clear-headed, and the business interests of the country would
have had entire confidence in him. In answer to my statement that
the Democrats certainly could not be united in Greeley’s favor, and
without which an election could not be accomplished, he said: “Well, if
they won’t take me head foremost, they might take me boots foremost,”
meaning for Vice-President. I said I did not doubt that his nomination
for the second place could be accomplished with every prospect of
success at the election. We parted with the distinct understanding that
his friends should move unitedly to nominate David Davis for President
and Greeley for Vice-President.
When we reached Cincinnati a conference of the leading friends of Davis
and Greeley was held the night before the convention met, Senator
Fenton being present as the leader of the Greeley forces. Leonard
Swett, the immediate representative of Davis, was present, along with
John D. Defrees, of Indiana, and a number of others. The plan of
operation was agreed upon, and when we adjourned to enjoy a late supper
we regarded it as settled that Davis and Greeley would be nominated on
the next day.
About midnight it was whispered that General Frank P. Blair, as the
representative of B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, and others had held
a secret conference to unite the Greeley and Brown forces to make
Greeley the candidate for President and Brown second on the ticket.
We soon discovered that the movement had been thoroughly organized,
and many Greeley men who were much more zealous than discreet at
once accepted the new situation, and forced even Fenton to fall back
to the support of Greeley. Fenton was one of Greeley’s most sincere
and devoted friends, and it was with great reluctance that he joined
in the effort to nominate Greeley when he felt that it could result
only in crucifying him. The withdrawal of the Greeley men from the
Davis-Greeley combination left Davis a hopeless candidate, as the
convention was largely radical and little inclined to consider
questions of expediency.
The Liberal Republican National Convention was simply a huge
mass-meeting, with nearly all of the States of the Union represented,
and it was boiling over with go-as-you-please independence in politics.
Stanley Matthews, afterward made Supreme Judge, was temporary
president, and although he denounced the Grant administration in his
opening speech as a monument of corruption, he soon thereafter bolted
Greeley and supported Grant. Carl Schurz was made permanent president.
The contest for President was evidently narrowed down to Adams and
Greeley. I voted on every ballot for Adams, with whom I had little
sympathy, and three-fourths of the Pennsylvania delegation voted
with me. On the 6th ballot Greeley was nominated by changes of votes
after the ballot had been announced, but I did not change the vote
of Pennsylvania until he had received a majority of the votes of the
convention. The following are the ballots for President:
══════════════════════════════╤═══════╤═══════╤══════╤═══════╤══════╤══════
│First. │Second.│Third.│Fourth.│Fifth.│Sixth.
──────────────────────────────┼───────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼──────┼──────
Charles Francis Adams, Mass. │203 │ 243 │ 264 │ 279 │ 258 │ 324
Horace Greeley, New York │147 │ 245 │ 258 │ 251 │ 309 │ 332
Lyman Trumbull, Illinois │110 │ 148 │ 156 │ 141 │ 81 │ 19
B. Gratz Brown, Missouri │ 95 │ 2 │ 2 │ 2 │ 2 │ ――
David Davis, Illinois │ 92-1/2│ 75 │ 41 │ 51 │ 30 │ 6
Andrew G. Curtin, Pennsylvania│ 62 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Salmon P. Chase, Ohio │ 2-1/2│ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 24 │ 32
══════════════════════════════╧═══════╧═══════╧══════╧═══════╧══════╧══════
Mr. Greeley’s nomination was made unanimous, and the convention
proceeded to ballot for Vice-President as follows:
═════════════════════════════╤═════════╤═════════
│ First. │ Second.
─────────────────────────────┼─────────┼─────────
B. Gratz Brown, Missouri │ 237 │ 435
Lyman Trumbull, Illinois │ 158 │ 175
George W. Julian, Indiana │ 134-1/2│ ――
Gilbert C. Walker, Virginia │ 84-1/2│ 75
Cassius M. Clay, Kentucky │ 34 │ ――
Jacob D. Cox, Ohio │ 25 │ ――
John M. Scoville, New Jersey │ 12 │ ――
Thomas W. Tipton, Nebraska │ 8 │ 3
John M. Palmer, Illinois │ ―― │ 8
─────────────────────────────┴─────────┴─────────
The following platform was unanimously adopted:
The administration now in power has rendered itself guilty of wanton
disregard of the laws of the land, and of usurping powers not granted
by the Constitution; it has acted as if the laws had binding force
only for those who were governed, and not for those who govern. It has
thus struck a blow at the fundamental principles of constitutional
government and the liberties of the citizen.
The President of the United States has openly used the powers and
opportunities of his high office for the promotion of personal ends.
He has kept notoriously corrupt and unworthy men in places of power
and responsibility, to the detriment of the public interest.
He has used the public service of the Government as a machinery of
corruption and personal influence, and has interfered with tyrannical
arrogance in the political affairs of States and municipalities.
He has rewarded with influential and lucrative offices men who
had acquired his favor by valuable presents, thus stimulating the
demoralization of our political life by his conspicuous example.
He has shown himself deplorably unequal to the task imposed upon
him by the necessities of the country, and culpably careless of the
responsibilities of his high office.
The partisans of the administration, assuming to be the Republican
party and controlling its organization, have attempted to justify such
wrongs and palliate such abuses to the end of maintaining partisan
ascendancy.
They have stood in the way of necessary investigations and
indispensable reforms, pretending that no serious fault could be found
with the present administration of public affairs, thus seeking to
blind the eyes of the people.
They have kept alive the passions and resentments of the late civil
war, to use them for their own advantage; they have resorted to
arbitrary measures in direct conflict with the organic law, instead
of appealing to the better instincts and latent patriotism of the
Southern people by restoring to them those rights the enjoyment of
which is indispensable to a successful administration of their local
affairs, and would tend to revive a patriotic and hopeful national
feeling.
They have degraded themselves and the name of their party, once justly
entitled to the confidence of the nation, by a base sycophancy to the
dispenser of executive power and patronage, unworthy of republican
freemen; they have sought to silence the voice of just criticism, and
stifle the moral sense of the people, and to subjugate public opinion
by tyrannical party discipline.
They are striving to maintain themselves in authority for selfish ends
by an unscrupulous use of the power which rightfully belongs to the
people, and should be employed only in the service of the country.
Believing that an organization thus led and controlled can no longer
be of service to the best interests of the Republic, we have resolved
to make an independent appeal to the sober judgment, conscience, and
patriotism of the American people.
We, the Liberal Republicans of the United States, in national
convention assembled at Cincinnati; proclaim the following principles
as essential to just government:
1. We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and hold that
it is the duty of government, in its dealings with the people, to mete
out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color,
or persuasion, religious or political.
2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these States,
emancipation and enfranchisement, and to oppose any reopening of
the questions settled by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth
Amendments of the Constitution.
3. We demand the immediate and absolute removal of all disabilities
imposed on account of the Rebellion, which was finally subdued seven
years ago, believing that universal amnesty will result in complete
pacification in all sections of the country.
4. Local self-government, with impartial suffrage, will guard the
rights of all citizens more securely than any centralized power. The
public welfare requires the supremacy of the civil over the military
authority, and the freedom of the person under the protection of the
_habeas corpus_. We demand for the individual the largest liberty
consistent with public order, for the State self-government, and for
the nation a return to the methods of peace and the constitutional
limitations of power.
5. The civil service of the Government has become a mere instrument
of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an object of selfish
greed. It is a scandal and reproach upon free institutions, and breeds
a demoralization dangerous to the perpetuity of republican government.
We therefore regard a thorough reform of the civil service as one of
the most pressing necessities of the hour; that honesty, capacity
and fidelity constitute the only valid claims to public employment;
that the offices of the Government cease to be a matter of arbitrary
favoritism and patronage, and that public station shall become again
a post of honor. To this end it is imperatively required that no
President shall be a candidate for re-election.
6. We demand a system of Federal taxation which shall not
unnecessarily interfere with the industry of the people, and which
shall provide the means necessary to pay the expenses of the
Government, economically administered, the pensions, the interest on
the public debt, and a moderate reduction annually of the principal
thereof; and recognizing that there are in our midst honest but
irreconcilable differences of opinion with regard to the respective
systems of protection and free trade, we remit the discussion of
the subject to the people in their congressional districts and the
decision of Congress thereon, wholly free from executive interference
or dictation.
7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we denounce
repudiation in every form and guise.
8. A speedy return to specie payments is demanded alike by the highest
considerations of commercial morality and honest government.
9. We remember with gratitude the heroism and sacrifices of the
soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and no act of ours shall ever
detract from their justly earned fame or the full rewards of their
patriotism.
10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads or
other corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to actual
settlers.
11. We hold that it is the duty of the Government in its intercourse
with foreign nations to cultivate the friendships of peace by treating
with all on fair and equal terms, regarding it alike dishonorable to
demand what is not right or submit to what is wrong.
12. For the promotion and success of these vital principles, and the
support of the candidates nominated by this convention, we invite and
cordially welcome the co-operation of all patriotic citizens, without
regard to previous political affiliations.
When the convention adjourned I regarded the opportunity to make a
successful contest against Grant as wholly lost. Greeley had been
hammering the Democrats in his pungent paragraphs for thirty years, and
they could have little sympathy with him, and the business interests
of the country could not accept a President whose financial policy was
expressed in the single sentence, “The way to resume is to resume,”
referring, of course, to the resumption of specie payments, then the
most vital issue. There were a number of prominent Democrats at the
convention as spectators, and I was surprised to learn before midnight
that many of them had decided to favor the nomination of the Cincinnati
ticket by the Democratic convention.
The Democrats of Tennessee led off for the endorsement of Greeley by
the Democratic National Convention, as did a number of other States,
but it was not until the Democratic State Convention of Indiana met
and nominated Hendricks for Governor, with a positive declaration in
favor of supporting the Liberal Republican national ticket, that the
position of the Democratic party was finally determined. After the bold
attitude assumed by Hendricks, the Democratic dispute as to the policy
of the party practically ended. It was very generally accepted that the
only chance the Democrats had was to fall in as part of the Liberal
Republican procession.
The Republican National Convention met in Philadelphia on the 5th of
June, and as all the disturbing anti-administration elements had been
eliminated by the organization of the Liberal Republicans, there was
entire harmony in the renomination of General Grant. Morton McMichael,
of Pennsylvania, was temporary chairman, and Judge Settle, of North
Carolina, permanent presiding officer. The nomination of Grant was
made by acclamation and with great enthusiasm, but there was a
spirited and, indeed, a desperate contest for the Vice-Presidency.
Colfax had been in ill-health some months before the meeting of the
convention, and publicly announced his purpose not to be a candidate
for re-election. Until then he had been an almost universal favorite
with the newspaper correspondents of Washington, who had then become
a very formidable political power, but after the announcement of his
retirement his fellowship with them gradually diminished, and when
later he announced that, notwithstanding his public declination, he
would be a candidate for renomination, the Washington newspaper men
organized and made an aggressive battle against him. It is not disputed
that they accomplished his defeat, as Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts,
was nominated on the 1st ballot, receiving 364-1/2 votes to 321-1/2 for
Colfax.
The campaign literature of this contest presented the singular fact
that neither of the Republican candidates for the two highest offices
of the Government bore his own proper name. Grant’s name was Hiram
Ulysses, but when he was appointed a cadet to West Point he was
erroneously entered as Ulysses S. Grant, and he accepted that name
until his death. Another campaign story told how Henry Wilson’s true
name was Jeremiah Colbath, and that when known as the “Natick Cobbler”
he studied night and day to advance himself. He was very much charmed
with the eloquence of Representative Wilson, of New Hampshire, and
he finally adopted the name of Henry Wilson, by which he was known
throughout his entire public career. The following platform was
unanimously adopted:
The Republican party of the United States, assembled in national
convention in the city of Philadelphia, on the 5th and 6th days of
June, 1872, again declares its faith, appeals to its history, and
announces its position upon the questions before the country.
During eleven years of supremacy it has accepted with grand courage
the solemn duties of the time. It suppressed a gigantic rebellion,
emancipated four millions of slaves, decreed the equal citizenship
of all, and established universal suffrage. Exhibiting unparalleled
magnanimity, it criminally punished no man for political offences,
and warmly welcomed all who proved loyalty by obeying the laws and
dealing justly with their neighbors. It has steadily decreased with
firm hand the resultant disorders of a great war, and initiated a
wise and humane policy toward the Indians. The Pacific Railroad and
similar vast enterprises have been generously aided and successfully
conducted, the public lands freely given to actual settlers,
immigration protected and encouraged, and a full acknowledgment of
the naturalized citizens’ rights secured from European powers. A
uniform national currency has been provided, repudiation frowned
down, the national credit sustained under the most extraordinary
burdens, and new bonds negotiated at lower rates. The revenues have
been carefully collected and honestly applied. Despite annual large
reductions of the rates of taxation, the public debt has been reduced
during General Grant’s Presidency at the rate of a hundred millions a
year. Great financial crises have been avoided, and peace and plenty
prevail throughout the land. Menacing foreign difficulties have been
peacefully and honorably composed, and the honor and power of the
nation kept in high respect throughout the world. This glorious
record of the past is the party’s best pledge for the future. We
believe the people will not intrust the Government to any party or
combination of men composed chiefly of those who have resisted every
step of this beneficent progress.
2. The recent amendments to the national Constitution should be
cordially sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated
because they are law, and should be carried out according to their
spirit by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can safely
be intrusted only to the party that secured these amendments.
3. Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil,
political, and public rights should be established and effectually
maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate State and
Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration should
admit any discrimination in respect of citizens by reason of race,
creed, color, or previous condition of servitude.
4. The National Government should seek to maintain honorable peace
with all nations, protecting its citizens everywhere, and sympathizing
with all peoples who strive for greater liberty.
5. Any system of the civil service under which the subordinate
positions of the Government are considered rewards for mere party zeal
is fatally demoralizing, and we therefore favor a reform of the system
by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage and make honesty,
efficiency, and fidelity the essential qualifications for public
positions, without practically creating a life-tenure of office.
6. We are opposed to further grants of the public lands to
corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be
set apart for free homes for the people.
7. The annual revenue, after paying current expenditures, pensions,
and the interest on the public debt, should furnish a moderate balance
for the reduction of the principal, and that revenue, except so much
as may be derived from a tax upon tobacco and liquors, should be
raised by duties upon importations, the details of which should be
so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages to labor, and
promote the industries, prosperity, and growth of the whole country.
8. We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose valor saved
the Union. Their pensions are a sacred debt of the nation, and the
widows and orphans of those who died for their country are entitled to
the care of a generous and grateful people. We favor such additional
legislation as will extend the bounty of the Government to all
soldiers and sailors who were honorably discharged, and who, in the
line of duty, became disabled, without regard to the length of service
or cause of such discharge.
9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers concerning
allegiance—“Once a subject always a subject”—having at last, through
the efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned, and the American
idea of the individual right to transfer allegiance having been
accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our Government to
guard with jealous care the rights of adopted citizens against the
assumption of unauthorized claims by their former governments, and
we urge continued careful encouragement and protection of voluntary
immigration.
10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished, and the way prepared
for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage.
11. Among the questions which press for attention is that which
concerns the relations of capital and labor, and the Republican party
recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full
protection and the amplest field for capital, and for labor, the
creator of capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of the
mutual profits of these two great servants of civilization.
12. We hold that Congress and the President have only fulfilled an
imperative duty in their measures for the suppression of violent and
treasonable organizations in certain lately rebellious regions, and
for the protection of the ballot-box; and therefore they are entitled
to the thanks of the nation.
13. We denounce repudiation of the public debt, in any form or
disguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride the reduction
of the principal of the debt, and of the rates of interest upon the
balance, and confidently expect that our excellent national currency
will be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payment.
14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal
women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of freedom.
Their admission to wider spheres of usefulness is viewed with
satisfaction; and the honest demand of any class of citizens for
additional rights should be treated with respectful consideration.
15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending amnesty
to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of peace and
fraternal feeling throughout the land.
16. The Republican party proposes to respect the rights reserved by
the people to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by them
to the States and to the Federal Government. It disapproves of the
resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils by
interference with the rights not surrendered by the people to either
the State or the National Government.
17. It is the duty of the General Government to adopt such measures as
may tend to encourage and restore American commerce and shipbuilding.
18. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest purpose, the
sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integrity, and
the illustrious services of Ulysses S. Grant have commended him to the
heart of the American people, and with him at our head we start to-day
upon a new march to victory.
19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice-Presidency, known to the
whole land from the early days of the great struggle for liberty as an
indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorruptible legislator,
and representative man of American institutions, is worthy to
associate with our great leader and share the honors which we pledge
our best efforts to bestow upon them.
The Democratic National Convention met in Baltimore on the 9th of July.
Thomas Jefferson Randolph, of Virginia, was the temporary president and
ex-Senator James R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, was permanent president.
The Cincinnati Liberal Republican platform was reported by the
committee without the change of a word. Senator Bayard, of Delaware,
vigorously opposed it, but it was adopted by 670 to 62. A ballot was
had for President, resulting as follows:
Horace Greeley, New York 686
Jeremiah S. Black, Pennsylvania 21
Thos. F. Bayard, Delaware 16
Wm. S. Groesback, Ohio 2
Blank 7
On the 1st ballot for Vice-President, B. Gratz Brown received 713 votes
to 6 for John W. Stevenson, of Kentucky, and 13 blank. The nominations
were then made unanimous. It was one of the most harmonious conventions
that I ever witnessed, and there was very general and absolute
confidence felt that the Democrats and Liberals united could sweep the
country and elect Greeley to the Presidency.
There were few among the Democratic leaders who openly and determinedly
dissented. In point of fact the Democratic leaders were quite
sufficiently united on Greeley to have given him the victory, but the
rank and file refused to follow, as was proved by the State elections,
all of which showed that the Democrats lost more of their following
than the Republicans gave them from the Liberal ranks.
It was not until September 3d that the Democratic opposition to Greeley
took form, when a national convention was held at Louisville, Ky., and
nominated Charles O’Conor, of New York, for President and John Quincy
Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President without the formality of a
ballot. Adams had agreed to accept the nomination if O’Conor stood at
the head of the ticket, but O’Conor promptly and peremptorily declined,
after which Mr. Lyon, president of the convention, was nominated for
President, but he also declined. The nomination for President was then
tendered to Mr. Adams, but he refused, and finally the convention
renominated O’Conor, and adjourned without inquiring whether the
candidates would stand or decline. The following is the platform
adopted by the Democratic dissenters:
_Whereas_, A frequent recurrence to first principles, and eternal
vigilance against abuses, are the wisest provisions for liberty, which
is the source of progress, and fidelity to our constitutional system
is the only protection for either; therefore,
_Resolved_, That the original basis of our whole political structure
is a consent in every part thereof. The people of each State
voluntarily created their State, and the States voluntarily formed the
Union; and each State has provided, by its written Constitution, for
everything a State should do for the protection of life, liberty, and
property within it; and each State, jointly with the others, provided
a Federal Union for foreign and inter-State relations.
_Resolved_, That all government powers, whether State or Federal, are
trust powers coming from the people of each State; and that they are
limited to the written letter of the Constitution and the laws passed
in pursuance of it, which powers must be exercised in the utmost good
faith, the Constitution itself providing in what manner they may be
altered and amended.
_Resolved_, That the interests of labor and capital should not
be permitted to conflict, but should be harmonized by judicious
legislation. While such a conflict continues, labor, which is the
parent of wealth, is entitled to paramount consideration.
_Resolved_, That we proclaim to the world that principle is to be
preferred to power; that the Democratic party is held together by the
cohesion of time-honored principles which they will never surrender in
exchange for all the offices which presidents can confer. The pangs of
the minorities are doubtless excruciating; but we welcome an eternal
minority under the banner inscribed with our principles rather than an
almighty and everlasting majority purchased by their abandonment.
_Resolved_, That, having been betrayed at Baltimore into a false
creed and a false leadership by the convention, we repudiate both,
and appeal to the people to approve our platform, and to rally to the
polls and support the true platform, and the candidates who embody it.
_Resolved_, That we are opposed to giving public lands to
corporations, and favor their disposal to actual settlers only.
_Resolved_, That we favor a judicious tariff for revenue purposes
only, and that we are unalterably opposed to class legislation which
enriches a few at the expense of the many under the plea of protection.
The campaign was a very earnest one, but after the Greeley tide had
struck its ebb in the North Carolina election in August, the battle
was a hopeless one for Greeley, and he was defeated by a very large
majority. The following table gives the popular vote:
═══════════════╤══════════╤══════════╤══════════╤════════
STATES. │ Grant. │ Greeley. │ O’Conor. │ Black.
───────────────┼──────────┼──────────┼──────────┼────────
Maine │ 61,422 │ 29,087 │ ―――― │ ――――
New Hampshire │ 37,168 │ 31,424 │ 100 │ 200
Vermont │ 41,481 │ 10,927 │ 593 │ ――――
Massachusetts │ 133,472 │ 59,260 │ ―――― │ ――――
Rhode Island │ 13,665 │ 5,329 │ ―――― │ ――――
Connecticut │ 50,638 │ 45,880 │ 204 │ 206
New York │ 440,736 │ 387,281 │ 1,454 │ 201
New Jersey │ 91,656 │ 76,456 │ 630 │ ――――
Pennsylvania │ 349,589 │ 212,041 │ ―――― │ 1,630
Delaware │ 11,115 │ 10,206 │ 487 │ ――――
Maryland │ 66,760 │ 67,687 │ 19 │ ――――
Virginia │ 93,468 │ 91,654 │ 42 │ ――――
West Virginia │ 32,315 │ 29,451 │ 600 │ ――――
North Carolina │ 94,769 │ 70,094 │ ―――― │ ――――
South Carolina │ 72,290 │ 22,703 │ 187 │ ――――
Georgia │ 62,550 │ 76,356 │ 4,000 │ ――――
Florida │ 17,763 │ 15,427 │ ―――― │ ――――
Alabama │ 90,272 │ 79,444 │ ―――― │ ――――
Mississippi │ 82,175 │ 47,288 │ ―――― │ ――――
Louisiana[22] │ 71,663 │ 57,029 │ ―――― │ ――――
Louisiana[23] │ 59,975 │ 66,467 │ ―――― │ ――――
Texas │ 47,468 │ 66,546 │ 2,580 │ ――――
Arkansas │ 41,373 │ 37,927 │ ―――― │ ――――
Missouri │ 119,196 │ 151,434 │ 2,439 │ ――――
Tennessee │ 85,655 │ 94,391 │ ―――― │ ――――
Kentucky │ 88,766 │ 99,995 │ 2,374 │ ――――
Ohio │ 281,852 │ 244,321 │ 1,163 │ 2,100
Michigan │ 138,455 │ 78,355 │ 2,861 │ 1,271
Indiana │ 186,147 │ 163,632 │ 1,417 │ ――――
Illinois │ 241,944 │ 184,938 │ 3,058 │ ――――
Wisconsin │ 104,997 │ 86,477 │ 834 │ ――――
Minnesota │ 55,117 │ 34,423 │ ―――― │ ――――
Iowa │ 131,566 │ 71,196 │ 2,221 │ ――――
Nebraska │ 18,329 │ 7,812 │ ―――― │ ――――
Kansas │ 67,048 │ 32,970 │ 596 │ ――――
Nevada │ 8,413 │ 6,236 │ ―――― │ ――――
California │ 54,020 │ 40,718 │ 1,068 │ ――――
Oregon │ 11,819 │ 7,730 │ 572 │ ――――
├──────────┼──────────┼──────────┼────────
Totals │3,597,132 │2,834,125 │ 29,489 │ 5,608
───────────────┴──────────┴──────────┴──────────┴────────
[22] “Custom house” count. The total vote of the country, as given
above, includes these returns.
[23] Count by the Warmouth returning board. If these returns should be
substituted for the others, the total vote of the country would be: for
Grant, 3,585,444; Greeley, 2,843,563.
I find that many tables of the popular vote are discordant, and I have
accepted the table prepared by Mr. Stanwood as he presented it. The
Louisiana dispute arose from two returning boards. Governor Warmouth,
who was, by virtue of his office, the head of the returning board, had
supported Greeley, and the dispute led to two returning boards, each
of which made a different return of the official vote of the State,
one giving it to Greeley and the other to Grant. Mr. Greeley died
soon after the election and before the electoral colleges met, and
the minority electors, who had been chosen for Greeley, were entirely
at sea, as will be seen by the following table of the electoral vote
as returned to Congress. There were many quibbles raised in the joint
convention of the two houses in counting and declaring the vote. Mr.
Hoar, of Massachusetts, objected to the Georgia votes cast for Greeley
because he was dead at the time, and various other technical objections
were made, but the table I give shows the vote as it was accepted:
═════════════════════╤════════════════════════════════════════════════════════╦══════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
├─────────┬──────────┬────────┬────────┬──────────┬──────╫───────┬────────┬─────────┬─────────┬───────┬──────────┬─────────┬──────────┬─────────
STATES. │ Ulysses │ Thomas A.│B. Gratz│ Horace │Charles J.│David ║ Henry │B. Gratz│George W.│Alfred H.│John M.│Thomas E. │Nathaniel│William S.│Willis B.
│S. Grant,│Hendricks,│ Brown, │Greeley,│ Jenkins, │Davis,║Wilson,│ Brown, │ Julian, │Colquitt,│Palmer,│Bramlette,│P. Banks,│Groesbeck,│ Machen,
│ Ill. │ Ind. │ Mo. │ N. Y. │ Ga. │ Ill. ║ Mass. │ Mo. │ Ind. │ Ga. │ Ill. │ Ky. │ Mass. │ O. │ Ky.
─────────────────────┼─────────┼──────────┼────────┼────────┼──────────┼──────╫───────┼────────┼─────────┼─────────┼───────┼──────────┼─────────┼──────────┼─────────
Maine │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 35 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 35 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 29 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 29 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
West Virginia │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ 3[24]│ 2 │ ―― ║ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
Florida │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Alabama │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Mississippi │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 8[24]│ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 8[24]│ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 8[24]│ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Texas │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Arkansas │ 6[24]│ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 6[24]│ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ――
Missouri │ ―― │ 6 │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 ║ ―― │ 6 │ 5 │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ ―― │ 12 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 12 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kentucky │ ―― │ 8 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1
Ohio │ 22 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 22 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Michigan │ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ 21 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 21 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Wisconsin │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Minnesota │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Iowa │ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Nebraska │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Kansas │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Nevada │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
California │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Oregon │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├─────────┼──────────┼────────┼────────┼──────────┼──────╫───────┼────────┼─────────┼─────────┼───────┼──────────┼─────────┼──────────┼─────────
Total (as declared)│ 286 │ 42 │ 18 │ ―― │ 2 │ 1 ║ 286 │ 47 │ 5 │ 5 │ 3 │ 3 │ 1 │ 1 │ 1
═════════════════════╧═════════╧══════════╧════════╧════════╧══════════╧══════╩═══════╧════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═══════╧══════════╧═════════╧══════════╧═════════
[24] Rejected by Congress.
From the time that Greeley was nominated in May, until probably a month
after the meeting of the Democratic convention in July, everything
pointed to his triumphant election. Leading men of the party were daily
announcing themselves as his supporters, and a tidal wave that would
sweep Greeley into the Presidency seemed certain. But in August the
great business interests of the country, then rocked in the tempest
of inflation created by the war, became appalled at the prospect of
the election of Greeley, whose financial and business policy would
be but an experiment. All knew that the business of the country was
dangerously inflated, and that disaster must come sooner or later,
but they felt that it would be delayed by the re-election of Grant,
and in the brief period of one month the Greeley tide began its ebb,
which doomed him to a most humiliating defeat. Had David Davis been
the candidate there would have been no such apprehension in business
and monetary circles, and I have never doubted that he would have been
elected as the logical successor of Abraham Lincoln.
Although I had opposed the nomination of Greeley, he well understood
that it was solely because I felt that I was thus a better friend to
him than he was to himself, and I devoted my time to tireless effort
to give him success. Outside his editorial duties, in which he was
a master of masters, he was as guileless and unsophisticated as a
child, and even his closest friends trembled when they regarded his
election to the Presidency as more than probable. About the 1st of
August, before the revulsion had become visible, I was sent for by
Waldo Hutchings to meet the friends of Greeley in conference at the
Astor House. Among those present were Mr. Hutchings, Whitelaw Reid,
ex-Congressman Cochran, and several others, and they informed me
that I had been sent for to call upon Greeley and earnestly admonish
him against making any pledges or promises whatever, before the
election, as to his Cabinet appointments. They said that if elected
President his safety would be in having about him an able, faithful and
discreet Cabinet, and they feared that in the kindness of his heart he
would become complicated with those who sought to importune him for
preferment. In order to keep him from visitors he was then hidden away
in a private upstairs room in Brooklyn, where I was directed to call on
my mission.
I never saw a happier face than that of Greeley when I met him, as
he was then entirely confident of success, and in a very kind and
facetious way he reminded me that I had underestimated his strength
with the people. When opportunity came in the conversation I suggested
to him that a man who was elected President by a combination of
opposing political interests would have very grave and complicated
duties to perform, and that he should especially avoid any Cabinet
complications. With the simplicity and confidence of a child his answer
was: “Don’t misunderstand me; you ought to know that I would appoint
no Cabinet officer from your section without your approval.” He was
surprised to find that I was not there to obtain promises, but to warn
him against the peril of saying to others just what he had said to me,
and after reviewing the conditions he agreed that his only safety was
in avoiding all obligations relating to appointments until the duty
confronted him.
He asked me to go to North Carolina and give a week to the campaign
in that State, and to that I agreed, although I was in charge of
the Pennsylvania battle. That was the last time that I saw Horace
Greeley. After the disastrous elections of October, which clearly
foreshadowed his defeat, he made New England and Western tours, and
delivered speeches which well compare with the grandest utterances of
our best statesmanship. But the tide against him was resistless, and
while nursing a dying wife and worn out by his ceaseless offices of
affection, the blow came that clouded one of the noblest, purest, and
ablest of the great men of the land.
On the last day that he put pen to paper he wrote me a brief letter
saying that he was “a man of many sorrows,” but that he “could not
forget the gallant though luckless struggle” I had made in his behalf.
Broken in health, bereaved in his affections, and disappointed in his
greatest ambition, his reason toppled from its throne and he died
an inmate of an asylum. The two chieftains of the political contest
of 1872 were brought together soon after the victor and vanquished
were declared, as President Grant stood at the tomb of Horace Greeley
to pay the last tribute of himself and the nation to the fallen
philanthropist.
THE HAYES-TILDEN CONTEST
1876
The Presidential contest of 1876 brought into the national political
arena the strongest personality developed by the Republican party, with
the single exception of Abraham Lincoln. James G. Blaine was admittedly
the Henry Clay of the Republican party, and both were equally idolized
and equally fated. The Republican party had men of profounder
intellect than Blaine, but no one who so completed the circle of all
the qualities of a popular leader, including masterly ability as a
disputant. Like Clay, he was idolized by his friends and most bitterly
defamed by his foes, and both were twice defeated by their party for
Presidential nominations when the party was successful, and both
nominated only to suffer defeat.
With an intimate knowledge of the public men of the last half century,
I regard Blaine as the most magnetic man I have ever met. His greeting
to friend and stranger was always generous without gush, and at once
brought all who had any communication with him into apparently the
closest relations. He remembered names of the humblest and most distant
of his acquaintances; always knew something of their communities and
their interests. It was not the art of a demagogue, but the natural
impulse of a big-hearted, big-brained enthusiast, and Blaine was an
enthusiast in everything that enlisted his interest. When, in addition
to these charming personal qualities, he possessed every attribute
of a great popular orator, it is not difficult to understand why
Blaine became the favorite of the people. Like all who have reached
any measure of distinction in that line, he had bitter and malignant
foes, and he could well have said of himself, as Clay once did when
overcome by an exhibition of the generosity of his friends, who had
paid a note that greatly embarrassed him: “Never had man such friends
and such enemies as Henry Clay.” The chief difference between Clay and
Blaine was in the fact that the masses did not know Clay from personal
contact, while the masses well knew Blaine, and saw him as he was
in his every-day life as well as in his great achievements in politics
and statesmanship. In another respect Blaine differed widely from Clay.
Blaine was a fatalist, and from 1876, when he was first defeated for
the Republican nomination for President in Cincinnati, until his name
was last presented to the Republican National Convention in 1892, he
was oppressed, profoundly oppressed, with the belief that he never
could be President; while Clay hoped to realize the great dream of his
life, and confidently expected his election to the Presidency until his
final defeat in the Philadelphia convention of 1848.
[Illustration: RUTHERFORD B. HAYES]
I saw Blaine soon after the Cincinnati convention of 1876, and talked
with him for an hour alone at the Continental Hotel, and I well
remember the sad expression of his strong face when he said: “I am the
Henry Clay of the Republican party; I can never be President.” He was
standing by a window looking out upon the street, with his arm over my
shoulder, and he spoke of his hopes and fears with a subdued eloquence
that was painfully impressive. He was again defeated for nomination
in 1880, thus suffering two defeats when the candidates chosen by the
convention were elected. He was nominated in 1884 and defeated, thus
completing the circle of the sad history of Clay and the Whig party.
Clay was defeated in the Harrisburg convention of December, 1839,
by Harrison, who was elected; he was nominated by the Baltimore
convention in 1844, and defeated by Polk; and in 1848 he was again
defeated for the nomination in the Philadelphia convention by Taylor,
who was elected. Thus both Clay and Blaine were twice defeated in
their respective party conventions when their successful competitors
were elected, and both nominated when their parties suffered defeats.
Soon after Blaine’s nomination, in 1884, I sent a brilliant staff
correspondent of my paper, who had intimate personal relations with
Blaine, to stay with him at Augusta for several weeks. One pleasant
afternoon they walked along the banks of the Kennebec River, when
Blaine insensibly diverted the conversation into a soliloquy. He said:
“Clay was defeated in two conventions when he could have been elected
President, and he was nominated for President when his competitor
was elected, and that competitor was one who had not been publicly
discussed as a Presidential candidate before the meeting of the
Baltimore convention of 1844. I was defeated in two conventions when
I could have been elected. I am nominated now with a competitor alike
obscure with the competitor of Clay.” He then brought the soliloquy to
a climax by holding up his hand and repeating what he seemed to regard
as talismanic figures, “1844–1884.” Clay was defeated in 1844, and
Blaine was impressed with the belief that he would suffer defeat in
1884.
The prospect for Republican success was not flattering at the opening
of the campaign of 1876. The Grant administration was severely
criticised and the party greatly weakened by the scandals of the
Whiskey Ring, the impeachment of Secretary Belknap, and by the general
business depression that began in 1873. The Democrats had carried a
large majority in the popular branch of Congress in 1874, and the
Republicans were so seriously alarmed at the prospect of losing the
election of 1876 that Senator Oliver P. Morton, the ablest of the
Republican leaders, made an earnest effort to procure an amendment to
the Constitution providing for the election of Presidents by popular
vote, but the scheme failed. There was also some disturbance in the
Republican party, caused by the evident desire of General Grant to
secure a third term. He had written a letter to General Harry White, of
Pennsylvania, that was very unlike Grant, whose habit was to express
his convictions clearly and tersely, but in this letter he elaborately
discussed the question of a third term, without distinctly declaring
whether he would or would not accept it.
There was but one conclusion that could be drawn from the letter, and
that was that Grant was more than willing to have a third nomination
tendered to him. The State convention of Pennsylvania, over which
General White presided, had declared with emphasis “opposition to the
election to the Presidency of any person for a third term.” General
White expected a letter from President Grant in accord with that
expression, but the nearest that Grant came to a declination was in the
single sentence of the letter, speaking of the third term, he said: “I
do not want it any more than I did the first,” to which he added the
suggestion that the Constitution put no restriction upon the period a
President might serve.
Another pointed admonition to Grant not to press his candidacy was
given by the adoption of a resolution in the House, declaring that the
established precedent of Washington, who retired from the Presidency
after the second term, had become “a part of our Republican system
of government, and that any departure from this time-honored custom
would be unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to our free
institutions.” This resolution passed by 234 to 18, and was supported
not only by all the Democrats, but of the 88 Republicans voting, 70
voted for it. One of the peculiar features of the contest for the
Republican nomination was presented in the candidacy of Benjamin H.
Bristow, then Secretary of the Treasury, who was not in harmony with
the President, and yet refused to resign. He was the candidate of the
most violent anti-Grant element.
The Republican convention met at Cincinnati on the 14th of June,
and it was one of the most earnest and stubborn contests I have
ever witnessed. Blaine had a clear majority of the delegates in the
convention, and certainly would have been nominated with anything like
fair play. On the Sunday morning immediately before the meeting of
the convention, and when all the delegates and the outside political
hustlers were earnestly at work in Cincinnati, a dispatch came from
Washington that fell like a thunderbolt from an unclouded sky upon
Blaine’s friends. He had fallen at the church door when about to enter
for service, and was unconscious for some time, and the opponents of
Blaine made the most of the misfortune.
The first reports of his illness were greatly exaggerated, and his
friends at the convention were much disconcerted and discouraged, but
when on Monday morning he telegraphed them himself that his illness was
not serious, all were again thoroughly united to force his nomination.
The friends of Blaine had a majority of the convention. There was
not an hour during the sessions of that body that a majority of the
delegates did not desire to nominate him for President, but many
were held by instructions or other complications, as was the entire
Pennsylvania delegation, made up almost wholly of Blaine men, but
instructed for Governor Hartranft. Strange as it may seem, he received
the votes of a majority of all the delegates in the convention, but
not on any one ballot, and never was the wish of a nominating body so
artfully misled from its intent.
The speech of Ingersoll nominating Blaine was the most powerful and
impressive I ever heard before a deliberative body, and had a ballot
been reached on that day no combination could have prevented Blaine’s
success. The struggle was desperate for delay, and the opponents of
Blaine, fearing that the session might be extended into the evening,
and thus reach a ballot without adjournment, had the gas clandestinely
cut off from the building, and an adjournment was enforced by darkness.
The enemies of Blaine were very powerful. President Grant was one of
the most aggressive and vindictive, and ex-Senator Cameron, who was
then Secretary of War, was chairman of the Pennsylvania delegation, and
pitiless and tireless in his opposition to Blaine.
At nearly midnight, before the second day of the convention, Cameron
had decided that he must give up the battle against Blaine and assent
to his nomination, as his delegation had become very refractory, and
all knew that Blaine could be nominated whenever all who desired his
nomination were free to vote for him. His defeat was planned in and
executed from Cameron’s room, who had his trusted lieutenants about
him, including the late Robert W. Mackey, who was the most accomplished
and practical politician of his day in Pennsylvania, and the late
William H. Kemble. It was decided to propose to the Pennsylvania
delegation that as they were instructed for Hartranft, and to vote as
a unit, they should do so only while Hartranft’s vote increased, and
that whenever he dropped in the race the delegation should then vote
as a unit as the majority directed. This was enthusiastically accepted
by the friends of Blaine, as they believed that Hartranft’s strength
would soon be exhausted, and that then they would get a solid vote for
Blaine; but Mackey and Kemble, who understood how to manage politicians
of every grade, including the carpet-baggers and colored political
speculators from the South, arranged with a number of delegations,
chiefly in the Southern States, to have Hartranft’s vote increased
slightly on every ballot.
Instead of starting Hartranft with an exhibition of his full strength,
part of it was held back, and, to the consternation of the Blaine men
from this State, Hartranft’s vote was maintained until the climax came
in the landslide to Governor Hayes, of Ohio, as a compromise candidate.
But for Secretary Cameron and State Treasurer Mackey and ex-State
Treasurer Kemble, Blaine’s nomination would have been absolutely
certain at the Cincinnati convention in 1876.
The convention had as permanent president Edward McPherson, of
Pennsylvania, who was a devoted friend of Blaine, but whose delegation,
under the manipulation of Chairman Cameron, was held from Blaine until
it was too late to be of service to him. Conkling, of New York, who had
the unanimous support of his State, was the favorite candidate of the
administration, but from Blaine’s opponents was heard on every side the
slogan “anybody to beat Blaine.” It was not until the third day that
a ballot was reached, and on the 7th a stampede was made to Governor
Hayes, of Ohio, and he was unanimously declared the nominee of the
party. The following table exhibits the ballots in detail:
═══════════╤══════╤═══════╤══════╤═══════╤══════╤══════╤════════
│First.│Second.│Third.│Fourth.│Fifth.│Sixth.│Seventh.
───────────┼──────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼──────┼──────┼────────
Blaine │ 285 │ 296 │ 293 │ 292 │ 286 │ 308 │ 351
Morton │ 125 │ 120 │ 113 │ 108 │ 95 │ 85 │ ――
Bristow │ 113 │ 114 │ 121 │ 126 │ 114 │ 111 │ 21
Conkling │ 99 │ 93 │ 90 │ 84 │ 82 │ 81 │ ――
Hayes │ 61 │ 64 │ 67 │ 68 │ 104 │ 113 │ 384
Hartranft │ 58 │ 63 │ 68 │ 71 │ 69 │ 50 │ ――
Jewell │ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Scattering │ 3 │ 4 │ 3 │ 5 │ 5 │ 5 │ ――
═══════════╧══════╧═══════╧══════╧═══════╧══════╧══════╧════════
William A. Wheeler, of New York, was nominated for Vice-President
without a formal ballot, as soon after the balloting began the several
other candidates were withdrawn, and he was nominated by acclamation.
The following platform was unanimously adopted:
When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be purged of
human slavery, and when the strength of government of the people, by
the people, and for the people, was to be demonstrated, the Republican
party came into power. Its deeds have passed into history, and we look
back to them with pride. Incited by their memories to high aims for
the good of our country and mankind, and looking to the future with
unfaltering courage, hope, and purpose, we, the representatives of the
party in national convention assembled, make the following declaration
of principles:
1. The United States of America is a nation, not a league. By the
combined workings of the national and State governments, under their
respective Constitutions, the rights of every citizen are secured, at
home and abroad, and the common welfare promoted.
2. The Republican party has preserved these governments to the
hundredth anniversary of the nation’s birth, and they are now
embodiments of the great truths spoken at its cradle, “That all men
are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness; that for the attainment of these ends governments have
been instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent
of the governed.” Until these truths are cheerfully obeyed, or, if
need be, vigorously enforced, the work of the Republican party is
unfinished.
3. The permanent pacification of the Southern section of the Union,
and the complete protection of all its citizens in the free enjoyment
of all their rights, is a duty to which the Republican party stands
sacredly pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement of the
principles embodied by the recent constitutional amendments is
vested by those amendments in the Congress of the United States, and
we declare it to be the solemn obligation of the legislative and
executive departments of the Government to put into immediate and
vigorous exercise all their constitutional powers for removing any
just causes of discontent on the part of any class, and for securing
to every American citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the
exercise of all civil, political, and public rights. To this end we
imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief Executive whose courage
and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results are
placed beyond dispute or recall.
4. In the first act of Congress signed by President Grant, the
National Government assumed to remove any doubts of its purpose to
discharge all just obligations to the public creditors, and “solemnly
pledged its faith to make provision, at the earliest practicable
period, for the redemption of the United States notes in coin.”
Commercial prosperity, public morals, and national credit demand that
this promise be fulfilled by a continuous and steady progress to
specie payment.
5. Under the Constitution the President and heads of departments are
to make nominations for office; the Senate is to advise and consent
to appointments, and the House of Representatives is to accuse
and prosecute faithless officers. The best interest of the public
service demands that these distinctions be respected; that Senators
and Representatives, who may be judges and accusers, should not
dictate appointments to office. The invariable rule in appointments
should have reference to the honesty, fidelity, and capacity of the
appointees, giving to the party in power those places where harmony
and vigor of administration require its policy to be represented,
but permitting all others to be filled by persons selected with sole
reference to the efficiency of the public service, and the right of
all citizens to share in the honor of rendering faithful service to
the country.
6. We rejoice in the quickened conscience of the people concerning
political affairs, and will hold all public officers to a rigid
responsibility, and engage that the prosecution and punishment of all
who betray official trusts shall be swift, thorough, and unsparing.
7. The public-school system of the several States is a bulwark of the
American Republic, and, with a view to its security and permanence,
we recommend an amendment to the Constitution of the United States
forbidding the application of any public funds or property for the
benefit of any schools or institutions under sectarian control.
8. The revenue necessary for current expenditures and the obligations
of the public debt must be largely derived from duties upon
importations, which, so far as possible, should be adjusted to promote
the interests of American labor and advance the prosperity of the
whole country.
9. We reaffirm our opposition to further grants of the public land to
corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be
devoted to free homes for the people.
10. It is the imperative duty of the Government so to modify existing
treaties with European governments, that the same protection shall
be afforded to the adopted American citizen that is given to the
native-born; and that all necessary laws should be passed to protect
emigrants, in the absence of power in the States for that purpose.
11. It is the immediate duty of Congress fully to investigate the
effect of immigration and importation of Mongolians upon the moral and
material interests of the country.
12. The Republican party recognizes with its approval the substantial
advances recently made toward the establishment of equal rights
for women by the many important amendments effected by Republican
Legislatures in the laws which concern the personal and property
relations of wives, mothers, and widows, and by the appointment and
election of women to the superintendence of education, charities, and
other public trusts. The honest demands of this class of citizens for
additional rights, privileges, and immunities should be treated with
respectful consideration.
13. The Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over
the Territories of the United States for their government, and in
the exercise of this power it is the right and duty of Congress
to prohibit and extirpate, in the Territories, that relic of
barbarism—polygamy; and we demand such legislation as shall secure
this end and the supremacy of American institutions in all the
Territories.
14. The pledges which the nation has given to her soldiers and sailors
must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will always hold those who
imperilled their lives for the country’s preservation in the kindest
remembrance.
15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tendencies. We
therefore note with deep solicitude that the Democratic party counts,
as its chief hope of success, upon the electoral vote of a united
South, secured through the efforts of those who were recently arrayed
against the nation; and we invoke the earnest attention of the country
to the grave truth that a success thus achieved would reopen sectional
strife and imperil national honor and human rights.
16. We charge the Democratic party with being the same in character
and spirit as when it sympathized with treason; with making its
control of the House of Representatives the triumph and opportunity
of the nation’s recent foes; with reasserting and applauding in the
national Capitol the sentiments of unrepentant rebellion; with sending
Union soldiers to the rear, and promoting Confederate soldiers to the
front; with deliberately proposing to repudiate the plighted faith
of the Government; with being equally false and imbecile upon the
overshadowing financial questions; with thwarting the ends of justice
by its partisan mismanagement and obstruction of investigation; with
proving itself, through the period of its ascendancy in the lower
house of Congress, utterly incompetent to administer the Government;
and we warn the country against trusting a party thus alike unworthy,
recreant, and incapable.
17. The national administration merits commendation for its honorable
work in the management of domestic and foreign affairs, and President
Grant deserves the continued hearty gratitude of the American people
for his patriotism and his eminent services, in war and in peace.
18. We present as our candidates for President and Vice-President of
the United States two distinguished statesmen, of eminent ability
and character, and conspicuously fitted for those high offices,
and we confidently appeal to the American people to intrust the
administration of their public affairs to Rutherford B. Hayes and
William A. Wheeler.
The friends of Blaine were grievously disappointed at the action of the
Cincinnati convention, but Blaine promptly came to the front in his
heroic way, and made a tireless battle for the success of the ticket.
The Democratic convention met at St. Louis on the 28th of June. Henry
Watterson, of Kentucky, was temporary chairman, and was succeeded
by General John A. McClernand, of Illinois, as permanent presiding
officer. This was the first convention to cross the Father of Waters,
and it was a thoroughly organized Tilden convention before it met.
Tilden was the ablest political manager in the Democratic party of
that day. He was tireless, methodical, and sagacious, and he made
his nomination over Hancock and Hendricks by early and complete
organization of his friends in all the debatable States. He had won
national reputation by his courage in bringing Tweed to justice, and
he was regarded by the country generally as well equipped for the high
duties of Chief Magistrate. The friends of Hendricks made a desperate
battle for him, but they were outclassed in leadership, and it was a
Tilden convention when the body convened, with very able men to hold it
in subjection.
The Tilden forces required little leadership at St. Louis, as his
nomination had been thoroughly accomplished before the convention
met. Tilden exhausted his wonderful powers of organization in getting
control of the delegations of doubtful States, and looked minutely to
the men who should be chosen as delegates, and when the convention met
there was no boisterous jostling between the opposing forces, as the
majority was complete in its organization and moved with directness to
the accomplishment of its purpose. William L. Scott, of Erie, Penn.,
who was twice elected to Congress in an overwhelmingly Republican
district, was the accepted leader of the Tilden people. He was
personally popular, self-poised, sagacious, and discreet, and all he
had to do was to keep his solid lines unbroken.
The minority was dumbfounded at the development of the Tilden strength,
but the Hendricks people, led by McDonald, of Indiana—afterward United
States Senator—and most zealously and aggressively aided by the
helpless Tammany minority in the New York delegation, fought heroically
at every step; but with Scott to manage and Harry Watterson to inspire
the Tilden people, they maintained their mastery from start to finish,
and Tilden was declared the nominee. When the nomination was announced
the convention presented a singular spectacle. The Tilden delegates
were at once upon their feet cheering lustily and waving their
handkerchiefs, and one after another of the minority delegations rose
and joined in the huzzas for the declared candidate, but the Indiana
delegates sat stubbornly in their seats, presenting the appearance of
a small cleared patch in a forest. The convention waited some minutes
for the Indiana men to rise, but they kept their seats. The next day
Hendricks was made the candidate for Vice-President in spite of the
protests of his delegation and his friends, and finally the convention
joined in united cheers for the ticket.
Much bitterness was developed during the struggle between the opposing
clans, and a duel between General Morgan, a fighting Democratic soldier
of Ohio, and Colonel Breckenridge, of Kentucky, was only averted, when
the convention adjourned, by Colonel Watterson hurrying Breckenridge
off to dinner, and compelling him to make concessions which properly
satisfied the Ohio warrior.
It required only two ballots to give Tilden the nomination, as follows:
═══════════════════════════╤════════╤════════
│ First. │Second.
───────────────────────────┼────────┼────────
Samuel J. Tilden, N. Y. │ 417 │ 535
Thomas A. Hendricks, Ind. │ 140 │ 60
Winfield S. Hancock, Penn. │ 75 │ 59
William Allen, Ohio │ 56 │ 54
Thomas F. Bayard, Del. │ 33 │ 11
Joel Parker, N. J. │ 18 │ 18
Allen G. Thurman, Ohio │ ―― │ 7
═══════════════════════════╧════════╧════════
The platform was prepared under Tilden’s own direction, and it was
unanimously adopted as follows:
We, the delegates of the Democratic party of the United States, in
national convention assembled, do hereby declare the administration
of the Federal Government to be in urgent need of immediate reform;
do hereby enjoin upon the nominees of this convention, and of the
Democratic party in each State, a zealous effort and co-operation to
this end; and do hereby appeal to our fellow-citizens of every former
political connection to undertake with us this first and most pressing
patriotic duty.
For the Democracy of the whole country, we do here reaffirm our
faith in the permanence of the Federal Union, our devotion to the
Constitution of the United States, with its amendments universally
accepted as a final settlement of the controversies that engendered
civil war, and do here record our steadfast confidence in the
perpetuity of Republican self-government.
In absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority—the vital
principle of republics; in the supremacy of the civil over the
military authority; in the total separation of Church and State, for
the sake alike of civil and religious freedom; in the equality of
all citizens before just laws of their own enactment; in the liberty
of individual conduct, unvexed by sumptuary laws; in the faithful
education of the rising generation, that they may preserve, enjoy,
and transmit these best conditions of human happiness and hope—we
behold the noblest products of a hundred years of changeful history;
but, while upholding the bond of our Union and great charter of these
our rights, it behooves a free people to practise also that eternal
vigilance which is the price of liberty.
Reform is necessary to rebuild and establish in the hearts of the
whole people the Union, eleven years ago happily rescued from the
danger of a secession of States, but now to be saved from a corrupt
centralism which, after inflicting upon ten States the rapacity of
carpet-bag tyrannies, has honeycombed the offices of the Federal
Government itself with incapacity, waste, and fraud; infected States
and municipalities with the contagion of misrule, and locked fast the
prosperity of an industrious people in the paralysis of hard times.
Reform is necessary to establish a sound currency, restore the public
credit, and maintain the national honor.
We denounce the failure, for all these eleven years of peace, to make
good the promise of the legal tender notes, which are a changing
standard of value in the hands of the people, and the non-payment of
which is a disregard of the plighted faith of the nation.
We denounce the improvidence which, in eleven years of peace, has
taken from the people in Federal taxes thirteen times the whole amount
of the legal tender notes, and squandered four times their sum in
useless expense without accumulating any reserve for their redemption.
We denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of that party
which, during eleven years of peace, has made no advance toward
resumption, no preparation for resumption, but instead has obstructed
resumption, by wasting our resources and exhausting all our surplus
income; and, while annually professing to intend a speedy return to
specie payments, has annually enacted fresh hindrances thereto. As
such hindrance, we denounce the resumption clause of the act of 1875,
and we here demand its repeal.
We demand a judicious system of preparation by public economy, by
official retrenchment, and by wise finance, which shall enable the
nation soon to assure the whole world of its perfect ability and its
perfect readiness to meet any of its promises at the call of the
creditor entitled to payment.
We believe such a system, well devised, and, above all, intrusted to
competent hands for its execution, creating at no time an artificial
scarcity of currency, and at no time alarming the public mind into a
withdrawal of that vaster machinery of credit by which ninety-five
per cent. of all business transactions are performed—a system open,
public, and inspiring general confidence—would, from the day of its
adoption, bring healing on its wings to all our harassed industries,
set in motion the wheels of commerce, manufactures, and the mechanic
arts, restore employment to labor, and renew in all its natural
resources the prosperity of the people.
Reform is necessary in the sum and modes of Federal taxation, to the
end that capital may be set free from distrust, and labor lightly
burdened.
We denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly four thousand
articles, as a masterpiece of injustice, inequality, and false
pretence. It yields a dwindling, not a yearly rising revenue. It has
impoverished many industries to subsidize a few. It prohibits imports
that might purchase the products of American labor. It has degraded
American commerce from the first to an inferior rank on the high
seas. It has cut down the sales of American manufactures at home and
abroad and depleted the returns of American agriculture—an industry
followed by half our people. It costs the people five times more than
it produces to the treasury, obstructs the processes of production,
and wastes the fruits of labor. It promotes fraud, fosters smuggling,
enriches dishonest officials, and bankrupts honest merchants. We
demand that all custom-house taxation shall be only for revenue.
Reform is necessary in the scale of public expense—Federal, State, and
municipal. Our Federal taxation has swollen from sixty millions gold,
in 1860, to four hundred and fifty millions currency, in 1870; our
aggregate taxation from one hundred and fifty-four millions gold, in
1860, to seven hundred and thirty millions currency, in 1870; or in
one decade from less than five dollars per head to more than eighteen
dollars per head. Since the peace, the people have paid to their tax
gatherers more than thrice the sum of the national debt, and more
than twice that sum for the Federal Government alone. We demand a
rigorous frugality in every department, and from every officer of the
Government.
Reform is necessary to put a stop to the profligate waste of the
public lands and their diversion from actual settlers by the party in
power, which has squandered two hundred million acres upon railroads
alone, and out of more than thrice that aggregate has disposed of less
than a sixth directly to tillers of the soil.
Reform is necessary to correct the omissions of a Republican Congress,
and the errors of our treaties and diplomacy, which have stripped
our fellow-citizens of foreign birth and kindred race recrossing the
Atlantic, of the shield of American citizenship, and have exposed
our brethren of the Pacific coast to the incursions of a race not
sprung from the same great parent stock, and, in fact, now by law
denied citizenship through naturalization as being neither accustomed
to the traditions of a progressive civilization nor exercised in
liberty under equal laws. We denounce the policy which thus discards
the liberty-loving German and tolerates a revival of the Cooly trade
in Mongolian women imported for immoral purposes, and Mongolian men
held to perform servile labor-contracts, and demand such modification
of the treaty with the Chinese empire or such legislation within
constitutional limitations as shall prevent further importation or
immigration of the Mongolian race.
Reform is necessary, and can never be effected but by making it the
controlling issue of the elections, and lifting it above the two false
issues with which the office-holding class and the party in power seek
to smother it:
1. The false issue with which they would enkindle sectarian strife in
respect to the public schools, of which the establishment and support
belong exclusively to the several States, and which the Democratic
party has cherished from their foundation, and is resolved to maintain
without prejudice or preference for any class, sect, or creed, and
without largesses from the treasury to any.
2. The false issue by which they seek to light anew the dying embers
of sectional hate between kindred peoples once estranged, but now
reunited in one indivisible republic and a common destiny.
Reform is necessary in the civil service. Experience proves that
efficient, economical conduct of the governmental business is not
possible if its civil service be subject to change at every election;
be a prize fought for at the ballot-box; be a brief reward of party
zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency,
and held for fidelity in the public employ; that the dispensing of
patronage should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men,
nor the instrument of their ambition. Here, again, promises falsified
in the performance attest that the party in power can work out no
practical or salutary reform.
Reform is necessary even more in the higher grades of the public
service. President, Vice-President, judges, Senators, Representatives,
Cabinet officers—these and all others in authority are the people’s
servants. Their offices are not a private perquisite; they are a
public trust.
When the annals of this Republic show the disgrace and censure of
a Vice-President; a late Speaker of the House of Representatives
marketing his rulings as a presiding officer; three Senators profiting
secretly by their votes as law-makers; five chairmen of the leading
committees of the House of Representatives exposed in jobbery; a late
Secretary of the Treasury forcing balances in the public accounts; a
late Attorney-General misappropriating public funds; a Secretary of
the Navy enriched or enriching friends by percentages levied off the
profits of contractors with his department; an ambassador to England
censured in a dishonorable speculation; the President’s private
secretary barely escaping conviction upon trial for guilty complicity
in frauds upon the revenue; a Secretary of War impeached for high
crimes and misdemeanors,—the demonstration is complete that the first
step in reform must be the people’s choice of honest men from another
party, lest the disease of one political organization infect the body
politic, and lest, by making no change of men or parties, we get no
change of measures and no real reform.
All these abuses, wrongs, and crimes, the product of sixteen years’
ascendency of the Republican party, create a necessity for reform
confessed by Republicans themselves; but their reformers are voted
down in convention and displaced from the Cabinet. The party’s
mass of honest voters is powerless to resist the eighty thousand
office-holders, its leaders and guides.
Reform can only be had by a peaceful civic revolution. We demand a
change of system, a change of administration, a change of parties,
that we may have change of measures and of men.
_Resolved_, That this convention, representing the Democratic party
of the United States, do cordially endorse the action of the present
House of Representatives in reducing and curtailing the expenses
of the Federal Government, in cutting down salaries, extravagant
appropriations, and in abolishing useless offices and places not
required by the public necessities; and we shall trust to the firmness
of the Democratic members of the House that no committee of conference
and no misinterpretation of the rules shall be allowed to defeat these
wholesome measures of economy demanded by the country.
_Resolved_, That the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and
the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in battle, have
a just claim upon the care, protection, and gratitude of their
fellow-citizens.
Business and trade were very much depressed in 1876, as the country
was then approaching the panic and industrial troubles of 1877, which
convulsed the country from Eastern to Western sea, and the Greenback
or Independent National party, as it was called, exhibited formidable
proportions in the contest. It held its national convention at
Indianapolis on the 18th of May, with Thomas J. Durant, of Washington,
D. C., as permanent president. Peter Cooper, the noted philanthropist
of New York, was unanimously nominated for President, and Newton
Booth, then a California Senator, was in like manner nominated for
Vice-President, but he declined, and General Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio,
was substituted. There were 19 States represented by 239 delegates. The
following platform was unanimously adopted:
The Independent party is called into existence by the necessities of
the people, whose industries are prostrated, whose labor is deprived
of its just reward, by a ruinous policy which the Republican and
Democratic parties refuse to change, and in view of the failure of
these parties to furnish relief to the depressed industries of the
country, thereby disappointing the just hopes and expectations of
the suffering people, we declare our principles, and invite all
independent and patriotic men to join our ranks in this movement for
financial reform and industrial emancipation.
1. We demand the immediate and unconditional repeal of the
Specie-Resumption act of January 14, 1875, and the rescue of our
industries from ruin and disaster resulting from its enforcement; and
we call upon all patriotic men to organize, in every Congressional
district of the country, with a view of electing Representatives to
Congress who will carry out the wishes of the people in this regard,
and stop the present suicidal and destructive policy of contraction.
2. We believe that a United States note, issued directly by the
Government, and convertible on demand into United States obligations,
bearing a rate of interest not exceeding one cent a day on each one
hundred dollars, and exchangeable for United States notes at par,
will afford the best circulating medium ever devised. Such United
States notes should be full legal tender for all purposes except
for the payment of such obligations as are, by existing contracts,
especially made payable in coin, and we hold that it is the duty of
the Government to provide such circulating medium, and insist, in the
language of Thomas Jefferson, that bank paper must be suppressed, and
the circulation restored to the nation, to whom it belongs.
3. It is the paramount duty of the Government, in all its legislation,
to keep in view the full development of all legitimate business,
agricultural, mining, manufacturing, and commercial.
4. We most earnestly protest against any further issue of gold bonds,
for sale in foreign markets, by which we would be made, for a long
period, hewers of wood and drawers of water for foreigners, especially
as the American people would gladly and promptly take, at par, all
bonds the Government may need to sell, provided they are made payable
at the option of the holder, and bearing interest at 3.65 per cent.
per annum, or even a lower rate.
5. We further protest against the sale of Government bonds for the
purpose of purchasing silver, to be used as a substitute for our more
convenient and less fluctuating fractional currency, which, although
well calculated to enrich owners of silver mines, yet in operation
it will still further oppress, in taxation, an already over-burdened
people.
The Prohibitionists held their national convention at Cleveland, O.,
on the 17th of May, and nominated Greene Clay Smith, of Kentucky,
for President, and G. T. Stewart, of Ohio, for Vice-President, by
acclamation, and adopted the following platform:
The Prohibition Reform party of the United States, organized in
the name of the people to revive, enforce, and perpetuate in the
Government the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, submit in
this centennial year of the Republic, for the suffrages of all good
citizens, the following platform of national reforms and measures:
1. The legal prohibition in the District of Columbia, the Territories,
and in every other place subject to the laws of Congress, of the
importation, exportation, manufacture, and traffic of all alcoholic
beverages as high crimes against society; an amendment of the national
Constitution to render these prohibitory measures universal and
permanent; and the adoption of treaty stipulations with foreign powers
to prevent the importation and exportation of all alcoholic beverages.
2. The abolition of class legislation and of special privileges in the
Government, and of the adoption of equal suffrage and eligibility to
office without distinction of race, religious creed, property, or sex.
3. The appropriation of the public lands in limited quantities to
actual settlers only; the reduction of the rates of inland and
ocean postage; of telegraphic communication; of railroad and water
transportation and travel to the lowest practicable point by force
of law, wisely and justly framed, with reference not only to the
interests of capital employed, but to the higher claims of the general
good.
4. The suppression by law of lottery and gambling in gold, stocks,
produce, and every form of money and property, and the penal
inhibition of the use of the public mails for advertising schemes of
gambling and lotteries.
5. The abolition of those foul enormities, polygamy and the social
evil, and the protection of purity, peace, and happiness of homes by
ample and efficient legislation.
6. The national observance of the Christian Sabbath, established by
laws prohibiting ordinary labor and business in all departments of
public service and private employment (works of necessity, charity,
and religion excepted) on that day.
7. The establishment by mandatory provisions in national and State
Constitutions, and by all necessary legislation, of a system of free
public schools for the universal and forced education of all the youth
of the land.
8. The free use of the Bible, not as a ground of religious creeds, but
as text-book of the purest morality, the best liberty, and the noblest
literature, in our public schools, that our children may grow up in
its light, and that its spirit and principles may pervade the nation.
9. The separation of the Government in all departments and
institutions, including the public schools and all funds for their
maintenance, from the control of every religious sect or other
association, and the protection alike of all sects by equal laws, with
entire freedom of religious faith and worship.
10. The introduction into all treaties hereafter negotiated with
foreign governments of a provision for the amicable settlement of
international difficulties by arbitration.
11. The abolition of all barbarous modes and instruments of
punishment; the recognition of the laws of God and the claims of
humanity in the discipline of jails and prisons, and of that higher
and wiser civilization worthy of our age and nation, which regards the
reform of criminals as a means for the prevention of crime.
12. The abolition of executive and legislative patronage, and the
election of President, Vice-President, United States Senators, and of
all civil officers, so far as practicable, by the direct vote of the
people.
13. The practice of a friendly and liberal policy to immigrants from
all nations, the guarantee to them of ample protection, and of equal
rights and privileges.
14. The separation of the money of Government from all banking
institutions. The National Government only should exercise the high
prerogative of issuing paper money, and that should be subject to
prompt redemption on demand in gold and silver, the only equal
standards of value recognized by the civilized world.
15. The reduction of the salaries of public officers in a just
ratio with the decline of wages and market prices, the abolition of
sinecures, unnecessary offices, and official fees and perquisites;
the practice of strict economy in Government expenses, and a free
and thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public
trusts.
A mass convention held under the name of the American National party
met in Pittsburg on the 9th of June, 1875, and nominated James B.
Walker, of Illinois, for President, and Donald Kirkpatrick, of New
York, for Vice-President. This political organization made no figure
in the contest of 1876, and did not again appear in the subsequent
national elections. The following platform was adopted:
We hold: 1. That ours is a Christian and not a heathen nation, and
that the God of the Christian Scriptures is the author of civil
government.
2. That God requires and man needs a Sabbath.
3. That the prohibition of the importation, manufacture, and sale of
intoxicating drinks as a beverage is the true policy on the temperance
question.
4. The charters of all secret lodges granted by our Federal and State
Legislatures should be withdrawn, and their oaths prohibited by law.
5. That the civil equality secured to all American citizens by Article
13th, 14th, and 15th of our amended Constitution should be preserved
inviolate.
6. That arbitration of differences with nations is the most direct and
sure method of securing and perpetuating a permanent peace.
7. That to cultivate the intellect without improving the morals
of men, is to make mere adepts and experts; therefore, the Bible
should be associated with books of science and literature in all our
educational institutions.
8. That land and other monopolies should be discountenanced.
9. That the Government should furnish the people with an ample and
sound currency, and a return to specie payment as soon as practicable.
10. That maintenance of the public credit, protection to all loyal
citizens, and justice to Indians are essential to the honor and safety
of our nation.
11. And finally, we demand for the American people the abolition of
electoral colleges, and a direct vote for President and Vice-President
of the United States.
The contest of 1876 was conducted with great earnestness, but it was
not distinguished for the defamation of candidates. The popular tide
seemed to be with Tilden, as the reformation he had wrought in the
Democratic party by the overthrow of Tweed in New York presented him
in bold contrast to the administration of Grant, that had brought a
tempest of scandals upon the party; but misfortune seemed to multiply
upon Tilden from the beginning to the close of the battle. His first
disaster, and what in the end proved to be a fatal one, was the result
of the admission of Colorado into the Union. Thomas N. Patterson,
an active Democrat, had been chosen as a delegate to Congress from
Colorado in 1874 by a majority of 2163, and he gave the Democrats, who
largely controlled the House, the positive assurance that the admission
of Colorado would bring in another Democratic State. They had the power
to exclude Colorado, but believing that the large majority of the
Democrats had, under Patterson’s lead in 1874, anchored the Territory
safely in the Democratic column, the Democrats admitted the new State,
and her three electoral votes decided the election against Tilden, as
even with South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana taken from Tilden, all
of which had voted for him, Hayes was chosen by a single vote.
The first State election in Colorado was held in the summer of 1876,
and to the utter consternation of the Democrats the Republicans elected
the entire State ticket with 25 majority on joint ballot in the
Legislature, and it was settled before the State election that the new
State would not be put to the trouble and expense of another election
for President in the fall, and that the Legislature would choose the
electors, as it did. Tilden thus started in the contest with three
electoral votes positively assured against him in the new State, that
had been admitted because it was confidently expected to be Democratic.
On the popular vote Tilden had, according to the Republican returns,
252,224 majority over Hayes, and had the electoral colleges cast
their votes as the popular vote was cast in Louisiana, Florida, and
South Carolina, Tilden would have received 203 to 156 for Hayes. The
following table presents the popular vote and gives the Democratic and
Republican returns of Florida and Louisiana, with the totals as they
would appear with either count accepted:
══════════════════════════╤══════════╤══════════╤══════════╤══════════
STATES. │Samuel J. │Rutherford│ Peter │Green Clay
│ Tilden. │ B. Hayes.│ Cooper. │ Smith.
──────────────────────────┼──────────┼──────────┼──────────┼──────────
Maine │ 49,917 │ 66,300 │ 663 │ ――――
New Hampshire │ 38,509 │ 41,539 │ 76 │ ――――
Vermont │ 20,350 │ 44,428 │ ―――― │ ――――
Massachusetts │ 108,777 │ 150,063 │ 779 │ 84
Rhode Island │ 10,712 │ 15,787 │ 68 │ 60
Connecticut │ 61,934 │ 59,034 │ 774 │ 378
New York │ 521,949 │ 489,207 │ 1,987 │ 2,359
New Jersey │ 115,962 │ 103,517 │ 712 │ 43
Pennsylvania │ 366,204 │ 384,184 │ 7,187 │ 1,319
Delaware │ 13,381 │ 10,752 │ ―――― │ ――――
Maryland │ 91,780 │ 71,981 │ 33 │ 10
Virginia │ 139,670 │ 95,558 │ ―――― │ ――――
West Virginia │ 56,495 │ 42,046 │ 1,373 │ ――――
North Carolina │ 125,427 │ 108,417 │ ―――― │ ――――
South Carolina │ 90,896 │ 91,870 │ ―――― │ ――――
Georgia │ 130,088 │ 50,446 │ ―――― │ ――――
Florida[25] │ 22,927 │ 23,849 │ ―――― │ ――――
Florida[26] │ 24,434 │ 24,340 │ ―――― │ ――――
Alabama │ 102,989 │ 68,708 │ ―――― │ ――――
Mississippi │ 112,173 │ 52,605 │ ―――― │ ――――
Louisiana[25] │ 70,508 │ 75,315 │ ―――― │ ――――
Louisiana[26] │ 83,723 │ 77,174 │ ―――― │ ――――
Texas │ 104,803 │ 44,803 │ ―――― │ ――――
Arkansas │ 58,071 │ 38,669 │ 289 │ ――――
Missouri │ 203,077 │ 145,029 │ 3,498 │ 64
Tennessee │ 133,166 │ 89,566 │ ―――― │ ――――
Kentucky │ 159,696 │ 97,156 │ 1,944 │ 818
Ohio │ 323,182 │ 330,698 │ 3,057 │ 1,636
Michigan │ 141,095 │ 166,534 │ 9,060 │ 766
Indiana │ 213,526 │ 208,011 │ 17,233 │ 141
Illinois │ 258,601 │ 278,232 │ 9,533 │ ――――
Wisconsin │ 123,926 │ 130,070 │ 1,509 │ 27
Minnesota │ 48,799 │ 72,962 │ 2,311 │ 72
Iowa │ 112,121 │ 171,326 │ 9,901 │ 36
Nebraska │ 17,554 │ 31,916 │ 2,320 │ 1,599
Kansas │ 37,902 │ 78,322 │ 7,776 │ 110
Colorado[27] │ ―――― │ ―――― │ ―――― │ ――――
Nevada │ 9,308 │ 10,383 │ ―――― │ ――――
California │ 76,468 │ 78,322 │ 44 │ ――――
Oregon │ 14,149 │ 15,206 │ 510 │ ――――
├──────────┼──────────┼──────────┼──────────
Total, Republican count │4,285,992 │4,033,768 │ 81,737 │ 9,522
Total, Democratic count │4,300,590 │4,036,298 │ 81,737 │ 9,522
══════════════════════════╧══════════╧══════════╧══════════╧══════════
[25] Republican count.
[26] Democratic count.
[27] By Legislature.
On the morning after the election, newspapers of all parties announced
the election of Tilden for President, but a murmur of the coming storm
came at the same time from Senator Chandler, of New Hampshire, who
was secretary of the national committee, of which Senator Zachariah
Chandler, of Michigan, was chairman, who announced that Hayes was
elected, and declared that the States of Florida, Louisiana, and South
Carolina had honestly voted for Hayes, and that he would finally
receive their electoral votes. With the whole machinery of the
Government in the hands of the Republicans, it was almost a hopeless
battle for Tilden to fight for the disputed Southern States, but the
Democratic people became violently aroused, and threats were freely
made that the inauguration of Hayes would be prevented by mob violence
if attempted.
So grave had the situation become that both branches of Congress
finally passed an act, creating what was known as the Electoral
Commission, that should be a tribunal of last resort, to determine
the disputed election. The bill passed the House by the vote of 158
Democrats and 33 Republicans, with 68 Republicans and 18 Democrats
voting in the negative; and in the Senate the bill was passed by
the votes of 26 Democrats and 21 Republicans, with 16 Republicans
and 1 Democrat voting against it. The measure was approved by the
President on the 29th of January. As a majority of the Democrats in
both Houses favored the measure, it was assumed that Tilden desired
them to support it, but in point of fact Tilden was irresolute,
and put it upon his friends to decide what should be done. Had any
other man been the Democratic candidate, he would have been a great
leader and an aggressive one; but from the beginning to the close of
the post-election battle Tilden was apparently dwarfed into utter
helplessness, and when it became evident that the Commission would
decide against him, he distinctly disclaimed all responsibility for the
creation of the tribunal. The Electoral Commission was finally made up
under the law, composed of Senators Edmunds, Morton, Frelinghuysen,
Republicans, and Thurman and Bayard, Democrats; of Representatives
Payne, Hunton, and Abbott, Democrats, and Garfield and Hoar,
Republicans, with Justices Strong and Miller, Republicans, and Clifford
and Field, Democrats, and the fifth member of the court to be chosen by
the four. Justice David Davis was first chosen as the fifth judicial
member of the court, but he declined, as he had just been elected
to the Senate by Illinois, and Justice Bradley was then selected to
fill his place. Had Davis remained on the Commission, it is reasonably
certain that the vote of the Electoral Commission would have been 8
for Tilden and 7 for Hayes. This Commission, whose judgment was to be
final, decided in favor of Hayes on every disputed proposition by a
vote of 8 to 7, and thus made him President by the following electoral
vote:
════════════════╤════════╤════════
STATES. │ Hayes. │ Tilden.
────────────────┼────────┼────────
Maine │ 7 │ ――
New Hampshire │ 5 │ ――
Vermont │ 5 │ ――
Massachusetts │ 13 │ ――
Rhode Island │ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ ―― │ 6
New York │ ―― │ 35
New Jersey │ ―― │ 9
Pennsylvania │ 29 │ ――
Delaware │ ―― │ 3
Maryland │ ―― │ 8
Virginia │ ―― │ 11
West Virginia │ ―― │ 5
North Carolina │ ―― │ 10
South Carolina │ 7 │ ――
Georgia │ ―― │ 11
Florida │ 4 │ ――
Alabama │ ―― │ 10
Mississippi │ ―― │ 8
Louisiana │ 8 │ ――
Texas │ ―― │ 8
Arkansas │ ―― │ 6
Missouri │ ―― │ 15
Tennessee │ ―― │ 12
Kentucky │ ―― │ 12
Ohio │ 22 │ ――
Michigan │ 11 │ ――
Indiana │ ―― │ 15
Illinois │ 21 │ ――
Wisconsin │ 10 │ ――
Minnesota │ 5 │ ――
Iowa │ 11 │ ――
Nebraska │ 3 │ ――
Kansas │ 5 │ ――
Colorado │ 3 │ ――
Nevada │ 3 │ ――
California │ 6 │ ――
Oregon │ 3 │ ――
├────────┼────────
│ 185 │ 184
════════════════╧════════╧════════
The true history of the struggle for the control of the electoral votes
of South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana has never been written and
now never can be fully written. The ablest men of both sides attended
the contest in those States to battle for or against the action of
the returning boards. All three States had voted for Tilden, but the
returning boards, which had been created by the carpet-bag rule of
the South, set aside the returns on the plea of fraud and certified
the electoral vote for Hayes. The strength of the claim of the
Democrats was practically admitted after the inauguration of Hayes
by the President aiding in the adjustments which gave the Democrats
the Governors and the Legislatures of those States, and ousting the
Republicans who had given the electoral vote to the President.
The chief factor in the bold and revolutionary action that returned
the three States named for the Republican candidate for President was
J. Donald Cameron, then Secretary of War under President Grant, and
later United States Senator. He is nothing if not heroic when occasion
demands it. I remember calling upon him at the Continental Hotel a few
days after the election, and inquired of him whether he really meant to
force the reversal of the vote in those States and have Hayes returned
as elected. He answered with perfect frankness that he had started in
to do it, that he meant to do it, and that it was right to do it, as
the Republicans had not opportunity to vote in the South, and the only
way to meet such frauds was by the strong power of the Government.
But for the assurance that the army and navy would sustain the
returning boards of those States in whatever they did under color
of law, the reversal of the popular vote never could have been
accomplished. The State of Florida was manipulated by Robert W. Mackey,
who was the most accomplished politician the Republicans have ever
produced in Pennsylvania. He was apparently dying of consumption for
ten years, and when it became necessary to send some competent man to
handle Florida, he was selected. He started on his mission, and his
racking cough and general consumptive features gave plausibility to the
statement that he was going South to nurse his health. Two Democratic
visiting committeemen were on the same train, and he overheard them
mature their plans to hold the State for Tilden. He telegraphed to C.
D. Brigham, who had been a prominent editor and Republican politician
in Pittsburg, but who then resided in Florida, to meet him at the
station, and before the Democrats attempted to carry their plans into
execution they were completely blocked by Mackey, who could summon all
the Federal officials to his aid.
Governor Curtin and Senator Sherman met face to face at New Orleans
in the struggle to win the electoral vote of Louisiana, and at one
stage of the battle Tilden could have secured the vote by telegraphing
a single word to Curtin; but Tilden seemed to have lost his cunning,
and hesitation was exhibited by him at every stage of the conflict
when the promptest action was indispensable. I visited him at his
home in Gramercy Park when the contest was on at white heat, and was
amazed to find his table covered with legal briefs, as though his
election depended upon the law that would govern before a competent
and impartial judicial tribunal. He permitted himself and his friends
to become involved in a compromising way in the Oregon dispute for a
single elector, and had the same method been adopted in Louisiana,
he would have won. Instead of discussing the situation as it was, he
presented to me elaborate arguments to show how it should be, and I
could not refrain from reminding him that he was not dealing with
judicial tribunals nor with honest men, and that he must either meet
them on their own ground and with their own weapons or he must fall
in the fight. He seemed to be utterly bewildered, and the man who had
organized his nomination and election with consummate skill shrivelled
up into pitiable indecision and inaction when he had the power to cast
the die for or against himself.
The severe strain upon the popular sentiment of the country that had
given Tilden 250,000 majority for President was greatly tempered,
especially in the South, by a very shrewd movement planned early in
the after-election contest to conciliate the leading people of the
South. They received positive assurances from men very close to Hayes,
and who gave the assurance of Hayes’s approval of the movement, that
if Hayes should be inaugurated President without violence the State
governments of Louisiana, Florida, and South Carolina would be given
to the Democrats. That Hayes approved of the plan is evidenced by the
fact that after he became President he stood resolutely by the promise
made by his friends to give the Democrats control of the governments of
those States.
There was not serious friction in Florida; the Democratic candidate
for Governor was allowed to be inaugurated on a returned majority
of 195 as given by the Supreme Court. In South Carolina the face of
the returns gave Wade Hampton 1134 majority for Governor, with about
a like majority for the Democratic Presidential electors, but the
Returning Board threw out Democratic counties and returned Chamberlain,
Republican, as elected Governor by a majority of 3433, and gave the
Republican electors majorities ranging from 600 to 900.
Two Legislatures were organized and two claimants for the Governorship
were qualified, but after a long siege, in which the friends of
Hampton were with difficulty restrained from taking violent possession
of the Capitol, the Republicans gave up the contest, as they discovered
that President Hayes would not support them, and Hampton and his
associate Democratic candidates and a Democratic Legislature were
accepted.
The great battle was made in Louisiana, where the Returning Board gave
Hayes the State by a majority of 4807, and declared the Republican
electors chosen by about the same majority. The face of the returns
gave a majority of 7876 for Tilden and 8101 for Nichols, Democratic
candidate for Governor. There, as in South Carolina, two Governors
were qualified and two Legislatures organized, and Stephen B. Packard,
who had been counted in as the Republican Governor, and had been
largely instrumental in giving the electoral vote to Hayes, and thereby
electing him, demanded that the President should sustain him, logically
insisting that if Hayes was elected Packard was elected, and that if
Packard must go out Hayes must go out with him.
The faith of the President and his friends were pledged to the people
of property in Louisiana that they should have their own State
government, but it was a most difficult obligation to discharge.
Finally, the President appointed a committee of eminent Republicans,
two of whom were the present Senator Hawley, of Connecticut, and
ex-Attorney-General Wayne MacVeagh, of Washington, to go to New Orleans
and solve the problem. The first necessity to accomplish that result
was to withdraw enough Senators and Representatives from the Packard
Legislature to the Nichols Legislature to give Nichols a quorum in both
houses of undisputed legislators, as that would leave Packard without
a Legislature and clothe Nichols’s government with all the ceremony of
law.
Many of the Packard legislators were negroes, and most of them
commercial. The change could be effected only by purchase, in which
the Hawley and MacVeagh committee had no part. There were enough and
to spare of Packard legislators who were willing to sell out, but the
Democrats were impoverished and could not raise money to buy them. One
of the active men in the movement was Duncan F. Kenner, one of the most
prominent men in the State for many years, and among the Senators in
the market was one of his former slaves, who demanded a high price.
The State had been desolated, business paralyzed, and the people of
Louisiana had not recovered from the universal waste of war, and while
they were more than willing to buy enough of the Packard men to give
Nichols the Legislature, they were absolutely without the means to do
it.
In this emergency the Louisiana Lottery Company came forward and
proposed to furnish the citizens of New Orleans, who were managing
the movement, all the money they needed on condition that when
the Democrats came into power and amended the Constitution, they
should give the Louisiana Lottery a twenty-five-year charter in the
Constitution. It was a hard bargain, but as they could do no better
they accepted the proffer, and a very large sum of money was thus
furnished and paid to the negroes and carpet-bag legislators, who
were very glad to get under cover with cash in their pockets, knowing
that the end of carpet-bag rule was near at hand. Packard finally
found himself abandoned by a majority of the undisputed Senators and
Representatives. His administration thus ended, and the promise of the
friends of Hayes, which Hayes manfully sustained, was fully performed,
and the property people of the South were given their right to govern
their own States as the price of assenting to Hayes as President.
The Nichols government kept faith with the Louisiana Lottery Company,
and the people of Louisiana have ever since been unjustly criticised as
the only State in the Union that gave the highest possible charter to
a lottery company, as they could not explain the inexorable conditions
which compelled them to do it. This was the last act of the great
political drama of 1876–77 that made Rutherford B. Hayes President.
The action of Tilden defeating Chase in the Democratic convention of
1868 had its sequel with mingled romance and reality in the defeat
of Tilden for the Presidency in 1877, when the vote of Louisiana was
passed upon by the Senate. Kate Chase Sprague was the most brilliant
woman in Washington society during the war period, and in every way
one of the most attractive. Her home in Washington was the centre of
the most accomplished men in public life, and among them was Roscoe
Conkling, the ablest of the Republican Senators. The contest for the
Presidency before the Electoral Commission in 1876–77 turned on the
vote of Louisiana, and it required the approving vote of the Senate
to give the electoral vote of that State to Hayes. Had it been given
to Tilden, he would have been the President. Many believed that Hayes
had not been elected and should not be declared elected, and among
those who shared that conviction was Mr. Conkling, although he did not
publicly express it.
The Senate was carefully canvassed, and enough Republican votes were
marshalled to throw the vote of the Senate in favor of Tilden on the
Louisiana issue if Conkling would lead in support of that policy, and
it was understood that he had agreed to do so. When the crucial time
came Conkling did not appear at all, and the anti-Hayes Republicans,
being without a leader, fell back to their party lines and gave the
vote of the State and the Presidential certificate to Hayes. It is
an open secret that Conkling resolved his doubts as urged by Mrs.
Sprague, who thereby avenged the defeat of her father in the Democratic
nomination of 1868, that had been accomplished by Tilden; and thus
Tilden lost the Presidency, to which he had been elected by a popular
majority of over 250,000.
THE GARFIELD-HANCOCK CONTEST
1880
The greatest battle ever fought in a national convention was witnessed
at Chicago where the Republican National Convention met on June 2,
1880. Grant had made his journey around the world, received the homage
of the highest rulers of every clime, and returned to be greeted with
a degree of popular enthusiasm that had never before been given to
any citizen of the Republic. During Grant’s absence his friends had
made tireless efforts to organize his forces in all the States, and
the friends of Blaine, who fought this battle royal with the friends
of Grant, had been equally earnest and ceaseless to give Blaine the
victory. It was indeed a battle of giants, and the auditorium in which
the convention was held was the most impressive picture I have ever
witnessed. There were not less than ten thousand spectators in addition
to the full delegations and alternates from the States. Neither of the
opposing chieftains ever had a majority in the body, but for a week
they stood up face to face with unbroken lines and belligerent leaders
in hand-to-hand conflict.
Among the delegates were Conkling, Garfield, Harrison, Logan, and many
other conspicuous and able leaders of the opposing factions. Blaine’s
people, with the aid of the field, weakened Grant’s lines by preventing
the unit rule in any delegation, whereby Grant lost a considerable
number of votes in New York, Pennsylvania, and other States. That was a
test of the distinctive Grant strength in the body. Conkling opened the
nominations by presenting the name of Grant, and he did it in imperial
grandeur and with a degree of eloquence that was most impressive. Next
to the speech of Ingersoll, who nominated Blaine in 1876, Conkling’s
appeal for the nomination of Grant will stand as the ablest of all the
many able deliverances in the history of American politics. I sat quite
close to him on the platform when he delivered it, and he was a most
interesting study. Had he been as discreet as he was eloquent, it would
have been a perfect exhibition of impressive oratory; but Conkling was
inspired not only by his love of Grant, but more influenced than he
confessed to himself by an intense hatred of Blaine, that he cherished
until his death.
[Illustration: JAMES A. GARFIELD]
He mortally offended every friend of Blaine, and thereby made it
impossible even to win the hesitating men in the Blaine ranks by
his keen and pungent fling at the delegates who disregarded their
instructions to vote as a unit for Grant, and by his aggressive
assault upon Blaine when he referred to Grant as a candidate “without
patronage, without emissaries, without committees, without bureaus,
without telegraph wires running from his house to this convention
or running from his house anywhere.” Unlike the Ingersoll speech
nominating Blaine in 1876, the speech of Conkling, able, eloquent, and
grand as it was, left Grant weaker, instead of stronger.
Very general interest centred in General Garfield, who was at the head
of the Ohio delegation, that was instructed for Senator Sherman for
President. Garfield knew the situation; he knew that a third candidate
must eventually be accepted, and he illy concealed his efforts to
advance himself, while ostensibly struggling for Sherman. His speech
nominating Sherman was a plea for peace rather than an aggressive
presentation of Sherman’s claims, and it was well understood that his
plea for peace was, in fact, a plea for himself. At various stages
of the balloting tidal waves of enthusiasm would start for Garfield,
and he narrowly escaped a spontaneous nomination. He was personally
very popular, of imposing presence, a most accomplished speaker, and
he was finally accepted by the friends of Blaine because he was not
the partisan of either Blaine or Grant, and also because they could
certainly win with him, and thus defeat Grant.
The convention became weary of what was evidently an equal contest
between the Grant and Blaine forces, and all who were not intensely
enlisted in the factional fight were glad to end the bitter struggle
by accepting Garfield. Grant’s memorable 306 stood by him and never
lowered their flag until they were defeated and fell with their faces
to the foe.
Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, was the permanent president of the
convention, and it was a battle of giants, lasting well in to
the second week. Mr. Joy, who presented the name of Blaine to the
convention, grievously disappointed the friends of the Plumed Knight.
His advocacy of his chief was tame compared with the masterly orations
of Conkling and Garfield, but his friends were in admirable fighting
trim, and no such heroic struggle as that between Blaine and Grant has
ever been recorded in the history of American politics. Conkling was
chairman of his delegation, and was offensively imperious in every
announcement that he made to the convention. His delegation had been
instructed to vote a unit for Grant, but the convention had unshackled
the delegates by allowing each one to cast his vote according to his
choice, and Conkling in announcing the vote for Blaine in New York
always did it with a sneer, and often with offensive expression.
A ballot was not reached until Monday of the second week in the
convention, and for two days the extraordinary spectacle was presented
of Grant and Blaine holding their forces with but little variation,
until the Blaine column finally broke for Garfield. The following table
presents the ballots in detail:
════════╤═════════╤═════════╤════════╤════════╤══════════╤═════════╤═══════╤══════════╤═════════╤═════════╤══════════╤═════════╤═════════╤═════════╤══════╤════════════
BALLOTS.│ James A.│ Ulysses │James G.│ John │ Elihu B. │George F.│William│Rutherford│George W.│ Roscoe │ John F. │ Edmund │Philip H.│Benjamin │Total.│ Necessary
│Garfield.│S. Grant.│Blaine. │Sherman.│Washburne.│Edmunds. │Windom.│B. Hayes. │McCrary. │Conkling.│Hartranft.│J. Davis.│Sheridan.│Harrison.│ │to a choice.
────────┼─────────┼─────────┼────────┼────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────┼──────────┼─────────┼─────────┼──────────┼─────────┼─────────┼─────────┼──────┼────────────
1st │ ―― │ 304 │ 284 │ 93 │ 31 │ 34 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
2d │ 1 │ 305 │ 282 │ 94 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
3d │ 1 │ 305 │ 282 │ 93 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 755 │ 378
4th │ 1 │ 305 │ 281 │ 95 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 755 │ 378
5th │ 1 │ 305 │ 281 │ 95 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 755 │ 378
6th │ 2 │ 305 │ 280 │ 95 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
7th │ 2 │ 305 │ 281 │ 94 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
8th │ 1 │ 306 │ 284 │ 91 │ 32 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
9th │ 2 │ 308 │ 282 │ 90 │ 32 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
10th │ 2 │ 305 │ 282 │ 92 │ 32 │ 31 │ 10 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
11th │ 2 │ 305 │ 281 │ 93 │ 32 │ 31 │ 10 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
12th │ 1 │ 304 │ 283 │ 92 │ 33 │ 31 │ 10 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
13th │ 1 │ 305 │ 285 │ 89 │ 33 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
14th │ ―― │ 305 │ 285 │ 89 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
15th │ ―― │ 309 │ 281 │ 88 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
16th │ ―― │ 306 │ 283 │ 88 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 754 │ 378
17th │ ―― │ 303 │ 284 │ 90 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
18th │ ―― │ 305 │ 283 │ 91 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
19th │ 1 │ 305 │ 279 │ 96 │ 32 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
20th │ 1 │ 308 │ 276 │ 93 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
21st │ 1 │ 305 │ 276 │ 96 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
22d │ 1 │ 305 │ 275 │ 97 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
23d │ 2 │ 304 │ 275 │ 97 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
24th │ 2 │ 305 │ 279 │ 93 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
25th │ 2 │ 302 │ 281 │ 94 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
26th │ 2 │ 303 │ 280 │ 93 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
27th │ 2 │ 306 │ 277 │ 93 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
28th │ 2 │ 307 │ 279 │ 91 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
29th │ 2 │ 305 │ 278 │ 116 │ 35 │ 12 │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
30th │ 2 │ 306 │ 279 │ 120 │ 33 │ 11 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
31st │ 1 │ 308 │ 276 │ 118 │ 37 │ 11 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
32d │ 1 │ 309 │ 270 │ 117 │ 44 │ 11 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
33d │ 1 │ 309 │ 276 │ 110 │ 44 │ 11 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
34th │ 17 │ 312 │ 275 │ 107 │ 30 │ 11 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 756 │ 379
35th │ 50 │ 313 │ 257 │ 99 │ 23 │ 11 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 756 │ 379
36th │ 399 │ 306 │ 42 │ 3 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378
════════╧═════════╧═════════╧════════╧════════╧══════════╧═════════╧═══════╧══════════╧═════════╧═════════╧══════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═════════╧══════╧════════════
While it was generally expected that the convention would eventually
stampede to Garfield, the movement was given vitality and form by
the Wisconsin delegation. The only name prominently discussed as a
compromise candidate in addition to that of Garfield was the name of
Senator Windom, of Minnesota, who had received the vote of his State
from the start. In a caucus of the delegation a small majority of the
Wisconsin delegation voted to prefer Garfield to Windom, and that
movement started the tide that gave the victory to Garfield. It is
quite possible that if Wisconsin had declared for Windom, instead of
Garfield, as it failed to do by only a very few votes, Windom might
have been made the candidate, as he occupied a very strong position in
the party, was free from factional alliances, and probably would have
been quite as strong a candidate with the people as Garfield. When
the Wisconsin delegation decided to break the deadlock by accepting
Garfield, it opened the door for the wearied anti-Grant gladiators to
find speedy and gratifying refuge. Grant’s column stood to him with
marvellous fidelity. He started with 304 votes, never fell below 302,
never rose above 313, and ended on the final ballot with 306. The
nomination of Garfield was made unanimous amidst the wildest enthusiasm.
Senator Conkling was in violent temper over the defeat of Grant, and
when he was asked to name a candidate for Vice-President he at first
petulantly refused to do so, but some of his more deliberate friends
suggested the name of Chester A. Arthur, who was in the delegation.
Arthur had acted as chairman during part of the balloting when Conkling
was absent, and his dignified and manly manner of announcing the vote
of his State contrasted very favorably with the offensive manner of
Conkling. Conkling assented to rather than dictated the nomination of
Arthur, and the 1st ballot for Vice-President was as follows:
Chester A. Arthur, N. Y. 468
Elihu B. Washburne, Ill. 199
Marshall Jewell, Conn. 43
Horace Maynard, Tenn. 30
Edmund J. Davis, Texas 20
Blanche K. Bruce (Col.), Miss. 8
James L. Alcorn, Miss. 4
Thomas Settle, Fla. 2
Stewart L. Woodford, N. Y. 1
[Illustration: CHESTER A. ARTHUR]
The nomination was promptly made unanimous. The following platform was
unanimously adopted:
The Republican party in national convention assembled, at the end
of twenty years since the Federal Government was first committed to
its charge, submits to the people of the United States this brief
report of its administration. It suppressed the Rebellion which had
armed nearly a million of men to subvert the national authority. It
reconstructed the Union of the States with freedom instead of slavery
as its corner-stone. It transformed four millions of human beings from
the likeness of things to the rank of citizens. It relieved Congress
from the infamous work of hunting fugitive slaves, and charged it
to see that slavery does not exist. It has raised the value of our
paper currency from thirty-eight per cent. to the par of gold. It
has restored upon a solid basis payment in coin for all the national
obligations, and has given us a currency absolutely good and equal in
every part of our extended country. It has lifted the credit of the
nation from the point where six per cent. bonds sold at eighty-six
per cent. to that where four per cent. bonds are eagerly sought at
a premium. Under its administration railways have increased from
thirty-one thousand miles in 1860 to more than eighty-two thousand
miles in 1879. Our foreign trade has increased from seven hundred
million dollars to one billion, one hundred and fifty million dollars
in the same time, and our exports, which were twenty million dollars
less than our imports in 1860, were two hundred and sixty-four
million more than our imports in 1879. Without resorting to loans,
it has, since the war closed, defrayed the ordinary expenses of
government besides the accruing interest on the public debt, and has
annually disbursed more than thirty million dollars for soldiers’
pensions. It has paid eight hundred and eighty-eight million dollars
of the public debt, and, by refunding the balance at lower rates,
has reduced the annual interest charge from nearly one hundred and
fifty-one million dollars to less than eighty-nine million dollars.
All the industries of the country have revived, labor is in demand,
wages have increased, and throughout the entire country there is
evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever enjoyed.
Upon this record the Republican party asks for the continued
confidence and support of the people, and this convention submits for
their approval the following statement of the principles and purposes
which will continue to guide and inspire its efforts:
1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty-one years has been
such as to commend itself to the favor of the nation, and that the
fruits of the costly victories which we have achieved through immense
difficulties should be preserved; that the peace regained should be
cherished; that the dissevered Union, now happily restored, should be
perpetuated, and that the liberties secured to this generation should
be transmitted undiminished to future generations; that the order
established and the credit acquired should never be impaired; that
the pensions promised should be extinguished by the full payment of
every dollar thereof; that the reviving industries should be further
promoted, and that the commerce, already so great, should be steadily
encouraged.
2. The Constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and not a
mere contract; out of confederated States it made a sovereign nation.
Some powers are denied to the nation, while others are denied to
the States; but the boundary between the powers delegated and those
reserved is to be determined by the national, and not by the State
tribunals.
3. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the
several States, but it is the duty of the National Government to aid
that work to the extent of its constitutional duty. The intelligence
of the nation is but the aggregate of the intelligence in the several
States, and the destiny of the nation must be guided, not by the
genius of any one State, but by the average genius of all.
4. The Constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any law respecting
an establishment of religion, but it is idle to hope that the nation
can be protected against the influences of sectarianism while each
State is exposed to its domination. We therefore recommend that the
Constitution be so amended as to lay the same prohibition upon the
Legislature of each State, and to forbid the appropriation of public
funds to the support of sectarian schools.
5. We affirm the belief avowed in 1876, that the duties levied for
the purpose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor American
labor; that no further grant of the public domain should be made to
any railway or other corporation; that, slavery having perished in the
States, its twin barbarity, polygamy, must die in the Territories;
that everywhere the protection accorded to citizens of American birth
must be secured to citizens by American adoption; and that we esteem
it the duty of Congress to develop and improve our watercourses and
harbors, but insist that further subsidies to private persons or
corporations must cease; that the obligations of the Republic to the
men who preserved its integrity in the hour of battle are undiminished
by the lapse of the fifteen years since their final victory—to do them
perpetual honor is, and shall forever be, the grateful privilege and
sacred duty of the American people.
6. Since the authority to regulate immigration and intercourse between
the United States and foreign nations rests with Congress, or with
the United States and its treaty-making powers, the Republican party,
regarding the unrestricted immigration of the Chinese as an evil of
great magnitude, invoke the exercise of those powers to restrain and
limit that immigration by the enactment of such just, humane and
reasonable provisions as will produce that result.
7. That the purity and patriotism which characterized the earlier
career of Rutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided the
thoughts of our immediate predecessors to him for a Presidential
candidate, have continued to inspire him in his career as Chief
Executive, and that history will accord to his administration the
honors which are due to an efficient, just, and courteous discharge
of the public business, and will honor his interposition between the
people and proposed partisan laws.
We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice of
patriotism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust of office
and patronage; that to obtain possession of the national and State
Governments and the control of place and position they have obstructed
all efforts to promote the purity and to conserve the freedom of
suffrage, and have devised fraudulent certifications and returns; have
labored to unseat lawfully elected members of Congress, to secure
at all hazards the vote of a majority of the States in the House of
Representatives; have endeavored to occupy by force and fraud the
places of trust given to others by the people of Maine, and rescued
by the courageous action of Maine’s patriotic sons; have, by methods
vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, attached partisan
legislation to appropriation bills, upon whose passage the very
movements of the Government depend, and have crushed the rights of
individuals; have advocated the principles and sought the favor of
rebellion against the nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the
sacred memories of the war, and to overcome its inestimably valuable
results of nationality, personal freedom, and individual equality.
The equal, steady, and complete enforcement of laws and the protection
of all our citizens in the enjoyment of all privileges and immunities
guaranteed by the Constitution, are the first duties of the nation.
The dangers of a solid South can only be averted by a faithful
performance of every promise which the nation has made to the citizen.
The execution of the laws and the punishment of all those who violate
them are the only safe methods by which an enduring peace can be
secured and genuine prosperity established throughout the South.
Whatever promises the nation makes, the nation must perform, and the
nation cannot with safety delegate this duty to the States. The solid
South must be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all
opinions must there find free expression, and to this end the honest
voter must be protected against terrorism, violence, or fraud.
And we affirm it to be the duty and the purpose of the Republican
party to use every legitimate means to restore all the States of
this Union to the most perfect harmony that may be practicable; and
we submit it to the practical, sensible people of the United States
to say whether it would not be dangerous to the dearest interests
of our country at this time to surrender the administration of the
National Government to the party which seeks to overthrow the existing
policy under which we are so prosperous, and thus bring distrust and
confusion where there are now order, confidence, and hope.
The Republican party, adhering to principles affirmed by its last
national convention of respect for the constitutional rule covering
appointments to office, adopts the declaration of President Hayes,
that the reform of the civil service should be thorough, radical, and
complete. To this end it demands the co-operation of the legislative
with the executive department of the Government, and that Congress
shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by proper, practical
tests, shall admit to the public service.
General Grant had become intensely interested in the contest for
a third term, and he had every reason to believe that it would be
accorded to him. Foreign travel and intelligent observation had
greatly enlarged his narrow political ideas and tempered his political
asperities, and he would undoubtedly have made a much better President
than ever he did before. But the unwritten law of the nation confronted
him, declaring that no man could fill the Presidential chair for a
longer period than did George Washington. It was that sentiment that
decided the contest against him.
He was at his home in Galena, not far from Chicago, during the sessions
of the convention, but while he was advised of what transpired from
day to day, he gave no directions and made no suggestions to his
friends. He had the ablest galaxy of leaders that ever appeared in a
national convention in support of any one candidate, and he trusted
them implicitly. On the morning after the convention adjourned he
came to Chicago, and I met him at the Palmer House, where he had
come to confer with his discomfited friends. His face gave no sign
of the disappointment he had suffered. He met his friends in even a
more genial way than was his custom. He expressed himself as entirely
content with the decision of the convention, and greatly appreciated
the support that had been given him. He never looked better in his
life, and while I could not congratulate him, I could truthfully
express my gratification at seeing him the picture of health and
comfort.
He was then in entire accord with his leading friends in their purpose
to prevent the election of Garfield, and for two months after the
campaign opened Garfield would have been overwhelmingly beaten, but
after Conkling’s conference with Garfield in Ohio, Grant’s friends gave
a most zealous support to Garfield’s election, and barely saved him by
the aid of Tammany’s betrayal of Hancock.
The Democratic National Convention met at Cincinnati on the 22d of
June, with John W. Stevenson, of Kentucky, as permanent president.
The dispute over contested seats lasted until the second day.
Massachusetts, that had never voted for a Democratic candidate for
President, put up the fiercest fight between disputing delegations,
and New York had a bitter factional quarrel between delegations chosen
by the regular Democrats and another chosen by the Tammany people. The
Tammany followers, under the lead of John Kelly, were very vindictive
in their opposition to Tilden, openly declaring that they would not
support Tilden if nominated, and the Tammany delegation was rejected.
The position of Tilden was regarded as doubtful until well on in the
second day of the contest, when an elaborate letter from him was read
to the convention withdrawing his name. The letter had been prepared
by Tilden and given to a trusted friend to use it only if it became
evident that Tilden could not be again nominated, or that he could not
be elected if nominated. The judgment of his most dispassionate friends
was that he might be nominated, but that he could not be elected, with
the fierce opposition of Tammany and his failure to assert his right to
the Presidency in 1877.
After Tilden’s withdrawal the contest was really between Hancock
and Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. If the Tilden strength had
been concentrated on Randall at the opening of the convention, his
nomination would have been within the range of probability, but even
after Tilden withdrew he hesitated until the 2d ballot before he gave
Randall any support. Bayard was a close second to Hancock on the 1st
ballot, but he was at no time within sight of a nomination.
It was on this occasion that the late Daniel Dougherty made the most
eloquent speech of his life, presenting the name of Hancock to the
convention. He was not a member of the delegation, but was called into
it for the purpose on the morning of the day that the nomination was
to be made. He hurried around to my room at the St. Nicholas, as he
hesitated about accepting the duty assigned him. He always prepared his
important speeches and memorized them. I earnestly urged him to go at
once to his room and write a short speech and be prepared to deliver
it. He finally decided to do so, and in a speech of not over twenty
minutes he delivered the greatest oration of his life.
Only two ballots were had for President, and on the second Hancock was
so largely in the lead, having 320 to 128-1/2 for Randall, that the
delegations began to change their votes until Hancock had 705 to 33 for
all others. The following table gives the ballots in detail:
══════════════════════════════════╤═════════╤═════════╤═════════
CANDIDATES. │ First. │ Second. │ After
│ │ │ changes.
──────────────────────────────────┼─────────┼─────────┼─────────
Winfield S. Hancock, Pennsylvania │ 171 │ 320 │ 705
Thomas F. Bayard, Delaware │ 153-1/2│ 113 │ 2
Henry B. Payne, Ohio │ 81 │ ―― │ ――
Allen G. Thurman, Ohio │ 68-1/2│ 50 │ ――
Stephen J. Field, California │ 65 │ 65-1/2│ ――
William R. Morrison, Illinois │ 62 │ ―― │ ――
Thomas A. Hendricks, Indiana │ 50-1/2│ 31 │ 30
Samuel J. Tilden, New York │ 38 │ 6 │ 1
Horatio Seymour, New York │ 8 │ ―― │ ――
Samuel J. Randall, Pennsylvania │ ―― │ 128-1/2│ ――
Scattering │ 31 │ 22 │ ――
══════════════════════════════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═════════
As Indiana was one of the debatable States, William H. English, of that
State, was nominated for Vice-President, with only Richard M. Bishop,
of Ohio, named against him. Before the ballot had proceeded to any
considerable extent, Bishop’s name was withdrawn, and English given a
unanimous nomination. The following platform was unanimously adopted:
The Democrats of the United States, in convention assembled, declare—
1. We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines and
traditions of the Democratic party, as illustrated by the teachings
and example of a long line of Democratic statesmen and patriots, and
embodied in the platform of the last national convention of the party.
2. Opposition to centralizationism and to that dangerous spirit
of encroachment which tends to consolidate the powers of all the
departments in one, and thus to create, whatever be the form of
government, a real despotism. No sumptuary laws; separation of Church
and State for the good of each; common schools fostered and protected.
3. Home rule; honest money, consisting of gold and silver, and paper
convertible into coin on demand; the strict maintenance of the public
faith, State and national; and a tariff for revenue only.
4. The subordination of the military to the civil power, and a general
and thorough reform of the civil service.
5. The right to a free ballot is the right preservative of all rights,
and must and shall be maintained in every part of the United States.
6. The existing administration is the representative of conspiracy
only, and its claim of right to surround the ballot-boxes with troops
and deputy marshals, to intimidate and obstruct the electors, and the
unprecedented use of the veto to maintain its corrupt and despotic
power, insult the people and imperil their institutions.
7. The grand fraud of 1876–77, by which, upon a false count of the
electoral votes of two States, the candidate defeated at the polls was
declared to be President, and, for the first time in American history,
the will of the people was set aside under a threat of military
violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representative
government; the Democratic party, to preserve the country from a civil
war, submitted for a time in firm and patriotic faith that the people
would punish this crime in 1880; this issue precedes and dwarfs every
other; it imposes a more sacred duty upon the people of the Union than
ever addressed the conscience of a nation of freemen.
8. We execrate the course of this administration in making places in
the civil service a reward for political crime, and demand a reform
by statute which shall make it forever impossible for the defeated
candidate to bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by billeting
villains upon the people.
9. The resolution of Samuel J. Tilden not again to be a candidate
for the exalted place to which he was elected by a majority of his
countrymen, and from which he was excluded by the leaders of the
Republican party, is received by the Democrats of the United States
with sensibility, and they declare their confidence in his wisdom,
patriotism, and integrity, unshaken by the assaults of a common enemy,
and they further assure him that he is followed into the retirement
he has chosen for himself by the sympathy and respect of his
fellow-citizens, who regard him as one who, by elevating the standards
of public morality, merits the lasting gratitude of his country and
his party.
10. Free ships and a living chance for American commerce on the seas
and on the land. No discrimination in favor of transportation lines,
corporations, or monopolies.
11. Amendment of the Burlingame treaty. No more Chinese immigration,
except for travel, education, and foreign commerce, and therein
carefully guarded.
12. Public money and public credit for public purposes solely, and
public land for actual settlers.
13. The Democratic party is the friend of labor and the laboring man,
and pledges itself to protect him alike against the cormorant and the
commune.
14. We congratulate the country upon the honesty and thrift of a
Democratic Congress, which has reduced the public expenditure forty
million dollars a year; upon the continuation of prosperity at home
and the national honor abroad; and, above all, upon the promise of
such a change in the administration of the Government as shall insure
us genuine and lasting reform in every department of the public
service.
The National Greenback party held its national convention at Chicago
on the 9th of June, with Richard Trevellick, of Michigan, as permanent
president. A single ballot was had for President, resulting as follows:
James B. Weaver, Iowa. 224-1/2
Henry B. Wright, Penn. 126-1/2
Stephen D. Dillaye, N. Y. 119
Benj. F. Butler, Mass. 95
Solon Chase, Maine. 89
Edward P. Allis, Wis. 41
Alexander Campbell, Ill. 21
Before the vote was finally announced delegations speedily changed
their votes to Weaver, and he was declared unanimously chosen as the
candidate. B. B. Chambers, of Texas, was nominated for Vice-President
by 403 votes to 311 for Allanson M. West, of Mississippi. The following
platform was adopted:
1. That the right to make and issue money is a sovereign power to be
maintained by the people for the common benefit. The delegation of
this right to corporations is a surrender of the central attribute
of sovereignty, void of constitutional sanction, conferring upon a
subordinate irresponsible power absolute dominion over industry and
commerce. All money, whether metallic or paper, should be issued and
its volume controlled by the Government, and not by or through banking
corporations, and, when so issued, should be a full legal tender for
all debts, public and private.
2. That the bonds of the United States should not be refunded, but
paid as rapidly as practicable, according to contract. To enable the
Government to meet these obligations, legal tender currency should be
substituted for the notes of the national banks, the national banking
system abolished, and the unlimited coinage of silver, as well as
gold, established by law.
3. That labor should be so protected by national and State authority
as to equalize its burdens and insure a just distribution of its
results; the eight-hour law of Congress should be enforced; the
sanitary condition of industrial establishments placed under rigid
control; the competition of contract labor abolished; a bureau
of labor statistics established; factories, mines, and workshops
inspected; the employment of children under fourteen years of age
forbidden; and wages paid in cash.
4. Slavery being simply cheap labor, and cheap labor being simply
slavery, the importation and presence of Chinese serfs necessarily
tends to brutalize and degrade American labor; therefore immediate
steps should be taken to abrogate the Burlingame treaty.
5. Railroad land grants forfeited by reason of non-fulfilment of
contract should be immediately reclaimed by Government; and henceforth
the public domain reserved exclusively as homes for actual settlers.
6. It is the duty of Congress to regulate interstate commerce. All
lines of communication and transportation should be brought under such
legislative control as shall secure moderate, fair, and uniform rates
for passenger and freight traffic.
7. We denounce, as destructive to prosperity and dangerous to liberty,
the action of the old parties in fostering and sustaining gigantic
land, railroad, and money corporations, invested with, and exercising,
powers belonging to the Government, and yet not responsible to it for
the manner of their exercise.
8. That the Constitution, in giving Congress the power to borrow
money, to declare war, to raise and support armies, to provide and
maintain a navy, never intended that the men who loaned their money
for an interest consideration should be preferred to the soldier
and sailor who perilled their lives and shed their blood on land
and sea in defence of their country; and we condemn the cruel class
legislation of the Republican party, which, while professing great
gratitude to the soldier, has most unjustly discriminated against him
and in favor of the bondholder.
9. All property should bear its just proportion of taxation; and we
demand a graduated income tax.
10. We denounce as most dangerous the efforts everywhere manifest to
restrict the right of suffrage.
11. We are opposed to an increase of the standing army in time of
peace, and the insidious scheme to establish an enormous military
power under the guise of militia laws.
12. We demand absolute democratic rules for the government of
Congress, placing all representatives of the people upon an equal
footing, and taking away from committees a veto power greater than
that of the President.
13. We demand a government of the people, by the people, and for
the people, instead of a government of the bondholders, by the
bondholders, and for the bondholders; and we denounce every attempt
to stir up sectional strife as an effort to conceal monstrous crimes
against the people.
14. In the furtherance of these ends, we ask the co-operation of all
fair-minded people. We have no quarrel with individuals, wage no
war upon classes, but only against vicious institutions. We are not
content to endure further discipline from our present actual rulers,
who, having dominion over money, over transportation, over land and
labor, and largely over the press and the machinery of government,
wield unwarrantable power over our institutions, and over our life and
property.
15. That every citizen of due age, sound mind, and not a felon, be
fully enfranchised, and that this resolution be referred to the
States, with recommendation for their favorable consideration.
The Prohibition convention met at Cleveland on the 17th of June. The
platform was substantially a repetition of the platform of 1876, and
General Neal Dow, of Maine, was presented for President, and A. M.
Thompson, of Ohio, for Vice-President.
The few scattered fragments of the American party held a convention
on the 27th of June, and nominated John W. Phelps, of Vermont, for
President, and Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, for Vice-President. Their
platform declared against secret societies, Freemasonry in particular,
and all other anti-Christian movements. The party was not heard of in
the contest.
The Presidential contest of 1880 was remarkable for the absence of
bitterness or vituperation. Garfield and Hancock were both highly
respected, and I cannot recall a struggle for the Presidency that
exhibited less of the asperities which are usually displayed in the
struggle for the political control of the nation. Hancock was beaten on
the popular vote by a majority of but little over 7000, and he lost his
election by Tammany failing to give him a cordial support in New York.
The following table presents the popular and electoral vote of 1880:
═══════════════╤═══════════════════════════════════════════╦═══════════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL
│ ║ VOTE.
STATES. ├────────────┬───────────┬─────────┬────────╫──────────┬────────
│ James A. │Winfield S.│ James B.│ Neal ║ │
│ Garfield, │ Hancock, │ Weaver, │ Dow, ║Garfield. │Hancock.
│ Ohio. │ Penn. │ Iowa. │ Maine. ║ │
───────────────┼────────────┼───────────┼─────────┼────────╫──────────┼────────
Maine │ 74,039 │ 65,171[28]│ 4,408 │ 93 ║ 7 │ ――
New Hampshire │ 44,852 │ 40,794 │ 528 │ 180 ║ 5 │ ――
Vermont │ 45,567 │ 18,316 │ 1,215 │ ―――― ║ 5 │ ――
Massachusetts │ 165,205 │ 111,960 │ 4,548 │ 682 ║ 13 │ ――
Rhode Island │ 18,195 │ 10,779 │ 236 │ 20 ║ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ 67,071 │ 64,415 │ 868 │ 409 ║ 6 │ ――
New York │ 555,544 │ 534,511 │ 12,373 │ 1,517 ║ 35 │ ――
New Jersey │ 120,555 │ 122,565 │ 2,617 │ 191 ║ ―― │ 9
Pennsylvania │ 444,704 │ 407,428 │ 20,668 │ 1,939 ║ 29 │ ――
Delaware │ 14,133 │ 15,275 │ 120 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 3
Maryland │ 78,515 │ 93,706 │ 818 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 8
Virginia │ 84,020 │128,586[29]│ ―――― │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 11
West Virginia │ 46,243 │ 57,391 │ 9,079 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 5
North Carolina │ 115,874 │ 124,268 │ 1,126 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 10
South Carolina │ 58,071 │ 112,312 │ 566 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 7
Georgia │ 54,086 │ 102,470 │ 969 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 11
Florida │ 23,654 │ 27,964 │ ―――― │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 4
Alabama │ 56,221 │ 91,185 │ 4,642 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 10
Mississippi │ 34,854 │ 75,750 │ 5,797 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 8
Louisiana │ 38,637[30]│ 65,067 │ 439 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 8
Texas │ 57,893 │ 156,428 │ 27,405 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 8
Arkansas │ 42,436 │ 60,775 │ 4,079 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 6
Missouri │ 153,567 │ 208,609 │ 35,135 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 15
Tennessee │ 107,677 │ 128,191 │ 5,917 │ 43 ║ ―― │ 12
Kentucky │ 106,306 │ 149,068 │ 11,499 │ 258 ║ ―― │ 12
Ohio │ 375,048 │ 340,821 │ 6,456 │ 2,616 ║ 22 │ ――
Michigan │ 185,341 │ 131,597 │ 34,895 │ 942 ║ 11 │ ――
Indiana │ 232,164 │ 225,522 │ 12,986 │ ―――― ║ 15 │ ――
Illinois │ 318,037 │ 277,321 │ 26,358 │ 443 ║ 21 │ ――
Wisconsin │ 144,400 │ 114,649 │ 7,986 │ 69 ║ 10 │ ――
Minnesota │ 93,903 │ 53,315 │ 3,267 │ 286 ║ 5 │ ――
Iowa │ 183,927 │ 105,845 │ 32,701 │ 592 ║ 11 │ ――
Nebraska │ 54,979 │ 28,523 │ 3,950 │ ―――― ║ 3 │ ――
Kansas │ 121,549 │ 59,801 │ 10,851 │ 25 ║ 5 │ ――
Colorado │ 27,450 │ 24,647 │ 1,435 │ ―――― ║ 3 │ ――
Nevada │ 8,732 │ 9,613 │ ―――― │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 3
California │ 80,348 │ 80,426 │ 3,892 │ ―――― ║ 1 │ 5
Oregon │ 20,619 │ 19,948 │ 249 │ ―――― ║ 3 │ ――
├────────────┼───────────┼─────────┼────────╫──────────┼────────
Totals │4,454,416 │ 4,444,952 │ 308,578 │ 10,305 ║ 214 │ 155
═══════════════╧════════════╧═══════════╧═════════╧════════╩══════════╧════════
[28] Votes for a fusion electoral ticket, made up of three Democrats
and four Greenbackers. A “straight” Greenback ticket was also voted for.
[29] Two Democratic tickets were voted for in Virginia. The regular
ticket received 96,912, and was successful; the “Readjusters” polled
31,674 votes.
[30] Two Republican tickets were voted for.
Garfield possessed more political honors at one time than any other
public man in the history of the country. After the November election
of 1880, he was the Congressman from his district; he was United States
Senator-elect, having been chosen by the Ohio Legislature in January
of the same year, and he was President-elect. He had many elements of
popularity, but was not a courageous leader like Blaine. He was not a
strong, aggressive man, although able in debate and one of the most
scholarly of our public men. He had a most difficult rôle to fill
when he came into the Presidency. Conkling wholly distrusted him when
Garfield was first nominated for President, as was clearly evidenced
by Conkling failing to call upon Garfield when Garfield made his first
visit to New York after the Chicago convention, although he stopped
at the same hotel where Conkling was a guest. Later in the campaign
Conkling was earnestly urged to visit Garfield, and he made the
visit, resulting in the Conkling and Grant forces earnestly supporting
Garfield’s election.
General Grant, for the first time in his life, took the stump to aid
the Garfield cause; but even after having turned the tide in favor of
Garfield’s election, Conkling knew that Garfield was not a self-reliant
leader, and after the appointment of Blaine to the Cabinet, with whom
Conkling had no relations whatever, private or official, Conkling
had little confidence in Garfield fulfilling his pledges made to
the friends of Grant. The open breach came when Garfield nominated
Robertson for Collector of New York. Robertson was one of the New York
delegates to Chicago who voted against Grant, and was one of the most
aggressive anti-Conkling men in the State. This appointment was at once
charged upon Blaine, but the evidence is conclusive that it was made by
Garfield alone, without even a suggestion from Blaine, who certainly
did not desire to precipitate a war between the administration of
which he was Premier and so formidable a political factor as Conkling.
It was simply Garfield’s blunder, made in haste, and it proved very
clearly that he was not equipped to meet the political exigencies
which confronted him. Conkling blundered even worse than Garfield. He
petulantly resigned his seat in the Senate, in which his colleague,
Senator Platt (now Senator from New York), joined him, although he had
served but a fraction of a year of his full term.
Conkling confidently hoped to be re-elected by the New York
Legislature, and he doubtless would have succeeded had not the
presiding officer of the Senate, by a very shrewd and simple
parliamentary act, postponed the election a week longer than Conkling
expected. That delay was fatal, and a protracted and humiliating
contest was made by Conkling and Platt, each week both losing prestige
and support, until finally the Republicans of the New York Legislature
were compelled to cast them both aside and elect new Senators.
Vice-President Arthur stood manfully abreast with Conkling, his friend,
in his battle at Albany for re-election, but after the failure on the
1st ballot there never was a time when the re-election of Conkling and
Platt was possible. Conkling retired from politics utterly disgusted,
located in New York, where he very rapidly acquired a lucrative
practice, and his tragic death from exposure in the great blizzard of
1888 ended the career of one of the ablest of the statesmen of his day.
Arthur was the fourth Vice-President who succeeded to the Presidency
by the death of the President, and he was the second whose honors had
come to him by the assassination of his chief. The accession of Arthur
created very general distrust in both business and political circles.
He was little known beyond his factional conflicts in New York, having
been removed from a leading Custom House office by Secretary Sherman.
That removal was sustained by the Republican Senate in defiance of the
power of Conkling. It was generally assumed that the administration
of Arthur, under the lead of Conkling, would be one of political
vengeance, and of necessity convulse the party and end Republican power
in the nation.
Business interests were disturbed because they feared that Arthur would
be a political President with little exhibition of statesmanship, but
Arthur rose to the full measure of his responsible duties. While he
moved with great caution, to avoid a breach with his own friends, he
soon offended Conkling, and gradually won the confidence and respect
of the nation to an extent that few Presidents have enjoyed. The
Garfield administration had been started on lines that Arthur could not
follow, and the retirement of the Garfield Cabinet, with the exception
of Robert T. Lincoln, then Secretary of War, was soon accomplished.
The prosecution of the Star-Route Postal frauds was the one thing on
which Blaine and MacVeagh, the Attorney-General, had decided to make a
creditable record for the administration, and while Arthur was quite as
honest as Garfield, political necessities compelled him to discourage
those prosecutions. Beyond that there was not a blemish on his
administration of some three years and a half. He appreciated the fact
that the President should be above the rule of faction, and in that he
early offended Conkling. He nominated Conkling as Supreme Judge of the
United States, but Conkling peremptorily rejected it, and thenceforth
the relations between Arthur and Conkling were severely strained.
Arthur was the one of the four Vice-Presidents succeeding to the
Presidency who did not change the policy of the administration. He
gradually won the esteem of all parties in the land by his dignity,
courtesy, and manliness in every emergency that confronted him. He
was one of the most genial and delightful of all the Presidents who
occupied the White House, and he would doubtless have been nominated
for President in 1884 but for the fact that Blaine had that honor
safely mortgaged. Arthur was desirous of a nomination, but Blaine was
so strong with the leaders and also with the rank and file of the party
that he won an easy victory over the President.
The opposition to Arthur in the Republican convention of 1884 was not
inspired by hostility to him or to his administration. It was simply
the overwhelming Republican sentiment of the country that demanded
Blaine as the party candidate for President. I had met President Arthur
frequently during his Presidential term, although I never had any
political or personal interests to serve. It was always a pleasure to
call upon him and enjoy the dignified and cordial welcome he ever gave
to visitors. I last saw him on the night of the Cleveland inauguration
day, that closed his Presidential term. He was the guest of honor at
a dinner given by Senator Cameron, and I was painfully impressed with
what I then assumed to be the keen disappointment of Arthur at his
retirement from the Presidency. He seemed greatly depressed in spirit
and to lack his usual genial and fascinating qualities. It was not
long after, however, when it became known that he had retired from
the Presidential office the victim of a fatal disease, that exhausted
his vitality. He lived a very quiet life, beloved by all who knew him
and respected by the whole nation during the brief period between his
retirement and his death.
THE CLEVELAND-BLAINE CONTEST
1884
The Presidential campaign of 1884 was opened on June 5 by the
Republican National Convention at Chicago, which nominated Blaine
after the Arthur administration had made a feeble struggle against
him. Strange as it may seem, Blaine took much less interest in his
nomination at that time than he had in his contests of 1876 and 1880.
He was painfully impressed by the conviction that he was fated not to
be President, and he feared his defeat. A recent article by ex-Governor
Boutwell, of Massachusetts, who was then in Congress with Blaine,
stated that a short time before the meeting of the convention, when
Blaine knew that the nomination was within his own hands, he told
Boutwell that he was glad to have some votes in the convention, but
that he did not wish the nomination. He desired to defeat President
Arthur, and urged Boutwell to organize for the nomination of General
Sherman for President and Robert Lincoln for Vice-President.
I saw Blaine frequently during the months preceding the nomination, and
he never exhibited any special gratification at the fact that he could
then, for the first time, surely attain the leadership in his party for
which he had so long struggled; but he had not the courage to decline
it. The nomination came to him, and though he did not heartily welcome
it, he was justly proud of it.
The contest between Cleveland and Blaine was one of the most spirited
and earnest of our national political struggles. The assassination of
Garfield and the factional troubles which arose under Garfield, and
continued to some extent under Arthur, greatly disturbed Republican
tranquillity, and in 1882 the Democrats won all the debatable States
and carried the popular branch of Congress. Grover Cleveland in that
year became a national political factor by his election as Governor
of New York by nearly 200,000 majority. Blaine had the vital
Republican element very earnestly in his support, but had to confront
the implacable opposition of many of the ablest leaders of his party.
He had already been a candidate before two Republican conventions,
in which his enemies had defamed him without limit, and the Grant
influence was as vindictive, although not so powerful, in 1884 as it
was in 1876 and 1880.
[Illustration: GROVER CLEVELAND]
The Republican National Convention met at Chicago on the 3d of June,
and ex-Representative John R. Lynch, of Mississippi (colored), was
made temporary president, and ex-Senator John B. Henderson, of
Missouri, permanent president. The friends of President Arthur, largely
representing Federal officials, made a very earnest battle for their
chief, but it was a Blaine convention from start to finish. Many
questions of party policy and rules were discussed and a platform
adopted during the first three days of the convention, and it was not
until the evening session of the third day that Presidential candidates
were presented. On the morning of the fourth day, the convention
proceeded to ballot, resulting in the nomination of Blaine, as follows:
═════════════════════════════════╤════════╤═════════╤════════╤════════
│ First. │ Second. │ Third. │ Fourth.
─────────────────────────────────┼────────┼─────────┼────────┼────────
James G. Blaine, of Maine │ 334-1/2│ 349 │ 375 │ 541
Chester A. Arthur, of New York │ 278 │ 276 │ 274 │ 207
George F. Edmunds, of Vermont │ 93 │ 85 │ 69 │ 41
John A. Logan, of Illinois │ 63-1/2│ 61 │ 53 │ 7
John Sherman, of Ohio │ 30 │ 28 │ 25 │ ――
Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut │ 13 │ 13 │ 13 │ 15
Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois │ 4 │ 4 │ 8 │ 2
William T. Sherman, of Missouri │ 2 │ 2 │ 2 │ ――
═════════════════════════════════╧════════╧═════════╧════════╧════════
The nomination of Blaine was made unanimous with great enthusiasm. The
convention then adjourned until evening, when General John A. Logan, of
Illinois, was nominated for Vice-President on the 1st ballot, receiving
779 votes to 7 for Lucius Fairchild, of Wisconsin, and 6 for Walter
Q. Gresham, of Indiana. General Logan was regarded as one of the most
prominent of the Grant leaders, and it was considered good policy
to unite the two elements of the party by giving him second place.
His nomination was also made unanimous, and cheered to the echo. The
following platform was unanimously adopted:
1. The Republicans of the United States, in national convention
assembled, renew their allegiance to the principles upon which
they have triumphed in six successive Presidential elections, and
congratulate the American people on the attainment of so many results
in legislation and administration by which the Republican party has,
after saving the Union, done so much to render its institutions just,
equal, and beneficent, the safeguard of liberty, and the embodiment of
the best thought and highest purposes of our citizens. The Republican
party has gained its strength by quick and faithful response to the
demands of the people for the freedom and equality of all men; for a
united nation, assuring the rights of all citizens; for the elevation
of labor; for an honest currency; for purity in legislation; and for
integrity and accountability in all departments of the Government. And
it accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of progress and reform.
2. We lament the death of President Garfield, whose sound
statesmanship, long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of a strong
and successful administration, a promise fully realized during the
short period of his office as President of the United States. His
distinguished services in war and in peace have endeared him to the
hearts of the American people.
3. In the administration of President Arthur we recognize a wise,
conservative, and patriotic policy, under which the country has
been blessed with remarkable prosperity; and we believe his eminent
services are entitled to and will receive the hearty approval of every
good citizen.
4. It is the first duty of a good Government to protect the rights
and promote the interests of its own people. The largest diversity
of industry is most productive of general prosperity and of the
comfort and independence of the people. We therefore demand that
the imposition of duties on foreign imports shall be made, not for
revenue only, but that, in raising the requisite revenues for the
Government, such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to
our diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of
the laborers, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as
capital, may have its just reward, and the laboring man his full share
in the national prosperity.
5. Against the so-called economical system of the Democratic party,
which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our
most earnest protest. The Democratic party has failed completely to
relieve the people of the burden of unnecessary taxation by a wise
reduction of the surplus.
6. The Republican party pledges itself to correct the irregularities
of the tariff and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and
indiscriminate process of horizontal reduction, but by such methods as
will relieve the taxpayer without injuring the laborer or the great
productive interests of the country.
7. We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United
States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing, and the
danger threatening its future prosperity; and we therefore respect the
demands of the Representatives of this important agricultural interest
for a readjustment of duties upon foreign wool, in order that such
industry shall have full and adequate protection.
8. We have always recommended the best money known to the civilized
world, and we urge that an effort be made to unite all commercial
nations in the establishment of an international standard which shall
fix for all the relative value of gold and silver coinage.
9. The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between the
States is one of the most important prerogatives of the General
Government, and the Republican party distinctly announces its purpose
to support such legislation as will fully and efficiently carry out
the constitutional power of Congress over interstate commerce.
10. The principle of the public regulation of railway corporations
is a wise and salutary one for the protection of all classes of
the people, and we favor legislation that shall prevent unjust
discrimination and excessive charges for transportation, and that
shall secure to the people and to the railways alike the fair and
equal protection of the laws.
11. We favor the establishment of a national bureau of labor; the
enforcement of the eight-hour law; a wise and judicious system of
general education by adequate appropriation from the national revenues
wherever the same is needed. We believe that everywhere the protection
of a citizen of American birth must be secured to citizens by American
adoption, and we favor the settlement of national differences by
international arbitration.
12. The Republican party, having its birth in a hatred of slave
labor, and in a desire that all men may be truly free and equal, is
unalterably opposed to placing our workingmen in competition with any
form of servile labor, whether at home or abroad. In this spirit we
denounce the importation of contract labor, whether from Europe or
Asia, as an offence against the spirit of American institutions, and
we pledge ourselves to sustain the present law restricting Chinese
immigration, and to provide such further legislation as is necessary
to carry out its purposes.
13. Reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under Republican
administration, should be completed by the further extension of the
reformed system already established by law to all the grades of the
service to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the
reform should be observed in all executive appointments, and all laws
at variance with the objects of existing reformed legislation should
be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free institutions which
lurk in the power of official patronage may be wisely and effectively
avoided.
14. The public lands are a heritage of the people of the United
States, and should be reserved, as far as possible, for small holdings
by actual settlers. We are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts
of these lands by corporations or individuals, especially where such
holdings are in the hands of non-resident aliens, and we will endeavor
to obtain such legislation as will tend to correct this evil. We
demand of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land-grants which have
lapsed by reason of non-compliance with acts of incorporation, in all
cases where there has been no attempt in good faith to perform the
conditions of such grants.
15. The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the Union
soldiers and sailors of the late war; and the Republican party stands
pledged to suitable pensions for all who were disabled, and for the
widows and orphans of those who died in the war. The Republican party
also pledges itself to the repeal of the limitation contained in the
Arrears act of 1879, so that all invalid soldiers shall share alike,
and their pensions begin with the date of disability, and not with the
date of the application.
16. The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us from
entangling alliances with foreign nations, and which gives us the
right to expect that foreign nations shall refrain from meddling in
American affairs—the policy which seeks peace and trade with all
powers, but especially with those of the Western Hemisphere.
17. We demand the restoration of our navy to its old-time strength
and efficiency, that it may in any sea protect the rights of American
citizens and the interests of American commerce. We call upon
Congress to remove the burdens under which American shipping has been
depressed, so that it may again be true that we have a commerce which
leaves no sea unexplored, and a navy which takes no law from superior
force.
18. That appointments by the President to offices in the Territories
should be made from the _bona fide_ citizens and residents of the
Territories wherein they are to serve.
19. That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as shall
promptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy within our
Territories, and divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power
of the so-called Mormon Church, and that the law so enacted should be
rigidly enforced by the civil authorities, if possible, and by the
military, if need be.
20. The people of the United States, in their organized capacity,
constitute a nation, and not a mere confederacy of States. The
National Government is supreme within the sphere of its national
duties, but the States have reserved rights which should be faithfully
maintained, and which should be guarded with jealous care, so that the
harmony of our system of government may be preserved and the Union
kept inviolate.
21. The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance
of a free ballot, an honest count, and correct return. We denounce
the fraud and violence practised by the Democracy in Southern
States, by which the will of the voter is defeated, as dangerous to
the preservation of free institutions; and we solemnly arraign the
Democratic party as being the guilty recipient of the fruits of such
fraud and violence.
22. We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their
former party affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and pledge to them
our most earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation
as will secure to every citizen, of whatever race and color, the full
and complete recognition, possession, and exercise of all civil and
political rights.
The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago on the 8th of July,
and was temporarily organized with Richard D. Hubbard, of Texas, as
chairman. The first day of the convention was unusually boisterous. The
Tammany delegates, under the lead of John Kelly, were in a minority in
the delegation, and under the Democratic unit rule their votes would be
cast for Cleveland, to whose nomination they were bitterly opposed. A
desperate struggle was made to break the unit rule, and thus release
Tammany from the support of Cleveland. The proposition was very largely
defeated, and during the balloting the Tammany people made various
and ineffectual efforts to have their votes recorded. On the morning
of the second day, William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, was made permanent
president, and the presentation of candidates for President followed,
after which the platform was adopted and one ballot had for President,
and on the following morning the 2d ballot was had, resulting in the
selection of Cleveland.
Cleveland’s nomination was accomplished solely by the earnest and
skilful management of his cause by Daniel Manning, who was Secretary of
the Treasury during half of Cleveland’s first administration. Cleveland
was a reluctant candidate, for he was not confident that he could
be nominated, and doubted if he could be elected if nominated; but
Manning gathered about him a very powerful organization, and under the
unit rule carried the New York delegation solid for Cleveland, though
Tammany, under the lead of John Kelly, stoutly opposed him.
Randall had been named as the candidate for President by Pennsylvania,
and had a delegation strongly committed to his support. I was present
at the conferences of Randall’s friends, and it became evident at an
early stage of the battle that Randall’s nomination was not within
the range of possibility. His pronounced protection views made him
ineligible. Ex-Attorney-General William U. Hensel was there, and was
actively enlisted in the Randall cause. When the defeat of Randall
became clearly inevitable Hensel and I had a conference with Manning,
and after a careful review of the situation it became apparent that
Cleveland could be nominated with the aid of Randall’s friends. We
made no suggestions to Manning as to conditions, but told him that we
would telegraph for Randall and have him there the next morning early,
so that he and Randall could confer alone. Hensel and I telegraphed
Randall urgently requesting him to take the first train for Chicago.
He arrived the next morning, was brought directly by Mr. Hensel to
my room, where Mr. Manning was in waiting, and Hensel and I went to
breakfast.
No one but Mr. Hensel and myself knew of Randall’s arrival, but within
half an hour after he and Manning had met word was passed from Randall
himself for his friends to support Cleveland. That settled the contest
in Cleveland’s favor. Tammany protested, but the Tammany vote was
cast for Cleveland all the same under the unit rule that the New York
Democrats have always maintained.
The following are the ballots for President in detail:
═══════════════════════════════════╤════════╤═════════
│ First. │ Second.
───────────────────────────────────┼────────┼─────────
Grover Cleveland, of New York │ 392 │ 683
Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware │ 170 │ 81-1/2
Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana │ ―― │ 145-1/2
Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio │ 88 │ 4
Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania │ 78 │ 4
Joseph E. McDonald, of Indiana │ 56 │ 2
John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky │ 27 │ ――
Roswell P. Flower, of New York │ 4 │ ――
George Hoadly, of Ohio │ 3 │ ――
Samuel J. Tilden, of New York │ 1 │ ――
═══════════════════════════════════╧════════╧═════════
Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, upon whom the opposition to Cleveland
had largely united on the 2d ballot for President, was unanimously
nominated for Vice-President. On a motion to make the nomination of
Cleveland unanimous, vigorous “nos” came up, especially from the
Tammany Hall delegates, but the nomination of Hendricks was welcomed
with the heartiest cheers. The following is the Democratic platform as
adopted in 1884:
The Democratic party of the Union, through its representatives in
national convention assembled, recognizes that, as the nation grows
older, new issues are born of time and progress, and old issues
perish; but the fundamental principles of the Democracy, approved by
the united voice of the people, remain and will ever remain, as the
best and only security for the continuance of free government. The
preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens before
the law, the reserved rights of the States, and the supremacy of the
Federal Government within the limits of the Constitution, will ever
form the true basis of our liberties, and can never be surrendered
without destroying that balance of rights and powers which enables a
continent to be developed in peace, and social order to be maintained
by means of local self-government. But it is indispensable for
the practicable application and enforcement of these fundamental
principles that the Government should not always be controlled by one
political party. Frequent change of administration is as necessary as
constant recurrence to the popular will. Otherwise, abuses grow, and
the Government, instead of being carried on for the general welfare,
becomes an instrumentality for imposing heavy burdens on the many who
are governed, for the benefit of the few who govern. Public servants
thus become arbitrary rulers. This is now the condition of the
country; hence a change is demanded.
The Republican party, so far as principle is concerned, is a
reminiscence. In practice it is an organization for enriching those
who control its machinery. The frauds and jobbery which have been
brought to light in every department of the Government are sufficient
to have called for reform within the Republican party; yet those
in authority, made reckless by the long possession of power, have
succumbed to its corrupting influence, and have placed in nomination
a ticket against which the independent portion of the party are in
open revolt. Therefore a change is demanded. Such a change was alike
necessary in 1876, but the will of the people was then defeated by
a fraud which can never be forgotten nor condoned. Again, in 1880,
the change demanded by the people was defeated by the lavish use of
money contributed by unscrupulous contractors and shameless jobbers,
who had bargained for unlawful profits or high office. The Republican
party, during its legal, its stolen, and its bought tenures of power,
has steadily decayed in moral character and political capacity. Its
platform promises are now a list of its past failures. It demands the
restoration of our navy; it has squandered hundreds of millions to
create a navy that does not exist. It calls upon Congress to remove
the burdens under which American shipping has been depressed; it
imposed and has continued these burdens. It professes the policy of
reserving the public lands for small holdings by actual settlers;
it has given away the people’s heritage, till now a few railroads
and non-resident aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger
area than that of all our farms between the two seas. It professes a
preference for free institutions; it organized and tried to legalize a
control of State elections by Federal troops. It professes a desire to
elevate labor; it subjected American working-men to the competition of
convict and imported contract labor. It professes gratitude to all who
were disabled or died in the war, leaving widows and orphans; it left
to a Democratic House of Representatives the first effort to equalize
both bounties and pensions. It professes a pledge to correct the
irregularities of our tariff; it created and has continued them. Its
own tariff commission confessed the need of more than twenty per cent.
reduction; its Congress gave a reduction of less than four per cent.
It professes the protection of American manufactures; it has subjected
them to an increasing flood of manufactured goods and a hopeless
competition with manufacturing nations, not one of which taxes raw
materials. It professes to protect all American industries; it has
impoverished many, to subsidize a few. It professes the protection of
American labor; it has depleted the returns of American agriculture,
an industry followed by half our people. It professes the equality
of all men before the law, attempting to fix the status of colored
citizens; the acts of its Congress were overset by the decisions
of its courts. It “accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of
progress and reform;” its caught criminals are permitted to escape
through contrived delays or actual connivance in the prosecution.
Honeycombed with corruption, outbreaking exposures no longer shock
its moral sense. Its honest members, its independent journals, no
longer maintain a successful contest for authority in its canvasses
or a veto upon bad nominations. That change is necessary is proved
by an existing surplus of more than $100,000,000, which has yearly
been collected from a suffering people. Unnecessary taxation is
unjust taxation. We denounce the Republican party for having failed
to relieve the people from crushing war taxes, which have paralyzed
business, crippled industry, and deprived labor of employment and of
just reward.
The Democracy pledges itself to purify the administration from
corruption, to restore economy, to revive respect for law, and to
reduce taxation to the lowest limit consistent with due regard to
the preservation of the faith of the nation to its creditors and
pensioners. Knowing full well, however, that legislation affecting
the occupations of the people should be cautious and conservative
in method, not in advance of public opinion, but responsive to its
demands, the Democratic party is pledged to revise the tariff in a
spirit of fairness to all interests. But, in making reduction in
taxes, it is not proposed to injure any domestic industries, but
rather to promote their healthy growth. From the foundation of this
Government, taxes collected at the custom house have been the chief
source of Federal revenue. Such they must continue to be. Moreover,
many industries have come to rely upon legislation for successful
continuance, so that any change of law must be at every step regardful
of the labor and capital thus involved. The process of reform must
be subject in the execution to this plain dictate of justice:
all taxation shall be limited to the requirements of economical
government. The necessary reduction in taxation can and must be
effected without depriving American labor of the ability to compete
successfully with foreign labor, and without imposing lower rates of
duty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of production
which may exist in consequence of the higher rate of wages prevailing
in this country. Sufficient revenue to pay all the expenses of the
Federal Government, economically administered, including pensions,
interest and principal of the public debt, can be got under our
present system of taxation from custom-house taxes on fewer imported
articles, bearing heaviest on articles of luxury, and bearing lightest
on articles of necessity. We therefore denounce the abuses of the
existing tariff; and, subject to the preceding limitations, we demand
that Federal taxation shall be exclusively for public purposes, and
shall not exceed the needs of the Government economically administered.
The system of direct taxation, known as the “internal revenue,” is
a war tax, and, so long as the law continues, the money derived
therefrom should be sacredly devoted to the relief of the people from
the remaining burdens of the war, and be made a fund to defray the
expenses of the care and comfort of worthy soldiers disabled in the
line of duty in the wars of the Republic, and for the payment of such
pensions as Congress may from time to time grant to such soldiers,
a like fund for the sailors having been already provided; and any
surplus should be paid into the Treasury.
We favor an American continental policy, based upon more intimate
commercial and political relations with the fifteen sister republics
of North, Central, and South America, but entangling alliances with
none.
We believe in honest money, the gold and silver coinage of the
Constitution, and a circulating medium convertible into such money
without loss.
Asserting the equality of all men before the law, we hold that it is
the duty of the Government, in its dealings with the people, to mete
out equal and exact justice to all citizens, of whatever nativity,
race, color, or persuasion, religious or political.
We believe in a free ballot and a fair count; and we recall to
the memory of our people the noble struggle of the Democrats in
the Forty-fifth and Forty-sixth Congresses, by which a reluctant
Republican opposition was compelled to assent to legislation making
everywhere illegal the presence of troops at the polls as the
conclusive proof that a Democratic administration will preserve
liberty, with order.
The selection of Federal officers for the Territories should be
restricted to citizens previously resident therein.
We oppose sumptuary laws, which vex the citizens and interfere with
individual liberty.
We favor honest civil service reforms and the compensation of all
United States officers by fixed salaries, the separation of Church
and State, and the diffusion of free education by common schools, so
that every child in the land may be taught the rights and duties of
citizenship.
While we favor all legislation which will tend to the equitable
distribution of property, to the prevention of monopoly, and to the
strict enforcement of individual rights against corporate abuses, we
hold that the welfare of society depends upon a scrupulous regard for
the rights of property as defined by law.
We believe that labor is best rewarded where it is freest and most
enlightened. It should, therefore, be fostered and cherished. We favor
the repeal of all laws restricting the free action of labor, and the
enactment of laws by which labor organizations may be incorporated,
and of such legislation as will tend to enlighten the people as to the
true relation of capital and labor.
We believe that the public land ought, as far as possible, to be kept
as homesteads for actual settlers; that all unearned lands heretofore
improvidently granted to railroad corporations by the action of the
Republican party should be restored to the public domain, and that no
more grants of land shall be made to corporations or be allowed to
fall into the ownership of alien absentees.
We are opposed to all propositions which, upon any pretext, would
convert the General Government into a machine for collecting taxes to
be distributed among the States or the citizens thereof.
In reaffirming the declaration of the Democratic platform of 1856,
that “the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration
of Independence, and sanctioned in the Constitution, which makes ours
the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation,
have ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith,” we
nevertheless do not sanction the importation of foreign labor or the
admission of servile races, unfitted by habits, training, religion, or
kindred, for absorption into the great body of our people, or for the
citizenship which our laws confer. American civilization demands that
against the immigration or importation of Mongolians to these shores
our gates be closed.
The Democratic party insists that it is the duty of this Government to
protect with equal fidelity and vigilance the rights of its citizens,
native and naturalized, at home and abroad; and, to the end that this
protection may be assured, United States papers of naturalization,
issued by courts of competent jurisdiction, must be respected by
the executive and legislative departments of our own Government and
by all foreign powers. It is an imperative duty of this Government
to efficiently protect all the rights of persons and property of
every American citizen in foreign lands, and demand and enforce full
reparation for any invasion thereof. An American citizen is only
responsible to his own Government for any act done in his own country
or under her flag, and can only be tried therefor on her own soil
and according to her laws; and no power exists in this Government to
expatriate an American citizen to be tried in any foreign land for any
such act.
This country has never had a well-defined and executed foreign policy,
save under Democratic administration. That policy has ever been in
regard to foreign nations, so long as they do no act detrimental to
the interests of the country, or hurtful to our citizens, to let them
alone. As the result of this policy, we recall the acquisition of
Louisiana, Florida, California and the adjacent Mexican Territory by
purchase alone, and contrast these grand acquisitions of Democratic
statesmanship with the purchase of Alaska, the sole fruit of a
Republican administration of nearly a quarter of a century.
The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mississippi
River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure for
the interior States easy and cheap transportation to tide water.
Under a long period of Democratic rule and policy, our merchant
marine was fast overtaking and on the point of outstripping that of
Great Britain. Under twenty years of Republican rule and policy, our
commerce has been left to British bottoms, and the American flag
has almost been swept off the high seas. Instead of the Republican
party’s British policy, we demand for the people of the United States
an American policy. Under Democratic rule and policy, our merchants
and sailors, flying the Stars and Stripes in every port, successfully
searched out a market for the various products of American industry;
under a quarter of a century of Republican rule and policy, despite
our manifest advantages over all other nations, in high paid labor,
favorable climates, and teeming soils; despite freedom of trade among
all these United States; despite their population by the foremost
races of men, and an annual immigration of the young, thrifty,
and adventurous of all nations; despite our freedom here from the
inherited burdens of life and industry in Old World monarchies, their
costly war navies, their vast tax-consuming, non-producing standing
armies; despite twenty years of peace—that Republican rule and policy
have managed to surrender to Great Britain, along with our commerce,
the control of the markets of the world. Instead of the Republican
party’s British policy, we demand, in behalf of the American
Democracy, an American policy. Instead of the Republican party’s
discredited scheme and false pretence of friendship for American
labor, expressed by imposing taxes, we demand, in behalf of the
Democracy, freedom for American labor by reducing taxes, to the end
that these United States may compete with unhindered powers for the
primacy among nations in all the arts of peace and fruits of liberty.
With profound regret we have been apprised by the venerable statesman,
through whose person was struck that blow at the vital principles
of republics, acquiescence in the will of the majority, that he
cannot permit us again to place in his hands the leadership of the
Democratic hosts, for the reason that the achievement of reform in the
administration of the Federal Government is an undertaking now too
heavy for his age and failing strength. Rejoicing that his life has
been prolonged until the general judgment of our fellow-countrymen is
united in the wish that that wrong were righted in his person, for
the Democracy of the United States we offer to him, in his withdrawal
from public cares, not only our respectful sympathy and esteem, but
also that best of homage of freemen—the pledge of our devotion to
the principles and the cause now inseparable in the history of this
Republic from the labors and the name of Samuel J. Tilden.
With this statement of the hopes, principles and purposes of
the Democratic party, the great issue of reform and change in
administration is submitted to the people, in calm confidence that
the popular voice will pronounce in favor of new men and new and more
favorable conditions for the growth of industry, the extension of
trade and employment and due reward of labor and of capital, and the
general welfare of the whole country.
The campaign of 1884 gave birth to the Anti-Monopoly party, that
held its national convention at Chicago on the 14th of May, with
John F. Henry as permanent president. General Benjamin F. Butler, of
Massachusetts, was nominated as the candidate for President on the 1st
ballot, receiving 122 votes to 7 for Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, and 1
for Solon Chase, of Maine. No nomination for Vice-President was made.
The National Committee later nominated A. M. West, of Mississippi, for
that office. The following platform was adopted by a vote of 85 to 29:
The Anti-Monopoly organization of the United States, in convention
assembled, declares:
1. That labor and capital should be allies; and we demand justice for
both by protecting the rights of all against privileges for the few.
2. That corporations, the creatures of law, should be controlled by
law.
3. That we propose the greatest reduction practicable in public
expenses.
4. That in the enactment and vigorous execution of just laws, equality
of rights, equality of burdens, equality of privileges, and equality
of powers in all citizens, will be secured. To this end we declare:
5. That it is the duty of the Government to immediately exercise its
constitutional prerogative to regulate commerce among the States.
The great instruments by which this commerce is carried on are
transportation, money, and the transmission of intelligence. They are
now mercilessly controlled by giant monopolies, to the impoverishment
of labor, the crushing out of healthful competition, and the
destruction of business security. We hold it, therefore, to be the
imperative and immediate duty of Congress to pass all needful laws
for the control and regulation of these great agents of commerce, in
accordance with the oft-repeated decisions of the Supreme Court of the
United States.
6. That these monopolies, which have exacted from enterprise such
heavy tribute, have also inflicted countless wrongs upon the toiling
millions of the United States; and no system of reform should commend
itself to the support of the people which does not protect the man who
earns his bread by the sweat of his face. Bureaus of labor statistics
must be established, both State and national; arbitration take the
place of brute force in the settlement of disputes between employer
and employed; the national eight-hour law be honestly enforced; the
importation of foreign labor under contract be made illegal; and
whatever practical reforms may be necessary for the protection of
united labor must be granted, to the end that unto the toiler shall
be given that proportion of the profits of the thing or value created
which his labor bears to the cost of production.
7. That we approve and favor the passage of an interstate commerce
bill. Navigable waters should be improved by the Government, and be
free.
8. We demand the payment of the bonded debt as it falls due; the
election of United States Senators by the direct vote of the people
of their respective States; a graduated income tax; and a tariff,
which is a tax upon the people, that shall be so levied as to bear as
lightly as possible upon necessaries. We denounce the present tariff
as being largely in the interest of monopoly, and demand that it be
speedily and radically reformed in the interest of labor, instead of
capital.
9. That no further grants of public lands shall be made to
corporations. All enactments granting lands to corporations should be
strictly construed, and all land grants should be forfeited where the
terms upon which the grants were made have not been strictly complied
with. The lands must be held for homes for actual settlers, and must
not be subject to purchase or control by non-resident foreigners or
other speculators.
10. That we deprecate the discrimination of American legislation
against the greatest of American industries—agriculture, by which it
has been deprived of nearly all beneficial legislation, while forced
to bear the brunt of taxation; and we demand for it the fostering
care of Government, and the just recognition of its importance in the
development and advancement of our land; and we appeal to the American
farmer to co-operate with us in our endeavors to advance the national
interests of the country and the overthrow of monopoly in every shape,
whenever and wherever found.
The National party, that was the legatee of the Greenback party, held
its national convention at Indianapolis, on the 28th of May, with
James B. Weaver, of Iowa, its president. General Benjamin F. Butler,
of Massachusetts, was nominated for President on the 1st ballot, as
follows:
Benjamin F. Butler, Mass. 322
Jesse Harper, Ill. 99
Solon Chase, Me. 2
Edward P. Allis, Wis. 1
David Davis, Ill. 1
General Butler was then declared the choice of the convention, but the
motion to make it unanimous called out hisses from a portion of the
delegates. A. M. West, of Mississippi, was nominated for Vice-President
by acclamation. The following platform was adopted:
Eight years ago our young party met in this city for the first time,
and proclaimed to the world its immortal principles, and placed
before the American people as a Presidential candidate that great
philanthropist and spotless statesman, Peter Cooper. Since that
convention our party has organized all over the Union, and through
discussion and agitation has been educating the people to a sense of
their rights and duties to themselves and their country. These labors
have accomplished wonders. We now have a great, harmonious party, and
thousands who believe in our principles in the ranks of other parties.
“We point with pride to our history.” We forced the remonetization
of the silver dollar; prevented the refunding of the public debt
into long-time bonds; secured the payment of the bonds, until “the
best banking system the world ever saw,” for robbing the producer,
now totters because of its contracting foundation; we have stopped
the wholesale destruction of the greenback currency, and secured
a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States establishing
forever the right of the people to issue their own money.
Notwithstanding all this, never in our history have the banks,
land-grant railroads, and other monopolies been more insolent in their
demands for further privileges—still more class legislation. In this
emergency the dominant parties are arrayed against the people, and are
the abject tools of the corporate monopolies.
In the last Congress, they repealed over twelve million dollars of
annual taxes for the banks, throwing the burden upon the people to
pay, or pay interest thereon.
Both old parties in the present Congress vie with each other in their
efforts to further repeal taxes in order to stop the payment of the
public debt and save the banks whose charters they have renewed for
twenty years. Notwithstanding the distress of business, the shrinkage
of wages, and panic, they persist in locking up, on various pretexts,
four hundred million dollars of money, every dollar of which the
people pay interest upon, and need, and most of which should be
promptly applied to pay bonds now payable.
The old parties are united—as they cannot agree what taxes to
repeal—in efforts to squander the income of the Government upon every
pretext rather than pay the debt.
A bill has already passed the United States Senate making the banks a
present of over fifty million dollars more of the people’s money, in
order to enable them to levy a still greater burden of interest taxes.
A joint effort is being made by the old party leaders to overthrow
the sovereign constitutional power of the people to control their own
financial affairs, and issue their own money, in order to forever
enslave the masses to bankers and other business. The House of
Representatives has passed bills reclaiming nearly one hundred million
acres of land granted to and forfeited by railroad companies. These
bills have gone to the Senate, a body composed largely of aristocratic
millionaires, who, according to their own party papers, generally
purchased their elections in order to protect great monopolies which
they represent. This body has thus far defied the people and the
House, and refused to act upon these bills in the interest of the
people.
Therefore we, the National party of the United States, in national
convention assembled, this twenty-ninth day of May, A.D., 1884,
declare:
1. That we hold the late decision of the Supreme Court on the legal
tender question to be a full vindication of the theory which our
party has always advocated on the right and authority of Congress
over the issue of legal tender notes, and we hereby pledge ourselves
to uphold said decision, and to defend the Constitution against
alterations or amendments intended to deprive the people of any rights
or privileges conferred by that instrument. We demand the issue of
such money in sufficient quantities to supply the actual demand of
trade and commerce, in accordance with the increase of population
and the development of our industries. We demand the substitution
of greenbacks for national bank notes, and the prompt payment of
the public debt. We want that money which saved our country in time
of war, and which has given it prosperity and happiness in peace.
We condemn the retirement of the fractional currency and the small
denomination of greenbacks, and demand their restoration. We demand
the issue of the hoards of money now locked up in the United States
Treasury, by applying them to the payment of the public debt now due.
2. We denounce, as dangerous to our republican institutions, those
methods and policies of the Democratic and Republican parties which
have sanctioned or permitted the establishment of land, railroad,
money, and other gigantic corporate monopolies; and we demand such
governmental action as may be necessary to take from such monopolies
the powers they have so corruptly and unjustly usurped, and restore
them to the people, to whom they belong.
3. The public lands being the natural inheritance of the people, we
denounce that policy which has granted to corporations vast tracts of
land, and we demand that immediate and vigorous measures be taken to
reclaim from such corporations, for the people’s use and benefit, all
such land grants as have been forfeited by reason of non-fulfilment
of contract, or that may have been wrongfully acquired by corrupt
legislation, and that such reclaimed lands and other public domain
be henceforth held as a sacred trust, to be granted only to actual
settlers in limited quantities; and we also demand that the alien
ownership of land, individual or corporate, be prohibited.
4. We demand Congressional regulation of interstate commerce. We
denounce “pooling,” stock watering, and discrimination in rates and
charges, and demand that Congress shall correct these abuses, even, if
necessary, by the construction of national railroads. We also demand
the establishment of a Government postal telegraph system.
5. All private property, all forms of money and obligations to pay
money, should bear their just proportion of the public taxes. We
demand a graduated income tax.
6. We demand the amelioration of the condition of labor, by enforcing
the sanitary laws in industrial establishments, by the abolition
of the convict labor system, by a rigid inspection of mines and
factories, by a reduction of the hours of labor in industrial
establishments, by fostering educational institutions, and by
abolishing child labor.
7. We condemn all importations of contracted labor, made with a view
of reducing to starvation wages the workingmen of this country, and
demand laws for its prevention.
8. We insist upon a constitutional amendment reducing the terms of
United States Senators.
9. We demand such rules for the government of Congress as shall place
all representatives of the people upon an equal footing, and take away
from committees a veto power greater than that of the President.
10. The question as to the amount of duties to be levied upon various
articles of import has been agitated and quarrelled over, and has
divided communities, for nearly a hundred years. It is not now,
and never will be, settled, unless by the abolition of indirect
taxation. It is a convenient issue, always raised when the people are
excited over abuses in their midst. While we favor a wise revision
of the tariff laws, with a view to raising a revenue from luxuries
rather than necessities, we insist that, as an economic question,
its importance is insignificant as compared with financial issues;
for whereas we have suffered our worst panics under low and also
under high tariffs, we have never suffered from a panic, nor seen
our factories and workshops closed, while the volume of money in
circulation was adequate to the needs of commerce. Give our farmers
and manufacturers money as cheap as you now give it to our bankers,
and they can pay high wages to labor, and compete with all the world.
11. For the purpose of testing the sense of the people upon the
subject, we are in favor of submitting to a vote of the people an
amendment to the Constitution in favor of suffrage regardless of sex,
and also on the subject of the liquor traffic.
12. All disabled soldiers of the late war should be equitably
pensioned, and we denounce the policy of keeping a small army of
office-holders, whose only business is to prevent, on technical
grounds, deserving soldiers from obtaining justice from the
Government they helped to save.
13. As our name indicates, we are a national party, knowing no East,
no West, no North, no South. Having no sectional prejudices, we
can properly place in nomination for the high offices of state, as
candidates, men from any section of the Union.
14. We appeal to all people who believe in our principles to aid us by
voice, pen, and votes.
The Prohibitionists divided in the contest of 1884. Their first was
a mass convention, held at Chicago on the 19th of June, under the
title of the American Prohibition National Convention, with J. L.
Barlow, of Connecticut, as president. The fact that it was not largely
a representative body is evidenced from the fact that on the ballot
for President, Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, received 72 votes to 12
for all others, and was declared the nominee, and John A. Conant, of
Connecticut, was nominated for Vice-President without a ballot. This
organization did not have any electoral tickets as far as I can learn.
It adopted the following platform:
We hold: 1. That ours is a Christian, and not a heathen, nation,
and that the God of the Christian Scriptures is the author of civil
government.
2. That the Bible should be associated with books of science and
literature in all our educational institutions.
3. That God requires and man needs a Sabbath.
4. That we demand the prohibition of the importation, manufacture, and
sale of intoxicating drinks.
5. That the charters of all secret lodges granted by our Federal and
State Legislatures should be withdrawn and their oaths prohibited by
law.
6. We are opposed to putting prison labor or depreciated contract
labor from foreign countries in competition with free labor to benefit
manufacturers, corporations, and speculators.
7. We are in favor of a thorough revision and enforcement of the law
concerning patents and inventions, for the prevention and punishment
of frauds either upon inventors or the general public.
8. We hold to and will vote for woman suffrage.
9. We hold that civil equality secured to all American citizens by
Articles Thirteen, Fourteen, and Fifteen of our amended national
Constitution should be preserved inviolate, and the same equality
should be extended to Indians and Chinamen.
10. That international differences should be settled by arbitration.
11. That land and other monopolies should be discouraged.
12. That the General Government should furnish the people with an
ample and sound currency.
13. That it should be the settled policy of the Government to reduce
the tariffs and taxes as rapidly as the necessities of revenue and
vested business interests will allow.
14. That polygamy should be immediately suppressed by law, and that
the Republican party is censurable for its long neglect of its duty in
respect to this evil.
15. And, finally, we demand for the American people the abolition of
electoral colleges, and a direct vote for President and Vice-President
of the United States.
The regular national Prohibition party held its convention in Pittsburg
on the 23d of July with Samuel Dickie, of Michigan, as permanent
president. The sentiment of the party was very strongly in favor of
Governor John P. St. John, of Kansas, who was unanimously nominated
as President, and William Daniel, of Maryland, was chosen for
Vice-President by a like unanimous vote. The following platform was
adopted:
The Prohibition-Home-Protection party, in national convention
assembled, acknowledge Almighty God as the rightful sovereign of all
men, from whom the just powers of government are derived, and to whose
laws human enactments should conform. Peace, prosperity, and happiness
only can come to the people when the laws of their national and State
governments are in accord with the divine will.
That the importation, manufacture, supply, and sale of alcoholic
beverages, created and maintained by the laws of the national and
State governments, during the entire history of such laws, is
everywhere shown to be the promoting cause of intemperance, with
resulting crime and pauperism; making large demands upon public
and private charity; imposing large and unjust taxation and public
burdens for penal and sheltering institutions upon thrift, industry,
manufactures, and commerce; endangering the public peace; causing
desecration of the Sabbath; corrupting our politics, legislation, and
administration of the laws; shortening lives; impairing health, and
diminishing productive industry; causing education to be neglected and
despised; nullifying the teachings of the Bible, the Church, and the
school, the standards and guides of our fathers and their children in
the founding and growth under God of our widely extended country; and,
while imperilling the perpetuity of our civil and religious liberties,
are baleful fruits by which we know that these laws are alike contrary
to God’s laws and contravene our happiness; and we call upon our
fellow-citizens to aid in the repeal of these laws and in the legal
suppression of this baneful liquor traffic.
The fact that, during the twenty-four years in which the Republican
party has controlled the General Government and that of many of
the States, no effort has been made to change this policy; that
Territories have been created from the national domain and governments
from them established, and States admitted into the Union, in no
instance in either of which has this traffic been forbidden, or the
people of these Territories or States been permitted to prohibit it;
that there are now over two hundred thousand distilleries, breweries,
wholesale and retail dealers in these drinks, holding certificates
and claiming the authority of Government for the continuation of a
business which is so destructive to the moral and material welfare of
the people, together with the fact that they have turned a deaf ear
to remonstrance and petition for the correction of this abuse of civil
government, is conclusive that the Republican party is insensible to
or impotent for the redress of those wrongs, and should no longer be
intrusted with the powers and responsibilities of government; that
although this party, in its late national convention, was silent on
the liquor question, not so were its candidates, Messrs. Blaine and
Logan. Within the year past Mr. Blaine has publicly recommended that
the revenues derived from the liquor traffic shall be distributed
among the States, and Senator Logan has by bill proposed to devote
these revenues to the support of schools. Thus both virtually
recommend the perpetuation of the traffic, and that the State and its
citizens shall become partners in the liquor crime.
The fact that the Democratic party has, in its national deliverances
of party policy, arrayed itself on the side of the drink makers
and sellers by declaring against the policy of prohibition of such
traffic under the false name of “sumptuary laws,” and, when in power
in some of the States, in refusing remedial legislation, and, in
Congress, of refusing to permit the creation of a board of inquiry to
investigate and report upon the effects of this traffic, proves that
the Democratic party should not be intrusted with power or place.
There can be no greater peril to the nation than the existing
competition of the Republican and Democratic parties for the liquor
vote. Experience shows that any party not openly opposed to the
traffic will engage in this competition, will court the favor of the
criminal classes, will barter away the public morals, purity of the
ballot, and every trust and object of good government, for party
success; and patriots and good citizens should find in this practice
sufficient cause for immediate withdrawal from all connection with
their party.
That we favor reforms in the administration of the Government, in
the abolition of all sinecures, useless offices and officers, in
the election by the people of officers of the Government instead of
appointment by the President. That competency, honesty, and sobriety
are essential qualifications for holding civil office, and we oppose
the removal of such persons from mere administrative offices, except
so far as it may be absolutely necessary to secure effectiveness to
the vital issues on which the general administration of the Government
has been intrusted to a party.
That the collection of revenue from alcohol, liquors, and tobacco
should be abolished, as the vices of men are not a proper subject for
taxation; that revenue for customs duties should be levied for the
support of the Government, economically administered; and when so
levied, the fostering of American labor, manufactures, and industries
should constantly be held in view.
That the public land should be held for homes for the people and
not for gifts to corporations, or to be held in large bodies for
speculation upon the needs of actual settlers.
That all money, coin and paper, shall be made, issued, and regulated
by the General Government, and shall be a legal tender for all debts,
public and private.
That grateful care and support should be given to our soldiers and
sailors, their dependent widows and orphans, disabled in the service
of the country.
That we repudiate as un-American, contrary to and subversive of
the principle of the Declaration of Independence, from which our
Government has grown to be the government of fifty-five millions of
people, and a recognized power among nations, that any person or
people shall or may be excluded from residence or citizenship with all
others who may desire the benefits which our institutions confer upon
the oppressed of all nations.
That while there are important reforms that are demanded for purity
of administration and the welfare of the people, their importance
sinks into insignificance when compared with the reform of the drink
traffic, which annually wastes eight hundred million dollars of
the wealth created by toil and thrift, and drags down thousands of
families from comfort to poverty; which fills jails, penitentiaries,
insane asylums, hospitals, and institutions for dependency; which
destroys the health, saps industry, and causes loss of life and
property to thousands in the land, lowers intellectual and physical
vigor, dulls the cunning hand of the artisan, is the chief cause of
bankruptcy, insolvency, and loss in trade, and by its corrupting power
endangers the perpetuity of free institutions.
That Congress should exercise its undoubted power, and prohibit the
manufacture and sale of intoxicating beverages in the District of
Columbia, in the Territories of the United States, and in all places
over which the Government has exclusive jurisdiction; that hereafter
no State shall be admitted into the Union until its Constitution
shall expressly prohibit polygamy and the manufacture and sale of
intoxicating beverages.
We earnestly call the attention of the laborer and mechanic, the miner
and manufacturer, and ask investigation of the baneful effects upon
labor and industry caused by the needless liquor business, which will
be found the robber who lessens wages and profits, the destroyer of
happiness and the family welfare of the laboring man, and that labor
and all legitimate industry demand deliverance from the taxation
and loss which this traffic imposes, and that no tariff or other
legislation can so healthily stimulate production or increase a demand
for capital and labor, or produce so much of comfort and content as
the suppressing of this traffic would bring to the laboring man,
mechanic, or employer of labor throughout our land.
That the activity and co-operation of the women of America for the
promotion of temperance has in all the history of the past been a
strength and encouragement which we gratefully acknowledge and record.
In the later and present phase of the movement for the prohibition
of the licensed traffic by the abolition of the drinking-saloon, the
purity of purpose and method, the earnestness, zeal, intelligence,
and devotion of the mothers and daughters of the Women’s Christian
Temperance Union has been eminently blessed by God. Kansas and Iowa
have been given her as “sheaves of rejoicing;” and the education
and arousing of the public mind, and the demand for constitutional
amendment now prevailing, are largely the fruit of her prayers and
labors, and we rejoice to have our Christian women unite with us in
sharing the labors that shall bring the abolition of this traffic to
the polls, she shall join in the grand “Praise God, from whom all
blessings flow,” when by law our boys and friends shall be free from
legal drink temptation.
That we believe in the civil and political equality of the sexes, and
that the ballot in the hand of woman is a right for her protection,
and would prove a powerful ally for the abolition of the drink-saloon,
the execution of law, the promotion of reform in civil affairs, and
the removal of corruption in public life; and thus believing, we
relegate the practical outworking of this reform to the discretion
of the Prohibition party in the several States, according to the
condition of public sentiment in those States; that gratefully we
acknowledge and praise God for the presence of His Spirit, guiding
our counsels and granting the success which has been vouchsafed in
the progress of temperance reform, and looking to Him from whom all
wisdom and help come, we ask the voters of the United States to make
the principles of the above declaration a ruling principle in the
government of the nation and of the States.
_Resolved_, That henceforth the Prohibition-Home-Protection party
shall be called by the name of the Prohibition party.
The following table exhibits the popular and electoral vote for 1884:
══════════════╤═════════════════════════════════════════════╦═════════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL
│ ║ VOTE.
├──────────┬─────────┬──────────────┬─────────╫──────────┬──────
STATES. │ Grover │James G. │ Benjamin F. │John P. ║Cleveland │Blaine
│Cleveland,│ Blaine, │ Butler, │St. John,║ and │ and
│New York. │ Maine. │Massachusetts.│Kansas. ║Hendricks.│Logan.
──────────────┼──────────┼─────────┼──────────────┼─────────╫──────────┼──────
Maine │ 52,140 │ 72,209│ 3,953 │ 2,160 ║ ―― │ 6
New Hampshire │ 39,183 │ 43,249│ 552 │ 1,571 ║ ―― │ 4
Vermont │ 17,331 │ 39,514│ 785 │ 1,752 ║ ―― │ 4
Massachusetts │ 122,481 │ 146,724│ 24,433 │ 10,026 ║ ―― │ 14
Rhode Island │ 12,391 │ 19,030│ 422 │ 928 ║ ―― │ 4
Connecticut │ 67,199 │ 65,923│ 1,688 │ 2,305 ║ 6 │ ――
New York │ 563,154 │ 562,005│ 16,994 │ 25,016 ║ 36 │ ――
New Jersey │ 127,798 │ 123,440│ 3,496 │ 6,159 ║ 9 │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 392,785 │ 473,804│ 16,992 │ 15,283 ║ ―― │ 30
Delaware │ 16,964 │ 12,951│ 6 │ 55 ║ 3 │ ――
Maryland │ 96,932 │ 85,699│ 531 │ 2,794 ║ 8 │ ――
Virginia │ 185,497 │ 139,356│ ―――――― │ 138 ║ 12 │ ――
West Virginia │ 67,317 │ 63,096│ 810 │ 939 ║ 6 │ ――
North Carolina│ 142,952 │ 125,068│ ―――――― │ 454 ║ 11 │ ――
South Carolina│ 69,890 │ 21,733│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 9 │ ――
Georgia │ 94,667 │ 48,603│ 145 │ 195 ║ 12 │ ――
Florida │ 31,766 │ 28,031│ ―――――― │ 72 ║ 4 │ ――
Alabama │ 93,951 │ 59,591│ 873 │ 612 ║ 10 │ ――
Mississippi │ 76,510 │ 43,509│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 9 │ ――
Louisiana │ 62,540 │ 46,347│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 8 │ ――
Texas │ 225,309 │ 93,141│ 3,321 │ 3,534 ║ 13 │ ――
Arkansas │ 72,927 │ 50,895│ 1,847 │ ―――――― ║ 7 │ ――
Missouri │ 235,988 │ 202,929│ ―――――― │ 2,153 ║ 16 │ ――
Tennessee │ 133,258 │ 124,078│ 957 │ 1,131 ║ 12 │ ――
Kentucky │ 152,961 │ 118,122│ 1,691 │ 3,139 ║ 13 │ ――
Ohio │ 368,280 │ 400,082│ 5,179 │ 11,069 ║ ―― │ 23
Michigan │ 149,835 │ 192,669│ 42,243 │ 18,403 ║ ―― │ 13
Indiana │ 244,990 │ 238,463│ 8,293 │ 3,028 ║ 15 │ ――
Illinois │ 312,355 │ 337,474│ 10,910 │ 12,074 ║ ―― │ 22
Wisconsin │ 146,459 │ 161,157│ 4,598 │ 7,656 ║ ―― │ 11
Minnesota │ 70,144 │ 111,923│ 3,583 │ 4,684 ║ ―― │ 7
Iowa │ 177,316 │ 197,089│ ―――――― │ 1,472 ║ ―― │ 13
Nebraska │ 54,391 │ 79,912│ ―――――― │ 2,899 ║ ―― │ 5
Kansas │ 90,132 │ 154,406│ 16,341 │ 4,495 ║ ―― │ 9
Colorado │ 27,723 │ 36,290│ 1,953 │ 761 ║ ―― │ 3
Nevada │ 5,578 │ 7,193│ 26 │ ―――――― ║ ―― │ 3
California │ 89,288 │ 102,416│ 2,017 │ 2,920 ║ ―― │ 8
Oregon │ 24,604 │ 26,860│ 726 │ 492 ║ ―― │ 3
├──────────┼─────────┼──────────────┼─────────╫──────────┼──────
│4,874,986 │4,851,981│ 175,370 │ 150,369 ║ 219 │ 182
══════════════╧══════════╧═════════╧══════════════╧═════════╩══════════╧══════
No man was ever big enough to conduct a Presidential contest for
himself. The intense interest a candidate must have in the struggle,
and the constant strain upon him, would unbalance the most forceful
intellect the world has ever produced. Blaine would have been matchless
in the skilful management of a Presidential campaign for another, but
he was dwarfed by the overwhelming responsibilities of conducting
the campaign for himself, and yet he assumed the supreme control of
the struggle and directed it absolutely from start to finish. He was
of heroic mould, and he wisely planned his own campaign tours to
accomplish the best results. In point of fact, he had won his fight
after stumping the country, and lost it by his stay in New York on his
way home. He knew how to sway multitudes, and none could approach him
in that important feature of a conflict; but he was not trained to
consider the thousand intricacies which fall upon the management of
every Presidential contest.
Three causes combined to lose New York by 1100 majority when the
electoral vote of that State would have made him President. One was
his implacable quarrel with Conkling, that lost him 1000 votes, cast
directly for his opponent in Conkling’s county of Oneida. They had
quarrelled when both were comparatively young and rivals for the
leadership of the House. In a heated controversy between them Blaine
unhorsed Conkling, and inflicted wounds which never healed, and they
never spoke from that time during their lives. When both were members
of the Senate, if either had occasion to refer to the remarks made by
the other, instead of referring to the “Senator from Maine” or the
“Senator from New York,” they would say: “It has been stated on this
floor.” Many efforts were made to bring them together, but Conkling was
an intense hater, and Blaine was willing to be broken rather than bend.
He dined with Jay Gould during his brief stay in New York City, and
that brought him no votes and lost him many.
The Burchard episode, that Blaine was blunderingly brought into in New
York just on the eve of the election, was very generally accepted as
costing him more than enough votes to have given him the State of New
York, and thereby his election to the Presidency. It was miserably bad
politics in its conception and could not have been more bunglingly
executed. Blaine had suffered much from the attacks upon his public
integrity, and some of his friends in New York assumed that it would
be a great card to have him called upon by forty or fifty ministers
of different denominations and congratulated as the candidate for
President.
As originally planned it might have accomplished some good, and
certainly would not have done any harm. It was intended that Rev.
Dr. Tiffany should deliver the address to Blaine. He was one of the
most eloquent divines of the country, was well up in politics, had
been in active political movements in Pennsylvania as a leader in the
American party when he was connected with Dickinson’s College, and was
a candidate for United States Senator before the Legislature of 1855.
Had he delivered the address to Blaine, it would have been an elegant
and faultless congratulation, but when the ministers met some of them
strenuously objected to Dr. Tiffany as the oracle of the party, and
there were indications of considerable ill-feeling. There was little
time for conference, and the dispute was suddenly ended by some one
proposing that the oldest minister present should deliver the address
to Blaine, and that was adopted to settle the dispute.
Dr. Burchard, unfortunately, happened to be the oldest minister in
attendance, and he was rampant against “Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion,”
but none supposed for a moment that he would make such a fearful break
as to publicly denounce Romanism in an address of congratulation to a
Presidential candidate, whose mother and sisters were devout Catholics.
On his way home from the West he had visited his sister at a convent
in Indiana, where she was Mother Superior. Burchard, of course, had no
opportunity for preparation, and when the ministerial crowd came into
the presence of Blaine he fired off his address in a manner not highly
creditable, and proclaimed the fatal sentence against “Rum, Romanism,
and Rebellion.”
Blaine in his reply made no reference to that feature of Dr. Burchard’s
address, and he seems not to have appreciated its fearful import until
the next day, when he gave out an interview, disclaiming sympathy
with it; but it was accepted as an afterthought, and that deliverance
of Dr. Burchard certainly drove away from Blaine more than the six
hundred votes necessary to give him the State of New York and the
Presidency. I saw Blaine soon after the election, and asked him why
it was that he overlooked the expression at the time. He was a man
of such keen perception and so ready in every emergency that I was
amazed at his failure to turn the blunder to his advantage, as he could
have done by a generous expression on the religious issue involved.
He told me that he heard the expression distinctly, but that his
mind was just then concentrated on his reply, as he generally spoke
spontaneously, and that he thereby failed to become impressed with its
importance. He said that when the proceedings were over, and he gave
it a moment’s reflection, he saw what a fearful mistake had been made;
but the emergency was extreme and called for immediate action, and he
unfortunately hesitated until another day had passed. It was then too
late, and Dr. Burchard certainly cost Blaine many more votes than would
have given him his election. Had Blaine been under the command of a
competent chairman of his national committee, he would never have been
permitted to stop in New York after his great battle had been fought
before the people, and had he gone directly from the West to his home
in Maine, he would have been President instead of Cleveland.
Blaine and Tilden are the only men I can recall who undertook to manage
a Presidential contest for themselves, and both suffered defeats, for
which they were wholly responsible.
Blaine committed many serious blunders during the campaign of 1884.
He and Cleveland were both made the targets of flagrant scandals, and
when the Cleveland scandal was sent to Blaine in the early part of
the contest, instead of peremptorily forbidding its use as a campaign
factor, as would have been most wise, he sent it to his national
committee, and it was given publicity. The Blaine scandal was sent
to Cleveland early in the fight, and he at once gave notice to those
in charge of his campaign that any personal scandals against Blaine
should not have the sanction of the Democratic organization. Blaine
never would have committed such a mistake if he had been managing a
Presidential campaign for another, and had he been such responsible
manager, he never would have permitted a libel suit to be instituted
against a newspaper publisher for any scandal, however false and
malignant. He was a man of intense earnestness, and the intensity of
his interest in his own election for the Presidency unbalanced his
judgment and made him often the creature of impulse when he should have
been most dispassionate and philosophical. The scandals did not affect
a thousand votes out of the many millions cast for President, and
Blaine suffered vastly more than Cleveland, because he dignified the
scandal against himself by legal proceedings for defamation. The fact
that he voluntarily discontinued the suit after the election is the
best evidence of the error committed against himself.
Charles A. Dana, then editor of the New York _Sun_, became estranged
from Mr. Cleveland the year before the Presidential election of 1884.
He had earnestly supported Cleveland for Governor in 1882, but when a
movement was made by Mr. Manning to organize the State for Cleveland
in 1884 Dana was implacable in his opposition. I met him several times
before Cleveland was nominated, and he always discussed the question
with an unusual degree of acrimony. He believed that Cleveland was not
available; that he was unworthy of the position, and that if nominated
he would be overwhelmingly defeated. He gave me no reason for his
changed relations with Cleveland, and I did not learn the true cause
until after Cleveland had been elected President.
Soon after Cleveland’s nomination I was spending a few days at
Saratoga, and was watching Dana’s paper with much interest, for he was
very much disgruntled. He did not at first declare himself aggressively
against Cleveland’s election, but one morning at Saratoga, in taking up
the Sun, I found one of Dana’s terrible deliverances against Cleveland,
that left no possible chance for a reconciliation. I telegraphed to
Mr. Dana and asked him to meet me at his office at three o’clock that
afternoon, and called there on my way home. Mr. Dana had gone too far
to recede, but I tried to temper his bitterness, as I thought it would
do great harm, not only to Cleveland, but to his own newspaper as well,
then one of the most prosperous in the country.
Mr. Dana was petulant and violent in his expressions against Cleveland,
and said that he had decided to support General Butler, who was the
candidate of the Labor-Socialistic element, and who, he said, would
receive not less than 25,000 votes in New York City. I told him that
Butler might receive 2500, and if there were 25,000 disgruntled
Democrats who wanted to defeat Cleveland, they would certainly vote for
Blaine.
The result was about as I had predicted. Butler received only a few
thousand votes, and Dana and his following, while ostensibly supporting
Butler, voted squarely for Blaine. Dana’s paper was the most aggressive
of all the anti-Cleveland newspapers in the country, and it doubtless
exerted great influence, but not sufficient to lose Cleveland the State.
Charles A. Dana was the ablest editor ever developed by American
journalism. Horace Greeley was more pungent and telling in his
political articles, and Henry Watterson is more brilliant, but Charles
A. Dana was the strongest editorial writer this country has ever
produced. He was versatile, powerful, and elegant, but an unfortunate
personal estrangement made him the bitterest of Cleveland’s enemies,
and paved the way for the _Sun_ to be transformed from an out-and-out
Tammany organ to the most aggressive of Republican organs.
It was not until I met Cleveland at Albany, soon after his election,
that I learned the cause of the estrangement between Cleveland and
Dana, and the statement given by Mr. Cleveland was subsequently
confirmed by Mr. Dana. Dana had very earnestly supported Cleveland’s
nomination and election for Governor in 1882, and after the election
he wrote a personal letter to Cleveland asking the appointment of a
friend to the position of Adjutant-General. His chief purpose was to
give a position on the staff to his son, Paul Dana, who is now his
successor in the editorial chair. Cleveland received that letter as he
received thousands of other letters recommending appointments, instead
of recognizing the claim Mr. Dana had upon him for the courtesy of an
answer. Beecher had a candidate for the same position, and Cleveland
gave it to Beecher’s man without any explanation whatever to Dana, who
felt that he had been discourteously treated by Cleveland.
Mr. Dana gave no open sign of his disappointment, but some time after
Cleveland’s inauguration, when it became known that Dana felt grieved
at the Governor, some mutual friends intervened and proposed to
Cleveland that he should invite Dana to join with some acquaintances
at the Executive Mansion. To this Cleveland readily assented. Dana was
informed that Cleveland would tender such an invitation if it would
be accepted, and he promptly assented. Cleveland then became involved
in the pressing duties of the Legislature, and allowed the session
to close without extending the promised and expected invitation to
Dana. Mr. Cleveland told me that he was entirely to blame for neglect
in both instances, as Dana would doubtless have been satisfied if he
had courteously informed him of his convictions which required him to
appoint another for Adjutant-General; and he had no excuse to offer but
that of neglect for not inviting Dana to dinner.
Dana naturally assumed that Cleveland had given him deliberate affront,
and Cleveland could make no satisfactory explanation. As Governor and
as President he was first of all devoted to his official duties, which
he discharged with rare fidelity, and he gave little time even to the
common courtesies which most Governors and Presidents would recognize
as justly belonging to their friends. Efforts were made to conciliate
Dana, but he never would discuss the question, and he sacrificed half
the circulation of his paper in the campaign of 1884 in his battle
against Cleveland. When Cleveland’s election was announced, and the
Republicans were disposed to dispute the vote of New York, Dana came
out boldly and declared that Cleveland was elected and that no violent
measures should be tolerated to deprive him of the honor conferred upon
him by the people.
It is quite possible that Dana got even with Cleveland in 1888. His
paper gave a nominal support to Cleveland, but did more damage to the
Cleveland cause than any other newspaper in the country by subtle
and persistent attacks upon the administration and the party, though
never exhibiting on the surface a trace of personal hostility to
the President. The _Sun_ was then the organ of Tammany, and Tammany
certainly defeated Cleveland in 1888 by giving the State to Harrison,
when Hill, the Democratic candidate for Governor on the same ticket,
was elected by nearly 20,000. It is not a strained conclusion that Dana
defeated Cleveland’s re-election in 1888. The estrangement between Dana
and Cleveland continued, as they never met or had any intercourse.
Blaine’s nomination was possible in 1888 when Harrison was made the
candidate, but after hesitating for three days, during which time he
freely conferred by cable with his friends, as he was then in Europe,
he finally decided to decline.
His belief that he was fated not to be President was not weakened by
advancing age, and his final assent to the use of his name in 1892, at
the Minneapolis convention that renominated Harrison, was the first
exhibition of decay in one who had been a giant among the giants in
the most eventful history of the Republic. He had been a possibly
successful candidate in four national conventions; had once been
nominated and defeated, and it was a sad spectacle to see him, like a
great oak with its green boughs fall and its heart corroding from the
storms of many winters, broken in a tempest of political resentments
and in a struggle that had not so much as a silver lining to the cloud
of despair that hung over him. His nomination was hopeless; his defeat,
if nominated, inevitable, and thus ended the life tragedy of one of the
ablest, bravest, and most beloved of our public men.
THE HARRISON-CLEVELAND CONTEST
1888
The Democratic National Convention of 1888 met at St. Louis on June 5,
and it was the most perfunctory body of the kind I have ever witnessed.
I never saw a national political body so entirely devoid of enthusiasm;
yet it was entirely fixed in its purpose to renominate President
Cleveland. He appealed strongly to the convictions and judgment of the
party, but not to its affection or enthusiasm. He was nominated by
a unanimous vote without the formality of a ballot, and it had been
settled long before the convention met that the sturdy old Roman of
Ohio, ex-Senator Thurman, should be the candidate for the second place,
as Vice-President Hendricks had died in office.
[Illustration: BENJAMIN HARRISON]
Patrick A. Collins, of Massachusetts, was permanent president of the
body, and there were no questions of rules or party policy to excite
discussion. Cleveland’s nomination was unanimous, and on the single
ballot for Vice-President, Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, had 690 votes
to 105 for Isaac B. Gray, of Indiana, and 25 for John C. Black, of
Illinois. The following platform was unanimously adopted:
The Democratic party of the United States, in national convention
assembled, renews the pledge of its fidelity to Democratic faith,
and reaffirms the platform adopted by its representatives in the
convention of 1884, and endorses the views expressed by President
Cleveland in his last earnest message to Congress as the correct
interpretation of that platform upon the question of tariff reduction;
and also endorses the efforts of our Democratic representatives in
Congress to secure a reduction of excessive taxation.
Chief among its principles of party faith are the maintenance of an
indissoluble union of free and indestructible States, now about to
enter upon its second century of unexampled progress and renown;
devotion to a plan of government regulated by a written Constitution
strictly specifying every granted power and expressly reserving to
the States or people the entire ungranted residue of power; the
encouragement of a jealous popular vigilance, directed to all who
have been chosen for brief terms to enact and execute the laws and
are charged with the duty of preserving peace, insuring equality, and
establishing justice.
The Democratic party welcomes an exacting scrutiny of the
administration of the Executive power which, four years ago, was
committed to its trusts in the election of Grover Cleveland, President
of the United States; but it challenges the most searching inquiry
concerning its fidelity and devotion to the pledges which then
invited the suffrages of the people. During a most critical period of
our financial affairs, resulting from over-taxation, the anomalous
condition of our currency, and a public debt unmatured, it has, by
the adoption of a wise and conservative policy, not only averted a
disaster, but greatly promoted the prosperity of the people. It has
reversed the improvident and unwise policy of the Republican party
touching the public domain, and has reclaimed from corporations and
syndicates, alien and domestic, and restored to the people nearly one
hundred millions of acres of valuable land to be sacredly held as
homesteads for our citizens.
While carefully guarding the interests of the taxpayers and conforming
strictly to the principles of justice and equity, it has paid out more
for pensions and bounties to the soldiers and sailors of the Republic
than was ever paid before during an equal period.
It has adopted and consistently pursued a firm and prudent foreign
policy, preserving peace with all nations, while scrupulously
maintaining all the rights and interests of our own Government and
people at home and abroad. The exclusion from our shores of Chinese
laborers has been effectually secured under the provision of a
treaty the operation of which has been postponed by the action of a
Republican majority in the Senate.
Honest reform in the civil service has been inaugurated and maintained
by President Cleveland, and he has brought the public service to the
highest standard of efficiency, not only by rule and precept, but by
the example of his own untiring and unselfish administration of public
affairs.
In every branch and department of the Government under Democratic
control the rights and welfare of all the people have been guarded and
defended; every public interest has been protected, and the equality
of all our citizens before the law, without regard to race or color,
has been steadfastly maintained.
Upon its record thus exhibited, and upon a pledge of a continuance
to the people of these benefits, the Democracy invokes a renewal of
popular trust by the re-election of a Chief Magistrate who has been
faithful, able, and prudent. We invoke, in addition to that trust, the
transfer also to the Democracy of the entire legislative power.
The Republican party controlling the Senate and resisting in both
houses of Congress a reformation of unjust and unequal tax laws which
have outlasted the necessities of war and are now undermining the
abundance of a long peace, denies to the people equality before the
law, and the fairness and the justice which are their right. Thus the
cry of American labor for a better share in the rewards of industry is
stifled with false pretences, enterprise is fettered and bound down to
home markets, capital is discouraged with doubt, and unequal, unjust
laws can neither be properly amended nor repealed. The Democratic
party will continue with all the power confided to it the struggle
to reform these laws, in accordance with the pledges of its last
platform, endorsed at the ballot-box by the suffrages of the people.
Of all the industrious freemen of our land, the immense majority,
including every tiller of the soil, gain no advantage from excessive
tax laws, but the price of nearly everything they buy is increased
by the favoritism of an unequal system of tax legislation. All
unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. It is repugnant to the creed
of Democracy that by such taxation the cost of the necessaries of
life should be unjustifiably increased to all our people. Judged by
Democratic principles, the interests of the people are betrayed when,
by unnecessary taxation, trusts and combinations are permitted to
exist which, while unduly enriching the few that combine, rob the
body of our citizens by depriving them of the benefits of natural
competition. Every Democratic rule of governmental action is violated
when, through unnecessary taxation, a vast sum of money, far beyond
the needs of an economical administration, is drawn from the people
and the channels of trade, and accumulated as a demoralizing surplus
in the national Treasury. The money now lying idle in the Federal
Treasury, resulting from superfluous taxation, amounts to more than
one hundred and twenty-five million dollars, and the surplus collected
is reaching the sum of more than sixty millions annually. Debauched
by this immense temptation, the remedy of the Republican party is to
meet and exhaust by extravagant appropriations and expenses, whether
constitutional or not, the accumulation of extravagant taxation. The
Democratic policy is to enforce frugality in public expense, and to
abolish unnecessary taxation. Our established domestic industries and
enterprises should not, and need not, be endangered by the reduction
and correction of the burdens of taxation. On the contrary, a fair
and careful revision of our tax laws, with due allowance for the
difference between the wages of American and foreign labor, must
promote and encourage every branch of such industries and enterprises,
by giving them assurance of extended market and steady and continuous
operations in the interests of American labor, which should in no
event be neglected. The revision of our tax laws contemplated by
the Democratic party should promote the advantage of such labor, by
cheapening the cost of the necessaries of life in the home of every
workman, and at the same time securing to him steady and remunerative
employment. Upon this question of tariff reform, so closely concerning
every phase of our national life, and upon every question involved
in the problem of good government, the Democratic party submits
its principles and professions to the intelligent suffrages of the
American people.
_Resolved_, That this convention hereby endorses and recommends the
early passage of the bill for the reduction of the revenue now pending
in the House of Representatives.
_Resolved_, That a just and liberal policy should be pursued in
reference to the Territories; that right of self-government is
inherent in the people, and guaranteed under the Constitution; that
the Territories of Washington, Dakota, Montana, and New Mexico are,
by virtue of population and development, entitled to admission into
the Union as States, and we unqualifiedly condemn the course of the
Republican party in refusing Statehood and self-government to their
people.
_Resolved_, That we express our cordial sympathy with the struggling
people of all nations, in their efforts to secure for themselves the
inestimable blessings of self-government, and civil and religious
liberty, and we especially declare our sympathy with the efforts of
those noble patriots who, led by Gladstone and Parnell, have conducted
their grand and peaceful contest for home rule in Ireland.
The Republican convention met at Chicago on the 19th of June, with
M. M. Estee, of California, as permanent president. It was assumed
by the friends of Blaine in Pennsylvania, and generally throughout
the country, that he did not desire to be nominated as the Republican
candidate for President. Pennsylvania, where Blaine’s friends were
largely in the ascendency, declared in favor of Senator Sherman, of
Ohio. Senator Quay was at the head of his delegation, with instructions
from the State convention to support Sherman, and ex-Governor Hastings,
then Adjutant-General, presented the name of Sherman to the convention
in the name of Pennsylvania.
Blaine was in Europe, and while he evidently did not desire to confess
himself a candidate, he seemed unwilling then to make his declination
peremptory, as he had done in two letters long before the convention
met. His hesitation delayed the action of the convention several days,
but finally he authorized the withdrawal of his name from the list of
candidates, and a very earnest contest was made between the friends
of Sherman, Gresham, Alger, and Harrison. Governor Alger was largely
supported by the commercial delegates from the South, and Sherman and
his friends bitterly complained that the Southern delegates had been
corruptly diverted from the Sherman ranks. Gresham represented the more
conservative Republican element. He was not a radical politician, as
was shown by his support of Cleveland in 1892, but while conservative
with Mugwump flavor, it was evident from the demonstrations made in
Chicago during the convention that the labor elements of the country
were very strongly in sympathy with him, although his own delegation
was against him.
Depew was only an ornamental candidate, and was brimful of humor as he
mingled with the delegates and spectators. He knew that the Grangers
of the West would no more vote for him than they would for the Czar
of Russia, but his State had declared for him with great unanimity,
and he was very cordially supported by a number of friends outside of
New York. It soon became evident that Sherman could not succeed, as
he reached his highest vote on the 2d ballot and steadily declined
thereafter, while Harrison increased on every ballot from the first to
the eighth, when he was nominated by a large majority. The following
are the several ballots for President:
═══════════════════════════╤══════╤═══════╤══════╤═══════╤══════╤══════╤════════╤════════
│First.│Second.│Third.│Fourth.│Fifth.│Sixth.│Seventh.│ Eighth.
───────────────────────────┼──────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼──────┼──────┼────────┼────────
John Sherman, Ohio │ 229 │ 249 │ 244 │ 235 │ 224 │ 244 │ 231 │ 118
Walter Q. Gresham, Ind. │ 111 │ 108 │ 123 │ 98 │ 87 │ 91 │ 91 │ 59
Chauncey M. Depew, N. Y. │ 99 │ 99 │ 91 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Russell A. Alger, Mich. │ 84 │ 116 │ 122 │ 135 │ 142 │ 137 │ 120 │ 100
Benjamin Harrison, Ind. │ 80 │ 91 │ 94 │ 217 │ 213 │ 231 │ 278 │ 544
William B. Allison, Iowa │ 72 │ 75 │ 88 │ 88 │ 99 │ 73 │ 76 │ ――
James G. Blaine, Me. │ 35 │ 33 │ 35 │ 42 │ 48 │ 40 │ 15 │ 5
John J. Ingalls, Kan. │ 28 │ 16 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Jere. M. Rusk, Wis. │ 25 │ 20 │ 16 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
William W. Phelps, N. J. │ 25 │ 18 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
E. H. Fitler, Pa. │ 24 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Robert T. Lincoln, Ill. │ 3 │ 2 │ 2 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ――
William McKinley, Jr., Ohio│ 2 │ 3 │ 8 │ 11 │ 14 │ 12 │ 16 │ 4
Samuel F. Miller, Iowa │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Frederick Douglass │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
J. B. Foraker, Ohio │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ 1 │ 1 │ ――
Frederick D. Grant, N. Y. │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ――
Creed Haymond, Cal. │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ――
═══════════════════════════╧══════╧═══════╧══════╧═══════╧══════╧══════╧════════╧════════
One ballot was had for Vice-President, as follows:
Levi P. Morton, N. Y. 591
Walter Wm. Phelps. N. J. 119
Wm. O. Bradley, Ky. 103
Blanche K. Bruce (col.), Miss. 11
Walter F. Thomas, Texas 1
The nomination of Morton was made unanimous. The following platform was
unanimously adopted:
The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their delegates in
national convention, pause on the threshold of their proceedings to
honor the memory of their first great leader, the immortal champion
of liberty and the rights of the people, Abraham Lincoln, and to
cover also with wreaths of imperishable remembrance and gratitude the
heroic names of our later leaders, who have more recently been called
away from our councils—Grant, Garfield, Arthur, Logan, Conkling.
May their memories be faithfully cherished. We also recall with our
greetings and with prayer for his recovery, the name of one of our
living heroes, whose memory will be treasured in the history both of
Republicans and of the Republic, the name of that noble soldier and
favorite child of victory, Philip H. Sheridan.
In the spirit of these great leaders, and of our own devotion to
human liberty, and with that hostility to all forms of despotism and
oppression which is the fundamental idea of the Republican party, we
send fraternal congratulations to our fellow-Americans of Brazil upon
their great act of emancipation, which completed the abolition of
slavery throughout the two American continents. We earnestly hope that
we may soon congratulate our fellow-citizens of Irish birth upon the
peaceful recovery of home rule for Ireland.
We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the national Constitution and
to the indissoluble union of the States; to the autonomy reserved
to the States under the Constitution; to the personal rights and
liberties of citizens in all the States and Territories in the Union,
and especially to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful
citizen, rich or poor, native or foreign-born, white or black, to
cast one free ballot in public elections, and to have that ballot
duly counted. We hold the free and honest popular ballot and the just
and equal representation of all the people to be the foundation of
our republican Government, and demand effective legislation to secure
the integrity and purity of elections, which are the fountains of
public authority. We charge that the present administration and the
Democratic majority in Congress owe their existence to the suppression
of the ballot by a criminal nullification of the Constitution and laws
of the United States.
We are uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of protection.
We protest against its destruction, as proposed by the President and
his party. They serve the interests of Europe; we will support the
interests of America. We accept the issue, and confidently appeal
to the people for their judgment. The protective system must be
maintained. Its abandonment has always been followed by disaster to
all interests, except those of the usurer and the sheriff. We denounce
the Mills bill as destructive to the general business, the labor, and
the farming interests of the country, and we heartily endorse the
consistent and patriotic action of the Republican representatives
in Congress opposing its passage. We condemn the proposition of
the Democratic party to place wool on the free list, and we insist
that the duties thereon shall be adjusted and maintained so as to
furnish full and adequate protection to that industry. The Republican
party would effect all needed reduction of the national revenue by
repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and burden
to agriculture, and the tax upon spirits used in the arts, and for
mechanical purposes, and by such revision of the tariff laws as will
tend to check imports of such articles as are produced by our people,
the production of which gives employment to our labor, and release
from import duties those articles of foreign production, except
luxuries, the like of which cannot be produced at home. If there shall
still remain a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the
Government, we favor the entire repeal of internal taxes, rather than
the surrender of any part of our protective system, at the joint
behest of the whiskey trusts and the agents of foreign manufacturers.
We declare our hostility to the introduction into this country
of foreign contract labor, and of Chinese labor, alien to our
civilization and our Constitution, and we demand the rigid enforcement
of the existing laws against it, and favor such immediate legislation
as will exclude such labor from our shores.
We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital, organized
in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of
trade among our citizens, and we recommend to Congress and the State
Legislatures, in their respective jurisdictions, such legislation
as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people
by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the
transportation of their products to market. We approve the legislation
by Congress to prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair discriminations
between the States.
We reaffirm the policy of appropriating the public lands of the
United States to be homesteads for American citizens and settlers,
not aliens, which the Republican party established in 1862, against
the persistent opposition of the Democrats in Congress, and which has
brought our great Western domain into such magnificent development.
The restoration of unearned railroad land grants to the public
domain for the use of actual settlers, which was begun under the
administration of President Arthur, should be continued. We deny that
the Democratic party has ever restored one acre to the people, but
declare that by the joint action of the Republicans and Democrats
about fifty millions of acres of unearned lands, originally granted
for the construction of railroads, have been restored to the public
domain, in pursuance of the conditions inserted by the Republican
party in the original grants. We charge the Democratic administration
with failure to execute the laws securing to settlers title to their
homestead, and with using appropriations made for that purpose to
harass innocent settlers with spies and prosecutions under the false
pretence of exposing frauds and vindicating the law.
The government by Congress of the Territories is based upon
necessity only, to the end that they may become States in the
Union; therefore, whenever the conditions of population, material
resources, public intelligence, and morality are such as to insure
a stable local government therein, the people of such Territories
should be permitted, as a right inherent in them, the right to form
for themselves constitutions and State governments, and be admitted
into the Union. Pending the preparation for statehood, all officers
thereof should be selected from the bona-fide residents and citizens
of the Territory wherein they are to serve. South Dakota should, of
right, be immediately admitted as a State under the constitution
framed and adopted by her people, and we heartily endorse the action
of the Republican Senate in twice passing bills for her admission.
The refusal of the Democratic House of Representatives, for partisan
purposes, favorably to consider these bills is a wilful violation of
the sacred American principle of local self-government, and merits
the condemnation of all just men. The pending bills in the Senate for
acts to enable the people of Washington, North Dakota, and Montana
Territories to form constitutions and establish State governments
should be passed without unnecessary delay. The Republican party
pledges itself to do all in its power to facilitate the admission
of the Territories of New Mexico, Wyoming, Idaho and Arizona to
the enjoyment of self-government as States, such of them as are now
qualified as soon as possible, and the others as soon as they become
so.
The political power of the Mormon Church in the Territories as
exercised in the past is a menace to free institutions, a danger no
longer to be suffered; therefore, we pledge the Republican party to
appropriate legislation, asserting the sovereignty of the nation in
all Territories where the same is questioned, and in furtherance of
that end to place upon the statute books legislation stringent enough
to divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power, and thus stamp
out the attendant wickedness of polygamy.
The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and silver as
money, and condemns the policy of the Democratic administration in its
efforts to demonetize silver.
We demand the reduction of letter postage to one cent per ounce.
In a Republic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign, and the
official the servant, where no power is exercised except by the will
of the people, it is important that the sovereign and the people
should possess intelligence. The free school is the promoter of that
intelligence which is to preserve us a free nation, therefore the
State or nation, or both combined, should support free institutions of
learning, sufficient to afford to every child growing up in the land
the opportunity of a good common school education.
We earnestly recommend that prompt action be taken by Congress in the
enactment of such legislation as will best secure the rehabilitation
of our American merchant marine; and we protest against the passage by
Congress of a free-ship bill, as calculated to work injustice to labor
by lessening the wages of those engaged in preparing materials as well
as those directly employed in our shipyards.
We demand appropriations for the early rebuilding of our navy; for the
construction of coast fortifications and modern ordnance, and other
approved modern means of defence for the protection of our defenceless
harbors and cities; for the payment of just pensions to our soldiers;
for necessary works of national importance in the improvement of
harbors and the channels of internal, coastwise, and foreign commerce;
for the encouragement of the shipping interests of the Atlantic, Gulf,
and Pacific States, as well as for the payment of the maturing public
debt. This policy will give employment to our labor; activity to our
various industries; increase the security of our country; promote
trade; open new and direct markets for our produce, and cheapen the
cost of transportation. We affirm this to be far better for our
country than the Democratic policy of loaning the Government’s money,
without interest, to “pet banks.”
The conduct of foreign affairs by the present administration has
been distinguished by its inefficiency and its cowardice. Having
withdrawn from the Senate all pending treaties effected by Republican
administration for the removal of foreign burdens and restrictions
upon our commerce, and for its extension into better markets, it has
neither effected nor proposed any others in their stead. Professing
adherence to the Monroe Doctrine, it has seen, with idle complacency,
the extension of foreign influence in Central America and of foreign
trade everywhere among our neighbors. It has refused to charter,
sanction or encourage any American organization for constructing the
Nicaragua Canal—a work of vital importance to the maintenance of the
Monroe Doctrine, and of our national influence in Central and South
America, and necessary for the development of trade with our Pacific
territory, with South America and with the islands and farther coasts
of the Pacific Ocean.
We arraign the present Democratic administration for its weak and
unpatriotic treatment of the fisheries question, and its pusillanimous
surrender of the essential privileges to which our fishing vessels
are entitled in Canadian ports under the treaty of 1818, the
reciprocal maritime legislation of 1830, and the comity of nations,
and which Canadian fishing vessels receive in the ports of the United
States. We condemn the policy of the present administration and the
Democratic majority in Congress toward our fisheries as unfriendly
and conspicuously unpatriotic, and as tending to destroy a valuable
national industry and an indispensable resource of defence against a
foreign enemy.
The name of American applies alike to all citizens of the Republic
and imposes upon all alike the same obligation of obedience to the
laws. At the same time that citizenship is and must be the panoply and
safeguard of him who wears it, and protects him, whether high or low,
rich or poor, in all his civil rights, it should and must afford him
protection at home and follow and protect him abroad, in whatever land
he may be, on a lawful errand.
The men who abandoned the Republican party in 1884, and continue to
adhere to the Democratic party, have deserted not only the cause of
honest government, of sound finance, of freedom, of purity of the
ballot, but especially have deserted the cause of reform in the civil
service. We will not fail to keep our pledges because they have broken
theirs, nor because their candidate has broken his. We therefore
repeat our declaration of 1884, to wit: “The reform of the civil
service auspiciously begun under the Republican administration should
be completed by the further extension of the reform system already
established by law, to all the grades of the service to which it is
applicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be observed in
all executive appointments, and all laws at variance with the object
of existing reform legislation should be repealed, to the end that
the dangers to free institutions, which lurk in the power of official
patronage, may be wisely and effectively avoided.”
The gratitude of the nation to the defenders of the Union cannot be
measured by laws. The legislation of Congress should conform to the
pledge made by a loyal people, and be so enlarged and extended as to
provide against the possibility that any man who honorably wore the
Federal uniform shall become an inmate of an almshouse, or dependent
upon private charity. In the presence of an overflowing treasury, it
would be a public scandal to do less for those whose valorous services
preserved the Government. We denounce the hostile spirit shown by
President Cleveland, in his numerous vetoes of measures for pension
relief, and the action of the Democratic House of Representatives in
refusing even a consideration of general pension legislation.
In support of the principles herewith enunciated, we invite the
co-operation of patriotic men of all parties, and especially of all
workingmen, whose prosperity is seriously threatened by the free-trade
policy of the present administration.
The first concern of all good government is the virtue and sobriety
of the people, and the purity of their homes. The Republican party
cordially sympathizes with all wise and well-directed efforts for the
promotion of temperance and morality.
There were two distinct Labor parties in existence in 1888, and they
both called their national conventions to meet at Cincinnati on the
15th of May. The Union Labor party was the only one whose candidate
figured in the contest. Mr. Streeter, its nominee for President,
received 146,935 votes, with only 2418 for Cowdrey, who was the
candidate of the United Labor party. The Union Labor Convention had
representatives from twenty States, and John Seitz was permanent
president. There was no ballot for President, as Alson J. Streeter, of
Illinois, was nominated by acclamation, and Samuel Evans, of Texas,
was selected for Vice-President on the 1st ballot, receiving 124
votes, to 44 for T. P. Rynders, of Pennsylvania, and 32 for Charles R.
Cunningham, of Arkansas. The following platform was unanimously adopted:
General discontent prevails on the part of the wealth-producer.
Farmers are suffering from a poverty which has forced most of them to
mortgage their estates, and the prices of products are so low as to
offer no relief, except through bankruptcy, and laborers are sinking
into greater dependence. Strikes are resorted to without bringing
relief, because of the inability of employers, in many cases, to pay
living wages, while more and more are driven into the street. Business
men find collections almost impossible, and, meantime, hundreds of
millions of idle public money, which is needed for relief, is locked
up in the United States Treasury, or placed without interest in
favored banks in grim mockery of distress. Land monopoly flourishes as
never before, and more owners of the soil are daily becoming tenants.
Great transportation corporations still succeed in extorting their
profits on watered stock through unjust charges. The United States
Senate has become an open scandal, its membership being purchased
by the rich in open defiance of the popular will. Various efforts
are made to squander the public money, which are designed to empty
the Treasury without paying the public debt. Under these and other
alarming conditions, we appeal to the people of our country to come
out of old party organizations, whose indifference to the public
welfare is responsible for this distress, and aid the Union Labor
party to repeal existing class legislation, and relieve the distress
of our industries by establishing the following principles:
_Land._—While we believe that the proper solution of the financial
question will greatly relieve those now in danger of losing their
homes by mortgages and foreclosures, and enable all industrious
persons to secure a home as the highest result of civilization, we
oppose land monopoly in every form, demand the forfeiture of unearned
grants, the limitation of land ownership, and such other legislation
as will stop speculations in lands, and holding it unused from those
whose necessities require it.
We believe the earth was made for the people, and not to enable an
idle aristocracy to subsist, through rents, upon the toil of the
industrious, and that corners in land are as bad as corners in food,
and that those who are not residents or citizens should not be allowed
to own lands in the United States. A homestead should be exempt, to a
limited extent, from execution or taxation.
_Transportation._—The means of communication and transportation should
be owned by the people, as is the United States postal service.
_Money._—The establishment of a national monetary system in the
interest of the producer, instead of the speculator and usurer,
by which the circulating medium, in necessary quantity and full
legal tender, shall be issued directly to the people, without the
intervention of banks, or loaned to citizens upon land security at a
low rate of interest, to relieve them from extortions of usury and
enable them to control the money supply. Postal savings banks should
be established. While we have free coinage of gold, we should have
free coinage of silver. We demand the immediate application of all the
money in the United States Treasury to the payment of the bonded debt,
and condemn the further issue of interest-bearing bonds, either by the
National Government or by States, Territories, or municipalities.
_Labor._—Arbitration should take the place of strikes and other
injurious methods of settling labor disputes. The letting of convict
labor to contractors should be prohibited, the contract system
be abolished in public works, the hours of labor in industrial
establishments be reduced, commensurate with the increased production
by labor-saving machinery, employés protected from bodily injury,
equal pay for equal work for both sexes, and labor, agricultural,
and co-operative associations be fostered and encouraged by law. The
foundation of a republic is in the intelligence of its citizens, and
children who are driven into workshops, mines, and factories are
deprived of the education which should be secured to all by proper
legislation.
_Pensions._—We demand the passage of a service pension bill to every
honorably discharged soldier and sailor of the United States.
_Income Tax._—A graduated income tax is the most equitable system
of taxation, placing the burden of Government on those who can best
afford to pay, instead of laying it on the farmers and producers, and
exempting millionaire bondholders and corporations.
_United States Senate._—We demand a constitutional amendment making
United States Senators elective by a direct vote of the people.
_Contract Labor._—We demand the strict enforcement of laws prohibiting
the importation of subjects of foreign countries under contract.
_Chinese._—We demand the passage and enforcement of such legislation
as will absolutely exclude the Chinese from the United States.
_Woman Suffrage._—The right to vote is inherent in citizenship,
irrespective of sex, and is properly within the province of State
legislation.
_Paramount Issues._—The paramount issues to be solved in the interests
of humanity are the abolition of usury, monopoly, and trusts, and
we denounce the Democratic and Republican parties for creating and
perpetuating these monstrous evils.
The United Labor party had a limited attendance at its convention.
William B. Ogden was made president, and Rev. Edward McGlynn, of New
York, a priest noted for his discussion of labor problems, prepared and
reported the platform. Robert H. Cowdrey, of Illinois, was nominated
for President, and W. H. T. Wakefield, of Kansas, for the second place
on the ticket without the formality of a ballot. The following platform
was unanimously adopted:
We, the delegates of the United Labor party of the United States, in
national convention assembled, hold that the corruptions of Government
and the impoverishment of the masses result from neglect of the
self-evident truths proclaimed by the founders of this Republic, that
all men are created equal and are endowed with inalienable rights.
We aim at the abolition of the system which compels men to pay their
fellow-creatures for the use of the common bounties of nature, and
permits monopolizers to deprive labor of natural opportunities for
employment.
We see access to farming land denied to labor, except on payment of
exorbitant rent or the acceptance of mortgage burdens, and labor,
thus forbidden to employ itself, driven into the cities. We see the
wage-workers of the cities subjected to this unnatural competition,
and forced to pay an exorbitant share of their scanty earnings for
cramped and unhealthful lodgings. We see the same intense competition
condemning the great majority of business and professional men to a
bitter and often unavailing struggle to avoid bankruptcy; and that,
while the price of all that labor produces ever falls, the price of
land ever rises.
We trace these evils to a fundamental wrong—the making of the
land on which all must live the exclusive property of but a portion
of the community. To this denial of natural rights are due want of
employment, low wages, business depressions, that intense competition
which makes it so difficult for the majority of men to get a
comfortable living, and that wrongful distribution of wealth which is
producing the millionaire on one side and the tramp on the other.
To give all men an interest in the land of their country; to enable
all to share in the benefits of social growth and improvement;
to prevent the shutting out of labor from employment by the
monopolization of natural opportunities; to do away with the one-sided
competition which cuts down wages to starvation rates; to restore
life to business, and prevent periodical depressions; to do away
with that monstrous injustice which deprives producers of the fruits
of their toil while idlers grow rich; to prevent the conflicts which
are arraying class against class, and which are fraught with menacing
dangers to society—we propose so to change the existing system of
taxation that no one shall be taxed on the wealth he produces, nor any
one suffered to appropriate wealth he does not produce by taking to
himself the increasing values which the growth of society adds to land.
What we propose is not the disturbing of any man in his holding
or title; but, by taxation of land according to its value and not
according to its area, to devote to common use and benefit those
values which arise, not from the exertion of the individual, but from
the growth of society, and to abolish all taxes on industry and its
products. This increased taxation of land values must, while relieving
the working farmer and small homestead owner of the undue burdens now
imposed upon them, make it unprofitable to hold land for speculation,
and thus throw open abundant opportunities for the employment of labor
and the building up of homes. We would do away with the present unjust
and wasteful system of finance which piles up hundreds of millions of
dollars in treasury vaults while we are paying interest on an enormous
debt; and we would establish in its stead a monetary system in which
a legal tender circulating medium should be issued by the Government,
without the intervention of banks.
We wish to abolish the present unjust and wasteful system of ownership
of railroads and telegraphs by private corporations—a system which,
while failing to supply adequately public needs, impoverishes the
farmer, oppresses the manufacturer, hampers the merchant, impedes
travel and communication, and builds up enormous fortunes and
corrupting monopolies that are becoming more powerful than the
Government itself. For this system we would substitute Government
ownership and control for the benefit of the whole people instead of
private profit.
While declaring the foregoing to be the fundamental principles and
aims of the United Labor party, and while conscious that no reform can
give effectual and permanent relief to labor that does not involve
the legal recognition of equal rights to natural opportunities, we,
nevertheless, as measures of relief from some of the evil effects of
ignoring those rights, favor such legislation as may tend to reduce
the hours of labor, to prevent the employment of children of tender
years, to avoid the competition of convict labor with honest industry,
to secure the sanitary inspection of tenements, factories, and mines,
and to put an end to the abuse of conspiracy laws.
We desire also to simplify the procedure of our courts and diminish
the expense of legal proceedings, that the poor may therein be placed
on an equality with the rich, and the long delays which now result in
scandalous miscarriages of justice may be prevented. Since the ballot
is the only means by which, in our Republic, the redress of political
and social grievances is to be sought, we especially and emphatically
declare for the adoption of what is known as the Australian system of
voting, in order that the effectual secrecy of the ballot, and the
relief of candidates for public office from the heavy expenses now
imposed upon them, may prevent bribery and intimidation, do away with
practical discriminations in favor of the rich and unscrupulous, and
lessen the pernicious influence of money in politics.
We denounce the Democratic and Republican parties as hopelessly
and shamelessly corrupt, and, by reason of their affiliation with
monopolies, equally unworthy of the suffrages of those who do not live
upon public plunder; we therefore require of those who would act with
us that they sever all connection with both.
In support of these aims, we solicit the co-operation of all patriotic
citizens, who, sick of the degradation of politics, desire by
constitutional methods to establish justice, to preserve liberty, to
extend the spirit of fraternity, and to elevate humanity.
The Prohibition Convention of 1888 was the most notable assembly of
Prohibitionists ever held in the country. It met at Indianapolis on
the 20th of May, with several thousands in attendance outside of the
delegates. According to the report of the committee on credentials
there were 1029 delegates present. Among those who participated in the
proceedings of the convention were James Black, the party candidate
for President in 1872, Neal Dow, who was the nominee in 1880, and John
P. St. John, who led the Prohibitionists in the Presidential contest
of 1884. John P. St. John was the permanent president, and Clinton B.
Fisk, of New Jersey, was nominated for President, and John A. Brooks,
of Missouri, for Vice-President by acclamation without the formality of
a ballot. The following platform was adopted with great enthusiasm:
The Prohibition party, in national convention assembled, acknowledging
Almighty God as the source of all power in government, do hereby
declare:
1. That the manufacture, importation, exportation, transportation, and
sale of alcoholic beverages should be made public crimes, and punished
as such.
2. That such prohibition must be secured through amendments of
our National and State Constitutions, enforced by adequate laws
adequately supported by administrative authority; and to this end the
organization of the Prohibition party is imperatively demanded in
State and nation.
3. That any form of license, taxation, or regulation of the liquor
traffic is contrary to good government; that any party which supports
regulation, license, or tax enters into alliance with such traffic and
becomes the actual foe of the State’s welfare, and that we arraign the
Republican and Democratic parties for their persistent attitude in
favor of the licensed iniquity, whereby they oppose the demand of the
people for prohibition, and, through open complicity with the liquor
cause, defeat the enforcement of law.
4. For the immediate abolition of the internal revenue system, whereby
our National Government is deriving support from our greatest national
vice.
5. That, an adequate public revenue being necessary, it may properly
be raised by impost duties and by an equitable assessment upon the
property and the legitimate business of the country, but import
duties should be so reduced that no surplus shall be accumulated in
the treasury, and that the burdens of taxation shall be removed from
foods, clothing, and other comforts and necessaries of life.
6. That civil service appointments for all civil offices, chiefly
clerical in their duties, should be based upon moral, intellectual and
physical qualifications, and not upon party service or party necessity.
7. That the right of suffrage rests on no mere circumstance of race,
color, sex or nationality, and that where, from any cause, it has been
held from citizens who are of suitable age and mentally and morally
qualified for the exercise of an intelligent ballot, it should be
restored by the people through the Legislatures of the several States,
on such educational basis as they may deem wise.
8. For the abolition of polygamy and the establishment of uniform laws
governing marriage and divorce.
9. For prohibiting all combinations of capital to control and to
increase the cost of products for popular consumption.
10. For the preservation and defence of the Sabbath as a civil
institution without oppressing any who religiously observe the same on
any other day than the first day of the week.
11. That arbitration is the Christian, wise, and economic method
of settling national differences, and the same method should, by
judicious legislation, be applied to the settlement of disputes
between large bodies of employés and employers; that the abolition of
the saloons would remove the burdens, moral, physical, pecuniary, and
social, which now oppress labor and rob it of its earnings, and would
prove to be the wise and successful way of promoting labor reform; and
we invite labor and capital to unite with us for the accomplishment
thereof; that monopoly in land is a wrong to the people, and the
public land should be reserved to actual settlers, and that men and
women should receive equal wages for equal work.
12. That our immigration laws should be so enforced as to prevent
the introduction into our country of all convicts, inmates of other
dependent institutions, and of others physically incapacitated for
self-support, and that no person should have the ballot in any State
who is not a citizen of the United States.
Recognizing and declaring that prohibition of the liquor traffic has
become the dominant issue in national politics, we invite to full
party fellowship all those who, on this one dominant issue, are with
us agreed, in the full belief that this party can and will remove
sectional differences, promote national unity, and insure the best
welfare of our entire land.
Another convention was held at Washington on the 14th of August,
composed of a few fragments of the old American party. The fact that it
polled in the entire country only 1590 votes for its candidates showed
that it was practically without constituents. It was natural enough
that the national convention of a party made up almost wholly of
ambitious and discordant leaders should have a split, and they managed
to get up a row and have a secession of the delegates representing
a number of States on the simple question of how the delegates
should vote. The seceders, however, made no nominations. After the
dissatisfied delegates had left the convention, only the delegates
from New York and California remained, but they were 80 of the 126
delegates all told. They nominated James Langdon Curtis, of New York,
for President, and James R. Greer, of Tennessee, for Vice-President.
Mr. Greer declined the nomination, and I can find no record of any one
having been chosen in his place. The following platform was adopted:
_Resolved_, That all law-abiding citizens of the United States of
America, whether native or foreign born, are politically equals
(except as provided by the Constitution), and all are entitled to, and
should receive, the full protection of the laws.
_Resolved_, That the Constitution of the United States should be
so amended as to prohibit the Federal and State Governments from
conferring upon any person the right to vote unless such person be a
citizen of the United States.
_Resolved_, That we are in favor of fostering and encouraging American
industries of every class and kind, and declare that the assumed
issue “Protection” _vs._ “Free Trade” is a fraud and a snare. The
best “protection” is that which protects the labor and life blood of
the Republic from the degrading competition with and contamination by
imported foreigners; and the most dangerous “free trade” is that in
paupers, criminals, communists, and anarchists, in which the balance
has always been against the United States.
_Whereas_, One of the greatest evils of unrestricted foreign
immigration is the reduction of the wages of the American working-man
and working-woman to the level of the underfed and underpaid labor of
foreign countries; therefore,
_Resolved_, That we demand that no immigrant shall be admitted into
the United States without a passport obtained from the American consul
at the port from which he sails; that no passport shall be issued to
any pauper, criminal, or insane person, or to any person who, in the
judgment of the consul, is not likely to become a desirable citizen of
the United States; and that for each immigrant passport there shall
be collected by the consul issuing the same the sum of one hundred
dollars to be by him paid into the Treasury of the United States.
_Resolved_, That the present naturalization laws of the United States
should be unconditionally repealed.
_Resolved_, That the soil of America should belong to Americans; that
no alien non-resident should be permitted to own real estate in the
United States; and that the realty possessions of the resident alien
should be limited in value and area.
_Resolved_, That no flag shall float on any public buildings,
municipal, State, or national, in the United States, except the
municipal, State, or national flag of the United States—the flag of
the stars and stripes.
_Resolved_, That we reassert the American principles of absolute
freedom of religious worship and belief, the permanent separation of
Church and State; and we oppose the appropriation of public money or
property to any church, or institution administered by a church. We
maintain that all church property should be subject to taxation.
The contest of 1888 differed from the Cleveland contest of 1884 in
its freedom from vituperation and bitterness. It was conducted with
earnestness and dignity on both sides. Neither of the candidates
greatly enthused the rank and file of their party, as did Blaine and
Hancock in former national conflicts, but they commanded not only the
entire confidence and respect of their parties, but also of the whole
country. Cleveland took little personal part in the conflict, but
Harrison made a most vigorous and telling campaign by his almost daily
speeches delivered to visiting delegations at Indianapolis, in which
he discussed every phase of the public questions of the day. These
addresses were doubtless carefully prepared and given to the associated
press, but they were not only very able, but they were singularly
versatile and adroit, and presented Harrison to the public in an
entirely new light. I cannot recall another Presidential contest that
was conducted on both sides with greater dignity and decency than that
between Cleveland and Harrison in 1888. Nearly equal respect was shown
to both candidates in the Garfield-Hancock contest of 1880, but the
famous forgery of the Morey letter to control the vote of the Pacific
States against Garfield and the Credit Mobilier scandal marred the
dignity of that conflict.
The following table exhibits the popular and electoral vote of 1888:
══════════════╤════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════╦════════════════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL
│ ║ VOTE.
STATES. ├──────────────────┬─────────────────┬────────────────┬──────────────────╫───────────┬────────────
│Benjamin Harrison,│Grover Cleveland,│Clinton B. Fisk,│Alson J. Streeter,║ Harrison │ Cleveland
│ Indiana. │ New York. │ New Jersey. │ Illinois. ║and Morton.│and Thurman.
──────────────┼──────────────────┼─────────────────┼────────────────┼──────────────────╫───────────┼────────────
Alabama │ 56,197 │ 117,320 │ 583 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 10
Arkansas │ 58,752 │ 85,962 │ 641 │ 10,613 ║ ―― │ 7
California │ 124,816 │ 117,729 │ 5,761 │ ―――― ║ 8 │ ――
Colorado │ 50,774 │ 37,567 │ 2,191 │ 1,266 ║ 3 │ ――
Connecticut │ 74,584 │ 74,920 │ 4,234 │ 240 ║ ―― │ 6
Delaware │ 12,973 │ 16,414 │ 400 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 3
Florida │ 26,657 │ 39,561 │ 423 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 4
Georgia │ 40,496 │ 100,499 │ 1,808 │ 136 ║ ―― │ 12
Illinois │ 370,473 │ 348,278 │ 21,695 │ 7,090 ║ 22 │ ――
Indiana │ 263,361 │ 261,013 │ 9,881 │ 2,694 ║ 15 │ ――
Iowa │ 211,598 │ 179,887 │ 3,550 │ 9,105 ║ 13 │ ――
Kansas │ 182,934 │ 103,744 │ 6,768 │ 37,726 ║ 9 │ ――
Kentucky │ 155,134 │ 183,800 │ 5,225 │ 622 ║ ―― │ 13
Louisiana │ 30,484 │ 85,032 │ 160 │ 39 ║ ―― │ 8
Maine │ 73,734 │ 50,481 │ 2,691 │ 1,344 ║ 6 │ ――
Maryland │ 99,986 │ 106,168 │ 4,767 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 8
Massachusetts │ 183,892 │ 151,856 │ 8,701 │ ―――― ║ 14 │ ――
Michigan │ 236,370 │ 213,459 │ 20,942 │ 4,541 ║ 13 │ ――
Minnesota │ 142,492 │ 104,385 │ 15,311 │ 1,094 ║ 7 │ ――
Mississippi │ 30,096 │ 85,471 │ 218 │ 22 ║ ―― │ 9
Missouri │ 236,257 │ 261,974 │ 4,539 │ 18,632 ║ ―― │ 16
Nebraska │ 108,425 │ 80,552 │ 9,429 │ 4,226 ║ 5 │ ――
Nevada │ 7,229 │ 5,362 │ 41 │ ―――― ║ 3 │ ――
New Hampshire │ 45,728 │ 43,458 │ 1,593 │ 13 ║ 4 │ ――
New Jersey │ 144,344 │ 151,493 │ 7,904 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 9
New York │ 648,759 │ 635,757 │ 30,231 │ 626 ║ 36 │ ――
North Carolina│ 134,784 │ 147,902 │ 2,787 │ 32 ║ ―― │ 11
Ohio │ 416,054 │ 396,455 │ 24,356 │ 3,496 ║ 23 │ ――
Oregon │ 33,291 │ 26,522 │ 1,677 │ 363 ║ 3 │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 526,091 │ 446,633 │ 20,947 │ 3,873 ║ 30 │ ――
Rhode Island │ 21,968 │ 17,530 │ 1,250 │ 18 ║ 4 │ ――
South Carolina│ 13,736 │ 65,825 │ ―――― │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 9
Tennessee │ 138,988 │ 158,779 │ 5,969 │ 48 ║ ―― │ 12
Texas │ 88,422 │ 234,883 │ 4,749 │ 29,459 ║ ―― │ 13
Vermont │ 45,192 │ 16,785 │ 1,460 │ ―――― ║ 4 │ ――
Virginia │ 150,438 │ 151,977 │ 1,678 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 12
West Virginia │ 77,791 │ 79,664 │ 669 │ 1,064 ║ ―― │ 6
Wisconsin │ 176,553 │ 155,232 │ 14,277 │ 8,552 ║ 11 │ ――
├──────────────────┼─────────────────┼────────────────┼──────────────────╫───────────┼───────────
Totals │ 5,439,853 │ 5,540,329 │ 249,506 │ 146,935 ║ 233 │ 168
══════════════╧══════════════════╧═════════════════╧════════════════╧══════════════════╩═══════════╧═══════════
Cleveland lost his election in 1888 by his message to Congress,
delivered a year before, making the tariff and revenue question the
sole issue before the country. His message referred to no other
question than the issue of reduced revenues and taxes. I saw him
on Saturday night before the meeting of Congress, and with Speaker
Carlisle, who was to be re-elected to the Speakership on the following
Monday, earnestly urged him to modify his message. Carlisle was quite
as positive as I was in assuring him that it would result in disaster
to himself and his administration. His answer was that possibly we were
right, but that it was a duty that should be performed, and while he
might fall, he believed the country would vindicate him at an early
day. He was a man who gave very serious thought to his official duties,
performed them with great fidelity, and when convinced as to his duty
none could dissuade him from his purpose. But for that message he would
certainly have been re-elected President in 1888.
Cleveland entered the Presidency enjoying the confidence and respect
of the country in a much larger degree than is usually accorded to
new Presidents. His record as Mayor of Buffalo, as Governor of New
York, and his political and official utterances generally were all
in the line of the purest and best politics, and the sturdiness with
which he maintained his convictions even against all considerations
of expediency compelled the respect alike of friend and foe. No more
conscientious man ever filled the Executive chair of the nation, and
I doubt whether any other President gave such tireless labor to the
duties of the office. His Cabinet officers were simply advisory as to
the direction of their departments, and every question of importance
came to him for final decision. I think he was as nearly capable of
giving up the Presidency to maintain his convictions as any man who
ever filled the position.
He certainly knew when he sent his tariff message to Congress against
the advice of nearly all of those upon whose political judgment he
most depended, that he was inviting political disaster, and that he
was inviting it when the Republican leaders freely confessed their
inability to defeat his re-election. He had inspired the interest of
the best political elements of the country by his courageous support of
civil service reform, that was then in its infancy. He did it with the
full knowledge that he had a party behind him that was most unwilling
to surrender the spoils of power to any sentiment, however sacred. I
met him very often during his first term, and was sometimes invited to
come to the Executive Mansion after ten o’clock at night, when he would
willingly converse until the small hours in the morning. These habits
were improved when the beautiful and accomplished wife came as mistress
to the White House, and it was delightful to see his ordinarily rather
heavy face brighten when he spoke of the woman who had brought into his
life a measure of happiness to which he had ever before been stranger.
I met him frequently during the contest of 1888, and while he hoped
that he might be re-elected he was not confident. I saw him soon after
his defeat, and no man ever bore great political disaster with such
serene philosophy. He knew that his tariff message had defeated him,
but he said that he believed it better that he should be thus defeated
than not to have faced the issue as he did.
In reviewing the contest, he said that he had but a single unpleasant
memory of it and its results, and that was that the malicious scandals
of some of his most unscrupulous foes relating to his domestic
life had brought sorrow to the “dear little woman,” to use his own
expression, who deserved the respect and protection of every one. Some
of the desperate Tammany leaders had formulated the scandals against
Cleveland’s domestic life, distributed them broadcast in a circular at
the St. Louis convention, and there are always many whose political
prejudices make them welcome and accept such assaults upon a political
nominee. I was much with Cleveland during his first and second terms of
the Presidency, and also during the interval, and a more affectionate
and devoted husband I have never seen. He was not a man to exhibit the
arts of the demagogue, for to them he was an entire stranger, but I saw
him tell the story of his home life more eloquently than words could
ever have given it, when, on the 4th of March, 1893, as he was about to
leave the large parlor of the Arlington, crowded with his many friends,
to go to the inauguration ceremony, he stepped up to his wife, gave her
a hearty kiss and affectionately patted her on the head, as he bowed
himself off to accept the highest civil trust of the world.
Greatly as Cleveland’s tariff message had obstructed his election, he
would have succeeded but for the perfidy of Tammany. He carried the
country by nearly 100,000 popular majority, being much larger than the
popular majority he received in 1884, but the electoral vote of New
York lost him the Presidency. The betrayal of Cleveland by Tammany was
clearly evident by the returns of the election in that State. Cleveland
was at the head of the Democratic ticket for President, and Governor
Hill, the favorite of Tammany, was on the same ticket for Governor, and
he was re-elected by a majority of 19,171, while Cleveland lost the
State by a majority of 14,373. Tammany and Mr. Dana, of the _Sun_, that
was then the Tammany organ, had their revenge.
THE CLEVELAND-HARRISON-WEAVER CONTEST
1892
President Harrison had anything but a tranquil administration. Soon
after his inauguration bitter factional strife was developed, and he
seemed never to be able to get into anything approaching close and
sympathetic relations with the leaders of his party. He was much like
Cleveland in his conscientious devotion to his public duties, and he
was poorly equipped and had little taste for political direction. He
was generally respected by the people of all parties, but he held
the political leaders of his own faith at arm’s length. Senator Quay
called upon him soon after his inauguration, expecting to receive the
generous thanks of the President for his management of the desperate
campaign that had given him and the party victory; but Quay’s
political trust in his chieftain was greatly chilled as the President
congratulated his Field Marshal that Providence had been with them
in the contest and carried them safely through. While Quay is of the
same old-school Presbyterian stock as Harrison, and had the training
of his Presbyterian minister father, his faith in foreordination was
not so rugged as to assume that Providence would have carried Harrison
through if Quay had not exhausted all political resources, regular
and irregular, to wrest New York from Cleveland and give Harrison the
victory. Cameron, who had served in the Senate with Harrison, while he
had entire faith in the integrity and ability of the new President, had
no faith in his political usefulness, and from the start there were not
the most cordial relations between the Pennsylvania Senators and the
administration.
Harrison had failed to carry the popular majority over Cleveland, and
the Republican majority in both Senate and House was regarded as too
small for the present and future safety of the party. It was this
political necessity that led to the admission of the six new States of
North and South Dakota, Montana, Idaho, Washington, and Wyoming, which
were expected to bring 12 additional Republican Senators, 7 additional
Republican Congressmen, and 19 additional Republican electoral votes.
How sadly the Republican leaders miscalculated on these new States
is shown by the fact that Idaho and North Dakota voted for Weaver,
while Montana and Wyoming were saved by nominal majorities, and all of
these States, with the exception of North Dakota, voted against the
Republican candidate for President in 1896.
The small Republican majority in the House was rapidly and ruthlessly
increased by admitting Republican contestants regardless of the merits
of their claims, and the whole policy of the Republican leadership,
outside of Harrison himself, who did not inspire it, was to maintain
Republican supremacy by might, regardless of right. Not only were six
new States added, but a new Force bill was decided upon to restore
Republican supremacy in the South. The attempt to revive such a
measure was simply midsummer madness, as it was opposed by the entire
conservative Republican element and arrayed the South in implacable
hostility to the administration. Blaine had defeated the Force bill
when it was urged under the Grant administration, and Senator J.
Donald Cameron defeated it under the Harrison administration. Cameron
had decided the contest between M. C. Butler, Democrat, and David T.
Corbin, Republican, of South Carolina, in 1877. Corbin was one of the
ablest of the South Carolina carpet-baggers, and was elected by the
Republican Legislature, that had been finally dispersed by President
Hayes refusing to support it, and Butler had been elected by the
Hampton or Democratic Legislature.
There was a peculiar condition of affairs in South Carolina at the
time. Patterson, the Republican Senator from that State, was a fugitive
after the Hampton Government attained power, and Small, Cardoza, and a
number of other colored leaders and officials in the State were under
indictment for embezzlement and other frauds, and some of them had
been convicted. On the other side, a number of Democratic citizens of
South Carolina were under indictment in the Federal Courts for outrages
perpetrated by them in the Ku Klux organization, and had the course of
justice been permitted to go on without interruption, a large number
of the leaders of both sides would have ended in prison. A truce was
agreed upon, and finally an unwritten but well-maintained agreement
was reached that there should be no further prosecution of the Ku Klux
clan, and no further prosecution of Senator Patterson or any of the
other Republicans who were then at the mercy of the Democrats. This
was assented to by the Democrats on condition that Butler should be
admitted to the Senate, and Cameron was the man who accomplished it.
When the new Force bill came up under the Harrison administration,
Cameron was earnestly opposed to it, and he is entitled to the full
credit of having defeated it. His Senatorial term expired on the 4th of
March, 1891, and he was a candidate for re-election before a Republican
Legislature that had been chosen in the fall of 1890, when the
Democrats elected Pattison, Democrat, to his second term as Governor.
It was expected that the vote on the Force bill would be had before the
Senatorial election, and Cameron was threatened with defeat if he did
not line up with the party in its favor. A majority of the considerate
Republicans of Pennsylvania doubtless agreed with him, but he had many
political enemies, and they would have been glad had he given them an
opportunity to attack him as opposing the accepted policy of the party.
Some time before the Legislature met, Cameron requested me to meet him
at the Continental Hotel in Philadelphia. He stated the case frankly;
said he could command the Republican nomination for Senator without a
doubt and by a large majority, but that if the Democrats would unite
with the bolting Republicans, he might be defeated if a vote was
reached on the Force bill before the Senatorial election and he voting
against it. What he desired was the assurance that if Cameron was
threatened with defeat by the Republicans because of his opposition to
the Force bill, the Democrats should not permit him to be crucified
for opposing and defeating a bill that they were most anxious to have
defeated. Pattison had been elected Governor and William F. Harrity
had been announced as the coming Secretary of the Commonwealth. I said
to Cameron that both of them were within two squares of us and that I
could ascertain their views in a very few minutes. I immediately called
on Pattison and Harrity, presented the case to them, and they both
authorized me to give the assurance to Senator Cameron that if he were
opposed by Republicans because of his opposition to the Force bill,
the Democrats would not permit him to be sacrificed for what they would
regard as one of the bravest and most patriotic of his public acts.
That assurance was given to Cameron, and he was then safe. It became
well known to the anti-Cameron Republicans that the Democrats would not
permit him to be sacrificed. The result was that Cameron was elected
by Republican votes, although his position on the Force bill was well
understood.
There were thus many disturbing elements in the Republican ranks, and
one of the most serious was the McKinley Tariff bill of 1890. President
McKinley was then chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, and
the Tariff bill of 1890 was known as the McKinley Tariff, but it is
due to him to say that he was overruled in many of its most offensive
features, and some of the most important schedules were made by the
manufacturers interested, who had, in accordance with positive promises
given them, made large contributions to the Republican campaign fund of
1888.
I happened to be a guest at a public dinner and seated beside McKinley
a short time before the election of 1890, and soon after the McKinley
bill had passed. He discussed the situation freely, and was evidently
concerned as to the result of the coming election, as there was but
little time after the passage of the bill for the people to understand
it, but he was confident that it would be sustained. In that he was
greatly mistaken, as the Republicans never suffered such a disastrous
defeat as that of 1890, due almost wholly to the McKinley Tariff.
True, the elections of 1891 showed that the Republicans had regained
some of their losses of 1890, but when the Republican convention met
to nominate a candidate the contest was regarded as at least doubtful
by the more intelligent and considerate Republican leaders, and the
political situation was greatly intensified by Blaine suddenly retiring
from the Cabinet three days before the convention met. His letter of
resignation was curt and emphatic. It was notice to the country that
Blaine had ceased to be in sympathy with the Harrison administration.
The Republican convention met at Minneapolis on the 7th of June, with
J. Sloat Fassett as temporary chairman and Governor William McKinley,
of Ohio, as permanent president. When McKinley accepted the presidency
of the convention he did not expect to be a candidate for nomination,
but the swiftly changing events of American politics made him what was
regarded as a hopeful candidate before a ballot was reached, and he was
voted for by all of his Ohio delegates, excepting himself, who voted
for Harrison. The 1st and only ballot resulted as follows:
Benjamin Harrison, Ind. 535-1/6
James G. Blaine, Maine 182-5/6
Wm. McKinley, Jr., Ohio 182
Thomas B. Reed, Maine 4
Robert T. Lincoln, Illinois 1
Whitelaw Reid, of New York, was nominated for Vice-President by
acclamation. The following platform was unanimously adopted:
The representatives of the Republicans of the United States, assembled
in general convention on the shores of the Mississippi River, the
everlasting bond of an indestructible republic, whose most glorious
chapter of history is the record of the Republican party, congratulate
their countrymen on the majestic march of the nation under the banners
inscribed with the principles of our platform of 1888, vindicated by
victory at the polls and prosperity in our fields, workshops, and
mines, and make the following declaration of principles:
We reaffirm the American doctrine of protection. We call attention
to its growth abroad. We maintain that the prosperous condition of
our country is largely due to the wise revenue legislation of the
Republican Congress.
We believe that all articles which cannot be produced in the United
States, except luxuries, should be admitted free of duty, and that
on all imports coming into competition with the products of American
labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference between
wages abroad and at home.
We assert that the prices of manufactured articles of general
consumption have been reduced under the operations of the Tariff Act
of 1890.
We denounce the efforts of the Democratic majority of the House of
Representatives to destroy our tariff laws piecemeal, as is manifested
by their attacks upon wool, lead, and lead ores, the chief products of
a number of States, and we ask the people for their judgment thereon.
We point to the success of the Republican policy of reciprocity, under
which our export trade has vastly increased, and new and enlarged
markets have been opened for the products of our farms and workshops.
We remind the people of the bitter opposition of the Democratic party
to this practical business measure, and claim that, executed by a
Republican administration, our present laws will eventually give us
control of the trade of the world.
The American people, from tradition and interest, favor bimetallism,
and the Republican party demands the use of both gold and silver as
standard money, with such restrictions and under such provisions,
to be determined by legislation, as will secure the maintenance of
the parity of values of the two metals, so that the purchasing and
debt-paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold, or paper,
shall be at all times equal. The interests of the producers of the
country, its farmers and its workingmen, demand that every dollar,
paper or coin, issued by the Government, shall be as good as any other.
We commend the wise and patriotic steps already taken by our
Government to secure an international conference to adopt such
measures as will insure a parity of value between gold and silver for
use as money throughout the world.
We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to
cast one free and unrestricted ballot in all public elections, and
that such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast; that such laws
shall be enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen, be he
rich or poor, native or foreign born, white or black, this sovereign
right guaranteed by the Constitution. The free and honest popular
ballot, the just and equal representation of all the people, as well
as their just and equal protection under the laws, are the foundation
of our republican institutions, and the party will never relax its
efforts until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections
shall be fully guaranteed and protected in every State.
We denounce the continued inhuman outrages perpetrated upon American
citizens for political reasons in certain Southern States of the Union.
We favor the extension of our foreign commerce, the restoration of
our mercantile marine by home-built ships, and the creation of a navy
for the protection of our national interests and the honor of our
flag; the maintenance of the most friendly relations with all foreign
powers, entangling alliances with none, and the protection of the
rights of our fishermen.
We reaffirm our approval of the Monroe Doctrine, and believe in the
achievement of the manifest destiny of the Republic in its broadest
sense.
We favor the enactment of more stringent laws and regulations for the
restriction of criminal, pauper, and contract immigration.
We favor efficient legislation by Congress to protect the life and
limbs of employés of transportation companies engaged in carrying
on interstate commerce, and recommend legislation by the respective
States that will protect employés engaged in State commerce, in
mining, and manufacturing.
The Republican party has always been the champion of the oppressed,
and recognizes the dignity of manhood, irrespective of faith, color,
or nationality; it sympathizes with the cause of home rule in Ireland,
and protests against the persecution of the Jews in Russia.
The ultimate reliance of free popular government is the intelligence
of the people and the maintenance of freedom among men. We therefore
declare anew our devotion to liberty of thought and conscience, of
speech and press, and approve all agencies and instrumentalities
which contribute to the education of the children of the land; but,
while insisting upon the fullest measure of religious liberty, we are
opposed to any union of Church and State.
We reaffirm our opposition, declared in the Republican platform
of 1888, to all combinations of capital, organized in trusts or
otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our
citizens. We heartily endorse the action already taken upon this
subject, and ask for such further legislation as may be required to
remedy any defects in existing laws, and to render their enforcement
more complete and effective.
We approve the policy of extending to towns, villages, and rural
communities the advantages of the free delivery service, now enjoyed
by the larger cities of the country, and reaffirm the declaration
contained in the Republican platform of 1888, pledging the reduction
of letter postage to one cent, at the earliest possible moment
consistent with the maintenance of the Post-office Department, and the
highest class of postal service.
We commend the spirit and evidence of reform in the civil service, and
the wise and consistent enforcement by the Republican party of the
laws regulating the same.
The construction of the Nicaragua Canal is of the highest importance
to the American people, both as a measure of national defence and to
build up and maintain American commerce, and it should be controlled
by the United States Government.
We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the earliest
practical date, having due regard to the interests of the people of
the Territories and of the United States. All the Federal officers
appointed for the Territories should be selected from bona fide
residents thereof, and the right of self-government should be accorded
as far as practicable.
We favor cession, subject to the homestead laws, of the arid public
lands to the States and Territories in which they lie, under such
Congressional restrictions as to disposition, reclamation, and
occupancy by settlers as will secure the maximum benefits to the
people.
The World’s Columbian Exposition is a great national undertaking, and
Congress should promptly enact such reasonable legislation in aid
thereof as will insure a discharge of the expenses and obligations
incident thereto, and the attainment of results commensurate with the
dignity and progress of the nation.
In temperance we sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to
lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality.
Ever mindful of the services and sacrifices of the men who saved the
life of the nation, we pledge anew to the veteran soldiers of the
Republic a watchful care and recognition of their just claims upon a
grateful people.
We commend the able, patriotic, and thoroughly American administration
of President Harrison. Under it the country has enjoyed remarkable
prosperity, and the dignity and honor of the nation, at home and
abroad, have been faithfully maintained, and we offer the record of
pledges kept as a guarantee of faithful performance in the future.
The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago on June 21, and
Cleveland was nominated for a third time after the most desperate and
acrimonious strife I have ever witnessed in a national convention.
It was on that occasion that Bourke Cockran made a speech against
Cleveland that gave him national fame, and it was one of extraordinary
ability and power. The convention was really adverse to Cleveland’s
nomination. Had a majority of the delegates followed their own personal
inclinations he would have been defeated, and he was nominated solely
by the matchless leadership of William C. Whitney. But for him and his
wonderful skill and energy, the convention would have run away from
Cleveland at the outset. Never in the history of American politics was
there such an achievement as the nomination of Cleveland over the solid
and aggressively hostile vote of his own State of New York, that was
regarded as the pivotal State of the battle. Tammany had always opposed
Cleveland in national conventions, but never before had control of the
delegation against him, and a protest was published to the convention
signed by every delegate from the State, demanding his defeat.
Cleveland was strong with the people, but weak with the political
leaders, and it was only Whitney’s masterful management of the
convention that held it to Cleveland. The platform was made by the
enemies of Cleveland; the nomination for Vice-President was made
over his friends, and the hostility to him was so pronounced that
the opposing leaders were confident of his defeat at the polls. The
convention sat at night and far on in the morning hours, when Cleveland
received 617 votes, just ten more than were necessary to nominate him.
Had he not been nominated on that ballot his defeat would have been
certain.
The strength of Cleveland’s position before the people was pointedly
illustrated by his nomination in a convention that was not specially
friendly, but that was forced to make him the candidate because of the
overwhelming popular Democratic sentiment that demanded it. A year
or so before the convention met, he had written a brief and positive
letter against the free coinage of silver, and the Democrats of the
South and West almost with one voice declared against him at the
time, but when the Democratic people faced the conditions presented
by the battle of 1892, the masses came to the support of Cleveland
and the leaders were compelled to follow. The cheap-money craze had
made serious inroads in both of the great parties, and the Republican
platform was a weak and awkward straddle of the whole issue, while
the Democratic convention had an honest money plank declaring for
bimetallism and the free use of gold and silver with the intrinsic
value of the dollar to be maintained.
The Democratic Convention at Chicago was presided over by William C.
Owens, of Kentucky, as temporary president, and William L. Wilson,
of West Virginia, as permanent president. After a protracted and
acrimonious discussion that extended the session of the convention of
the second day until long after midnight, the ballot for President was
finally reached, resulting as follows:
Grover Cleveland, N. Y. 617-1/3
David B. Hill, N. Y. 114
Horace Boies, Iowa 103
Arthur P. Gorman, Md. 36-1/2
Adlai E. Stevenson, Ill. 16-2/3
John G. Carlisle, Ky. 14
Wm. R. Morrison, Ill. 3
James E. Campbell, Ohio 2
Wm. C. Whitney, N. Y. 1
Wm. E. Russell, Mass. 1
Robert E. Pattison, Penn. 1
There was an animated contest for Vice-President, and the special
friends of Cleveland were united in favor of Isaac P. Gray, of Indiana,
but they were defeated in their choice, as they were on several vital
points of the platform. Only one ballot was had for Vice-President,
resulting as follows:
Adlai E. Stevenson, Ill. 402
Isaac P. Gray, Ind. 344
Allen B. Morse, Mich. 86
John L. Mitchell, Wis. 45
Henry Watterson, Ky. 26
Bourke Cockran, N. Y. 5
Lambert Tree, Ill. 1
Horace Boies, Iowa 1
Stevenson had not received the requisite two-thirds, but he so far
outstripped the candidate of the Cleveland leaders that they cordially
acquiesced, and the nomination of Stevenson was made unanimous. The
following platform was adopted after having been amended in open
convention, where the tariff plank of the platform was substituted for
the more temperate plank reported by the committee, by a vote of 564 to
342.
SECTION 1. The representatives of the Democratic party of the
United States, in national convention assembled, do reaffirm their
allegiance to the principles of the party as formulated by Jefferson,
and exemplified by the long and illustrious line of his successors
in Democratic leadership, from Madison to Cleveland; we believe the
public welfare demands that these principles be applied to the conduct
of the Federal Government through the accession to power of the party
that advocates them; and we solemnly declare that the need of a return
to these fundamental principles of a free popular government, based
on home rule and individual liberty, was never more urgent than now,
when the tendency to centralize all power at the Federal capital has
become a menace to the reserved rights of the States that strikes at
the very roots of our Government under the Constitution as framed by
the fathers of the Republic.
SEC. 2. We warn the people of our common country, jealous for the
preservation of their free institutions, that the policy of Federal
control of elections to which the Republican party has committed
itself is fraught with the greatest dangers, scarcely less momentous
than would result from a revolution practically establishing monarchy
on the ruins of the Republic. It strikes at the North as well as
the South, and injures the colored citizen even more than the
white. It means a horde of deputy marshals at every polling-place
armed with Federal power, returning boards appointed and controlled
by Federal authority, the outrage of the electoral rights of the
people in the several States, the subjugation of the colored people
to the control of the party in power, and the reviving of race
antagonisms now happily abated, of the utmost peril to the safety
and happiness of all; a measure deliberately and justly described by
a leading Republican Senator as “the most infamous bill that ever
crossed the threshold of the Senate.” Such a policy, if sanctioned
by law, would mean the dominance of a self-perpetuating oligarchy
of office-holders, and the party first intrusted with its machinery
could be dislodged from power only by an appeal to the reserved
right of the people to resist oppression, which is inherent in
all self-governing communities. Two years ago, this revolutionary
policy was emphatically condemned by the people at the polls; but
in contempt of that verdict, the Republican party has defiantly
declared in its latest authoritative utterance that its success in
the coming elections will mean the enactment of the Force bill, and
the usurpation of despotic control over elections in all the States.
Believing that the preservation of republican government in the United
States is dependent upon the defeat of this policy of legalized
force and fraud, we invite the support of all citizens who desire
to see the Constitution maintained in its integrity, with the laws
pursuant thereto, which have given our country a hundred years of
unexampled prosperity; and we pledge the Democratic party, if it be
intrusted with power, not only to the defeat of the Force bill, but
also to relentless opposition to the Republican policy of profligate
expenditure, which in the short space of two years has squandered an
enormous surplus, and emptied an overflowing treasury, after piling
new burdens of taxation upon the already overtaxed labor of the
country.
SEC. 3. We denounce the Republican protection as a fraud, a robbery
of the great majority of the American people for the benefit of the
few. We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic
party that the Federal Government has no constitutional power to
impose and collect tariff duties, except for the purposes of revenue
only, and we demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited
to the necessities of the Government when honestly and economically
administered.
We denounce the McKinley Tariff law enacted by the Fifty-first
Congress as the culminating atrocity of class legislation; we endorse
the efforts made by the Democrats of the present Congress to modify
its most oppressive features in the direction of free raw materials
and cheaper manufactured goods that enter into general consumption,
and we promise its repeal as one of the beneficent results that will
follow the action of the people in intrusting power to the Democratic
party. Since the McKinley Tariff went into operation, there have been
ten reductions of the wages of laboring men to one increase. We deny
that there has been any increase of prosperity to the country since
that tariff went into operation, and we point to the dulness and
distress, the wage reductions and strikes in the iron trade, as the
best possible evidence that no such prosperity has resulted from the
McKinley act.
We call the attention of thoughtful Americans to the fact that, after
thirty years of restrictive taxes against the importation of foreign
wealth in exchange for our agricultural surplus, the homes and farms
of the country have become burdened with a real estate mortgage debt
of over $2,500,000,000, exclusive of all other forms of indebtedness;
that in one of the chief agricultural States of the West there appears
a real estate mortgage debt averaging $165 per capita of the total
population, and that similar conditions and tendencies are shown to
exist in the other agricultural exporting States. We denounce a policy
which fosters no industry so much as it does that of the sheriff.
SEC. 4. Trade interchange on the basis of reciprocal advantage to the
countries participating is a time-honored doctrine of the Democratic
faith; but we denounce the sham reciprocity which juggles with the
people’s desire for enlarged foreign markets and freer exchanges by
pretending to establish closer trade relations for a country whose
articles of export are almost exclusively agricultural products
with other countries that are also agricultural, while erecting a
custom-house barrier of prohibitive tariff taxes against the richest
countries of the world, that stand ready to take our entire surplus of
products, and to exchange therefor commodities which are necessaries
and comforts of life among our own people.
SEC. 5. We recognize, in the trusts and combinations which are
designed to enable capital to secure more than its just share of the
joint product of capital and labor, a natural consequence of the
prohibitive taxes which prevent the free competition which is the life
of honest trade, but we believe their worst evils can be abated by
law; and we demand the rigid enforcement of the laws made to prevent
and control them, together with such further legislation in restraint
of their abuses as experience may show to be necessary.
SEC. 6. The Republican party, while professing a policy of reserving
the public land for small holdings by actual settlers, has given
away the people’s heritage, till now a few railroad and non-resident
aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger area than that of
all our farms between the two seas. The last Democratic administration
reversed the improvident and unwise policy of the Republican party
touching the public domain, and reclaimed from corporations and
syndicates, alien and domestic, and restored to the people, nearly
100,000,000 acres of valuable land, to be sacredly held as homesteads
for our citizens, and we pledge ourselves to continue this policy
until every acre of land so unlawfully held shall be reclaimed and
restored to the people.
SEC. 7. We denounce the Republican legislation known as the Sherman
act of 1890 as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibilities of
danger in the future which should make all of its supporters, as well
as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal. We hold to the use of
both gold and silver as the standard money of the country, and to
the coinage of both gold and silver without discrimination against
either metal or charge for mintage; but the dollar unit of coinage
of both metals must be of equal intrinsic and exchangeable value, or
be adjusted through international agreement, or by such safeguards
of legislation as shall insure the maintenance of the parity of the
two metals, and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the
markets and in the payment of debts; and we demand that all paper
currency shall be kept at par with and redeemable in such coin. We
insist upon this policy as especially necessary for the protection
of the farmers and laboring classes, the first and most defenceless
victims of unstable money and a fluctuating currency.
SEC. 8. We recommend that the prohibitory ten per cent. tax on State
bank issues be repealed.
SEC. 9. Public office is a public trust. We reaffirm the declaration
of the Democratic National Convention of 1876 for the reform of
the civil service, and we call for the honest enforcement of all
laws regulating the same. The nomination of a President, as in the
recent Republican convention, by delegations composed largely of his
appointees, holding office at his pleasure, is a scandalous satire
upon free popular institutions, and a startling illustration of the
methods by which a President may gratify his ambition. We denounce
a policy under which Federal office-holders usurp control of party
conventions in the States, and we pledge the Democratic party to the
reform of these and all other abuses which threaten individual liberty
and local self-government.
SEC. 10. The Democratic party is the only party that has ever given
the country a foreign policy consistent and vigorous, compelling
respect abroad and inspiring confidence at home. While avoiding
entangling alliances, it has aimed to cultivate friendly relations
with other nations, and especially with our American neighbors on the
American continent whose destiny is closely linked with our own, and
we view with alarm the tendency to a policy of irritation and bluster
which is liable at any time to confront us with the alternative of
humiliation or war. We favor the maintenance of a navy strong enough
for all purposes of national defence, and to properly maintain the
honor and dignity of the country abroad.
SEC. 11. This country has always been the refuge of the oppressed
from every land—exiles for conscience’ sake; and in the spirit of the
founders of our Government, we condemn the oppression practised by the
Russian Government upon its Lutheran and Jewish subjects, and we call
upon our National Government, in the interest of justice and humanity,
by all just and proper means, to use its prompt and best efforts to
bring about a cessation of these cruel persecutions in the dominions
of the Czar, and to secure to the oppressed equal rights. We tender
our profound and earnest sympathy to those lovers of freedom who are
struggling for home rule and the great cause of local self-government
in Ireland.
SEC. 12. We heartily approve all legitimate efforts to prevent the
United States from being used as the dumping-ground for the known
criminals and professional paupers of Europe; and we demand the
rigid enforcement of the laws against Chinese immigration, or the
importation of foreign workmen under contract, to degrade American
labor and lessen its wages; but we condemn and denounce any and all
attempts to restrict the immigration of the industrious and worthy of
foreign lands.
SEC. 13. This convention hereby renews the expression of appreciation
of the patriotism of the soldiers and sailors of the Union in the war
for its preservation, and we favor just and liberal pensions for all
disabled Union soldiers, their widows and dependents; but we demand
that the work of the Pension Office shall be done industriously,
impartially, and honestly. We denounce the present administration of
that office as incompetent, corrupt, disgraceful, and dishonest.
SEC. 14. The Federal Government should care for and improve the
Mississippi River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as
to secure for the interior States easy and cheap transportation to
the tidewater. When any waterway of the Republic is of sufficient
importance to demand the aid of the Government, such aid should be
extended for a definite plan of continuous work until permanent
improvement is secured.
SEC. 15. For purposes of national defence and the promotion of
commerce between the States, we recognize the early construction of
the Nicaragua Canal, and its protection against foreign control, as of
great importance to the United States.
SEC. 16. Recognizing the World’s Columbian Exposition as a national
undertaking of vast importance, in which the General Government
has invited the co-operation of all the powers of the world, and
appreciating the acceptance by many of such powers of the invitation
extended, and the broadest liberal efforts being made by them to
contribute to the grandeur of the undertaking, we are of the opinion
that Congress should make such necessary financial provision as shall
be requisite to the maintenance of the national honor and public faith.
SEC. 17. Popular education being the only safe basis of popular
suffrage, we recommend to the several States most liberal
appropriations for the public schools. Free common schools are
the nursery of good government, and they have always received the
fostering care of the Democratic party, which favors every means of
increasing intelligence. Freedom of education, being an essential
of civil and religious liberty, as well as a necessity for the
development of intelligence, must not be interfered with under any
pretext whatever. We are opposed to State interference with parental
rights and rights of conscience in the education of children, as an
infringement of the fundamental Democratic doctrine that the largest
individual liberty consistent with the rights of others insures the
highest type of American citizenship and the best government.
SEC. 18. We approve the action of the present House of Representatives
in passing bills for the admission into the Union as States of
the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona, and we favor the early
admission of all the Territories having necessary population and
resources to admit them to Statehood; and, while they remain
Territories, we hold that the officials appointed to administer the
government of any Territory, together with the Districts of Columbia
and Alaska, should be _bonâ fide_ residents of the Territory or
district in which their duties are to be performed. The Democratic
party believes in home rule, and the control of their own affairs by
the people of the vicinage.
SEC. 19. We favor legislation by Congress and State Legislatures to
protect the lives and limbs of railway employees, and those of other
hazardous transportation companies, and denounce the inactivity of the
Republican party, and particularly the Republican Senate, for causing
the defeat of measures beneficial and protective to this class of
wageworkers.
SEC. 20. We are in favor of the enactment by the States of laws for
abolishing the notorious sweating system, for abolishing contract
convict labor, and for prohibiting the employment in factories of
children under fifteen years of age.
SEC. 21. We are opposed to all sumptuary laws as an interference with
the individual rights of the citizen.
SEC. 22. Upon this statement of principles and policies, the
Democratic party asks the intelligent judgment of the American people.
It asks a change of administration and a change of party in order that
there may be a change of system and a change of methods, thus assuring
the maintenance unimpaired of institutions under which the Republic
has grown great and powerful.
The platform, as originally reported, contained, instead of the first
paragraph of Section 3, the following:
We reiterate the oft-repeated doctrines of the Democratic party
that the necessity of the Government is the only justification for
taxation, and whenever a tax is unnecessary it is unjustifiable;
that when custom-house taxation is levied upon articles of any
kind produced in this country, the difference between the cost of
labor here and labor abroad, when such a difference exists, fully
measures any possible benefits to labor; and the enormous additional
impositions of the existing tariff fall with crushing force upon our
farmers and workingmen, and, for the mere advantage of the few whom
it enriches, exact from labor a grossly unjust share of the expenses
of the Government; and we demand such a revision of the tariff
laws as will remove their iniquitous inequalities, lighten their
oppressions, and put them on a constitutional and equitable basis.
But in making reduction in taxes, it is not proposed to injure any
domestic industries, but rather to promote their healthy growth. From
the foundation of this Government, taxes collected at the custom-house
have been the chief source of Federal revenue. Such they must continue
to be. Moreover, many industries have come to rely upon legislation
for successful continuance, so that any change of law must be at every
step regardful of the labor and capital thus involved. The process
of reform must be subject in the execution to this plain dictate of
justice.
The National Prohibition Convention was held at Cincinnati on the 29th
of June, with John P. St. John, of Kansas, as temporary chairman, and
Eli Ritter, of Indiana, as permanent chairman. The convention remained
in session two days. The following was the only ballot for President:
John Bidwell, Cal. 590
Gideon T. Stewart, Ohio 179
W. J. Demorest, N. Y. 139
Scattering 3
A single ballot was had for Vice-President, as follows:
J. P. Cranfill, Texas 417
Joshua Levering, Md. 351
W. W. Satterlee, Minn. 26
T. R. Carskoden, W. Va. 19
The nominations of Bidwell and Cranfill were made unanimous. The
following platform was adopted:
The Prohibition party, in national convention assembled, acknowledging
Almighty God as the source of all true government, and His law as the
standard to which all human enactments must conform to secure the
blessings of peace and prosperity, presents the following declaration
of principles:
1. The liquor traffic is a foe to civilization, the arch enemy of
popular government, and a public nuisance. It is the citadel of the
forces that corrupt politics, promote poverty and crime, degrade the
nation’s home life, thwart the will of the people, and deliver our
country into the hands of rapacious class interests. All laws that,
under the guise of regulation, legalize and protect this traffic, or
make the Government share in its ill-gotten gains, are “vicious in
principle and powerless as a remedy.”
We declare anew for the entire suppression of the manufacture, sale,
importation, exportation, and transportation of alcoholic liquors as
a beverage, by Federal and State legislation; and the full powers of
the Government should be exerted to secure this result. Any party
that fails to recognize the dominant nature of this issue in American
politics is undeserving of the support of the people.
2. No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of sex,
and equal labor should receive equal wages, without regard to sex.
3. The money of the country should be gold, silver, and paper, and be
issued by the General Government only, and in sufficient quantities
to meet the demands of business and give full opportunity for the
employment of labor. To this end an increase in the volume of money is
demanded, and no individual or corporation should be allowed to make
any profit through its issue. It should be made a legal tender for the
payment of all debts, public and private. Its volume should be fixed
at a definite sum per capita, and made to increase with our increase
in population.
4. We favor the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold.
(Rejected by the convention.)
5. Tariffs should be levied only as a defence against foreign
governments which put tariffs upon or bar our products from their
markets, revenue being incidental. The residue of means necessary to
an economical administration of the Government should be raised by
levying a burden on what the people possess instead of upon what we
consume.
6. Railroad, telegraph, and other public corporations should be
controlled by the Government in the interest of the people, and no
higher charges allowed than necessary to give fair interest on the
capital actually invested.
7. Foreign immigration has become a burden upon industry, one of the
factors in depressing wages and causing discontent; therefore our
immigration laws should be revised and strictly enforced. The time of
residence for naturalization should be extended, and no naturalized
person should be allowed to vote until one year after he becomes a
citizen.
8. Non-resident aliens should not be allowed to acquire land in this
country, and we favor the limitation of individual and corporate
ownership of land. All unearned grants of lands to railroad companies
or other corporations should be reclaimed.
9. Years of inaction and treachery on the part of the Republican and
Democratic parties have resulted in the present reign of mob law, and
we demand that every citizen be protected in the right of trial by
constitutional tribunals.
10. All men should be protected by law in their right to one day’s
rest in seven.
11. Arbitration is the wisest and most economical and humane method of
settling national differences.
12. Speculations in margins, the cornering of grain, money, and
products, and the formation of pools, trusts, and combinations for the
arbitrary advancement of prices, should be suppressed.
13. We pledge that the Prohibition party if elected to power will ever
grant just pensions to disabled veterans of the Union army and navy,
their widows and orphans.
14. We stand unequivocally for the American public school, and opposed
to any appropriation of public moneys for sectarian schools. We
declare that only by united support of such common schools, taught in
the English language, can we hope to become and remain an homogeneous
and harmonious people.
15. We arraign the Republican and Democratic parties as false to the
standards reared by their founders; as faithless to the principles
of the illustrious leaders of the past to whom they do homage with
the lips; as recreant to the “higher law,” which is as inflexible in
political affairs as in personal life; and as no longer embodying
the aspirations of the American people, or inviting the confidence
of enlightened progressive patriotism. Their protests against the
admission of “moral issues” into politics is a confession of their
own moral degeneracy. The declaration of an eminent authority,
that municipal misrule is “the one conspicuous failure of American
politics,” follows as a natural consequence of such degeneracy, and
is true alike of cities under Republican and Democratic control. Each
accuses the other of extravagance in Congressional appropriations,
and both are alike guilty; each protests when out of power against
the infraction of the civil service laws, and each when in power
violates those laws in letter and spirit; each professes fealty to
the interests of the toiling masses, but both covertly truckle to
the money power in their administration of public affairs. Even the
tariff issue, as represented in the Democratic Mills bill and the
Republican McKinley bill, is no longer treated by them as an issue
upon great and divergent principles of government, but is a mere
catering to different sectional and class interests. The attempt
in many States to wrest the Australian ballot system from its true
purpose, and to so deform it as to render it extremely difficult for
new parties to exercise the rights of suffrage, is an outrage upon
popular government. The competition of both the parties for the vote
of the slums, and their assiduous courting of the liquor power and
subserviency to the money power, have resulted in placing those powers
in the position of practical arbiters of the destinies of the nation.
We renew our protest against these perilous tendencies, and invite all
citizens to join us in the upbuilding of a party that, as shown in
five national campaigns, prefers temporary defeat to an abandonment of
the claims of justice, sobriety, personal rights, and the protection
of American homes.
The only opposition being to the fourth resolution declaring for the
free coinage of silver, that was defeated by a vote of 596 to 335.
The campaign of 1892 gave birth to the People’s party, that embraced
the old Greenbackers and most of the other odds and ends of former
side political organizations, and it proved to be an important factor
in the struggle. It held its national convention at Omaha on the 2d of
July, with C. H. Ellington, of Georgia, as temporary chairman and H.
L. Loucks, of South Dakota, as permanent president. The 1st and only
ballot for President resulted as follows:
James B. Weaver, Iowa 995
James H. Kyle, S. D. 265
Scattering 3
Only one ballot was had for Vice-President, as follows:
James G. Field, Virginia 733
Benj. S. Terrell, Texas 554
The nominations of Weaver and Field were made unanimous and the
following platform adopted:
Assembled upon the 116th anniversary of the Declaration of
Independence, the People’s party of America, in their first national
convention, invoking upon their action the blessing of Almighty God,
puts forth, in the name and on behalf of the people of this country,
the following preamble and declaration of principles:
The conditions which surround us best justify our co-operation;
we meet in the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral,
political, and material ruin. Corruption dominates the ballot-box, the
Legislature, the Congress, and touches even the ermine of the bench.
The people are demoralized; most of the States have been compelled
to isolate the voters at the polling-places to prevent universal
intimidation or bribery. The newspapers are largely subsidized or
muzzled; public opinion silenced; business prostrated; our homes
covered with mortgages; labor impoverished; and the land concentrating
in the hands of the capitalists. The urban workmen are denied the
right of organization for self-protection; imported pauperized labor
beats down their wages; a hireling standing army, unrecognized by
our laws, is established to shoot them down, and they are rapidly
degenerating into European conditions. The fruits of the toil of
millions are boldly stolen to build up colossal fortunes for a few,
unprecedented in the history of mankind; and the possessors of these,
in turn, despise the Republic and endanger liberty. From the same
prolific womb of governmental injustice we breed the two great classes
of tramps and millionaires.
The national power to create money is appropriated to enrich
bondholders; a vast public debt, payable in legal tender currency, has
been funded into gold-bearing bonds, thereby adding millions to the
burdens of the people. Silver, which has been accepted as coin since
the dawn of history, has been demonetized to add to the purchasing
power of gold by decreasing the value of all forms of property as
well as human labor; and the supply of currency is purposely abridged
to fatten usurers, bankrupt enterprise, and enslave industry. A vast
conspiracy against mankind has been organized on two continents,
and it is rapidly taking possession of the world. If not met and
overthrown at once, it forebodes terrible social convulsions, the
destruction of civilization, or the establishment of an absolute
despotism.
We have witnessed for more than a quarter of a century the struggles
of the two great political parties for power and plunder, while
grievous wrongs have been inflicted upon the suffering people. We
charge that the controlling influences dominating both these parties
have permitted the existing dreadful condition to develop without
serious effort to prevent or restrain them. Neither do they now
promise us any substantial reform. They have agreed together to
ignore in the campaign every issue but one. They propose to drown
the outcries of a plundered people with the uproar of a sham battle
over the tariff, so that capitalists, corporations, national banks,
rings, trusts, watered stock, the demonetization of silver, and the
oppressions of the usurers may all be lost sight of. They propose to
sacrifice our homes, lives, and children on the altar of mammon; to
destroy the multitude in order to secure corruption funds from the
millionaires.
Assembled on the anniversary of the birthday of the nation, and
filled with the spirit of the grand general chief who established our
independence, we seek to restore the government of the Republic to
the hands of “the plain people,” with whose class it originated. We
assert our purposes to be identical with the purposes of the national
Constitution, “to form a more perfect union and establish justice,
insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote
the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty for ourselves
and our posterity.” We declare that this Republic can only endure as
a free Government while built upon the love of the whole people for
each other and for the nation; that it cannot be pinned together by
bayonets; that the civil war is over, and that every passion and
resentment which grew out of it must die with it; and that we must be
in fact, as we are in name, one united brotherhood of freemen.
Our country finds itself confronted by conditions for which there is
no precedent in the history of the world: our annual agricultural
productions amount to billions of dollars in value, which must,
within a few weeks or months, be exchanged for billions of dollars of
commodities consumed in their production; the existing currency supply
is wholly inadequate to make this exchange; the results are falling
prices, the formation of combines and rings, the impoverishment of the
producing class. We pledge ourselves, if given power, we will labor to
correct these evils by wise and reasonable legislation, in accordance
with the terms of our platform. We believe that the powers of
Government—in other words, of the people—should be expanded (as in the
case of the postal service) as rapidly and as far as the good sense of
an intelligent people and the teachings of experience shall justify,
to the end that oppression, injustice, and poverty shall eventually
cease in the land.
While our sympathies as a party of reform are naturally upon
the side of every proposition which will tend to make men
intelligent, virtuous, and temperate, we nevertheless regard these
questions—important as they are—as secondary to the great issues
now pressing for solution, and upon which not only our individual
prosperity but the very existence of free institutions depends; and
we ask all men to first help us to determine whether we are to have
a Republic to administer before we differ as to the conditions upon
which it is to be administered; believing that the forces of reform
this day organized will never cease to move forward until every
wrong is remedied, and equal rights and equal privileges securely
established for all the men and women of this country.
We declare, therefore—
First. That the union of the labor forces of the United States this
day consummated shall be permanent and perpetual; may its spirit enter
all hearts for the salvation of the Republic and the uplifting of
mankind!
Second. Wealth belongs to him who creates it, and every dollar taken
from industry without an equivalent is robbery. “If any will not work,
neither shall he eat.” The interests of rural and civic labor are the
same; their enemies are identical.
Third. We believe that the time has come when the railroad
corporations will either own the people or the people must own the
railroads; and, should the Government enter upon the work of owning
and managing all railroads, we should favor an amendment to the
Constitution by which all persons engaged in the Government service
shall be placed under a civil service regulation of the most rigid
character, so as to prevent the increase of the power of the national
administration by the use of such additional Government employés.
We demand—
First, A national currency, safe, sound, and flexible, issued by the
General Government only, a full legal tender for all debts, public and
private, and that, without the use of banking corporations, a just,
equitable, and efficient means of distribution direct to the people,
at a tax not to exceed two per cent. per annum, to be provided as set
forth in the sub-treasury plan of the Farmers’ Alliance, or a better
system; also, by payments in discharge of its obligations for public
improvements.
(_a_) We demand free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the
present legal ratio of sixteen to one.
(_b_) We demand that the amount of circulating medium be speedily
increased to not less than fifty dollars per capita.
(_c_) We demand a graduated income tax.
(_d_) We believe that the money of the country should be kept as much
as possible in the hands of the people, and hence we demand that all
State and national revenues shall be limited to the necessary expenses
of the Government economically and honestly administered.
(_e_) We demand that postal savings banks be established by the
Government for the safe deposit of the earnings of the people and to
facilitate exchange.
Second, Transportation. Transportation being a means of exchange and a
public necessity, the Government should own and operate the railroads
in the interest of the people.
(_a_) The telegraph and telephone, like the post-office system, being
a necessity for the transmission of news, should be owned and operated
by the Government in the interest of the people.
Third, Land. The land, including all the natural sources of wealth,
is the heritage of the people, and should not be monopolized
for speculative purposes, and alien ownership of land should be
prohibited. All land now held by railroads and other corporations
in excess of their actual needs, and all lands now owned by aliens,
should be reclaimed by the Government and held for actual settlers
only.
The following supplemental report was made, not to be regarded as a
part of the party platform, but as expressive of the opinion of the
party, as follows:
_Whereas_, Other questions have been presented for our consideration,
we hereby submit the following, not as a part of the platform of the
People’s party, but as resolutions expressive of the sentiment of this
convention.
1. _Resolved_, That we demand a free ballot and a fair count in all
elections, and pledge ourselves to secure it to every legal voter
without federal intervention, through the adoption by the States of
the unperverted Australian or secret ballot system.
2. _Resolved_, That the revenue derived from a graduated income tax
should be applied to the reduction of the burden of taxation now
resting upon the domestic industries of this country.
3. _Resolved_, That we pledge our support to fair and liberal pensions
to ex-Union soldiers and sailors.
4. _Resolved_, That we condemn the fallacy of protecting American
labor under the present system, which opens our ports to the pauper
and criminal classes of the world, and crowds out our wage-earners;
and we denounce the present ineffective laws against contract labor,
and demand the further restriction of undesirable immigration.
5. _Resolved_, That we cordially sympathize with the efforts of
organized workingmen to shorten the hours of labor, and demand a rigid
enforcement of the existing eight-hour law on Government work, and ask
that a penalty clause be added to the said law.
6. _Resolved_, That we regard the maintenance of a large standing
army of mercenaries, known as the Pinkerton system, as a menace
to our liberties, and we demand its abolition; and we condemn the
recent invasion of the Territory of Wyoming by the hired assassins of
plutocracy, assisted by Federal officials.
7. _Resolved_, That we commend to the favorable consideration of
the people and the reform press the legislative system known as the
initiative and referendum.
8. _Resolved_, That we favor a constitutional provision limiting the
office of President and Vice-President to one term, and providing for
the election of Senators of the United States by a direct vote of the
people.
9. _Resolved_, That we oppose any subsidy or national aid to any
private corporation for any purpose.
The convention was a mass assembly, as Texas cast more votes than New
York and nearly thrice the vote of Pennsylvania.
The Socialists’ Labor Convention met at New York on the 28th of August,
and nominated Simon Wing, of Massachusetts, for President and Charles
H. Machett, of New York, for Vice-President, and adopted the following
platform:
_Social Demands_: 1. Reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to
the progress of production.
2. The United States shall obtain possession of the railroads, canals,
telegraphs, telephones, and all other means of public transportation
and communication.
3. The municipalities to obtain possession of the local railroads,
ferries, water-works, gas-works, electric plants, and all industries
requiring municipal franchises.
4. The public lands to be declared inalienable. Revocation of all land
grants to corporations or individuals, the conditions of which have
not been complied with.
5. Legal incorporation by the States of local trade unions which have
no national organization.
6. The United States to have the exclusive right to issue money.
7. Congressional legislation providing for the scientific management
of forests and waterways, and prohibiting the waste of the natural
resources of the country.
8. Inventions to be free to all; the inventors to be remunerated by
the nation.
9. Progressive income tax and tax on inheritances; the smaller incomes
to be exempt.
10. School education of all children under fourteen years of age to be
compulsory, gratuitous, and accessible to all by public assistance in
meals, clothing, books, etc., where necessary.
11. Repeal of all pauper, tramp, conspiracy, and sumptuary laws.
Unabridged right of combination.
12. Official statistics concerning the condition of labor. Prohibition
of the employment of children of school age, and of the employment
of female labor in occupations detrimental to health or morality.
Abolition of the convict labor contract system.
13. All wages to be paid in lawful money of the United States.
Equalization of women’s wages with those of men where equal service is
performed.
14. Laws for the protection of life and limb in all occupations, and
an efficient employers’ liability law.
_Political Demands_: 1. The people to have the right to propose
laws and to vote upon all measures of importance, according to the
referendum principle.
2. Abolition of the Presidency, Vice-Presidency, and Senate of
the United States. An Executive Board to be established, whose
members are to be elected, and may at any time be recalled, by the
House of Representatives, as the only legislative body. The States
and municipalities to adopt corresponding amendments to their
constitutions and statutes.
3. Municipal self-government.
4. Direct vote and secret ballots in all elections. Universal and
equal right of suffrage, without regard to color, creed, or sex.
Election days to be legal holidays. The principle of minority
representation to be introduced.
5. All public officers to be subject to recall by their respective
constituencies.
6. Uniform civil and criminal law throughout the United States.
Administration of justice to be free of charge. Abolition of capital
punishment.
The battle between Cleveland and Harrison was very earnestly contested,
and it will be remembered as the only instance in which the party of
power was defeated when the country was prosperous. The McKinley Tariff
bill had largely increased protection to our manufactures, but without
materially increasing wages. The result was an unusual number of
labor strikes, the most notable of which was that of Homestead at the
Carnegie works, and the Republicans suffered very generally throughout
the country by the loss of industrial votes.
The following table presents the popular and electoral vote of 1892:
══════════════╤═════════════════════════════════════════════════════════╦═══════════════════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL VOTE.
├──────────┬─────────┬─────────┬───────────┬──────────────╫──────────┬────────┬───────
STATES. │ Grover │Benjamin │James B. │ John │ Simon ║Cleveland │Harrison│Weaver
│Cleveland,│Harrison,│ Weaver, │ Bidwell, │ Wing, ║ and │ and │ and
│New York. │Indiana. │ Iowa. │California.│Massachusetts.║Stevenson.│ Reid. │Field.
──────────────┼──────────┼─────────┼─────────┼───────────┼──────────────╫──────────┼────────┼───────
Alabama │ 138,138 │ 9,197│ 85,181│ 239 │ ―――― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ――
Arkansas │ 87,834 │ 46,884│ 11,831│ 113 │ ―――― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ――
California │ 117,908 │ 117,618│ 25,226│ 8,056 │ ―――― ║ 8 │ 1 │ ――
Colorado │ ―――――― │ 38,620│ 53,584│ 1,638 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 4
Connecticut │ 82,395 │ 77,025│ 806│ 4,025 │ 329 ║ 6 │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ 18,581 │ 18,083│ 13│ 565 │ ―――― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Florida │ 30,143 │ ―――――― │ 4,843│ 475 │ ―――― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ 129,361 │ 48,305│ 42,937│ 988 │ ―――― ║ 13 │ ―― │ ――
Idaho │ ―――――― │ 8,599│ 10,520│ 288 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 3
Illinois │ 426,281 │ 399,288│ 22,207│ 25,870 │ ―――― ║ 24 │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 262,740 │ 255,615│ 22,208│ 13,050 │ ―――― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ――
Iowa │ 196,367 │ 219,795│ 20,595│ 6,402 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 13 │ ――
Kansas │ ―――――― │ 157,237│ 163,111│ 4,539 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 10
Kentucky │ 175,461 │ 135,441│ 23,500│ 6,442 │ ―――― ║ 13 │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 87,922 │ 13,281│ 13,282│ ―――― │ ―――― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ――
Maine │ 48,044 │ 62,931│ 2,381│ 3,062 │ 336 ║ ―― │ 6 │ ――
Maryland │ 113,866 │ 92,736│ 796│ 5,877 │ 27 ║ 8 │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ 176,813 │ 202,814│ 3,210│ 1,539 │ 649 ║ ―― │ 15 │ ――
Michigan │ 202,296 │ 222,708│ 19,892│ 14,069 │ ―――― ║ 5 │ 9 │ ――
Minnesota │ 100,920 │ 122,823│ 29,313│ 12,182 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 9 │ ――
Mississippi │ 40,237 │ 1,406│ 10,256│ 910 │ ―――― ║ 9 │ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ 268,398 │ 226,918│ 41,213│ 4,331 │ ―――― ║ 17 │ ―― │ ――
Montana │ 17,581 │ 18,851│ 7,334│ 549 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 3 │ ――
Nebraska │ 24,943 │ 87,227│ 83,134│ 4,902 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 8 │ ――
Nevada │ 714 │ 2,811│ 7,204│ 89 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 3
New Hampshire │ 42,081 │ 45,658│ 292│ 1,297 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 4 │ ――
New Jersey │ 171,042 │ 156,068│ 969│ 8,131 │ 1,337 ║ 10 │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 654,868 │ 609,350│ 16,429│ 38,190 │ 17,956 ║ 36 │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina│ 132,951 │ 100,342│ 44,736│ 2,636 │ ―――― ║ 11 │ ―― │ ――
North Dakota │ ―――――― │ 17,519│ 17,700│ 899 │ ―――― ║ 1 │ 1 │ 1
Ohio │ 404,115 │ 405,187│ 14,850│ 26,012 │ ―――― ║ 1 │ 22 │ ――
Oregon │ 14,243 │ 35,002│ 26,965│ 2,281 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 3 │ 1
Pennsylvania │ 452,264 │ 516,011│ 8,714│ 25,123 │ 898 ║ ―― │ 32 │ ――
Rhode Island │ 24,335 │ 26,972│ 228│ 1,654 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 4 │ ――
South Carolina│ 54,692 │ 13,345│ 2,407│ ―――― │ ―――― ║ 9 │ ―― │ ――
South Dakota │ 9,081 │ 34,888│ 26,544│ ―――― │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 4 │ ――
Tennessee │ 138,874 │ 100,331│ 23,447│ 4,851 │ ―――― ║ 12 │ ―― │ ――
Texas │ 239,148 │ 81,444│ 99,688│ 2,165 │ ―――― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ 16,325 │ 37,992│ 43│ 1,415 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 4 │ ――
Virginia │ 163,977 │ 113,262│ 12,275│ 2,738 │ ―――― ║ 12 │ ―― │ ――
Washington │ 29,802 │ 36,460│ 19,165│ 2,542 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 4 │ ――
West Virginia │ 84,467 │ 80,293│ 4,166│ 2,145 │ ―――― ║ 6 │ ―― │ ――
Wisconsin │ 177,335 │ 170,791│ 9,909│ 13,132 │ ―――― ║ 12 │ ―― │ ――
Wyoming │ ―――――― │ 8,454│ 7,722│ 530 │ ―――― ║ ―― │ 3 │ ――
├──────────┼─────────┼─────────┼───────────┼──────────────╫──────────┼────────┼───────
Totals │5,556,543 │5,175,582│1,040,886│ 255,841 │ 21,532 ║ 277 │ 145 │ 22
══════════════╧══════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═══════════╧══════════════╩══════════╧════════╧═══════
One of the notable features of the foregoing table is in the fact that
both Republicans and Democrats fused with the Weaver or People’s party
in different States. No votes were cast for Cleveland in Colorado,
Kansas, North Dakota, and Wyoming, and none were cast for Harrison in
Florida, and only a nominal vote given him in Alabama and Mississippi.
The general political disturbance of the country may be understood
when it is remembered that Weaver received near a million votes for
President, while the Prohibition candidate kept the vote of that party
up to its highest point.
Cleveland and Jackson are the only Presidential candidates in the
history of the Republic who made three consecutive contests for
the place, carried a popular plurality or majority each time, and
increased it at each successive contest, and both were defeated in one
battle, although receiving a larger popular vote than the successful
competitor.
THE McKINLEY-BRYAN CONTEST
1896
Cleveland and Harrison were cast in the same mould of statesmanship,
differing only in degree, and they had some important qualities in
common. Both stood for a better political system than was acceptable to
their respective parties, and both regarded public duty as paramount
to political or individual interests. They are the only two men of
the nation each of whom retired from the Presidency defeated by the
other. Both were vastly in advance of the dominant sentiment of their
followers in the support of civil service reform. Neither of them was
accomplished as a national politician. They never could have nominated
themselves for President by political manipulation, nor could they
have mastered the intricacies inevitable in the management of a great
national contest. They employed none of the arts which have been common
among public men to popularize themselves, and both were called to the
leadership of their respective parties in Presidential battles because
they were wanted rather than because they wanted the place. Both were
regarded as unsympathetic by the ardent political leaders of their
parties when it came to the distribution of administration patronage,
and yet no two Presidents were ever more pronounced in their devotion
to their party faith.
[Illustration: WILLIAM McKINLEY]
Cleveland was a Democrat all through from hat to boots; Harrison
was equally positive as a Republican, and both held to the better
teachings of their parties in the better days. Cleveland was a Jackson
Democrat, Harrison a Lincoln Republican, and neither took to the
modern political frills which sacrifice the substance of conviction to
glittering shadows to protect political degeneracy. Cleveland was the
more positive in purpose and bolder in action; Harrison was probably
the stronger intellectual force, with greater aptness in adaptability
to political movements, and both were thoroughly honest, tireless in
devotion to duty, and sincerely patriotic. Both were exemplars of
public and private purity, alike in home and trust, and the prattle
of “Baby McKee” and of “Little Ruth” would at any time call either to
forgetfulness of the honors and cares of State. Both finally retired
from the Presidency, leaving records as Chief Magistrates which will
ever shed rich lustre upon the annals of the Republic.
Cleveland’s second administration fell upon troublous times. The
country was about to enter upon a severe season of industrial and
business depression, that no political power nor the wisest legislation
could have prevented. The products of our farms had reached the minimum
of value. Debts were steadily increasing, labor was largely unemployed,
and consumption of the necessaries of life was reduced to the lowest
standard. The McKinley tariff of 1890 had given excessive protection to
our industries, but that only stimulated production while it narrowed
the markets for our products, and it was not surprising when silver
reached the point that made a dollar worth only 50 cents, that the free
silver theory should attract the hopeless debtor class by the promise
of paying their obligations practically with one-half the money they
had borrowed.
Both parties were severely honeycombed with the cheap-money theory, and
although Cleveland had a Democratic Congress and was able, after the
most exhaustive effort, to halt the continued purchase of silver for
coinage, it was the last and only achievement he attained with the aid
of Congress to better our financial system. It was most fortunate for
the country that in this fearful peril to our national credit Grover
Cleveland was President of the United States. He stood impregnable
as the rock of Gibraltar when the fierce waves of repudiation surged
against him from both parties, and when the West and South appeared
to be practically unanimous in demanding cheap money, while even the
more stable business and financial States of the North were greatly
divided on the issue. Just as the peril to our national honor increased
Cleveland’s determination and courage to maintain the right increased
with it, and he finally braved a howling repudiation Congress by a
demand for gold bonds to sustain Government credit with notice that, if
refused by Congress, whereby a loss of many millions would be forced
upon the country, he would sell bonds, as then authorized by law, to
any extent necessary to maintain the most scrupulous faith of the
nation.
Congress refused and Cleveland stood grandly alone with Congress
against him, and saved the Republic from a stain of dishonor that
would have been ineffaceable. This was a vastly more heroic act than
Jackson’s throttling of nullification, as Jackson was sustained by the
patriotic devotion to the Union. Another record of his administration
that stands out among the heroic of Presidential actions was his
promptness and courage in meeting the Chicago riots when the commerce
of the nation was interrupted by lawlessness. In a single order issued
by Cleveland directing public peace to be maintained and commerce
permitted to go on uninterrupted by the strong arm of national power he
effaced forever the last lingering dregs of States’ rights that would
make a great Commonwealth the prey of the lawless with the National
Government powerless to interfere. The Governor of Illinois was in
hearty and open sympathy with the lawless, and refused the protection
to public peace and to commerce that was his sworn duty to give, and
the civil authorities of Chicago were the mere plaything of the mob.
These two acts of Grover Cleveland will go into history as among the
most heroic and self-sacrificing acts of any of our long line of
Presidents. Harrison would doubtless have met both of these emergencies
as Cleveland did, but Cleveland had to brave the overwhelming
prejudices of his own party to discharge the duty, while Harrison would
have been heartily and unitedly sustained by his party in meeting the
Chicago issue, and would have had the majority of his party followers
in sympathy with him in maintaining the national credit. Cleveland
retired from his second term of the Presidency with his party very
generally alienated from him, and yet he had not in any material degree
departed from the Democratic platform on which he was re-elected. He
was not in any measure an apostate, but he stood resolutely where his
party had planted him, while his party apostatized and became his
bitterest foe.
No administration can command the support of the country when industry
and trade are severely depressed. It matters not what may be the true
cause of financial, commercial, and industrial revulsion; it is always
charged to the policy of the party in power, and Cleveland could not
escape political disaster because of conditions which he had no more
part in producing than he had in creating the stars when they first
sang together. The mid-administration elections of 1894 resulted in
the most disastrous defeat the Democracy had ever suffered, and the
cheap-money heresy rapidly grew in strength, disintegrating both the
old parties until the question of maintaining national credit became
one of the gravest ever presented to the people, with the single
exception of the secession that caused our civil war.
The Wilson Tariff bill was passed with protective features sufficiently
liberal to maintain our industries with the enlarged markets it would
have produced for American products, but it was assailed as one of the
chief causes of our industrial depression, and it became an important
factor in the election of McKinley in 1896. It is now demonstrated
before the close of the McKinley administration, that the protective
features of the Wilson bill were more than equal to the necessities
of the present. New and unexpected conditions brought this country
suddenly to a policy of expansion in territory and trade, and to-day
we have hardly an industry that really needs protection if it can have
free markets for its products.
Cleveland was bitterly assailed as unfriendly to a liberal pension
policy for our soldiers. He came into his second term in the midst of
a tidal wave of pension profligacy. Private pensions were passed by
the hundreds in Congress usually without debate, and often with only a
small fraction of a quorum present. Cleveland vetoed a number of these
bills, and I cannot recall one vetoed private pension bill that was
passed over his veto, although there may have been a very few.
I happened to witness a painful exhibition of the cowardice of
Congressmen in meeting the pension question after Cleveland had vetoed
a bill greatly enlarging our pension system. On the morning of the
day that the veto was to be taken in the House to sustain the veto
or pass the bill, notwithstanding the objections of the President, I
called upon Speaker Carlisle in his room in the Capitol, and there
found him in earnest consultation with twelve or fifteen leading
Democratic Congressmen. There was grave danger that the bill would pass
over the veto, although certainly not one-third of the members of the
House believed that the bill was just. The question discussed at that
conference was who of the Democratic leaders could afford to take the
floor in defence of the veto. All heartily approved of it, but only two
of all those present expressed his willingness to come to the front
and stand for the right. Governor Curtin, then a member of the House,
had the courage to say that as the friend of the true soldier he would
defend the veto on the floor, and while every one present agreed with
him, a majority of them declared that it was a necessity, for their
own safety at home, to vote for the bill. It was only by the greatest
effort that the veto was sustained for want of a two-thirds vote,
although a decided majority of the House voted for the bill.
Such were the conditions in which the people entered upon the memorable
contest of 1896. Governor McKinley and Speaker Reed took the lead early
in the race for the Republican nomination for President, and McKinley
was most fortunate in having his Warwick in Mark A. Hanna, of Ohio, who
conducted the McKinley battle on the same lines that Samuel J. Tilden
conducted the contest for his nomination in 1876. His fight was won
by well-organized and earnestly directed contests in every debatable
State, and for a year or more before the convention met Hanna was
tireless in his work. He had a strong candidate in McKinley; a man of
blameless character, of admitted ability, a champion of protection,
a soldier who had carried his musket as a private in the flame of
battle, and possessing many attributes of personal popularity. Reed in
his rough way fought his battle more heroically than wisely, and was
finally unhorsed at the close of the contest by McKinley sweeping some
of the New England States from him. That defeated Reed, and McKinley’s
nomination was assured.
On only one point did Hanna seriously miscalculate the lines of safety.
He saw the cheap-money and repudiation issue formidable on every side
and in both parties, and he decided that McKinley should be nominated
for President on a platform that straddled the money issue in a
cowardly way. In order to give the cue to the party on the money issue,
he called the Republican State Convention of Ohio to meet on the 11th
of March, 1896, and that convention adopted the following money plank,
intended to be the McKinley platform:
“We contend for honest money; for a currency of gold, silver, and
paper with which to measure our exchanges, that shall be as sound
as the Government and as untarnished as its honor, and to that end
we favor bimetallism, and demand the use of both gold and silver as
standard money, either in accordance with a ratio to be fixed by
an international agreement, if that can be obtained, or under such
restrictions and such provisions, to be determined by legislation, as
will secure the maintenance of the parities of value of the two metals
so that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dollar, whether of
silver, gold, or paper, shall be at all times equal.”
The Ohio money plank was generally accepted by the Republicans of
the West as a cunning straddle, that would hold the cheap-money
Republicans, whose devotion to protection made them willing to yield
something on the money question, but it was severely criticised by a
number of the ablest Republicans of the East, and before the convention
met it became evident that the friends of an emphatic honest-money
plank were likely to dominate the body.
The Republican National Convention met at St. Louis on the 16th of
June. There was little or no dispute as to who would be nominated for
President, as a decided majority of the delegates came there for the
purpose of nominating McKinley. Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana, was
temporary chairman and present Senator John M. Thurston, of Nebraska,
permanent president. The struggle over the money plank of the platform
kept the convention in idleness until the third day, when an agreement
was reached in favor of the gold standard. There has been some dispute
recently as to who made Hanna adopt the gold platform. There were many
and very earnest consultations in St. Louis before an agreement with
Hanna could be reached, and it was finally accomplished by a number
of able members of the body deciding that they would notify Hanna,
giving him one hour to accept the gold-standard platform, or they would
carry it into the convention and compel McKinley’s friends to meet the
issue in open debate. I was at the same hotel, on the same floor with
Hanna, and knew just when that proposition was sent to him, and knew
also that in little over half an hour he agreed to the demand of the
gold-standard Republicans, and it was then adopted without a contest.
When the platform was reported, Senator Teller, of Colorado, who led
the Silver Republicans, and who was a member of the committee on
resolutions, offered the following as a substitute for the money plank
of the platform:
“The Republican party favors the use of both gold and silver as
equal standard money, and pledges its power to secure the free,
unrestricted, and independent coinage of gold and silver at our mints
at the ratio of 16 parts of silver to 1 of gold.”
Senator Teller delivered an earnest and able argument in support of
his substitute, but it was rejected by 818-1/2 votes to 105-1/2. A
separate vote was also had on the financial plank as reported by the
majority, and it was adopted by 812-1/2 to 110-1/2. When the platform
was adopted, Senator Cannon, of Utah, presented a protest against the
money plank of the platform, after which thirty-four delegates from the
Western States, including Senators Teller and Cannon, withdrew from the
convention. There was only one ballot for President, as follows:
William McKinley, Ohio 661-1/2
Thomas B. Reed, Me. 84-1/2
Matthew S. Quay, Pa. 61-1/2
Levi P. Morton, N. Y. 58
William B. Allison, Ia. 35-1/2
J. Donald Cameron, Pa. 1
Blank 4
The nomination of Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey, for Vice-President
was made on the 1st ballot by the following vote:
Garret A. Hobart, N. J. 535-1/2
Henry Clay Evans, Tenn. 277-1/2
Morgan J. Bulkeley, Conn. 39
James A. Walker, Va. 24
Charles E. Lippitt, R. I. 8
Thomas B. Reed, Maine 3
Chauncey M. Depew, N. Y. 3
John M. Thurston, Neb. 2
Fred D. Grant, N. Y. 2
Levi P. Morton, N. Y. 1
The nominations of McKinley and Hobart were made unanimous with the
wildest enthusiasm. The following is the Republican platform as adopted
by the convention:
The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their
representatives in national convention, appealing for the popular and
historical justification of their claims to the matchless achievements
of the thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confidently
address themselves to the awakened intelligence, experience, and
conscience of their countrymen in the following declaration of facts
and principles:
For the first time since the Civil War the American people have
witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted
Democratic control of the Government. It has been a record of
unparalleled incapacity, dishonor, and disaster. In administrative
management it has ruthlessly sacrificed indispensable revenue,
entailed an unceasing deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses with
borrowed money, piled up the public debt by $262,000,000 in time of
peace, forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace
hanging over the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien
syndicates, and reversed all the measures and results of successful
Republican rule.
In the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic, blighted
industry and trade with prolonged depression, closed factories,
reduced work and wages, halted enterprise, and crippled American
production while stimulating foreign production for the American
market. Every consideration of public safety and individual interest
demands that the Government shall be rescued from the hands of those
who have shown themselves incapable of conducting it without disaster
at home and dishonor abroad, and shall be restored to the party
which for thirty years administered it with unequalled success and
prosperity, and in this connection we heartily endorse the wisdom,
the patriotism, and the success of the administration of President
Harrison.
We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protection as
the bulwark of American industrial independence and the foundation of
American development and prosperity. This true American policy taxes
foreign products and encourages home industry; it puts the burden
of revenue on foreign goods; it secures the American market for the
American producer; it upholds the American standard of wages for the
American workingman; it puts the factory by the side of the farm, and
makes the American farmer less dependent on foreign demand and price;
it diffuses general thrift, and founds the strength of all on the
strength of each. In its reasonable application it is just, fair, and
impartial, equally opposed to foreign control and domestic monopoly,
to sectional discrimination and individual favoritism.
We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional, injurious
to the public credit, and destructive to business enterprise. We
demand such an equitable tariff on foreign imports which come into
competition with American products as will not only furnish adequate
revenue for the necessary expenses of the Government, but will protect
American labor from degradation to the wage level of other lands. We
are not pledged to any particular schedules. The question of rates is
a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of the time
and of production; the ruling and uncompromising principle is the
protection and development of American labor and industry. The country
demands a right settlement, and then it wants rest.
We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated by
the last Republican administration was a national calamity, and we
demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will equalize our
trade with other nations, remove the restrictions which now obstruct
the sale of American products in the ports of other countries, and
secure enlarged markets for the products of our farms, forests, and
factories.
Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican policy,
and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck down both,
and both must be re-established. Protection for what we produce;
free admission for the necessaries of life which we do not produce;
reciprocity agreements of mutual interests which gain open markets
for us in return for our open market to others. Protection builds up
domestic industry and trade, and secures our own market for ourselves;
reciprocity builds up foreign trade and finds an outlet for our
surplus.
We condemn the present administration for not keeping faith with the
sugar-producers of this country. The Republican party favors such
protection as will lead to the production on American soil of all
the sugar which the American people use, and for which they pay other
countries more than $100,000,000 annually.
To all our products—to those of the mine and the fields, as well as
those of the shop and factory; to hemp, to wool, the product of the
great industry of sheep husbandry, as well as to the finished woollens
of the mills—we promise the most ample protection.
We favor restoring the early American policy of discriminating duties
for the upbuilding of our merchant marine and the protection of our
shipping in the foreign carrying trade, so that American ships—the
product of American labor, employed in American shipyards, sailing
under the Stars and Stripes, and manned, officered, and owned by
Americans—may regain the carrying of our foreign commerce.
The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused the
enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie payments
in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold.
We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our
currency or impair the credit of our country. We are, therefore,
opposed to the free coinage of silver, except by international
agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we
pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be obtained
the existing gold standard must be preserved. All our silver and
paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor
all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obligations of the
United States and all our money, whether coin or paper, at the present
standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations of the earth.
The veterans of the Union armies deserve and should receive fair
treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable, they should
be given the preference in the matter of employment, and they are
entitled to the enactment of such laws as are best calculated to
secure the fulfilment of the pledges made to them in the dark days of
the country’s peril. We denounce the practice in the Pension Bureau,
so recklessly and unjustly carried on by the present administration,
of reducing pensions and arbitrarily dropping names from the rolls, as
deserving the severest condemnation of the American people.
Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous, and
dignified, and all our interests in the Western Hemisphere carefully
watched and guarded. The Hawaiian Islands should be controlled by the
United States, and no foreign power should be permitted to interfere
with them; the Nicaragua Canal should be built, owned, and operated by
the United States; and by the purchase of the Danish islands we should
secure a proper and much-needed naval station in the West Indies.
The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and just
indignation of the American people, and we believe that the United
States should exercise all the influence it can properly exert to
bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey, American residents have
been exposed to the gravest dangers and American property destroyed.
There and everywhere American citizens and American property must be
absolutely protected at all hazards and at any cost.
We reassert the Monroe Doctrine in its full extent, and we re-affirm
the right of the United States to give the doctrine effect by
responding to the appeal of any American State for friendly
intervention in case of European encroachment. We have not interfered
and shall not interfere with the existing possessions of any European
power in this hemisphere, but those possessions must not on any
pretext be extended. We hopefully look forward to the eventual
withdrawal of the European powers from this hemisphere, and to the
ultimate union of all English-speaking parts of the continent by the
free consent of its inhabitants.
From the hour of achieving their own independence, the people of the
United States have regarded with sympathy the struggles of other
American people to free themselves from European domination. We watch
with deep and abiding interest the heroic battle of the Cuban patriots
against cruelty and oppression, and our best hopes go out for the full
success of their determined contest for liberty.
The Government of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being unable
to protect the property or lives of resident American citizens, or to
comply with its treaty obligations, we believe that the Government of
the United States should actively use its influence and good offices
to restore peace and give independence to the island.
The peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of its
rightful influence among the nations of the earth demand a naval power
commensurate with its position and responsibility. We therefore favor
the continued enlargement of the navy and a complete system of harbor
and seacoast defences.
For the protection of the quality of our American citizenship and
of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal competition of
low-priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thoroughly
enforced, and so extended as to exclude from entrance to the United
States those who can neither read nor write.
The civil service law was placed on the statute book by the Republican
party, which has always sustained it, and we renew our repeated
declarations that it shall be thoroughly and honestly enforced and
extended wherever practicable.
We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to
cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot shall be
counted and returned as cast.
We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized and
barbarous practice, well known as lynching, or killing of human beings
suspected or charged with crime, without process of law.
We favor the creation of a national Board of Arbitration to settle
and adjust differences which may arise between employers and employés
engaged in interstate commerce.
We believe in an immediate return to the free-homestead policy of the
Republican party, and urge the passage by Congress of a satisfactory
free-homestead measure such as has already passed the House, and is
now pending in the Senate.
We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the earliest
practicable date, having due regard to the interests of the people of
the Territories and of the United States. All the Federal officers
appointed for the Territories should be selected from _bona fide_
residents thereof, and the right of self-government should be accorded
as far as practicable.
We believe the citizens of Alaska should have representation in the
Congress of the United States, to the end that needful legislation may
be intelligently enacted.
We sympathise with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen and
prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality.
The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of women.
Protection of American industries includes equal opportunities,
equal pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We favor the
admission of women to wider spheres of usefulness, and welcome their
co-operation in rescuing the country from Democratic and Populist
mismanagement and misrule.
Such are the principles and policies of the Republican party. By
these principles we will abide and these policies we will put into
execution. We ask for them the considerate judgment of the American
people. Confident alike in the history of our great party and in the
justice of our cause, we present our platform and our candidates
in the full assurance that the election will bring victory to the
Republican party and prosperity to the people of the United States.
The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago on the 7th of July,
and the emphatic deliverance of the Republican convention in favor
of the gold standard greatly strengthened the free-silver Democratic
element, but the sound-money Democrats had control of the national
committee, with William F. Harrity, chairman, whose duty it was to
call the convention to order. Earnest efforts were made to harmonize
the party in the organization, but the Free Silverites were aggressive
from the start, and when the national committee named Senator Hill,
of New York, as temporary chairman, a bitter debate was precipitated,
and Senator Daniel, of Virginia, an out-and-out Free Silverite, was
elected by 556 to 349. On the second day the report of the committee
on credentials strengthened the free-silver wing by the admission of
the Bryan delegation from Nebraska, and four sound-money Democrats
were rejected from Michigan, and their places given to free-silver
delegates. Senator White, of California, was made permanent president.
The platform was adopted, as is usual, before the nomination for
President, and it was in the protracted and intensely bitter debate of
the money question that brought out the eloquent and dramatic address
of William J. Bryan, that carried him into the Democratic nomination
with a tidal wave.
A sound financial plank was offered by the minority, but rejected by
626 to 303. Another resolution, declaring, “We commend the honesty,
economy, courage, and fidelity of the present Democratic (Cleveland)
administration,” was greeted with a yell of derision and rejected
by 564 to 357. Senator Hill offered two amendments to temper the
repudiation plank, but they were rejected without a division. The
platform was then adopted by 628 to 301. The sound-money Democrats
found themselves in a helpless and hopeless minority. Many of them
desired to withdraw from the convention, but the more considerate
refused to do so, and all of them remained, 178 of them refusing to
vote on the 1st ballot for President. Chairman Harrity, of the national
committee, with his delegation participated in all the ballots and
steadily voted for ex-Governor Pattison. Five ballots were had for
President, with Bryan starting at 119 to 235 for Bland, of Missouri,
who was the father of the silver dollar, and should have been accepted
as the logical candidate of the free-silver party, but Bryan’s “crown
of thorns” had captured the convention, and he won an easy victory. The
following table gives the five ballots for President in detail:
═══════════════════════════════════╤══════╤═══════╤══════╤═══════╤══════
│First.│Second.│Third.│Fourth.│Fifth.
───────────────────────────────────┼──────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼──────
Whole number of votes │ 752 │ 768 │ 768 │ 769 │ 768
Necessary for a choice (two─thirds)│ 502 │ 512 │ 512 │ 513 │ 512
William J. Bryan, Nebraska │ 119 │ 190 │ 219 │ 280 │ 500
Richard P. Bland, Missouri │ 235 │ 283 │ 291 │ 241 │ 106
Robert E. Pattison, Pennsylvania │ 95 │ 100 │ 97 │ 97 │ 95
Horace Boies, Iowa │ 85 │ 41 │ 36 │ 33 │ 26
Joseph S. C. Blackburn, Kentucky │ 83 │ 41 │ 27 │ 27 │ ――
John R. McLean, Ohio │ 54 │ 53 │ 54 │ 46 │ ――
Claude Matthews, Indiana │ 37 │ 33 │ 34 │ 36 │ 31
Benjamin R. Tillman, South Carolina│ 17 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Sylvester Pennoyer, Oregon │ 8 │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Henry M. Teller, Colorado │ 8 │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Adlai E. Stevenson, Illinois │ 7 │ 10 │ 9 │ 8 │ 8
William E. Russell, Massachusetts │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
James E. Campbell, Ohio │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
David B. Hill, New York │ 1 │ 1 │ 1 │ 1 │ 1
David Turpie, Indiana │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1
Not voting │ 178 │ 162 │ 162 │ 162 │ 162
═══════════════════════════════════╧══════╧═══════╧══════╧═══════╧══════
On the 5th ballot Bryan was only 12 votes short of the necessary
two-thirds, and immediately after the roll-call was completed, and
before the vote had been given, 78 delegates changed their votes from
other candidates to Bryan, giving him the nomination. The convention
received the result with the wildest cheers for Bryan, mingled with
some hisses and general sullen silence among the sound-money Democrats.
There was a spirited contest for the Vice-Presidency, in which John R.
McLean, of Ohio, was well to the front, and led all others on the 4th
ballot, but on the 5th a whirl was made to Sewall, of Maine, giving him
the nomination. The following table gives the ballot in detail:
═══════════════════════════════════╤══════╤═══════╤══════╤═══════╤═══════
│First.│Second.│Third.│Fourth.│ Fifth.
───────────────────────────────────┼──────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼───────
Whole number of votes │ 670 │ 675 │ 675 │ 677 │ 679
Necessary for a choice (two─thirds)│ 447 │ 450 │ 450 │ 452 │ 453
Arthur Sewall, Maine │ 100 │ 37 │ 97 │ 261 │ 568
Joseph C. Sibley, Pennsylvania │ 163 │ 113 │ 50 │ ―― │ ――
John R. McLean, Ohio │ 111 │ 158 │ 210 │ 296 │ 32
George F. Williams, Massachusetts │ 76 │ 16 │ 15 │ 9 │ 9
Richard P. Bland, Missouri │ 62 │ 294 │ 255 │ ―― │ ――
Walter A. Clark, North Carolina │ 50 │ 22 │ 22 │ 46 │ 22
John R. Williams, Illinois │ 22 │ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
William F. Harrity, Pennsylvania │ 21 │ 21 │ 19 │ 11 │ 11
Horace Boies, Iowa │ 20 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Joseph S. C. Blackburn, Kentucky │ 20 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
John W. Daniel, Virginia │ 11 │ 1 │ 6 │ 54 │ 36
James H. Lewis, Washington │ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Robert E. Pattison, Pennsylvania │ ―― │ 1 │ 1 │ 1 │ 1
Henry M. Teller, Colorado │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Stephen M. White, California │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
George W. Fithian, Illinois │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Not voting │ 260 │ 255 │ 255 │ 253 │ 251
═══════════════════════════════════╧══════╧═══════╧══════╧═══════╧═══════
The following is the full text of the Democratic platform:
We, the Democrats of the United States, in national convention
assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those great essential
principles of justice and liberty, upon which our institutions are
founded, and which the Democratic party has advocated from Jefferson’s
time to our own—freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of
conscience, the preservation of personal rights, the equality of all
citizens before the law, and the faithful observance of constitutional
limitations.
During all these years the Democratic party has resisted the tendency
of selfish interests to the centralization of governmental power, and
steadfastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme of government
established by the founders of this republic of republics. Under its
guidance and teachings, the great principle of local self-government
has found its best expression in the maintenance of the rights of the
States, and in its assertion of the necessity of confining the General
Government to the exercise of the powers granted by the Constitution
of the United States.
The Constitution of the United States guarantees to every citizen the
rights of civil and religious liberty. The Democratic party has always
been the exponent of political liberty and religious freedom, and it
renews its obligations and reaffirms its devotion to these fundamental
principles of the Constitution.
Recognizing that the money question is paramount to all others at this
time, we invite attention to the fact that the Federal Constitution
names silver and gold together as the money metals of the United
States, and that the first coinage law passed by Congress under the
Constitution made the silver dollar the money unit, and admitted gold
to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver dollar unit.
We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without the
knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted in the
appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the prices of
commodities produced by the people; a heavy increase in the burden of
taxation and of all debts, public and private; the enrichment of the
money-lending class at home and abroad; the prostration of industry
and impoverishment of the people.
We are unalterably opposed to monometallism, which has locked fast the
prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard times.
Gold monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption has brought
other nations into financial servitude to London. It is not only
un-American, but anti-American, and it can be fastened on the United
States only by the stifling of that spirit and love of liberty which
proclaimed our political independence in 1776 and won it in the war of
the Revolution.
We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at
the present legal ratio of sixteen to one without waiting for the aid
or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver
dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts,
public and private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for
the future the demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by
private contract.
We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the
holders of the obligations of the United States the option reserved by
law to the Government of redeeming such obligations in either silver
coin or gold coin.
We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the United
States in time of peace, and condemn the trafficking with banking
syndicates, which, in exchange for bonds and at enormous profit to
themselves, supply the Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the
policy of gold monometallism.
Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and President
Jackson declared that this power could not be delegated to
corporations or individuals. We therefore denounce the issuance
of notes intended to circulate as money by national banks as in
derogation of the Constitution, and we demand that all paper which
is made a legal tender for public and private debts, or which is
receivable for duties to the United States, shall be issued by the
Government of the United States and shall be redeemable in coin.
We hold that tariff duties should be levied for purposes of revenue,
such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally throughout the
country, and not discriminate between class or section, and that
taxation should be limited by the needs of the Government honestly and
economically administered.
We denounce as disturbing to business the Republican threat to restore
the McKinley law, which has twice been condemned by the people in
national elections, and which, enacted under the false plea of
protection to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and
monopolies, enriched the few at the expense of the many, restricted
trade, and deprived the producers of the great American staples of
access to their natural markets.
Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any agitation
for further changes in our tariff laws, except such as are necessary
to meet the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse decision of the
Supreme Court on the income tax. But for this decision by the Supreme
Court, there would be no deficit in the revenue under the law passed
by a Democratic Congress in strict pursuance of the uniform decisions
of that court for nearly one hundred years, that court having in that
decision sustained constitutional objections to its enactment which
had previously been overruled by the ablest judges who have ever sat
on that bench. We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use
all the constitutional power which remains after that decision, or
which may come from its reversal by the court as it may hereafter
be constituted, so that the burdens of taxation may be equally and
impartially laid, to the end that wealth may bear its due proportion
of the expenses of the Government.
We hold that the most efficient way of protecting American labor is
to prevent the importation of foreign pauper labor to compete with
it in the home market, and that the value of the home market to our
American farmers and artisans is greatly reduced by a vicious monetary
system which depresses the prices of their products below the cost
of production, and thus deprives them of the means of purchasing the
products of our home manufactories; and, as labor creates the wealth
of the country, we demand the passage of such laws as may be necessary
to protect it in all its rights.
We are in favor of the arbitration of differences between employers
engaged in interstate commerce and their employés, and recommend such
legislation as is necessary to carry out this principle.
The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our leading
railroad systems, and the formation of trusts and pools require a
stricter control by the Federal Government of those arteries of
commerce. We demand the enlargement of the powers of the interstate
commerce commission, and such restrictions and guarantees in the
control of railroads as will protect the people from robbery and
oppression.
We denounce the profligate waste of the money wrung from the people by
oppressive taxation and the lavish appropriations of recent Republican
Congresses, which have kept taxes high, while the labor that pays them
is unemployed and the products of the people’s toil are depressed in
price till they no longer repay the cost of production. We demand
a return to that simplicity and economy which befits a democratic
government and a reduction in the number of useless offices, the
salaries of which drain the substance of the people.
We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in local
affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the United States
and a crime against free institutions, and we especially object
to government by injunction as a new and highly dangerous form of
oppression by which Federal judges, in contempt of the laws of the
States and rights of citizens, become at once legislators, judges,
and executioners; and we approve the bill passed at the last session
of the United States Senate, and now pending in the House of
Representatives, relative to contempts in Federal courts and providing
for trials by jury in certain cases of contempt.
No discrimination should be indulged in by the Government of the
United States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of the
refusal of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad
Funding bill, and denounce the effort of the present Republican
Congress to enact a similar measure.
Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we heartily
endorse the rule of the present Commissioner of Pensions, that no name
shall be arbitrarily dropped from the pension roll; and the fact of
enlistment and service should be deemed conclusive evidence against
disease and disability before enlistment.
We favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, and
Oklahoma into the Union as States, and we favor the early admission
of all the Territories having the necessary population and resources
to entitle them to statehood, and, while they remain Territories, we
hold that the officials appointed to administer the government of
any Territory, together with the District of Columbia and Alaska,
should be _bonâ fide_ residents of the Territory or district in which
the duties are to be performed. The Democratic party believes in
home rule, and that all public lands of the United States should be
appropriated to the establishment of free homes for American citizens.
We recommend that the Territory of Alaska be granted a delegate in
Congress, and that the general land and timber laws of the United
States be extended to said Territory.
The Monroe Doctrine, as originally declared and as interpreted by
succeeding Presidents, is a permanent part of the foreign policy of
the United States, and must at all times be maintained.
We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic struggle
for liberty and independence.
We are opposed to life tenure in the public service, except as
provided in the Constitution. We favor appointments based upon merit,
fixed terms of office, and such an administration of the civil service
laws as will afford equal opportunities to all citizens of ascertained
fitness.
We declare it to be the unwritten law of this Republic, established by
custom and usage of a hundred years, and sanctioned by the examples
of the greatest and wisest of those who founded and have maintained
our Government, that no man should be eligible for a third term of the
Presidential office.
The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mississippi
River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure for
the interior States easy and cheap transportation to tidewater. When
any waterway of the Republic is of sufficient importance to demand aid
of the Government, such aid should be extended upon a definite plan of
continuous work until permanent improvement is secured.
Confiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of its success
at the polls, we submit the foregoing declaration of principles and
purposes to the considerate judgment of the American people. We invite
the support of all citizens who approve them, and who desire to have
them made effective, through legislation, for the relief of the people
and the restoration of the country’s prosperity.
A minority of the Committee on Resolutions, consisting of the members
from sixteen States, submitted a dissenting report, expressing their
inability to give their assent to “many declarations” of the platform.
“Some are ill-considered and ambiguously phrased, while others are
extreme and revolutionary of the well-recognized principles of the
party.” They offered two amendments, the first a substitute for the
financial plank, as follows:
We declare our belief that the experiment on the part of the United
States alone of free silver coinage and a change in the existing
standard of value, independently of the action of other great nations,
would not only imperil our finances, but would retard, or entirely
prevent, the establishment of international bimetallism, to which the
efforts of the Government should be steadily directed.
It would place this country at once upon a silver basis, impair
contracts, disturb business, diminish the purchasing power of the
wages of labor, and inflict irreparable evils upon our nation’s
commerce and industry.
Until international co-operation among leading nations for the
coinage of silver can be secured, we favor the rigid maintenance of
the existing gold standard as essential to the preservation of our
national credit, the redemption of our public pledges, and the keeping
inviolate of our country’s honor.
We insist that all our paper currency shall be kept at a parity with
gold. The Democratic party is the party of hard money, and is opposed
to legal tender paper money as a part of our permanent financial
system, and we therefore favor the gradual retirement and cancellation
of all United States notes and treasury notes, under such legislative
provisions as will prevent undue contraction.
We demand that the national credit shall be resolutely maintained at
all times and under all circumstances.
The People’s party, then better known as the Populists, and the Free
Silver party, held their conventions at St. Louis on the 22d of July.
The cheap-money elements were divided into two extreme factions, with
a third that was known as the “Middle-of-the-Road” men. The Populist
convention was presided over by Senator Butler, of North Carolina,
as temporary chairman, and Senator Allen, of Nebraska, as permanent
president, and the question of acting with the Democratic party in
support of the Chicago platform and candidate for President, was
settled by the preliminary motion to proceed to the nomination of a
candidate for Vice-President. It was adopted by 785 to 615. That meant
the nomination of Bryan, but the rejection of Sewall. A single ballot
was had for Vice-President, resulting as follows:
Thomas E. Watson, Ga. 539-3/4
Arthur Sewall, Maine 257-1/8
Frank Burkett, Miss. 190-3/4
Harry Skinner, N. C. 142-1/4
A. L. Mims, Tenn. 118-5/16
Mann Page, Virginia 89-5/16
Watson lacked over 100 of the majority, but a sufficient number of
delegates promptly changed their votes to make him the nominee. After
nominating the candidate for Vice-President, the convention proceeded
to ballot for President, as follows:
William J. Bryan, Neb. 1,042
S. F. Norton, Ill. 321
Eugene B. Debs, Ind. 8
Ignatius Donnelly, Minn. 3
J. S. Coxey, Ohio 1
The following platform was adopted after three minority reports had
been rejected:
The People’s party, assembled in national convention, reaffirms
its allegiance to the principles declared by the founders of the
Republic, and also to the fundamental principles of just government as
enunciated in the platform of the party in 1892.
We recognize that through the connivance of the present and preceding
administrations the country has reached a crisis in its national life
as predicted in our declaration four years ago, and that prompt and
patriotic action is the supreme duty of the hour. We realize that
while we have political independence our financial and industrial
independence is yet to be attained by restoring to our country the
constitutional control and exercise of the functions necessary to a
people’s government, which functions have been basely surrendered by
our public servants to corporate monopolies. The influence of European
money-changers has been more potent in shaping legislation than the
voice of the American people. Executive power and patronage have been
used to corrupt our Legislatures and defeat the will of the people,
and plutocracy has been enthroned upon the ruins of democracy. To
restore the Government intended by the fathers and for the welfare and
prosperity of this and future generations, we demand the establishment
of an economic and financial system which shall make us masters of our
own affairs, and independent of European control, by the adoption of
the following declaration of principles:
1. We demand a national money, safe and sound, issued by the General
Government only, without the intervention of banks of issue, to
be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private; a just,
equitable, and efficient means of distribution direct to the people
and through the lawful disbursements of the Government.
2. We demand the free and unrestricted coinage of silver and gold at
the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, without waiting for the
consent of foreign nations.
3. We demand that the volume of circulating medium be speedily
increased to an amount sufficient to meet the demands of business
and population and to restore the just level of prices of labor and
production.
4. We denounce the sale of bonds and the increase of the
interest-bearing debt made by the present administration as
unnecessary and without authority of law, and demand that no more
bonds be issued except by specific act of Congress.
5. We demand such legislation as will prevent the demonetization of
the lawful money of the United States by private contract.
6. We demand that the Government, in payment of its obligations, shall
use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which they are to be
paid, and we denounce the present and preceding administrations for
surrendering this option to the holders of Government obligations.
7. We demand a graduated income tax, to the end that aggregated wealth
shall bear its just proportion of taxation; and we regard the recent
decision of the Supreme Court relative to the income tax law as a
misinterpretation of the Constitution, and an invasion of the rightful
powers of Congress over the subject of taxation.
8. We demand that postal savings banks be established by the
Government for the safe deposit of the savings of the people and to
facilitate exchange.
9. Transportation being a means of exchange and a public necessity,
Government should own and operate the railroads in the interests of
the people and on a non-partisan basis, to the end that all may be
accorded the same treatment in transportation, and that the tyranny
and political power now exercised by the great railroad corporations,
which result in the impairment, if not the destruction, of the
political rights and personal liberties of the citizen, may be
destroyed. Such ownership is to be accomplished gradually, in a manner
consistent with sound public policy.
10. The interest of the United States in the public highways, built
with public moneys, and the proceeds of extensive grants of land to
the Pacific railroads should never be alienated, mortgaged, or sold,
but guarded and protected for the general welfare as provided by the
laws organizing such railroads. The foreclosure of existing liens of
the United States on these roads should at once follow default in
the payment thereof by the debtor-companies; and at the foreclosure
sales of said roads the Government shall purchase the same if it
become necessary to protect its interests therein, or if they can be
purchased at a reasonable price; and the Government shall operate
said railroads as public highways for the benefit of the whole
people, and not in the interest of the few, under suitable provisions
for protection of life and property, giving to all transportation
interests equal privileges and equal rates for fares and freight.
11. We denounce the present infamous schemes for refunding these
debts, and demand that the laws now applicable thereto be executed and
administered according to their true intent and spirit.
12. The telegraph, like the post-office system, being a necessity
for the transmission of news, should be owned and operated by the
Government in the interest of the people.
13. The true policy demands that national and State legislation shall
be such as will ultimately enable every prudent and industrious
citizen to secure a home, and therefore the lands should not be
monopolized for speculative purposes. All lands now held by railroads
and other corporations in excess of their actual needs should by
lawful means be reclaimed by the Government and held for actual
settlers only, and subject to the right of every human being to
acquire a home upon the soil, and private land monopoly, as well as
alien ownership, should be prohibited.
14. We condemn the frauds by which the land grants to the Pacific
Railroad companies have, through the connivance of the Interior
Department, robbed multitudes of actual _bonâ fide_ settlers of
their homes and miners of their claims, and we demand legislation by
Congress which will enforce the exemption of mineral land from such
grants after as well as before the patent.
15. We demand that _bonâ fide_ settlers on all public lands be granted
free homes as provided in the National Homestead law, and that no
exception be made in the case of Indian reservations when opened for
settlement, and that all lands not now patented come under this demand.
We favor a system of direct legislation through the initiative and
_referendum_ under proper constitutional safeguards.
1. We demand the election of President, Vice-President, and United
States Senators by a direct vote of the people.
2. We tender to the patriotic people of Cuba our deepest sympathy in
their heroic struggle for political freedom and independence, and we
believe the time has come when the United States, the great Republic
of the world, should recognize that Cuba is and of right out to be a
free and independent State.
3. We favor home rule in the Territories and the District of Columbia,
and the early admission of Territories as States.
4. All public salaries should be made to correspond to the price of
labor and its products.
5. In times of great industrial depression, idle labor should be
employed on public works as far as practicable.
6. The arbitrary course of the courts in assuming to imprison citizens
for indirect contempt, and ruling by injunction, should be prevented
by proper legislation.
7. We favor just pensions for our disabled Union soldiers.
8. Believing that the elective franchise and an untrammelled ballot
are essential to a government of, for, and by the people, the People’s
party condemn the wholesale system of disfranchisement adopted in some
of the States as unrepublican and undemocratic, and we declare it to
be the duty of the several State Legislatures to take such action as
will secure a full, free, and fair ballot and an honest count.
9. While the foregoing propositions constitute the platform upon which
our party stands, and for the vindication of which its organization
will be maintained, we recognize that the great and pressing issue of
the present campaign upon which the present Presidential election will
turn is the financial question, and upon this great and specific issue
between the parties we cordially invite the aid and co-operation
of all organizations and citizens agreeing with us upon this vital
question.
The National Silver party held its convention at the same time and
place, with Frank G. Newlands, of Nevada, as temporary chairman, and
William P. St. John, of New York, as permanent president. No time
during the proceedings of the convention was a vote had to indicate the
number of delegates. William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, was nominated for
President, and Arthur Sewall, of Maine, for Vice-President, both by
acclamation. The following platform was adopted:
The National Silver party of America, in convention assembled, hereby
adopts the following declaration of principles:
First, the paramount issue at this time in the United States is
indisputably the money question. It is between the British gold
standard, gold bonds, and bank currency on the one side, and the
bimetallic standard, no bonds, Government currency, and an American
policy on the other.
On this issue we declare ourselves to be in favor of a distinctive
American financial system. We are unalterably opposed to the single
gold standard, and demand the immediate return to the constitutional
standard of gold and silver, by the restoration by this Government,
independently of any foreign power, of the unrestricted coinage of
both gold and silver into standard money, at the ratio of sixteen to
one, and upon terms of exact equality, as they existed prior to 1873;
the silver coin to be of full legal tender, equally with gold, for all
debts and dues, public and private; and we demand such legislation
as will prevent for the future the destruction of the legal tender
quality of any kind of money by private contract.
We hold that the power to control and regulate a paper currency is
inseparable from the power to coin money, and hence that all currency
intended to circulate as money should be issued, and its volume
controlled, by the General Government only, and should be a legal
tender.
We are unalterably opposed to the issue by the United States of
interest-bearing bonds in time of peace, and we denounce as a blunder
worse than a crime the present treasury policy, concurred in by a
Republican House of Representatives, of plunging the country into
debt by hundreds of millions in the vain attempt to maintain the gold
standard by borrowing gold; and we demand the payment of all coin
obligations of the United States as provided by existing laws, in
either gold or silver coin, at the option of the Government, and not
at the option of the creditor.
The demonetization of silver in 1873 enormously increased the demand
for gold, enhancing its purchasing power and lowering all prices
measured by that standard; and, since that unjust and indefensible
act, the prices of American products have fallen, upon an average,
nearly fifty per cent., carrying down with them proportionately the
money value of all other forms of property.
Such fall of prices has destroyed the profits of legitimate industry,
injuring the producer for the benefit of the non-producer; increasing
the burden of the debtor, swelling the gains of the creditor,
paralyzing the productive energies of the American people, relegating
to idleness vast numbers of willing workers, sending the shadows of
despair into the home of the honest toiler, filling the land with
tramps and paupers, and building up colossal fortunes at the money
centres.
In the effort to maintain the gold standard, the country has, within
the last two years, in a time of profound peace and plenty, been
loaded down with $262,000,000 of additional interest-bearing debt
under such circumstances as to allow a syndicate of native and foreign
bankers to realize a net profit of millions on a single deal.
It stands confessed that the gold standard can be only upheld by so
depleting our paper currency as to force the prices of our products
below the European, and even below the Asiatic, level to enable us to
sell in foreign markets, thus aggravating the very evils of which our
people so bitterly complain, degrading American labor and striking at
the foundations of our civilization itself.
The advocates of the gold standard persistently claim that the real
cause of our distress is overproduction—that we have produced so much
that it made us poor—which implies that the true remedy is to close
the factory, abandon the farm, and throw a multitude of people out of
employment—a doctrine that leaves us unnerved and disheartened, and
absolutely without hope for the future.
We affirm it to be unquestioned that there can be no such economic
paradox as overproduction, and at the same time tens of thousands of
our fellow-citizens remaining half clothed and half fed, and piteously
clamoring for the common necessities of life.
Over and above all other questions of policy, we are in favor of
restoring to the people of the United States the time-honored money
of the Constitution—gold and silver, not one, but both—the money of
Washington and Hamilton and Jefferson and Monroe and Jackson and
Lincoln, to the end that the American people may receive honest pay
for an honest product; that the American debtor may pay his just
obligations in an honest standard, and not in a dishonest and unsound
standard, appreciated one hundred per cent. in purchasing power, and
no appreciation in debt-paying power; and to the end, further, that
silver standard countries may be deprived of the unjust advantage they
now enjoy, in the difference in exchange between gold and silver, an
advantage which tariff legislation cannot overcome.
We, therefore, confidently appeal to the people of the United States
to hold in abeyance all other questions, however important and even
momentous they may appear, to sunder, if need be, all former party
ties and affiliations, and unite in one supreme effort to free
themselves and their children from the domination of the money power—a
power more destructive than any which has ever been fastened upon the
civilized men of any race or in any age. And upon the consummation of
our desires and efforts we invoke the aid of all patriotic American
citizens, and the gracious favor of Divine Providence.
The sound-money Democrats of the country called a national convention
that met at Indianapolis on the 2d of September, and adopted the title
of the National Democratic party. Governor Flower, of New York, was
temporary chairman, and Senator Caffery, of Louisiana, was permanent
president. General John M. Palmer, of Illinois, was nominated for
President on the 1st ballot, receiving 769-1/2 votes to 118-1/2 votes
for General Edward S. Bragg, of Wisconsin. General Simon B. Buckner,
of Kentucky, was nominated for Vice-President by acclamation. The
following platform was unanimously adopted:
This convention has assembled to uphold the principles on which depend
the honor and welfare of the American people, in order that Democrats
throughout the Union may unite their patriotic efforts to avert
disaster from their country and ruin from their party.
The Democratic party is pledged to equal and exact justice to all
men, of every creed and condition; to the largest freedom of the
individual consistent with good government; to the preservation of the
Federal Government in its constitutional vigor, and to the support
of the States in all their just rights; to economy in the public
expenditures; to the maintenance of the public faith and sound money;
and it is opposed to paternalism and all class legislation.
The declarations of the Chicago convention attack individual freedom,
the right of private contract, the independence of the judiciary, and
the authority of the President to enforce Federal laws. They advocate
a reckless attempt to increase the price of silver by legislation,
to the debasement of our monetary standard, and threaten unlimited
issues of paper money by the Government. They abandon for Republican
allies the Democratic cause of tariff reform, to court the favor of
protectionists to their fiscal heresy.
In view of these and other grave departures from Democratic
principles, we cannot support the candidates of that convention nor be
bound by its acts.
The Democratic party has survived defeats, but could not survive a
victory won in behalf of the doctrine and policy proclaimed in its
name at Chicago.
The conditions, however, which make possible such utterances from a
national convention are the direct result of class legislation by the
Republican party. It still proclaims, as it has for years, the power
and duty of Government to raise and maintain prices by law, and it
proposes no remedy for existing evils, except oppressive and unjust
taxation.
The National Democracy here convened therefore renews its declaration
of faith in Democratic principles, especially as applicable to the
conditions of the times. Taxation—tariff, excise, or direct—is
rightfully imposed only for public purposes, and not for private gain.
Its amount is justly measured by public expenditures, which should be
limited by scrupulous economy. The sum derived by the Treasury from
tariff and excise levies is affected by the state of trade and volume
of consumption. The amount required by the Treasury is determined by
the appropriations made by Congress. The demand of the Republican
party for an increase in tariff taxation has its pretext in the
deficiency of revenue, which has its causes in the stagnation of trade
and reduced consumption, due entirely to the loss of confidence that
has followed the Populist threat of free coinage and depreciation of
our money, and the Republican practice of extravagant appropriations
beyond the needs of good government.
We arraign and condemn the Populist conventions of Chicago and
St. Louis for their co-operation with the Republican party in
creating these conditions, which are pleaded in justification of
a heavy increase of the burdens of the people by a further resort
to protection. We therefore denounce protection and its ally, free
coinage of silver, as schemes for the personal profit of a few at the
expense of the masses, and oppose the two parties which stand for
these schemes as hostile to the people of the Republic, whose food
and shelter, comfort and prosperity, are attacked by higher taxes
and depreciated money. In fine, we reaffirm the historic Democratic
doctrine of tariff for revenue only.
We demand that henceforth modern and liberal policies toward American
shipping shall take the place of our imitation of the restricted
statutes of the eighteenth century, which were long ago abandoned by
every maritime power but the United States, and which, to the nation’s
humiliation, have driven American capital and enterprise to the use of
alien flags and alien crews, have made the Stars and Stripes almost an
unknown emblem in foreign ports, and have virtually extinguished the
race of American seamen. We oppose the pretence that discriminating
duties will promote shipping; that scheme is an invitation to
commercial warfare upon the United States, un-American in the light of
our great commercial treaties, offering no gain whatever to American
shipping, while greatly increasing ocean freights on our agricultural
and manufactured products.
The experience of mankind has shown that, by reason of their natural
qualities, gold is the necessary money of the large affairs of
commerce and business, while silver is conveniently adapted to minor
transactions, and the most beneficial use of both together can be
insured only by the adoption of the former as a standard of monetary
measure, and the maintenance of silver at a parity with gold by its
limited coinage under suitable safeguards of law. Thus the largest
possible enjoyment of both metals is gained with a value universally
accepted throughout the world, which constitutes the only practical
bimetallic currency, assuring the most stable standard, and especially
the best and safest money for all who earn their livelihood by labor
or the produce of husbandry. They cannot suffer when paid in the best
money known to man, but are the peculiar and most defenceless victims
of a debased and fluctuating currency, which offers continual profits
to the money-changer at their cost.
Realizing these truths, demonstrated by long and public inconvenience
and loss, the Democratic party, in the interests of the masses and of
equal justice to all, practically established by the legislation of
1834 and 1853 the gold standard of monetary measurement, and likewise
entirely divorced the Government from banking and currency issues. To
this long-established Democratic policy we adhere, and insist upon
the maintenance of the gold standard, and of the parity therewith of
every dollar issued by the Government, and are firmly opposed to the
free and unlimited coinage of silver and to the compulsory purchase
of silver bullion. But we denounce also the further maintenance of
the present costly patchwork system of national paper currency as a
constant source of injury and peril. We assert the necessity of such
intelligent currency reform as will confine the Government to its
legitimate functions, completely separated from the banking business,
and afford to all sections of our country uniform, safe, and elastic
bank currency under governmental supervision, measured in volume by
the needs of business.
The fidelity, patriotism, and courage with which President Cleveland
has fulfilled his great public trust, the high character of his
administration, its wisdom and energy in the maintenance of civil
order and the enforcement of the laws, its equal regard for the rights
of every class and every section, its firm and dignified conduct of
foreign affairs, and its sturdy persistence in upholding the credit
and honor of the nation, are fully recognized by the Democratic party,
and will secure to him a place in history beside the fathers of the
Republic.
We also commend the administration for the great progress made in the
reform of the public service, and we endorse its effort to extend the
merit system still further. We demand that no backward step be taken,
but that the reform be supported and advanced until the un-Democratic
spoils system of appointments shall be eradicated.
We demand strict economy in the appropriations and in the
administration of the Government.
We favor arbitration for the settlement of international disputes.
We favor a liberal policy of pensions to deserving soldiers and
sailors of the United States.
The Supreme Court of the United States was wisely established by the
framers of our Constitution as one of the three co-ordinate branches
of the Government. Its independence and authority to interpret the law
of the land without fear or favor must be maintained. We condemn all
efforts to degrade that tribunal or impair the confidence and respect
which it has deservedly held.
The Democratic party ever has maintained, and ever will maintain, the
supremacy of law, the independence of its judicial administration, the
inviolability of contracts, and the obligations of all good citizens
to resist every illegal trust, combination, or attempt against the
just rights of property and the good order of society, in which are
bound up the peace and happiness of our people.
Believing these principles to be essential to the well-being of the
Republic, we submit them to the consideration of the American people.
The National Prohibition party held its national convention at
Pittsburg on the 27th of May. A. A. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, was
temporary chairman, and Oliver W. Stewart, of Illinois, permanent
president. The deliberations of the convention were seriously disturbed
by the free-silver issue, and the opposing factions known as the
“Narrow-Gaugers” and the “Broad-Gaugers,” the latter being favorable
to a general platform covering free coinage and all other national
questions, while the former wanted the issue confined to the liquor
question. The majority and minority reports were made on the platform,
and the convention decided to bring both reports before the body and
pass upon them seriatim. It was finally decided by a vote of 427 to 387
to reject the free-coinage plank, and the “Narrow-Gaugers” then adopted
their own platform as follows:
We, the members of the Prohibition party, in national convention
assembled, renewing our declaration of allegiance to Almighty God as
the rightful Ruler of the universe, lay down the following as our
declaration of political purpose:
The Prohibition party, in national convention assembled, declares its
firm conviction that the manufacture, exportation, importation, and
sale of alcoholic beverages has produced such social, commercial,
industrial, and political wrongs, and is now so threatening the
perpetuity of all our social and political institutions, that the
suppression of the same, by a national party organized therefor, is
the greatest object to be accomplished by the voters of our country,
and is of such importance that it of right ought to control the
political actions of all our patriotic citizens until such suppression
is accomplished.
The urgency of this course demands the union, without further delay,
of all citizens who desire the prohibition of the liquor traffic;
therefore be it
_Resolved_, That we favor the legal prohibition by State and national
legislation of the manufacture, importation, and sale of alcoholic
beverages. That we declare our purpose to organize and unite all the
friends of prohibition into one party, and in order to accomplish this
end we deem it of right to leave every Prohibitionist the freedom of
his own convictions upon all other political questions, and trust our
representatives to take such action upon other political questions as
the changes occasioned by prohibition and the welfare of the whole
people shall demand.
_Resolved_, That the right of suffrage ought not to be abridged on
account of sex.
Immediately after the adoption of the platform, the “Broad-Gaugers”
withdrew, and those who remained nominated Joshua Levering, of
Maryland, for President by acclamation, and on a ballot for
Vice-President, Hale Johnson, of Illinois, was chosen, receiving 309
votes to 132 for T. C. Hughes, of Arizona.
The seceders from the Prohibition convention met in Pittsburg on the
next day, May 28th, with A. L. Moore, of Michigan, as chairman, and the
roll-call showed 299 delegates present. Rev. Charles E. Bentley, of
Nebraska, was nominated for President, and James A. Southgate, of North
Carolina, was nominated for Vice-President, both by acclamation. The
following platform was adopted:
The National party, recognizing God as the author of all just power in
government, presents the following declaration of principles, which
it pledges itself to enact into effective legislation when given the
power to do so:
1. The suppression of the manufacture and sale, importation,
exportation, and transportation of intoxicating liquors for beverage
purposes. We utterly reject all plans for regulating or compromising
with this traffic, whether such plans be called local option,
taxation, license, or public control. The sale of liquors for
medicinal and other legitimate uses should be conducted by the State,
without profit, and with such regulations as will prevent fraud or
evasion.
2. No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of sex.
3. All money should be issued by the General Government only, and
without the intervention of any private citizen, corporation, or
banking institution. It should be based upon the wealth, stability,
and integrity of the nation. It should be a full legal tender for all
debts, public and private, and should be of sufficient volume to meet
the demands of the legitimate business interests of the country. For
the purpose of honestly liquidating our outstanding coin obligations,
we favor the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold, at
the ratio of 16 to 1, without consulting any other nation.
4. Land is the common heritage of the people and should be preserved
from monopoly and speculation. All unearned grants of land subject
to forfeiture should be reclaimed by the Government, and no portion
of the public domain should hereafter be granted except to actual
settlers, continuous use being essential to tenure.
5. Railroads, telegraphs, and other natural monopolies should be owned
and operated by the Government, giving to the people the benefit of
service at actual cost.
6. The national Constitution should be so amended as to allow the
national revenues to be raised by equitable adjustment of taxation on
the properties and incomes of the people, and import duties should
be levied as a means of securing equitable commercial relations with
other nations.
7. The contract convict labor system, through which speculators are
enriched at the expense of the State, should be abolished.
8. All citizens should be protected by law in their right to one day
of rest in seven, without oppressing any who conscientiously observe
any other than the first day of the week.
9. The American public schools, taught in the English language,
should be maintained, and no public funds should be appropriated for
sectarian institutions.
10. The President, Vice-President, and United States Senators should
be elected by direct vote of the people.
11. Ex-soldiers and sailors of the United States army and navy, their
widows and minor children, should receive liberal pensions, graded on
disability and term of service, not merely as a debt of gratitude, but
for service rendered in the preservation of the Union.
12. Our immigration laws should be so revised as to exclude paupers
and criminals. None but citizens of the United States should be
allowed to vote in any State, and naturalized citizens should not vote
until one year after naturalization papers have been issued.
13. The initiative and referendum, and proportional representation
should be adopted.
The Socialist Labor party held a national convention in New York on the
4th of July, and gave a full week to the deliberations of the body,
which were devoted almost wholly to disputation as to the policy and
purposes of the organization. The attendance was limited, as Charles H.
Matchett, of New York, was nominated for President on the 1st ballot,
receiving 43 votes to 23 for Matthew Maguire, of New Jersey, and 4
for William Watkins, of Ohio. Matthew Maguire was then nominated for
Vice-President by acclamation. The following platform was adopted:
The Socialist Labor party of the United States, in convention
assembled, reasserts the inalienable right of all men to life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
With the founders of the American Republic, we hold that the
purpose of government is to secure every citizen in the enjoyment
of this right; but in the light of our social conditions, we hold,
furthermore, that no such right can be exercised under a system of
economic inequality, essentially destructive of life, of liberty, and
of happiness.
With the founders of this Republic, we hold that the true theory
of politics is that the machinery of government must be owned and
controlled by the whole people; but in the light of our industrial
development we hold, furthermore, that the true theory of economics is
that the machinery of production must likewise belong to the people in
common.
To the obvious fact, that our despotic system of economics is the
direct opposite of our democratic system of politics, can plainly
be traced the existence of a privileged class, the corruption of
government by that class, the alienation of public property, public
franchises, and public functions to that class, and the abject
dependence of the mightiest nations upon that class.
Again, through the perversion of Democracy to the ends of plutocracy,
labor is robbed of the wealth which it alone produces, is denied the
means of self-employment, and, by compulsory idleness in wage slavery,
is even deprived of the necessaries of life. Human power and natural
forces are thus wasted that the plutocracy may rule. Ignorance and
misery, with all their concomitant evils, are perpetuated, that the
people may be kept in bondage. Science and invention are diverted from
their humane purpose to the enslavement of women and children.
Against such a system the Socialist Labor party once more enters its
protest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental declaration, that
private property in the natural sources of production and in the
instruments of labor is the obvious cause of all economic servitude
and political dependence.
The time is fast coming when, in the natural course of social
evolution, this system, through the destructive action of its failures
and crises on the one hand, and the constructive tendencies of its
trusts and other capitalistic combinations on the other hand, shall
have worked out its own downfall.
We therefore call upon the wage-workers of the United States, and
upon all other honest citizens, to organize under the banner of the
Socialist Labor party into a class-conscious body, aware of its rights
and determined to conquer them by taking possession of the public
powers; so that, held together by an indomitable spirit of solidarity
under the most trying conditions of the present class struggle, we
may put a summary end to that barbarous struggle by the abolition
of classes, the restoration of the land, and of all the means of
production, transportation, and distribution to the people as a
collective body, and the substitution of the co-operative commonwealth
for the present state of planless production, industrial war, and
social disorder; a commonwealth in which every worker shall have the
free exercise and full benefit of his faculties, multiplied by all the
modern factors of civilization.
With a view to immediate improvement in the condition of labor, we
present the following demands:
1. Reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to the progress of
production.
2. The United States to obtain possession of the mines, railroads,
canals, telegraphs, telephones, and all other means of public
transportation and communication; the employés to operate the same
co-operatively under control of the Federal Government and to elect
their own superior officers, but no employé shall be discharged for
political reasons.
3. The municipalities to obtain possession of the local railroads,
ferries, water-works, gas-works, electric plants, and all industries
requiring municipal franchises; the employés to operate the same
co-operatively under control of the municipal administration and to
elect their own superior officers, but no employé shall be discharged
for political reasons.
4. The public lands to be declared inalienable. Revocation of all land
grants to corporations or individuals, the conditions of which have
not been complied with.
5. The United States to have the exclusive right to issue money.
6. Congressional legislation providing for the scientific management
of forests and waterways, and prohibiting the waste of the natural
resources of the country.
7. Inventions to be free to all; the inventors to be remunerated by
the nation.
8. Progressive income tax and tax on inheritances; the smaller incomes
to be exempt.
9. School education of all children under fourteen years of age to be
compulsory, gratuitous, and accessible to all by public assistance in
meals, clothing, books, etc., where necessary.
10. Repeal of all pauper, tramp, conspiracy, and sumptuary laws.
Unabridged right of combination.
11. Prohibition of the employment of children of school age, and the
employment of female labor in occupations detrimental to health or
morality. Abolition of the convict labor contract system.
12. Employment of the unemployed by the public authorities (county,
city, state, and nation).
13. All wages to be paid in lawful money of the United States.
Equalization of women’s wages with those of men where equal service is
performed.
14. Laws for the protection of life and limb in all occupations, and
an efficient employers’ liability law.
15. The people to have the right to propose laws and to vote upon all
measures of importance, according to the _referendum_ principle.
16. Abolition of the veto power of the executive (national, State, and
municipal) wherever it exists.
17. Abolition of the United States Senate and all upper legislative
chambers.
18. Municipal self-government.
19. Direct vote and secret ballots in all elections. Universal and
equal right of suffrage without regard to color, creed, or sex.
Election days to be legal holidays. The principle of proportional
representation to be introduced.
20. All public officers to be subject to recall by their respective
constituencies.
21. Uniform civil and criminal law throughout the United States.
Administration of justice to be free of charge. Abolition of capital
punishment.
The great battle of 1896 is yet fresh in the memories of the people.
Its most notable feature was the unexampled campaign made by Bryan,
the Democratic candidate for President. He covered a larger portion
of territory and delivered more speeches during the campaign than had
ever before been accomplished by any man in our political history, and
he enthused his followers to a very remarkable degree. Considering the
complications which confronted him, resulting from the internal feuds
of his own household, and an open split on the Vice-Presidency, he made
the most memorable Presidential campaign of the Republic and swept
every State west of the Mississippi, with the exception of California,
Oregon and North Dakota. Even Kansas and Nebraska, two rock-ribbed
Republican States, gave Bryan large majorities, but Bryan did not carry
a single electoral vote east of the Mississippi and north of the Ohio
and the Potomac. The following tables exhibit the popular and electoral
votes of 1896:
POPULAR VOTE.
══════════════╤═════════╤═════════╤═══════════╤═════════╤═════════╤══════════╤══════════
│ William │ William │ Bryan │ John M. │ Joshua │Charles E.│Charles H.
STATES. │McKinley,│J. Bryan,│ and │ Palmer, │Levering,│ Bentley, │Matchett,
│ Ohio. │Nebraska.│Watson.[31]│Illinois.│Maryland.│Nebraska. │New York.
──────────────┼─────────┼─────────┼───────────┼─────────┼─────────┼──────────┼──────────
Alabama │ 54,737│ 131,226│ 24,089 │ 6,462 │ 2,147 │ ―― │ ――
Arkansas │ 37,512│ 110,103│ ―― │ ―― │ 839 │ 893 │ ――
California │ 146,688│ 144,766│ 21,730 │ 2,006 │ 2,573 │ 1,047 │ 1,611
Colorado │ 26,271│ 161,269│ 2,389 │ 1 │ 1,717 │ 386 │ 160
Connecticut │ 110,285│ 56,740│ ―― │ 4,336 │ 1,806 │ ―― │ 1,223
Delaware │ 20,452│ 16,615│ ―― │ 966 │ 602 │ ―― │ ――
Florida │ 11,257│ 31,958│ 1,977 │ 1,772 │ 644 │ ―― │ ――
Georgia │ 60,091│ 94,672│ 440 │ 2,708 │ 5,716 │ ―― │ ――
Idaho │ 6,324│ 23,192│ ―― │ ―― │ 181 │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ 607,130│ 464,523│ 1,090 │ 6,390 │ 9,796 │ 793 │ 1,147
Indiana │ 323,754│ 305,573│ ―― │ 2,145 │ 3,056 │ 2,267 │ 324
Iowa │ 289,293│ 223,741│ ―― │ 4,516 │ 3,192 │ 352 │ 453
Kansas │ 159,541│ 171,810│ 46,194 │ 1,209 │ 1,921 │ 630 │ ――
Kentucky │ 218,171│ 217,890│ ―― │ 5,114 │ 4,781 │ ―― │ ――
Louisiana │ 22,037│ 77,175│ ―― │ 1,915 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Maine │ 80,461│ 34,587│ 2,387 │ 1,866 │ 1,589 │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 136,978│ 104,746│ ―― │ 2,507 │ 5,922 │ 136 │ 588
Massachusetts │ 278,976│ 105,711│ 15,181 │ 11,749 │ 2,998 │ ―― │ 2,114
Michigan │ 293,582│ 237,268│ ―― │ 6,968 │ 5,025 │ 1,995 │ 297
Minnesota │ 193,503│ 139,735│ ―― │ 3,222 │ 4,363 │ ―― │ 954
Mississippi │ 5,123│ 63,793│ 7,517 │ 1,071 │ 485 │ ―― │ ――
Missouri │ 304,940│ 363,652│ ―― │ 2,355 │ 2,169 │ 293 │ 599
Montana │ 10,494│ 42,537│ ―― │ ―― │ 186 │ ―― │ ――
Nebraska │ 103,064│ 115,999│ ―― │ 2,797 │ 1,243 │ 797 │ 186
Nevada │ 1,938│ 8,377│ 575 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire │ 57,444│ 21,650│ 379 │ 3,520 │ 779 │ 49 │ 228
New Jersey │ 221,367│ 133,675│ ―― │ 6,373 │ 5,614 │ ―― │ 3,985
New York │ 819,838│ 551,369│ ―― │ 18,950 │ 16,052 │ ―― │ 17,667
North Carolina│ 155,222│ 174,488│ ―― │ 578 │ 676 │ 245 │ ――
North Dakota │ 26,335│ 20,686│ ―― │ ―― │ 358 │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ 525,991│ 477,497│ 2,615 │ 1,858 │ 5,068 │ 2,716 │ 1,167
Oregon │ 48,779│ 46,662│ ―― │ 977 │ 919 │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 728,300│ 433,230│ 11,176 │ 10,921 │ 19,274 │ 870 │ 1,683
Rhode Island │ 37,437│ 14,459│ ―― │ 1,166 │ 1,160 │ 5 │ 558
South Carolina│ 9,313│ 58,801│ ―― │ 824 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
South Dakota │ 41,042│ 41,225│ ―― │ ―― │ 683 │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ 148,773│ 166,268│ 4,525 │ 1,951 │ 3,098 │ ―― │ ――
Texas │ 167,520│ 370,434│ 79,572 │ 5,046 │ 1,786 │ ―― │ ――
Utah │ 13,491│ 64,607│ ―― │ 21 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ 50,991│ 10,607│ 461 │ 1,329 │ 728 │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ 135,388│ 154,985│ ―― │ 2,127 │ 2,350 │ ―― │ 115
Washington │ 39,153│ 51,646│ ―― │ 1,668 │ 968 │ 148 │ ――
West Virginia │ 104,414│ 92,927│ ―― │ 677 │ 1,203 │ ―― │ ――
Wisconsin │ 268,135│ 165,523│ ―― │ 4,584 │ 7,509 │ 346 │ 1,314
Wyoming │ 10,072│ 10,655│ 286 │ ―― │ 136 │ ―― │ ――
──────────────┼─────────┼─────────┼───────────┼─────────┼─────────┼──────────┼──────────
Totals │7,111,607│6,509,052│ 222,583 │ 134,645 │ 131,312 │ 13,968 │ 36,373
══════════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═══════════╧═════════╧═════════╧══════════╧══════════
[31] Bryan and Watson’s vote is included in the vote for W. J. Bryan.
ELECTORAL VOTE.
═══════════════╤══════════════════╦═══════════════════════
│ PRESIDENT. ║ VICE-PRESIDENT.
STATES. ├─────────┬────────╫───────┬───────┬───────
│McKinley.│ Bryan. ║Hobart.│Sewall.│Watson.
───────────────┼─────────┼────────╫───────┼───────┼───────
Alabama │ ―― │ 11 ║ ―― │ 11 │ ――
Arkansas │ ―― │ 8 ║ ―― │ 5 │ 3
California │ 8 │ 1 ║ 8 │ 1 │ ――
Colorado │ ―― │ 4 ║ ―― │ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ 6 │ ―― ║ 6 │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Florida │ ―― │ 4 ║ ―― │ 4 │ ――
Georgia │ ―― │ 13 ║ ―― │ 13 │ ――
Idaho │ ―― │ 3 ║ ―― │ 3 │ ――
Illinois │ 24 │ ―― ║ 24 │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 15 │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ――
Iowa │ 13 │ ―― ║ 13 │ ―― │ ――
Kansas │ ―― │ 10 ║ ―― │ 10 │ ――
Kentucky │ 12 │ 1 ║ 12 │ 1 │ ――
Louisiana │ ―― │ 8 ║ ―― │ 4 │ 4
Maine │ 6 │ ―― ║ 6 │ ―― │ ――
Maryland │ 8 │ ―― ║ 8 │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ 15 │ ―― ║ 15 │ ―― │ ――
Michigan │ 14 │ ―― ║ 14 │ ―― │ ――
Minnesota │ 9 │ ―― ║ 9 │ ―― │ ――
Mississippi │ ―― │ 9 ║ ―― │ 9 │ ――
Missouri │ ―― │ 17 ║ ―― │ 13 │ 4
Montana │ ―― │ 3 ║ ―― │ 2 │ 1
Nebraska │ ―― │ 8 ║ ―― │ 4 │ 4
Nevada │ ―― │ 3 ║ ―― │ 3 │ ――
New Hampshire │ 4 │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 10 │ ―― ║ 10 │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 36 │ ―― ║ 36 │ ―― │ ――
North Carolina │ ―― │ 11 ║ ―― │ 6 │ 5
North Dakota │ 3 │ ―― ║ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Ohio │ 23 │ ―― ║ 23 │ ―― │ ――
Oregon │ 4 │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 32 │ ―― ║ 32 │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 4 │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ――
South Carolina │ ―― │ 9 ║ ―― │ 9 │ ――
South Dakota │ ―― │ 4 ║ ―― │ 2 │ 2
Tennessee │ ―― │ 12 ║ ―― │ 12 │ ――
Texas │ ―― │ 15 ║ ―― │ 15 │ ――
Utah │ ―― │ 3 ║ ―― │ 2 │ 1
Vermont │ 4 │ ―― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ――
Virginia │ ―― │ 12 ║ ―― │ 12 │ ――
Washington │ ―― │ 4 ║ ―― │ 2 │ 2
West Virginia │ 6 │ ―― ║ 6 │ ―― │ ――
Wisconsin │ 12 │ ―― ║ 12 │ ―― │ ――
Wyoming │ ―― │ 3 ║ ―― │ 2 │ 1
───────────────┼─────────┼────────╫───────┼───────┼───────
Totals │ 271 │ 176 ║ 271 │ 149 │ 27
═══════════════╧═════════╧════════╩═══════╧═══════╧═══════
No mere party contest in the history of the country, and indeed no
other contest, with the single exception of the issue of secession and
civil war, ever exhibited so large a measure of political independence
as is shown in the vote for President in 1896. While the Democrats had
a sound-money national ticket with such acceptable candidates as Palmer
and Buckner, a very small proportion of the sound-money Democratic vote
of the country was cast for that ticket. McKinley certainly received
500,000 Democratic votes, cast for him directly to assure the defeat of
Bryan, and Bryan certainly received not less than 250,000 Republican
votes.
It was not until six weeks before the election that the Republicans
felt confident of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. The first canvass of
the Republican State committee made in Ohio indicated the defeat of
McKinley, but as the business and industrial interests of the country
faced the question of cheap money, and the business convulsion it must
produce, the Republican ranks were steadily increased, and the States
which were regarded as doubtful in September gave large majorities for
McKinley in November.
This campaign gave a most impressive illustration of the true
independence of American journalism. A number of the leading newspapers
of the country which had supported Cleveland in his three contests,
repudiated the Chicago platform and its candidate, and they stood
in the forefront of American journalism, embracing such journals
as the Boston _Herald_ and _Globe_, the Hartford _Times_, the New
York _World_, _Sun_, _Herald_, _Times_, and _Evening Post_, the
Philadelphia _Times_ and _Record_, the Baltimore _Sun_, the Louisville
_Courier-Journal_, and others. These journals were all strongly owned
and entirely independent in their political action. Not one of them
ever had conference or communication with the McKinley leaders, or
received or proposed any terms for their support, or ever sought,
accepted, or desired favors from the McKinley administration. Some
of them suffered pecuniary sacrifice, but they performed a heroic
duty, and it was the inspiration they gave to the conservative
Democratic sentiment of the country that made McKinley President by an
overwhelming majority.
On the other side, especially in the West, and to some extent in the
South, scores of thousands of the Republicans who had always voted the
national ticket gave enthusiastic support to Bryan, as he carried some
of the strongest Republican States of the West, while losing a large
fraction of the Democratic vote. This struggle settled the financial
policy of the country, as Congress has recently distinctly established
the gold standard by statute, in accord with the financial policy of
all the great civilized nations of the world; and while the money issue
may play some part in the national struggle of the present year, it
will be wisely subordinated to other issues and probably be eliminated
from the future political battles of the nation.
SUMMARY OF POPULAR VOTES FOR PRESIDENTS
I was surprised, after careful examination of the various political
handbooks, to find no table of the popular vote for President prior to
1824, and I made exhaustive effort to obtain official records in the
archives of the nation and of the different States, to supply something
approaching an intelligent table of the popular vote cast for the early
Presidents; but I learned that the failure of others to supply such
tables was not because of negligence, but because there are no records
to furnish them. In Pennsylvania the vote returned to the Capitol was
less than 5000 for Washington, and the vote of record for his second
election but little exceeds 5000. The returns, however, are fragmentary
and valueless. I was compelled to abandon the purpose of giving tables
of the popular vote for Presidents prior to 1824, because all that
could be obtained would be confusing rather than instructive.
I have also found much difficulty in trying to reconcile the
conflicting returns of every Presidential election since 1824. After
a very full and careful examination of these conflicting figures, I
have adopted the tables prepared by Mr. Stanwood in his admirable work
entitled “A History of the Presidency,” and I regard them as more
nearly accurate than any other tables presented. The entire accuracy
of these election tables is not a matter of vital importance, as in
none of the many conflicting returns of different States would the
result have been changed by the variations in the returns as stated in
the many publications which for some years past have annually given
them. The following summary of the popular vote for Presidents since
1824, with the electoral vote cast at each election, is taken from the
New York _World Almanac_ for 1900, the figures of which, as will be
seen, usually vary from those presented in the tables I give with each
chapter of this volume:
ELECTORAL AND POPULAR VOTES.
═════════╤═════════════════════════════════╤═══════════╤══════════╤═════════╤═══════════════════════════════════╤═════════
Year of │Candidates for President, State, │ Popular │Plurality.│Electoral│ Candidates for Vice-President, │Electoral
Election.│ and Political Party. │ Vote. │ │ Vote. │ State, and Political Party. │ Vote.
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1824= │Andrew Jackson, Tenn., Rep. │ 155,872 │ 50,551 │ (b)99 │John C. Calhoun,[32] S. C., Rep. │ 182
│John Q. Adams,[32] Mass., Rep. │ 105,321 │ .... │ 84 │Nathan Sanford, N. Y., Rep. │ 30
│Henry Clay, Ky., Rep. │ 46,587 │ .... │ 37 │Nathaniel Macon, N. C., Rep. │ 24
│Wm. H. Crawford, Ga., Rep. │ 44,282 │ .... │ 41 │Andrew Jackson, Tenn., Rep. │ 13
│ │ │ │ │M. Van Buren, N. Y., Rep. │ 9
│ │ │ │ │Henry Clay, Ky., Rep. │ 2
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1828= │Andrew Jackson,[32] Tenn., Dem. │[32]647,231│ 138,134 │ 178 │John C. Calhoun,[32] S. C., Dem. │ 171
│John Q. Adams, Mass., Nat. R. │[32]509,097│ .... │ 83 │Richard Rush, Pa., Nat. R. │ 83
│ │ │ │ │William Smith, S. C., Dem. │ 7
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1832= │Andrew Jackson,[32] Tenn., Dem. │ 687,502 │ 157,313 │ 219 │M. Van Buren,[32] N. Y., Dem. │ 189
│Henry Clay, Ky., Nat. R. │ 530,189 │ .... │ 49 │John Sergeant, Pa., Nat. R. │ 49
│John Floyd, Ga., Ind. │⎫ │ │ ⎧ 11 │Henry Lee, Mass., Ind. │ 11
│William Wirt (c), Md., Anti-M. │⎭ 33,108 │ .... │ ⎩ 7 │Amos Ellmaker (c), Pa., Anti-M. │ 7
│ │ │ │ │William Wilkins, Pa., Dem. │ 30
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1836= │Martin Van Buren,[32] N. Y., Dem.│ 761,549 │ 24,893 │ 170 │R. M. Johnson (d),[32] Ky., Dem. │ 147
│W. H. Harrison, O., Whig │⎫ │ ⎧│ 73 │Francis Granger, N. Y., Whig │ 77
│Hugh L. White, Tenn., Whig │⎪ │ ⎪│ 26 │John Tyler, Va., Whig │ 47
│Daniel Webster, Mass., Whig │⎪ 736,656 │ ....⎪│ 14 │William Smith, Ala., Dem. │ 23
│Willie P. Mangum, N. C., Whig │⎭ │ ⎩│ 11 │ │
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1840= │W. H. Harrison,[32] O., Whig │ 1,275,017 │ 146,315 │ 234 │John Tyler,[32] Va., Whig │ 234
│Martin Van Buren, N. Y., Dem. │ 1,128,702 │ .... │ 60 │R. M. Johnson, Ky., Dem. │ 48
│James G. Birney, N. Y., Lib. │ 7,059 │ .... │ .. │L. W. Tazewell, Va., Dem. │ 11
│ │ │ │ │James K. Polk, Tenn., Dem. │ 1
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1844= │James K. Polk,[32] Tenn., Dem. │ 1,337,243 │ 38,175 │ 170 │George M. Dallas,[32] Pa., Dem. │ 170
│Henry Clay, Ky., Whig │ 1,299,068 │ .... │ 105 │T. Frelinghuysen, N. J., Whig │ 105
│James G. Birney, N. Y., Lib. │ 62,300 │ .... │ .. │Thomas Morris, O., Lib. │ ..
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1848= │Zachary Taylor,[32] La., Whig │ 1,360,101 │ 139,557 │ 163 │Millard Fillmore,[32] N. Y., Whig │ 163
│Lewis Cass, Mich., Dem. │ 1,220,544 │ .... │ 127 │William O. Butler, Ky., Dem. │ 127
│Martin Van Buren, N. Y., F. Soil │ 291,263 │ .... │ .. │Chas. F. Adams, Mass., F. Soil │ ..
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1852= │Franklin Pierce,[32] N. H., Dem. │ 1,601,474 │ 220,896 │ 254 │William R. King,[32] Ala., Dem. │ 254
│Winfield Scott, N. J., Whig │ 1,380,576 │ .... │ 42 │William A. Graham, N. C., Whig │ 42
│John P. Hale, N. H., F. D. (i) │ 156,149 │ .... │ .. │George W. Julian, Ind., F. D. │ ..
│Daniel Webster (k), Mass., Whig │ 1,670 │ .... │ .. │ │
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1856= │James Buchanan,[32] Pa., Dem. │ 1,838,169 │ 496,905 │ 174 │J. C. Breckenridge,[32] Ky., Dem. │ 174
│John C. Fremont, Cal., Rep. │ 1,341,264 │ .... │ 114 │William L. Dayton, N. J., Rep. │ 114
│Millard Fillmore, N. Y., Amer. │ 874,538 │ .... │ 8 │A. J. Donelson, Tenn., Amer. │ 8
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1860= │Abraham Lincoln,[32] Ill., Rep. │ 1,866,352 │ 491,195 │ 180 │Hannibal Hamlin,[32] Me., Rep. │ 180
│Stephen A. Douglas, Ill., Dem. │ 1,375,157 │ .... │ 12 │H. V. Johnson, Ga., Dem. │ 12
│J. C. Breckenridge, Ky., Dem. │ 845,763 │ .... │ 72 │Joseph Lane, Ore., Dem. │ 72
│John Bell, Tenn., Union │ 589,581 │ .... │ 39 │Edward Everett, Mass., Union │ 39
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1864= │Abraham Lincoln,[32] Ill., Rep. │ 2,216,067 │ 407,342 │ (e)212 │Andrew Johnson,[32] Tenn., Rep. │ 212
│George B. McClellan, N. J., Dem. │ 1,808,725 │ .... │ 21 │George H. Pendleton, O., Dem. │ 21
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1868= │Ulysses S. Grant,[32] Ill., Rep. │ 3,015,071 │ 305,456 │ (f)214 │Schuyler Colfax,[32] Ind., Rep. │ 214
│Horatio Seymour, N. Y., Dem. │ 2,709,615 │ .... │ 80 │F. P. Blair, Jr., Mo., Dem. │ 80
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1872= │Ulysses S. Grant,[32] Ill., Rep. │ 3,597,070 │ 752,991 │ 286 │Henry Wilson,[32] Mass., Rep. │ 286
│Horace Greeley, N. Y., D. & L. │ 2,834,079 │ .... │ (g).. │B. Gratz Brown, Mo., D. L. │ 47
│Charles O’Conor, N. Y., Dem. │ 29,408 │ .... │ .. │John Q. Adams, Mass., Dem. │ ..
│James Black, Pa., Temp. │ 5,608 │ .... │ .. │John Russell, Mich., Temp. │ ..
│Thomas A. Hendricks, Ind., Dem. │ .... │ .... │ 42 │George W. Julian, Ind., Lib. │ 5
│B. Gratz Brown, Mo., Dem. │ .... │ .... │ 18 │A. H. Colquitt, Ga., Dem. │ 5
│Charles J. Jenkins, Ga., Dem. │ .... │ .... │ 2 │John M. Palmer, Ill., Dem. │ 3
│David Davis, Ill., Ind. │ .... │ .... │ 1 │T. E. Bramlette, Ky., Dem. │ 3
│ │ │ │ │W. S. Groesbeck, O., Dem. │ 1
│ │ │ │ │Willis B. Machen, Ky., Dem. │ 1
│ │ │ │ │N. P. Banks, Mass., Lib. │ 1
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1876= │Samuel J. Tilden, N. Y., Dem. │ 4,284,385 │ 250,935 │ 84 │T. A. Hendricks, Ind., Dem. │ 184
│Rutherford B. Hayes,[32] O., Rep.│ 4,033,950 │ .... │ (h)185 │William A. Wheeler,[32] N. Y., Rep.│ 185
│Peter Cooper, N. Y., Gre’nb. │ 81,740 │ .... │ .. │Samuel F. Cary, O., Gre’nb. │ ..
│Green Clay Smith, Ky., Pro. │ 9,522 │ .... │ .. │Gideon T. Stewart, O., Pro. │ ..
│James B. Walker, Ill., Amer. │ 2,636 │ .... │ .. │D. Kirkpatrick, N. Y., Amer. │ ..
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1880= │James A. Garfield,[32] O., Rep. │ 4,449,053 │ 7,018 │ 214 │Chester A. Arthur,[32] N. Y., Rep. │ 214
│W. S. Hancock, Pa., Dem. │ 4,442,035 │ .... │ 155 │William H. English, Ind., Dem. │ 155
│James B. Weaver, Iowa, Gre’nb. │ 307,306 │ .... │ .. │B. J. Chambers, Texas, Gre’nb. │ ..
│Neal Dow, Me., Pro. │ 10,305 │ .... │ .. │H. A. Thompson, O., Pro. │ ..
│John W. Phelps, Vt., Amer. │ 707 │ .... │ .. │S. C. Pomeroy, Kan., Amer. │ ..
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1884= │Grover Cleveland,[32] N. Y., Dem.│ 4,911,017 │ 62,683 │ 219 │T. A. Hendricks,[32] Ind., Dem. │ 219
│James G. Blaine, Me., Rep. │ 4,848,334 │ .... │ 182 │John A. Logan, Ill., Rep. │ 182
│John P. St. John, Kan., Pro. │ 151,809 │ .... │ .. │William Daniel, Md., Pro. │ ..
│Benjamin F. Butler, Mass., Peop. │ 133,825 │ .... │ .. │A. M. West, Miss., Peop. │ ..
│P. D. Wigginton, Cal., Amer. │ .... │ .... │ .. │ │
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1888= │Grover Cleveland, N. Y., Dem. │ 5,538,233 │ 98,017│ 168 │Allen G. Thurman, O., Dem. │ 168
│Benjamin Harrison,[32] Ind., Rep.│ 5,440,216 │ ... │ 233 │Levi P. Morton,[32] N. Y., Rep. │ 233
│Clinton B. Fisk, N. J., Pro. │ 249,907 │ ... │ .. │John A. Brooks, Mo., Pro. │ ..
│Alson J. Streeter, Ill., U. L. │ 148,105 │ ... │ .. │C. E. Cunningham, Ark., U’d L. │ ..
│R. H. Cowdry, Ill., U’d L. │ 2,808 │ ... │ .. │W. H. T. Wakefield, Kan., U’d L. │ ..
│James L. Curtis, N. Y., Amer. │ 1,591 │ ... │ .. │James B. Greer, Tenn., Amer. │ ..
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1892= │Grover Cleveland,[32] N. Y., Dem.│ 5,556,918 │ 380,810 │ 277 │Adlai E. Stevenson,[32] Ill., Dem. │ 277
│Benjamin Harrison, Ind., Rep. │ 5,176,108 │ ... │ 145 │Whitelaw Reid, N. Y., Rep. │ 145
│James B. Weaver, Iowa, Peop. │ 1,041,028 │ ... │ 22 │James G. Field, Va., Peop. │ 22
│John Bidwell, Cal., Pro. │ 264,133 │ ... │ .. │James B. Cranfill, Tex., Pro. │ ..
│Simon Wing, Mass., Soc. L. │ 21,164 │ ... │ .. │Charles H. Matchett, N. Y., Soc. L.│ ..
─────────┼─────────────────────────────────┼───────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────────────────────────────────┼─────────
=1896= │William McKinley,[32] O., Rep. │ 7,104,779 │ 601,854 │ 271 │Garret A. Hobart,[32] N. J., Rep. │ 271
│William J. Bryan, Neb., Dem. ╮ │ 6,502,925 │ ... │ 176 │Arthur Sewall, Me., Dem. │ 176
│William J. Bryan, Neb., Pop. ╯ │ │ ... │ .. │Thomas E. Watson, Ga., Pop. │ ..
│Joshua Levering, Md., Pro. │ 132,007 │ ... │ .. │Hale Johnson, Ill., Pro. │ ..
│John M. Palmer, Ill., N. Dem. │ 133,148 │ ... │ .. │Simon B. Buckner, Ky., N. Dem. │ ..
│Charles H. Matchett, N. Y., │ 36,274 │ ... │ .. │Matthew Maguire, N. J., Soc. L. │ ..
│ Soc. L. │ ” │ │ │ │
│Charles E. Bentley, Neb., │ 13,969 │ ... │ .. │James H. Southgate, N. C., Nat. (j)│ ..
│ Nat. (j) │ ” │ │ │ ” │
═════════╧═════════════════════════════════╧═══════════╧══════════╧═════════╧═══════════════════════════════════╧═════════
[32] The candidates starred were elected, (a) The first Republican
Party is claimed by the present Democratic Party as its progenitor.
(b) No candidate having a majority of the electoral vote, the House
of Representatives elected Adams, (c) Candidates of the Anti-Masonic
Party. (d) There being no choice, the Senate elected Johnson. (e)
Eleven Southern States, being within the belligerent territory, did not
vote. (f) Three Southern States disfranchised. (g) Horace Greeley died
after election, and Democratic electors scattered their vote, (h) There
being a dispute over the electoral votes of Florida, Louisiana, Oregon,
and South Carolina, they were referred by Congress to an electoral
commission composed of eight Republicans and seven Democrats, which, by
a strict party vote, awarded 185 electoral votes to Hayes and 184 to
Tilden. (i) Free Democrat. (j) Free-Silver Prohibition Party, (k) In
Massachusetts. There was also a Native American ticket in that State,
which received 184 votes.
I also present the lists of the Presidents and Vice-Presidents of the
United States, as given in the New York _World Almanac_ for 1900, as
follows:
PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES.
══════════════════════╤═══════════════════════╤═════╤═════════════╤══════════╤════════════╤═════════╤═════════════════════╤═════╤═════
│ │ │ │ │Inaugurated.│ │ │ │
NAME. │ Birthplace. │Year.│ Paternal │Residence.├──────┬─────┤Politics.│ Place of Death. │Year.│Age.
│ │ │ Ancestry. │ │ Year.│ Age.│ │ │ │
──┬───────────────────┼───────────────────────┼─────┼─────────────┼──────────┼──────┼─────┼─────────┼─────────────────────┼─────┼─────
1│George Washington │Westmoreland Co., Va. │ 1732│English │ Va. │ 1789 │ 57 │ Fed. │Mt. Vernon, Va. │ 1799│ 67
2│John Adams │Quincy, Mass. │ 1735│English │ Mass. │ 1797 │ 62 │ Fed. │Quincy, Mass. │ 1826│ 90
3│Thomas Jefferson │Shadwell, Va. │ 1743│Welsh │ Va. │ 1801 │ 58 │ Rep. │Monticello, Va. │ 1826│ 83
4│James Madison │Port Conway, Va. │ 1751│English │ Va. │ 1809 │ 58 │ Rep. │Montpelier, Va. │ 1836│ 85
5│James Monroe │Westmoreland Co., Va. │ 1758│Scotch │ Va. │ 1817 │ 59 │ Rep. │New York City │ 1831│ 73
6│John Quincy Adams │Quincy, Mass. │ 1767│English │ Mass. │ 1825 │ 58 │ Rep. │Washington, D. C. │ 1848│ 80
7│Andrew Jackson │Union Co., N. C. │ 1767│Scotch-Irish │ Tenn. │ 1829 │ 62 │ Dem. │Hermitage, Tenn. │ 1845│ 78
8│Martin Van Buren │Kinderhook, N. Y. │ 1782│Dutch │ N. Y. │ 1837 │ 55 │ Dem. │Lindenwold, N. Y. │ 1862│ 79
9│William H. Harrison│Berkeley, Va. │ 1773│English │ O. │ 1841 │ 68 │ Whig │Washington, D. C. │ 1841│ 68
10│John Tyler │Greenway, Va. │ 1790│English │ Va. │ 1841 │ 51 │ Dem. │Richmond, Va. │ 1862│ 72
11│James K. Polk │Mecklenburg, Co., N. C.│ 1795│Scotch-Irish │ Tenn. │ 1845 │ 50 │ Dem. │Nashville, Tenn. │ 1849│ 53
12│Zachary Taylor │Orange Co., Va. │ 1784│English │ La. │ 1849 │ 65 │ Whig │Washington, D. C. │ 1850│ 65
13│Millard Fillmore │Summerhill, N. Y. │ 1800│English │ N. Y. │ 1850 │ 50 │ Whig │Buffalo, N. Y. │ 1874│ 74
14│Franklin Pierce │Hillsboro, N. H. │ 1804│English │ N. H. │ 1853 │ 49 │ Dem. │Concord, N. H. │ 1869│ 64
15│James Buchanan │Cove Gap, Pa. │ 1791│Scotch-Irish │ Pa. │ 1857 │ 66 │ Dem. │Wheatland, Pa. │ 1868│ 77
16│Abraham Lincoln │Larne Co., Ky. │ 1809│English │ Ill. │ 1861 │ 52 │ Rep. │Washington, D. C. │ 1865│ 56
17│Andrew Johnson │Raleigh, N. C. │ 1808│English │ Tenn. │ 1865 │ 57 │ Rep. │Carter’s Depot, Tenn.│ 1875│ 66
18│Ulysses S. Grant │Point Pleasant, O. │ 1822│Scotch │ D. C. │ 1869 │ 47 │ Rep. │Mt. McGregor, N. Y. │ 1885│ 63
19│Rutherford B. Hayes│Delaware, O. │ 1822│Scotch │ O. │ 1877 │ 54 │ Rep. │Fremont, O. │ 1893│ 70
20│James A. Garfield │Cuyahoga Co., O. │ 1831│English │ O. │ 1881 │ 49 │ Rep. │Long Branch, N. J. │ 1881│ 49
21│Chester A. Arthur │Fairfield, Vt. │ 1830│Scotch-Irish │ N. Y. │ 1881 │ 51 │ Rep. │New York City │ 1886│ 56
22│Grover Cleveland │Caldwell, N. J. │ 1837│English │ N. Y. │ 1885 │ 48 │ Dem. │ .. │ .. │ ..
23│Benjamin Harrison │North Bend, O. │ 1833│English │ Ind. │ 1889 │ 55 │ Rep. │ .. │ .. │ ..
24│Grover Cleveland │Caldwell, N. J. │ 1837│English │ N. Y. │ 1893 │ 56 │ Dem. │ .. │ .. │ ..
25│William McKinley │Niles, O. │ 1843│Scotch-Irish │ O. │ 1897 │ 54 │ Rep. │ .. │ .. │ ..
══╧═══════════════════╧═══════════════════════╧═════╧═════════════╧══════════╧══════╧═════╧═════════╧═════════════════════╧═════╧═════
VICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES.
═══════════════════════╤════════════════════╤═════╤═══════╤══════════╤══════════╤═══╤════════════════════╤═════╤══════
│ │ │ ╰Residence.│Qualified.╯ │ │ │
Name. │ Birthplace. │Year.│ Paternal │ ” │ ” │Politics.│ Place of Death. │Year.│Age at
│ │ │ Ancestry. │ ” │ ” │ │ │ │Death.
──┬────────────────────┼────────────────────┼─────┼────────────┼─────┼────┼─────────┼────────────────────┼─────┼──────
1│John Adams │Quincy, Mass. │ 1735│English │Mass.│1789│ Fed. │Quincy, Mass. │1826 │ 90
2│Thomas Jefferson │Shadwell, Va. │ 1743│Welsh │Va. │1797│ Rep. │Monticello, Va. │1826 │ 83
3│Aaron Burr │Newark, N. J. │ 1756│English │N. Y.│1801│ Rep. │Staten Island, N. Y.│1836 │ 80
4│George Clinton │Ulster Co., N. Y. │ 1739│English │N. Y.│1805│ Rep. │Washington, D. C. │1812 │ 73
5│Elbridge Gerry │Marblehead, Mass. │ 1744│English │Mass.│1813│ Rep. │Washington, D. C. │1814 │ 70
6│Daniel D. Tompkins │Scarsdale, N. Y. │ 1774│English │N. Y.│1817│ Rep. │Staten Island, N. Y.│1825 │ 51
7│John C. Calhoun │Abbeville, S. C. │ 1782│Scotch-Irish│S. C.│1825│ Rep. │Washington, D. C. │1850 │ 68
8│Martin Van Buren │Kinderhook, N. Y. │ 1782│Dutch │N. Y.│1833│ Dem. │Kinderhook, N. Y. │1862 │ 79
9│Richard M. Johnson │Louisville, Ky │ 1780│English │Ky. │1837│ Dem. │Frankfort, Ky. │1850 │ 70
10│John Tyler │Greenway, Va. │ 1790│English │Va. │1841│ Dem. │Richmond, Va. │1862 │ 72
11│George M. Dallas │Philadelphia, Pa. │ 1792│English │Pa. │1845│ Dem. │Philadelphia, Pa. │1864 │ 72
12│Millard Fillmore │Summer Hill, N. Y. │ 1800│English │N. Y.│1849│ Whig │Buffalo, N. Y. │1874 │ 74
13│William R. King │Sampson Co., N. C. │ 1786│English │Ala. │1853│ Dem. │Dallas Co., Ala. │1853 │ 67
14│John C. Breckenridge│Lexington, Ky. │ 1821│Scotch │Ky. │1857│ Dem. │Lexington, Ky. │1875 │ 54
15│Hannibal Hamlin │Paris, Me. │ 1809│English │Me. │1861│ Rep. │Bangor, Me. │1891 │ 81
16│Andrew Johnson │Raleigh, N. C. │ 1808│English │Tenn.│1865│ Rep. │Carter Co., Tenn. │1875 │ 66
17│Schuyler Colfax │New York City, N. Y.│ 1823│English │Ind. │1869│ Rep. │Mankato, Minn. │1885 │ 62
18│Henry Wilson │Farmington, N. H. │ 1812│English │Mass.│1873│ Rep. │Washington D. C. │1875 │ 63
19│William A. Wheeler │Malone, N. Y. │ 1819│English │N. Y.│1877│ Rep. │Malone, N. Y. │1887 │ 68
20│Chester A. Arthur │Fairfield, Vt. │ 1830│Scotch-Irish│N. Y.│1881│ Rep. │New York City, N. Y.│1886 │ 56
21│Thos. A. Hendricks │Muskingum Co., O. │ 1819│Scotch-Irish│Ind. │1885│ Dem. │Indianapolis, Ind. │1885 │ 66
22│Levi P. Morton │Shoreham, Vt. │ 1824│Scotch │N. Y.│1889│ Rep. │ │ │
23│Adlai E. Stevenson │Christian Co., Ky. │ 1835│Scotch-Irish│Ill. │1893│ Dem. │ │ │
24│Garret A. Hobart │Long Branch, N. J. │ 1844│English │N. J.│1897│ Rep. │Paterson, N. J. │1899 │ 55
══╧════════════════════╧════════════════════╧═════╧════════════╧═════╧════╧═════════╧════════════════════╧═════╧══════
President Buchanan was the only Chief Magistrate of the Republic
who, having served one term in the Presidency, was not a candidate
for re-election. He announced his purpose not to be a candidate in
his inaugural address, and I doubt not that he never swerved from
that determination. At the close of his administration the political
conditions gave no promise of his re-election, however much he might
have desired it, but he was then past the patriarchal years, and he
is the one President who entered the office to serve only a term
and adhered to it. The elder Adams was defeated for re-election by
Jefferson; the younger Adams was defeated for re-election by Jackson;
Van Buren was defeated for re-election by the elder Harrison, and the
younger Harrison was defeated for re-election by Cleveland, while
Hayes, Polk and Pierce were candidates for re-election, but were
rejected by the party.
Four Vice-Presidents succeeded to the Presidency by the death of the
President, and all of them were earnest candidates for election to
another term. Tyler and Johnson sought the Democratic nomination and
failed. Fillmore failed in the struggle for the Whig nomination, and
Arthur was defeated by Blaine.
Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Lincoln, Grant,
and Cleveland were twice elected President. Jefferson, Jackson, and
Cleveland were each defeated for the Presidency, although twice
elected. Jefferson and Jackson were defeated in their first contests,
and then elected to two successive terms, and Cleveland was elected in
1884, defeated in 1888, and re-elected in 1892. Jackson and Cleveland
are the only two Presidents who were candidates in three national
elections and received an increased plurality in each successive
contest. Both were defeated in one battle when they had received the
largest popular vote. Grant was the only President who made a struggle
for a third term.
Four Presidents died in office—namely, Harrison in 1841, after having
served but little over a month; Taylor in 1850, after having served
less than a year and a half; Lincoln in 1865, only a little more than a
month after his second inauguration, and Garfield in 1881, before the
close of the first year of his administration.
Six Vice-Presidents have died in office: Clinton in 1812, after having
presided over the Senate for seven years; Gerry in 1814, after little
more than a year of service; William R. King, in 1853, who took the
oath as Vice-President on the 4th of March of that year in Cuba, and
died soon thereafter; Henry Wilson in 1875, having served but little
more than half his term; Thomas A. Hendricks in 1885, having served
less than a year, and Hobart in 1899, leaving nearly a year and a half
of his term unexpired.
No President _pro tem._ of the Senate has ever reached the Presidency.
There was only one occasion in the history of the Government when it
seemed probable that the President _pro tem._ might be called to the
chief executive office of the nation. Johnson, as Vice-President,
had succeeded Lincoln as President, and Senator Wade, of Ohio, was
president _pro tem._ of the Senate. In 1868, some ten months before
the expiration of Johnson’s term, he was impeached by the House,
and acquitted in the Senate by a single vote. The question was then
raised as to whether the President _pro tem._ of the Senate was such
an officer as was contemplated by the Constitution to fill the office
of President, and there was considerable agitation from time to time
on the subject in Congress, which finally culminated in the passage
of the Presidential Succession bill of January 18, 1886, by which
the succession to the Presidency is fully defined and eligibles are
provided quite sufficient in number to meet any possible emergency.
The following is the full text of the present law regulating the
Presidential succession:
_Be it enacted, etc._, that in case of the removal, death,
resignation, or inability of both the President and Vice-President of
the United States, the Secretary of State, or if there be none, or
in case of his removal, death, resignation, or inability, then the
Secretary of the Treasury, or if there be none, or in case of his
removal, death, resignation, or inability, then the Secretary of War,
or if there be none, or in case of his removal, death, resignation,
or inability, then the Attorney-General, or if there be none, or
in case of his removal, death, resignation, or inability, then the
Postmaster-General, or if there be none, or in case of his removal,
death, resignation, or inability, then the Secretary of the Navy, or
if there be none, or in case of his removal, death, resignation, or
inability, then the Secretary of the Interior shall act as President
until the disability of the President or Vice-President is removed,
or a President shall be elected: _provided_, that whenever the powers
and duties of the office of President of the United States shall
devolve upon any of the persons named herein, if Congress be not then
in session, or if it would not meet in accordance with law within
twenty days thereafter, it shall be the duty of the person upon whom
said powers and duties shall devolve to issue a proclamation convening
Congress in extraordinary session, giving twenty days’ notice of the
time of meeting.
SECTION 2. That the preceding section shall only be held to describe
and apply to such officers as shall have been appointed by the advice
and consent of the Senate to the offices therein named, and such as
are eligible to the office of President under the Constitution, and
not under impeachment by the House of Representatives of the United
States at the time the powers and duties of the office shall devolve
upon them respectively.
SEC. 3. That sections 146, 147, 148, 149, and 150 of the Revised
Statutes are hereby repealed.
CONTESTED PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS
There have been only two seriously contested elections in the history
of our Presidential conflicts. They were the contest between Jefferson
and Burr in 1800–1 and the contest between Hayes and Tilden in
1876–7. The Hayes-Tilden contest brought the country to the verge of
revolution, and the very close battle between Garfield and Hancock four
years later, and the Cleveland-Blaine struggle of 1884, that turned
upon 1100 majority in a vote of nearly 6,000,000 in New York State,
taught the necessity of having some definite statute providing for the
determination of disputed electoral votes in the States by which such
disputes would be practically eliminated from the powers of Congress.
The following is the full text of the present statute, approved
February 3, 1887, providing for the determination of contested electors:
_Be it enacted, etc._, that the electors of each State shall meet and
give their votes on the second Monday in January next following their
appointment, at such place in each State as the Legislature of such
State shall direct.
SECTION 2. That if any State shall have provided, by laws enacted
prior to the day fixed for the appointment of the electors, for its
final determination of any controversy or contest concerning the
appointment of all or any of the electors of such State, by judicial
or other methods of procedure, and such determination shall have been
made at least six days before the time fixed for the meeting of the
electors, such determination made pursuant to such law so existing on
said day, and made at least six days prior to the said time of meeting
of the electors, shall be conclusive, and shall govern in the counting
of the electoral votes as provided in the Constitution, as hereinafter
regulated, so far as the ascertainment of the electors appointed by
such State is concerned.
SEC. 3. That it shall be the duty of the executive of each State,
as soon as practicable after the conclusion of the appointment of
electors in such State, by the final ascertainment under and in
pursuance of the laws of such State providing for such ascertainment,
to communicate under the seal of the State, to the Secretary of State
of the United States, a certificate of such ascertainment of the
electors appointed, setting forth the names of such electors and the
canvass or other ascertainment, under the laws of such State, of the
number of votes given or cast for each person for whose appointment
any and all votes have been given or cast; and it shall also thereupon
be the duty of the executive of each State to deliver to the electors
of such State, on or before the day on which they are required, by the
preceding section, to meet, the same certificate, in triplicate, under
the seal of the State; and such certificate shall be enclosed and
transmitted by the electors at the same time and in the same manner as
is provided by law for transmitting by such electors to the seat of
government the lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all
persons voted for as Vice-President: and Section 136 of the Revised
Statutes is hereby repealed; and if there shall have been any final
determination in the State of a controversy or contest, as provided
for in Section 2 of this act, it shall be the duty of the executive
of such State, as soon as practicable after such determination, to
communicate, under the seal of the State, to the Secretary of State of
the United States, a certificate of such determination, in form and
manner as the same shall have been made; and the Secretary of State
of the United States, as soon as practicable after the receipt at the
State Department of each of the certificates hereinbefore directed
to be transmitted to the Secretary of State, shall publish, in such
public newspaper as he shall designate, such certificates in full;
and at the first meeting of Congress, thereafter, he shall transmit
to the two Houses of Congress copies in full of each and every such
certificate so received theretofore at the State Department.
SEC. 4. That Congress shall be in session on the second Wednesday
in February succeeding every meeting of the electors. The Senate
and House of Representatives shall meet in the hall of the House
of Representatives at the hour of one o’clock in the afternoon, on
that day, and the President of the Senate shall be their presiding
officer. Two tellers shall be previously appointed on the part of the
Senate, and two on the part of the House of Representatives, to whom
shall be handed, as they are opened by the President of the Senate,
all the certificates and papers purporting to be the certificates of
the electoral vote, which certificates and papers shall be opened,
presented, and acted upon in the alphabetical order of the States,
beginning with the letter A; and said tellers, having then read the
same in the presence and hearing of the two Houses, shall make a
list of the votes, as they shall appear from the said certificates,
and, the votes having been ascertained and counted in the manner and
according to the rules in this act provided, the result of the same
shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall thereupon
announce the state of the vote, which announcement shall be deemed a
sufficient declaration of the persons, if any, elected President and
Vice-President of the United States, and, together with a list of
the votes, be entered on the journals of the two Houses. Upon such
reading of any such certificate or paper, the President of the Senate
shall call for objections, if any. Every objection shall be made in
writing, and shall state clearly and concisely, and without argument,
the ground thereof, and shall be signed by at least one senator and
one member of the House of Representatives before the same shall be
received. When all objections so made to any vote or paper from a
State shall have been received and read, the Senate shall thereupon
withdraw, and such objections shall be submitted to the Senate for its
decision; and the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall, in
like manner, submit such objections to the House of Representatives
for its decision; and no electoral vote or votes from any State which
shall have been regularly given by electors, whose appointment has
been lawfully certified to according to Section 3 of this act, from
which but one return has been received, shall be rejected; but the
two Houses concurrently may reject the vote or votes when they agree
that such vote or votes have not been so regularly given by electors
whose appointment has been so certified. If more than one return or
paper purporting to be a return from a State shall have been received
by the President of the Senate, those votes, and those only, shall
be counted which shall have been regularly given by the electors who
are shown by the determination mentioned in Section 2 of this act to
have been appointed, if the determination in said section provided
for shall have been made, or by such successors, or substitutes, in
case of a vacancy in the board of electors so ascertained, as have
been appointed to fill such vacancy in the mode provided by the laws
of the State; but in case there shall arise a question which of two
or more of such State authorities determining what electors have
been appointed, as mentioned in Section 2 of this act, is the lawful
tribunal of such State, the votes regularly given of those electors,
and those only, of such State shall be counted whose title as electors
the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide is
supported by the decision of such State so authorized by its laws;
and in such case of more than one return or paper purporting to be a
return from a State, if there shall have been no such determination of
the question in the State aforesaid, then those votes, and those only,
shall be counted which the two Houses shall concurrently decide were
cast by lawful electors appointed in accordance with the laws of the
State, unless the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently
decide such votes not to be the lawful votes of the legally appointed
electors of such State. But if the two Houses shall disagree in
respect of the counting of such votes, then and in that case the votes
of the electors whose appointment shall have been certified by the
executive of the State, under the seal thereof, shall be counted. When
the two Houses have voted, they shall immediately again meet, and the
presiding officer shall then announce the decision of the questions
submitted. No votes or papers from any other State shall be acted upon
until the objections previously made to the votes or papers from any
State shall have been finally disposed of.
SEC. 5. That while the two Houses shall be in meeting as provided in
this act, the President of the Senate shall have power to preserve
order; and no debate shall be allowed and no question shall be put by
the presiding officer, except to either House on a motion to withdraw.
SEC. 6. That when the two Houses separate to decide upon an objection
that may have been made to the counting of any electoral vote or
votes from any State, or other question arising in the matter, each
Senator and Representative may speak to such objection or question
five minutes, and not more than once; but after such debate shall
have lasted two hours, it shall be the duty of the presiding officer
of each House to put the main question without further debate.
SEC. 7. Such joint meeting shall not be dissolved until the count of
electoral votes shall be completed and the result declared; and no
recess shall be taken unless a question shall have arisen in regard to
counting any such votes, or otherwise under this act, in which case it
shall be competent for either House, acting separately, in the manner
hereinbefore provided, to direct a recess of such House not beyond
the next calendar day, Sunday excepted, at the hour of ten o’clock
in the forenoon. But if the counting of the electoral votes and the
declaration of the result shall not have been completed before the
fifth calendar day next after such first meeting of the two Houses, no
further or other recess shall be taken by either House.
INDEX
Abolition party, birth of the, and its first candidates, 65;
its second nominations, 84, 85;
its platform in 1844, 85–88;
its leaders denounced by Greeley, 90.
Adams, Charles Francis, a candidate for the nomination of President
by the Liberal Republicans, 229.
Adams, John, his first election to the Vice-Presidency, 2–4;
his second election to the Vice-Presidency, 4–6;
his election to the Presidency, 7–11;
supported by Washington as the Federalist candidate, 8;
the campaign the most defamatory in American politics, 9;
his vote in the third Electoral College, 10, 11;
defeated for the Presidency, 12–20;
his ungracious departure from the Executive Mansion, 20;
his after-life and death, 20.
Adams, John Quincy, defeated for the Presidency, 35, 37;
his election to the Presidency by Congress, 39–46;
his popular vote, 42;
his vote in the tenth Electoral College, 43, 45;
the real author of the Monroe Doctrine, 46;
defeated for the Presidency, 47–51;
a model President, his after-life and death, 45, 46.
Adams, John Quincy, receives the Vice-Presidential nomination of the
Democratic dissenters in 1872, 238;
offered the nomination of the Presidency by the same party, 238.
Adams, Samuel, his vote for the Presidency in the third Electoral
College, 10, 11.
Alien and Sedition laws, passage of, and their purposes, 12, 13.
Allen, Philip, at a national Whig convention in 1848, 107.
American National party, its candidates and platform in 1876, 260;
its candidates and platform in 1880, 283;
its candidates and platform in 1888, 330–332;
splits on a question of voting, 331.
American Prohibition National party (a split from the Prohibition
party), its candidates and platform in 1884, 304, 305.
Anti-Mason party, its birth and power, 52, 53;
calls the first political national convention ever held in the
country, at Philadelphia, 52;
its nominations, 53;
its ticket adopted by the National Republicans in several States,
54.
Anti-Monopoly party, its candidates and platform in 1884, 299–301.
Armstrong, James, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral
College, 3, 4.
Arthur, Chester A., his election to the Vice-Presidency, 274–284;
succeeds to the Presidency after the death of Garfield, 286;
his admirable administration, 286, 287;
the author meets him at a dinner given by Cameron, 287;
his life after his retirement from office, 287.
Ashman, George, permanent chairman of Republican National Convention
of 1860, 157.
Banks, Nathaniel P., his vote for the Vice-Presidency in the
twenty-second Electoral College, 241.
Barnburners, the, 98, 99, 107.
Bell, John, the nominee of the Constitutional Union party for the
Presidency, 173, 174;
the author’s account of his debate with Johnson, 204.
Bentley, Rev. Charles E., the nominee for the Presidency of the
“Broad-Gauge” Prohibitionists, 386;
his popular vote, 391.
Benton, Thomas H., at a national Whig convention in 1848, 107.
Bidwell, John, nominated for the Presidency by the Prohibition party,
351;
his popular vote, 259.
Birney, James G., the candidate of the Abolition party, his first
defeat for the Presidency, 65, 71, 72;
his second defeat for the Presidency as the candidate of the
Liberty party, 90, 91.
Black, James, nominated for the Presidency by the Prohibition party
in 1872, 228;
at the Prohibition National Convention in 1888, 329.
Blaine, James G., compared with Henry Clay, 244–246;
at the Republican convention at Cincinnati in 1876, 247–249, 252;
his efforts to secure the Republican nomination for the Presidency
in 1880, 270, 274;
defeated for the Presidency, 288–315;
he favored the nominations of General Sherman and Robert T.
Lincoln, 288;
his nomination, 289;
his popular and electoral vote, 308, 309;
why he was defeated in New York State and lost the election,
309–312;
how he treated the Cleveland scandal, 312;
he declines the Presidential nomination in 1888, 315;
his after-life, 315.
Blair, Francis P., shelters Johnson during his incapacity after his
inauguration, 204;
nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Democrats in 1868, 216.
Booth, Newton, receives the “Greenback” nomination for the
Presidency, 257.
Bramlette, Thomas E., his vote for the Presidency in the
twenty-second Electoral College, 241.
Breckenridge, John C., defeated for the Presidency, 166–176.
Brooks, John A., nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Prohibition
party, 329.
Brown, B. Gratz, the nominee of the Liberal Republicans for the
Presidency, 229–231;
nominated for the same office by the Democrats, 238;
his vote in the twenty-second Electoral College, 241.
Bryan, William J., his defeat for the Presidency, 361–394;
his nomination by the Democratic party, 371–373;
his nomination by the People’s party, 378;
his remarkable campaign, 390;
his popular vote, 391;
his electoral vote, 392;
the remarkable political independence shown in the contest, 392–394.
Buchanan, James, his election to the Presidency, 130–153;
favored by the Southern Democrats, 130, 131;
his nomination at Cincinnati, 131, 132;
one of the most desperately fought conflicts in American politics,
145;
his popular and electoral vote, 148;
far-reaching effects of his quarrel with Forney, 149–151;
his political methods compared with those of the present day, 151,
152, and note;
his determination to end the slavery agitation, 152;
his reputation, character, and death, 153.
Buckner, Simon B., the nominee of the “Sound Money” Democrats for the
Vice-Presidency, 383.
Burchard, Rev. Samuel D., his effort to restore public confidence in
Blaine’s integrity jeopardizes his election to the Presidency,
310–312.
Burr, Aaron, his vote for the Presidency in the second Electoral
College, 6;
his character, 9;
his vote in the third Electoral College, 10, 11;
his election to the Vice-Presidency, 12–20;
his infamous attempt to defeat Jefferson in the Electoral College,
17, 18, 19.
Butler, Benjamin F., the nominee of the Anti-Monopoly party for the
Presidency, 299;
receives the Presidential nomination of the National (“Greenback”)
party, 301;
his popular vote, 308, 309.
Calhoun, John C., his first election to the Vice-Presidency, 39–45;
his second election to the same office, 49–51;
Jackson’s quarrel with, 52.
Cameron, Donald J., at the Republican convention of 1876, 248, 249;
the chief factor in securing the election of Hayes, 265;
his dinner given in honor of Arthur, 287;
his strained relations with Harrison, 337, 338;
his defeat of the Force bill and how it affected his political
fortunes, 339, 340.
Campbell, Judge, his appointment as postmaster-general by Pierce
revives Native Americanism, 128.
Cass, Lewis, how he came to be nominated and defeated for the
Presidency, 98;
at a Whig national convention in 1848, 107;
popular and electoral vote cast for him, 112;
his popularity in the West, 113.
Chamberlain, Edward M., nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the
Labor Reform party in 1872, 227.
Chambers, B. B., “Greenback” candidate for the Vice-Presidency, 281.
Chase, Salmon P., his anticipated nomination for the Presidency by
the Democrats, 211, 212;
how his defeat by Tilden was avenged by Conkling, 268, 269.
Clay, Henry, his first defeat for the Presidency, 39–45;
his vote for the Vice-Presidency in the tenth Electoral College, 43;
his second defeat for the Presidency, 53–57;
his third defeat for the Presidency, 75–93;
his reply to the address of the Kentucky electors, 92, 93;
compared with Blaine, 244–246.
Cleveland, Grover, his first election to the Presidency, 288–315;
the spirited and earnest character of the campaign, 288;
his nomination, 294;
his popular and electoral vote, 308, 309;
how he gained the vote of New York State, 310–312;
Dana’s estrangement from, 312–315;
his treatment of the Blaine scandal, 312;
devoted to his official duties, 314;
his defeat for the Presidency, 316–336;
his unanimous nomination, 316;
character of the campaign, 332;
his popular and electoral vote, 333;
why he lost the election, 334;
governed by his convictions, 334;
his social and political character outlined in the author’s
intercourse with him, 335;
his second election to the Presidency, 337–360;
his nomination, 343–345;
character of the campaign, 358;
his popular and electoral vote, 359;
his contests for the Presidency like those of Jackson, 360;
compared with Harrison, 361;
a review of his administration, 362–365;
his administration condemned at the Democratic National Convention
of 1896, 371, 372.
Clinton, De Witt, defeated for the Presidency, 29–31.
Clinton, George, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral
College, 3, 4;
in the second, 6;
in the third, 10, 11;
his first election to the Vice-Presidency, 22–24;
his defeat for the Presidency and his second election to the
Vice-Presidency, 25–27;
died in office, 28.
Cochrane, John, nominated for Vice-President by revolting Republicans
in 1864, and his withdrawal, 192.
Cockran, Bourke, his speech against the nomination of Cleveland at
the Democratic National Convention of 1892, 344.
Colfax, Schuyler, his election to the Vice-Presidency, 210–220.
Colquitt, Alfred H., his vote for the Presidency in the twenty-second
Electoral College, 241.
Conant, John A., receives the Vice-Presidential nomination of the
American Prohibition National party, 304.
Conkling, Roscoe, his efforts to secure the nomination of Grant at
the Republican convention of 1880, at Chicago, 270, 271, 274;
his breach with Garfield, 284, 285;
his strained relations with Arthur, 286;
his retirement from politics and his death, 285, 286.
Constitutional Union party, its convention at Baltimore in 1860, and
its candidates and platform, 173, 174.
Contested Presidential elections, and the statute relating to,
401–404.
Cooper, Peter, receives the “Greenback” nomination for President, 257.
Corwin, Thomas, his illustration of the Taylor-Cass campaign in a
speech in Ohio, 113, 114.
Cowdrey, Robert H., nominated for the Presidency by the United Labor
party, 327.
Cranfill, J. P., the Vice-Presidential nominee of the Prohibition
party, 351.
Crawford, William H., defeated for the Presidency, 39–45.
Curtin, Andrew G., his visit to Johnson accompanied by the author,
205–207;
a candidate for the nomination of Vice-President in 1868, 210;
a cabinet position refused him by Grant, who appoints him
minister to Russia, 222;
his courage in opposing pernicious pension legislation exposes the
cowardice of Congressmen, 364, 365.
Curtis, James Langdon, nominated for the Presidency by the American
party, 331.
Dallas, George M., his election to the Vice-Presidency in 1844, 75–93.
Dana, Charles A., the story of his bitter estrangement from
Cleveland, 312–315;
his ability and character, 313.
Daniel, John W., elected chairman of the Democratic National
Convention of 1896, 371.
Daniel, William, the Vice-Presidential nominee of the Prohibition
party in 1884, 305.
Davis, David, works for the nomination of Lincoln, 157;
nominated for the Presidency by the Labor Reform party, 227, 228;
favored as the nominee of the Liberal Republicans in 1872, 229;
his vote for President in the twenty-second Electoral College, 241;
his declination of service on the Hayes-Tilden Electoral
Commission, and its results, 264.
Davis, Jefferson, his tribute to Lincoln, 200, 201;
Johnson puzzled how to dispose of him, 206, 207.
Dearborn, Henry A. S., nominated to the Vice-Presidency by the Native
American party, 110.
Depew, Chauncey M., at the Republican National Convention of 1888,
319, 320.
Donelson, Andrew Jackson, receives the Vice-Presidential nomination
of the American National Council, 142.
Dougherty, Daniel, his memorable speech before the Democratic
National Convention of 1880, 278, 279.
Douglas, Stephen A., his defeat for the Presidency, 166–176.
Dow, Neal, the Presidential nominee of the Prohibition party in
1880, 282;
at the Prohibition convention of 1888, 329.
Electoral and popular votes for Presidents and Vice-Presidents,
with their States and parties, 395–397.
Electoral College, vote of the first, 3, 4;
of the second, 6;
of the third, 10, 11;
of the fourth, 15, 16, 18;
of the fifth, 24;
of the sixth, 27;
of the seventh, 30;
of the eighth, 34, 35;
of the ninth, 36, 37;
of the tenth, 43, 45;
of the eleventh, 51;
of the twelfth, 56, 57;
of the thirteenth, 64;
of the fourteenth, 73;
of the fifteenth, 91;
of the sixteenth, 112;
of the seventeenth, 127;
of the eighteenth, 148;
of the nineteenth, 175, 176;
of the twentieth, 193, 194;
of the twenty-first, 217, 218;
of the twenty-second, 241;
of the twenty-third, 264;
of the twenty-fourth, 283, 284;
of the twenty-fifth, 308, 309;
of the twenty-sixth, 333;
of the twenty-seventh, 359;
of the twenty-eighth, 392.
Electors, how the functions of, were first exercised, 11, 16.
Ellmaker, Amos, nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Anti-Mason
party, 53;
his vote in the twelfth Electoral College, 56, 57.
Ellsworth, Oliver, his vote for the Presidency in the third Electoral
College, 10, 11.
English, William H., his defeat for the Vice-Presidency, 279–284.
Evans, Samuel, receives the Vice-Presidential nomination of the Union
Labor party, 325.
Everett, Edward, nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the
Constitutional Union party, 173.
Federal party, the, preferred by Washington, Adams, and Hamilton, 2,
5, 7, 8;
opposed by Jefferson, 5, 7;
its policy, 7, 8;
passes the Alien and Sedition laws, 12;
its bitter opposition to Jefferson, 21, 22, 23;
practically overthrown by the success of the war of 1812, 32;
perishes with the election of Monroe, 39.
Fenton, Reuben E., his reluctance to aid in the nomination of Greeley
to the Presidency, 230.
Field, James G., receives the People’s party nomination for the
Vice-Presidency, 353.
Fillmore, Millard, his election to the Vice-Presidency, 105–112;
he succeeds to the Presidency after the death of Taylor, 116;
he reverses the policy of the administration, 116;
his defeat for the Presidency, 130–153.
Fisk, Clinton B., nominated for the Presidency by the Prohibition
party, 329;
his popular vote, 333.
Floyd, John, his defeat for the Presidency, 56, 57.
Foote, Rev. Charles E., candidate of the Liberty League for
Vice-President in 1848, 111.
Forney, Colonel John W., obtains the consent of Grant to accept the
Republican nomination to the Presidency, 203.
Franklin, Benjamin, solicited to become the competitor of Washington,
3.
Free-Silver party. _See_ People’s party.
Free-Soil Democratic party, its first convention and nominees, 107,
108;
its platform, 108–110;
its candidates and platform in 1852, 123–126.
Fremont, John C., his defeat for the Presidency, 130–153;
his nomination by the first Republican National Convention, at
Philadelphia, 136–138;
his nomination endorsed by the anti-slavery seceders from the
American National Council, 143;
visited by the author, 147;
his nomination for President by revolting Republicans to defeat
Lincoln, and his final rejection of it, 192.
Garfield, James A., his election to the Presidency, 270–287;
his nomination, 271–274;
character of the campaign, 283;
his popular and electoral vote, 283, 284;
his character, 284;
his disagreement with Conkling, 284, 285.
Gerry, Elbridge, his election to the Vice-Presidency, 28–31.
Gould, Jay, what a dinner with, cost Blaine, 310.
Graham, William A., receives the Whig nomination to the
Vice-Presidency in 1852, 121.
Granger, Francis, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 63, 64.
Grant, General Ulysses S., his first election to the Presidency,
202–220;
the obstacles to his nomination, 202, 203;
his dispute with Johnson, 204;
refuses to ride with Johnson to the inauguration ceremonies, 204;
his nomination at Chicago, 209–211;
his popular and electoral vote, 217, 218;
his second election to the Presidency, 221–243;
his unfitness for civil affairs, 221–223;
the author’s well-intended suggestions to him, 222, 223;
his re-election opposed by the author, 223;
his discussion of public affairs with the author, 223–225;
his despotic control of the party machinery, 225;
how his name was changed, 235;
at the grave of Greeley, 243;
scandals which disgraced his administration, 246;
his discussion of the question of a third term, 246;
Conkling presents his name as a candidate for a third term of the
Presidency before the Republican National Convention of 1880,
270, 271;
his disappointment at not securing a nomination to a third term,
277.
Greeley, Horace, denounces the leaders of the Abolition party for
defeating Clay, 90;
disgruntled at the nomination of Taylor, 105;
finally decides to support Taylor, and is sent to Congress by the
Whigs of New York, 105;
opposes the nomination of Seward to the Presidency, 155;
opposes the renomination of Lincoln, 183;
his defeat for the Presidency, 221–243;
his nomination at Cincinnati, 228–234;
nominated by the Democrats at Baltimore, 238;
his popular vote, 239, 240;
his electoral vote, 241;
cause of his defeat, 242;
incidents of his campaign, 242, 243;
his sad death, 240, 243.
“Greenback” (or Independent National) party, under the leadership of
George H. Pendleton, 219, 220;
its candidates and platform in 1876, 257, 258;
its candidates and platform in 1880, 281, 282.
Greer, James R., nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the American
party, 331.
Groesbeck, William S., his vote for the Vice-Presidency in the
twenty-second Electoral College, 241.
Hale, John P., nominated for the Presidency by the Liberty party, 111;
nominated for the Presidency by the Free-Soil Democrats, 123.
Hamilton, Alexander, in sympathy with Washington and Adams, and
opposed to Jefferson, 7, 8.
Hamlin, Hannibal, his election to the Vice-Presidency in 1860,
154–169.
Hancock, John, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral
College, 3, 4.
Hancock, Winfield S., defeated for the Presidency, 278–284;
his popular and electoral vote, 283–284.
Hanna, Mark A., his mistake in making McKinley straddle the money
question, 365, 366.
Harper, Robert G., his first defeat for the Vice-Presidency, 34, 35;
his second defeat for the Vice-Presidency, 36, 37.
Harrison, Benjamin, his election to the Presidency, 316–336;
his nomination, 319, 320;
character of the campaign, 332;
his popular and electoral vote, 333;
his administration not a tranquil one, 337–340;
defeated for the Presidency, 337–360;
his nomination, 340, 341;
character of the campaign, 358;
his popular and electoral vote, 359.
Harrison, Robert H., his vote for the Presidency in the first
Electoral College, 3, 4.
Harrison, William Henry, defeated for the Presidency, 59–64;
character of the campaign, 161;
his election to the Presidency, 65–74;
birth of the Abolition party during the campaign, 65;
how his nomination was secured, 67, 68;
a national party platform presented for the first time during
this election, 70;
the campaign one of great popular interest, 71;
his popular and electoral vote, 71, 72, 73;
his death shortly after his inauguration, 73.
Hayes, Rutherford B., his election to the Presidency, 244–267;
his nomination, 249;
his popular vote, 262;
his election decided by the Electoral Commission appointed by
Congress, 263;
his electoral vote as determined by the Electoral Commission, 264.
Hendricks, Thomas A., nominated for the Vice-Presidency, 253;
his election to the Vice-Presidency, 294–309.
Henry, John, his vote for the Presidency in the third Electoral
College, 10, 11.
Hill, David B., at the Democratic National Convention of 1896, 371,
372.
Hobart, Garret A., his election to the Vice-Presidency, 367–394;
his electoral vote, 392.
Houston, General Samuel, at a national Whig convention in 1848, 107.
Howard, John Eager, his vote for Vice-President in the eighth
Electoral College, 34, 35.
Hughes, Archbishop, how Seward’s friendship for, deprived him of the
nomination for the Presidency, 156.
Hunkers, the, 98, 99.
Huntington, Samuel, his vote for the Presidency in the first
Electoral College, 3, 4.
Industrial Congress party and their candidates in 1848, 111.
Ingersoll, Jared, Federalist nominee for Vice-President in 1804, 29;
his electoral vote, 30.
Ingersoll, Robert G., his speech nominating Blaine before the
Republican convention of 1876, 247, 248.
Iredell, James, his vote for the Presidency in the third Electoral
College, 10, 11.
Jackson, Andrew, defeated for the Presidency, 39–45;
though receiving the largest popular and electoral vote, 42, 43;
his vote for the Vice-Presidency in the tenth Electoral College, 43;
his first election to the Presidency, 47–51;
his initiation of the spoils system, 47;
character of his campaign and to what his popularity was due, 47–49;
his popular and electoral vote, 50, 51;
his second election to the Presidency, 51–58;
confused condition of politics during his second campaign, 51, 52;
his popular and electoral vote, 55, 56, 57;
his after-life and death, 58.
Jay, John, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral
College, 3, 4;
in the third, 10, 11;
in the fourth, 15, 16.
Jefferson, Thomas, his vote for the Presidency in the second
Electoral College, 6;
his election to the Vice-Presidency, 7–11;
his election to the Presidency defeated by the influence of
Washington, 9;
defamatory character of the campaign, 9;
his first election to the Presidency, 12–16;
the revolutionary character of the campaign, 12, 13;
his vote in the fourth Electoral College, 15, 16, 18;
Burr’s infamous attempt to deprive him of his election, 17, 18, 19;
his honorable refusal to effect his election by making a deal with
the Federalists, 17, 18;
his opposition to pomp and ceremony, 20;
his second election to the Presidency, 21–24;
bitterly opposed by the Federalists, 21;
his purchase of Louisiana, 22;
his popular vote, 23;
his vote in the fifth Electoral College, 24;
his after-life and death, 20.
Jenkins, Charles J., his vote for the Presidency in the twenty-second
Electoral College, 241.
Johnson, Andrew, his election to the Vice-Presidency desired by
Lincoln, 185, 186;
responsible for the nomination of Grant by the Republicans, 203;
intoxicated at his inauguration into office, 203, 205;
his erratic conduct as President, 204, 205, 207, 218, 219;
the author’s opinion of him, 204, 205;
visited by Governor Curtin accompanied by the author, 205–207;
his uncertainty regarding the cases of Wurz and Jefferson Davis,
206, 207.
Johnson, Hale, nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the
“Narrow-Gauge” Prohibition Party, 386.
Johnson, Herschel V., nominated for the Vice-Presidency, 170.
Johnson, Richard M., elected to the Vice-Presidency, 59–64;
defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 69, 73.
Johnston, Samuel, his vote for the Presidency in the third Electoral
College, 10, 11.
Judd, Norman B., works for Lincoln’s nomination, 157.
Julian, George W., nominated by the Free-Soil Democrats for the
Vice-Presidency, 123;
his vote for the Presidency in the twenty-second Electoral College,
241.
King, Leicester, nominated as Vice-President by the Liberty party,
111.
King, Rufus, his first defeat for the Vice-Presidency, 23, 24;
his second defeat for the Vice-Presidency, 26, 27;
his defeat for the Presidency, 34, 35.
King, William R., his election to the Vice-Presidency in 1852,
115–129.
Kirkpatrick, Donald, nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the
American National party, 260.
Labor Reform party, their platform of 1872, 225–227;
their candidates, 227, 228.
Langdon, John, his vote for the Vice-Presidency in the sixth
Electoral College, 27.
Lee, Henry, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 56, 57.
Lemoyne, Francis G., receives the Vice-Presidential nomination of the
Abolition party, 65.
Levering, Joshua, nominated for the Presidency by the “Narrow-Gauge”
Prohibition party, 386;
his popular vote, 391.
Liberal Republican party, its organization and character, 228, 229;
its platform, 231–234.
Liberty (or Birney) party, 91;
its candidates in 1847, 111.
_See_ Abolition party.
Lincoln, Abraham, his first election to the Presidency, 154–182;
the story of his nomination, 154–162;
the character of the campaign, 174–175;
his popular and electoral vote, 175, 176;
the revolutionary character of his election, 176, 177;
an interesting episode of the campaign, 177;
the author’s correspondence with, destroyed by fire, 177, 178;
a practical politician, 178;
the grandeur of his character, 178, 180;
his midnight journey from Harrisburg to Washington, 180–182;
his second election to the Presidency, 183–196;
he concedes the election of General McClellan, 183;
his strength with the people rather than with the leaders, 183;
his anxiety regarding his renomination, 184;
his unreasonable request, 184, 185;
he seeks the nomination of Andrew Johnson for Vice-President
rather than that of Hamlin, and his reason for the preference,
185, 186;
his unanimous renomination at Baltimore, 186;
an attempt to create a revolt against him in the Republican party,
191–193;
his election made certain by the victories of Sherman and Sheridan,
193;
his popular and electoral vote, 194;
vote of the soldiers, 194;
his friends’ efforts to win Pennsylvania, 195;
and how the State was carried, 196, 197;
he favored compensated emancipation, 197, 198;
his character and traits, 198, 199;
the unpardonable assaults upon his reputation, 199;
his home life, 199, 200;
a tribute from Jefferson Davis, 200, 201;
he suspects that Grant favored the election of McClellan, 224.
Lincoln, Benjamin, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral
College, 3, 4.
Lincoln, Robert T., suggested for the Republican nomination for
Vice-President, 288, 289.
McClellan, General George B., defeated for the Presidency, 183–294.
McGlynn, Rev. Edward, prepares the platform of the United Labor
party, 327–329.
Machen, Willis B., his vote for the Presidency in the twenty-second
Electoral College, 241.
Machett, Charles H., nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the
Socialists’ Labor party, 357;
nominated for the Presidency by the same party, 388;
his popular vote, 391.
Mackey, Robert W., how he thwarted the Democrats in holding Florida
for Tilden, 265.
McKinley, William, the disastrous effect of his tariff bill, 340;
president of the Republican National Convention of 1892, 340;
his election to the Presidency, 361–394;
his nomination, 365;
his straddle of the money issue, 365, 366;
his popular vote, 391;
his electoral vote, 392;
the lesson of the campaign, 392–394.
McLean, John R., at the Democratic National Convention of 1896, 373.
Macon, Nathaniel, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 43.
Madison, James, his first almost unanimous election to the
Presidency, 25–27;
his vote in the sixth Electoral College, 27;
his second election to the Presidency, 28–31;
his nomination depended upon his vigorous war policy with England,
28;
his vote in the seventh Electoral College, 30, 31.
Maguire, Matthew, the nominee of the Socialists’ Labor party for
Vice-President, 388.
Mangum, Willie P., defeated for the Presidency, 59–64.
Manning, Daniel, secures the first nomination of Cleveland to the
Presidency, 293, 294.
Marshall, John, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 34, 35.
Medill, Colonel Joseph, leads the fight for Lincoln in Republican
National Convention of 1860, 157.
Milton, John, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral
College, 3, 4.
Monroe, James, his vote for the Vice-Presidency in the sixth
Electoral College, 27;
his first election to the Presidency, 32–35;
his animated canvass for the nomination, 33;
Federalists make little or no opposition, 34;
his vote in the eighth Electoral College, 34, 35;
his second election to the Presidency, 35, 38;
his election unanimous, no formal nominations being made by any
party, 35, 36;
the vote of the ninth Electoral College, 36–37;
his peaceful reign, after-life, and death, 32, 38.
Morton, Levi P., his election to the Vice-Presidency, 320–326.
National Democratic (“Sound Money”) party, its candidates and
platform in 1896, 382–385.
National (“Greenback”) party, its candidates and platform in 1884,
301–304.
Native American (or “Know-Nothing”) party, birth of, 110, 111;
its first convention and candidates, 110;
its nomination of General Taylor, 103;
its evolution into the American National Council, which meets
at Philadelphia in 1856 and nominates Millard Fillmore for
President and Andrew Jackson Donelson for Vice-President,
140–142;
its platform, 142, 143;
its disappearance, 174.
O’Conor, Charles, nominated for the Presidency by Democratic
dissenters in 1872, 238;
he declines the nomination, 238.
Palmer, John M., his vote for the Presidency in the twenty-second
Electoral College, 241;
the nominee for the Presidency by the “Sound Money” Democrats, 383;
his popular vote, 391.
Parker, Joel, nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Labor
Reformers, 227, 228.
Pendleton, George H., nominated for the Vice-Presidency, 190;
leads the “Greenback” party, and looks for the Democratic
nomination to the Presidency, 219.
People’s party, its candidates and platform in 1892, 353–357;
its candidates and platform in 1896, 377–382.
Phelps, John W., nominated for President by the American party, 283.
Pierce, Franklin, his election to the Presidency, 115–129;
his nomination at Baltimore, 117, 118;
the Democrats enthusiastic in his support, 119, 120;
his popular and electoral vote, 127;
his wanton reopening of the slavery issue, 127, 128;
his appointment of Judge Campbell to his cabinet excites the Native
Americans, 128;
his failure to secure a renomination, 129.
Pinckney, Charles C., his vote for the Presidency in the third
Electoral College, 10, 11;
in the fourth, 15, 16;
his first defeat for the Presidency, 23, 24;
his second defeat for the Presidency, 26, 27.
Pinckney, Thomas, his vote for the Presidency in the third Electoral
College, 10, 11.
Platt, Thomas C., backs his colleague in his disagreement with
Garfield, 285.
Polk, James K., defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 73;
his election to the Presidency, 75–93;
his nomination at Baltimore, 79, 82;
his party’s platform, 82, 83;
his popular and electoral vote, 91;
incidents of the campaign, 91–93.
Pomeroy, Samuel C., the nominee of the American party for the
Vice-Presidency, 283;
receives the Presidential nomination of the American Prohibition
National party, 304.
Popular vote, the, in early national contests had no particular
significance, 10.
Populists. _See_ People’s party.
Presidential elections, contested, the law regulating, 401–404.
Presidents and Vice-Presidents of the United States, with many facts
concerning their elections and tenure of office, 397–399;
the law regulating the Presidential succession, 399, 400.
Prohibition party, holds a national convention in 1872 and nominates
candidates for President and Vice-President, 228;
its candidates and platform in 1876, 258–260;
its candidates and platform in 1880, 282;
its candidates and platform in 1884, 305–308;
its candidates and platform in 1888, 329, 330;
its candidates and platform in 1892, 350–353;
its candidates and platform in 1896, 385, 386;
the “Broad-Gaugers” withdraw from, 386.
Prohibition (“Broad-Gauge”) party, its candidates and platform in
1896, 386–388.
Quay, Matthew S., not in touch with Harrison, 337.
Reed, Thomas B., in the Republican National Convention of 1896, 365.
Reid, Whitelaw, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 341–360.
Republican (Democratic) party, its birth and growth during
Washington’s administration, 3, 7;
opposes the passage of the Alien and Sedition laws, 12, 13;
its sixty years’ dominance initiated by the election of Jefferson,
21;
divides into National Republicans and Democratic Republicans, 53;
changes its name to the “Democratic party” during Jackson’s second
administration, 52, 53;
Jackson’s mastery of, 60;
the first party to present a national party platform, 70;
its platform in 1844, 82, 83;
its platform in 1848, 100–102;
its platform in 1852, 118, 119;
demoralized by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, 127, 128, 130;
its platform in 1856, 132–135;
a split in the convention at Charleston in 1860 results in the
nomination of two tickets and the adoption of two platforms,
166–173;
its platform in 1864, 190, 191;
its hopeless condition at the close of the Rebellion, 203;
how it failed to secure the leadership of Grant, 203;
its platform in 1868, 212–215;
its platform in 1872, 237, 238;
after its nomination of Greeley dissenters hold a convention and
make nominations, which are declined, 238;
platform of Democratic dissenters in 1872, 238, 239;
the party platform in 1876, 254–257;
its platform in 1880, 279–281;
its platform in 1884, 294–299;
its platform in 1888, 316–319;
its platform in 1892, 345–350;
its platform in 1896, 373–377.
Republican party, its forty years’ dominance, 21;
its birth in 1854, in New York, 136;
its entrance into national politics in 1856, 130, 136–138;
its first platform, 139, 140;
its affiliations with the “Know-Nothing” party, 156;
its convention at Chicago in 1860 the ablest that had ever met up
to that time, 163, 164;
its platform in 1860, 164–166;
its platform in 1864, 187, 188;
why Grant, a pro-slavery Democrat, became its candidate, 203;
its platform in 1868, 208, 209;
its platform in 1872, 235–237;
its platform in 1876, 249–252;
its subversion of the popular will in making Hayes President,
264–268;
its platform in 1880, 274–277;
its platform in 1884, 290–292;
its platform in 1888, 320–325;
its platform in 1892, 341–343;
its platform in 1896, 367–371.
Rodney, Daniel, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 36, 37.
Ross, James, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 34, 35.
Rush, Richard, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 36, 37;
his second defeat for the same office, 51.
Russell, John, nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Prohibition
party, 228.
Rutledge, John, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral
College, 3, 4.
St. John, John P., receives the Presidential nomination of the
Prohibition party, 305;
his popular vote, 308, 309;
at the National Prohibition Convention in 1888, 329;
at that of 1892, 350.
Sanford, Nathan, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 43.
Scott, General Winfield, regarded as the first soldier of the
Republic, 66;
his fondness for writing letters loses him the Presidential
nomination, 68;
his invasion of Mexico, 95, 96;
defeated for the Presidency, 115–129;
his nomination at Baltimore, 120, 121.
Sergeant, John, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 53, 56, 57.
Sewall, Arthur, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 373–394;
his electoral vote, 392.
Seward, William H., his ability and character, and how he failed to
be nominated for the Presidency, 154–162.
Seymour, Horatio, defeated for the Presidency, 202–220;
his nomination at New York, 211–216;
his popular and electoral vote, 217, 218.
Sherman, John, a candidate for the Republican nomination of President
in 1880, 288, 289.
Smith, Gerrit, nominated in 1848 for the Presidency by the Liberty
League party and the Industrial Congress party, 111.
Smith, Greene Clay, is nominated for the Presidency by the
Prohibitionists, 258.
Smith, William, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 51;
again defeated for the same office, 63, 64.
Socialists’ Labor party, its candidates and platform in 1892, 357,
358;
its candidates and platform in 1896, 388–390.
Southgate, James A., the Vice-Presidential nominee of the
“Broad-Gauge” Prohibition party, 386.
Stevens, Thaddeus, how he carried the Whig convention for Harrison,
68.
Stevenson, Adlai E., his election to the Vice-Presidency, 345–360.
Stewart, G. T., nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the
Prohibitionists, 258.
Stockton, Richard, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 36, 37.
Streeter, Alson J., receives the Presidential nomination of the Union
Labor party, 325;
his popular vote, 333.
Swett, Leonard, Lincoln’s closest friend, works for his nomination,
157.
Tammany Hall, its opposition to Tilden causes its rejection from the
Democratic National Convention of 1880, 278;
its attempt to control the Democratic National Convention in 1884,
292, 293;
its delegates oppose the unanimous nomination of Cleveland, but
welcome that of Hendricks with the heartiest cheers, 294;
and the _Sun_, its organ, defeated Cleveland for the Presidency in
1888, 315, 335, 336;
its protest ignored in the national convention of 1892, 344.
Taylor, Zachary, his election to the Presidency, 94, 114;
his campaign in Mexico, 95;
his vote in the convention, 104;
sends the letter notifying him of his nomination to the dead-letter
office, 106;
episodes of the nominating convention, 107;
birth of the Native American party during this campaign, 110;
his popular and electoral vote, 112;
how Corwin helped him, 113, 114;
his cabinet and its policy, 115;
his death, 116.
Tazewell, L. W., his vote in the fourteenth Electoral College for
Vice-President, 73.
Telfair, Edward, his vote for the Presidency in the first Electoral
College, 3, 4.
Texas, the question of its annexation, 94, 95.
Thompson, A. M., nominated for the Vice-Presidency by the Prohibition
party, 282.
Thurman, Allen G., a candidate for the Presidential nomination of the
Anti-Monopoly party, 299;
his defeat for the Vice-Presidency, 316–336.
Tilden, Samuel J., how Grant would have enforced the decision of the
Electoral Commission in the case of his disputed election, 223;
his defeat for the Presidency, 244–267;
his character and reputation, 252;
earnestness of the campaign, 261;
his popular vote, 262;
Congress creates the Electoral Commission to decide the election
of, 263;
his electoral vote, as determined by the Electoral Commission, 264;
his weakness in protecting his own interests, 265, 266;
his defeat attributed to Conkling, who gratified a grudge caused by
Tilden’s defeat of Chase for the Democratic nomination for the
Presidency in 1868, 268, 269;
his nomination opposed by Tammany Hall in the Democratic National
Convention of 1880, 278.
Tompkins, Daniel D., his first election to the Vice-Presidency, 34,
35;
his second election to the Vice-Presidency, 35, 37.
Tyler, John, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 63, 64;
his election to the Vice-Presidency, 65–74;
succeeds to the Presidency on the death of Harrison, 74;
his wrecking of the Whig party, 75–77;
his life after his retirement, 77;
approves the bill annexing Texas a few days before the inauguration
of Polk, 94.
Union Labor party, its candidates and platform in 1888, 325–327.
United Labor party, its candidates and platform in 1888, 327–329;
its candidates and platform in 1896, 388–390.
Vallandigham, Clement L., foremost in organizing the Liberal
Republican party, 229.
Van Buren, Martin, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 43;
his election to the Vice-Presidency, 56, 57;
his election to the Presidency, 59–64;
and the birth of the Whig party, 59;
his nomination dictated by Jackson, 60;
the campaign one of intense bitterness, 61, 62;
his popular and electoral vote, 62, 63, 64;
defeated for the Presidency, 65–74;
causes of his unpopularity, 68, 69;
his defeat for the Presidency, 94–114.
Wade, Benjamin F., a candidate for the nomination of Vice-President,
an example of the swift mutations in American politics, 210,
211.
Waitt, William S., nominated in 1848 for the Vice-Presidency by the
Industrial Congress party, 111.
Wakefield, W. H. T., receives the Vice-Presidential nomination of the
United Labor party, 327.
Walker, James B., nominated for the Presidency by the American
National party, 260.
Washington, George, his first election to the Presidency, 1–4;
he received no formal nomination, 2;
a pronounced Federalist, 2;
opposition to his election, 2, 3;
vote of the first Electoral College, 3, 4;
his second election to the Presidency, 4–6;
vote of the second Electoral College, 5, 6;
regarded as the richest man in the country, 7;
his vote for the Presidency in the third Electoral College, 10, 11.
Watson, Thomas E., the nominee of the People’s party for the
Vice-Presidency, 378;
his popular and electoral vote, 391, 392.
Weaver, James B., “Greenback” candidate for the Presidency, 281;
receives the People’s party nomination for the Presidency, 353;
his popular and electoral vote, 359.
Webster, Daniel, defeated for the Presidency, 59–64.
Weed, Thurlow, leads the fight for Seward in the Republican National
Convention of 1860, 157;
disappointed at Lincoln’s nomination, he refuses to name a
candidate for the Vice-Presidency, 162.
West, A. M., receives the Vice-Presidential nomination of the
National (“Greenback”) party, 301.
Wheeler, William A., his election to the Vice-Presidency, 249–269.
Whig party, birth of, 59;
wreck of, by Tyler, 75–77;
its nomination of Clay, 89, 90;
its platform for 1844, 84;
its lack of harmony in campaign of 1848, 103–106;
its platform in the campaign of 1852, 121–123;
makes its final battle, 128;
in 1856 nominates the candidates of the American National Union,
143;
its platform, 143–145.
White, Hugh L., defeated for the Presidency, 63, 64.
Whitney, William C., whose leadership secured the third Presidential
nomination of Cleveland in 1898, 344.
“Wide-Awakes,” the, description of, 174, 175.
Wilkins, William, defeated for the Vice-Presidency, 56, 57.
Wilson, Henry, his nomination for the Vice-Presidency, 235, 241;
how his name was changed, 235.
Wing, Simon, nominated for the Presidency by the Socialists’ Labor
party, 357;
his popular vote, 359.
Wirt, William, the nominee for President of the Anti-Mason party, 53;
his vote in the twelfth Electoral College, 56, 57.
THE END
BISMARCK’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY
BISMARCK, The Man and the Statesman: Being the Reflections and
Reminiscences of Otto, Prince von Bismarck, Written and Dictated by
Himself after his Retirement from Office. Translated from the German
under the Supervision of A. J. Butler, late Fellow of Trinity College,
Cambridge. Two Vols. With Two Photogravure Portraits. 8vo, Cloth,
Ornamental, Uncut Edges and Gilt Tops, $7 50.
In his reflections and reminiscences, Prince Bismarck presents himself
in the more familiar garb of polite society, with the polished manner
of a man of the world, keeping his tongue under control, a great and
commanding figure, self-centred and self-restrained, a courtier and a
statesman, filling not unworthily with his gigantic personality the
world-stage on which he moved.—_London Times._
The book is remarkably full as regards internal affairs and especially
as regards the influences which prevailed at the Berlin court,
as to the characters both of the kings of Prussia and the other
men with whom Bismarck was brought in contact, and it contains
a minute criticism on the workings of the Prussian and German
Constitutions.—_London Daily Chronicle._
This is a great work, one of the most important produced in modern
times. It is a work gloriously full of great lights, and carries
the study of the founding and founded empire and its inner motives
on through the _Culturkampf_ down to the last days of the lamented
Frederick I.—_Independent_, N. Y.
HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS
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_The above work will be sent by mail, postage prepaid, to any part of
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It does not often happen that a volume of reminiscences presents so
much interesting and attractive matter.... It is difficult to lay
aside a book which contains so much of the salt which seasons life.
Such a volume is a never-failing resource for the reader wearied
of overmuch feeding on the solid viands of literature. Especially
commendable is the spirit of kindness which pervades the narratives.
There are no flings at living pygmies or dead lions.—_Brooklyn Eagle._
THE RIGHT HONORABLE WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE. (_Queen’s
Prime-Ministers._) Portrait. Crown 8vo, Cloth, $1 00.
Mr. George W. E. Russell, who writes this book, has done a difficult
task well. The personal biography is necessarily brief, because
the plan of the book calls for a political biography, and because
Gladstone entered public life at twenty-two, and has lived and
breathed the air of Parliament ever since. Yet it would not be
possible to measure his public career justly without that knowledge
of his personality and his ingrained tastes. Mr. Russell has provided
the needful information in a succinct form, and his final chapter,
in which he analyzes Mr. Gladstone’s character, is eloquent in its
restraint and vigor of touch.—_Atlantic Monthly._
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Transcriber’s Note
Some inconsistencies in spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation have
been retained.
This file uses _underscores_ to indicate italic text and =equals= to
indicate bold text. Small capitals changed to all capitals.
p. 56: changed “Charlotteville” to “Charlottesville” (in June, in
Charlottesville)
p. 104: a closing quote-mark with no accompanying opening mark was left
as-printed, because no reliable source was found to identify where the
quote begins. (... opposition to Executive usurpation.”)
p. 107: changed “portrayng” to “portraying” (portraying all the
strength)
p. 109: changed “responsibilty” to “responsibility” (responsibility for
the existence)
p. 157: changed “Commitee” to “Committee” (of the National Committee)
p. 168: changed ballot 55 (which was misprinted as “45”)
p. 212: changed “conventon” to “convention” (action of the convention)
p. 216: changed “enthusiam” to “enthusiasm” (continued amid great
enthusiasm)
p. 229: changed “Vallandingham” to “Vallandigham” (Mr. Vallandigham)
p. 288: changed “nomition” to “nomination” (The nomination came to him)
p. 290: changed “aways” to “always” (We have always recommended)
p. 329: changed “spirt” to “spirit” (the spirit of fraternity)
p. 349: changed “denfinite” to “definite” (extended for a definite plan)
p. 398: changed Thomas Jefferson’s residence to “Va.” (printed as
“a.”)
p. 406: changed “Bently” to “Bentley” (Bentley, Rev. Charles E.)
p. 413: an index entry with a possibly too-broad page range was left
as-printed (McClellan, General George B., defeated for the Presidency,
183–294.)
p. 414: changed “nominaiton” to “nomination” (his [Polk’s] nomination
at Baltimore)
p. 416: changed “Tellfair” to “Telfair” (Telfair, Edward)
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